~ McDONALD INSTITUTE MONOGRAPHS

On the surface:
C::atalhOyiik 1993-95
Edited by Ian Hodder

IMERkO)

BRITISH INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY AT ANKARA

• McDONALD INSTITUTE MONOGRAPHS

On the surface:
<:;atalh6yiik 1993-95
Edited by Ian Hodder

The <;atalhoyiik Research Trust IMERkO)

c;atalhoyiik Project Volume 1

BRITISH INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY AT ANKARA

BIAA Monograph No. 22
 Published jointly by:

McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara

University of Cambridge c/o British Academy
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© 1996 McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research

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CONTENTS

Contributors v
Figures vi
Photographs X
Tables xii
Acknowledgements XV

Chapter 1 Re-opening <;:atalhoyiik 1

IAN HoDDER with a note on Building Complexity by TIM RITCHEY

Chapter 2 Preliminary Results of Geoarchaeological Investigations at <;:atalhoyiik 19

NEIL RoBERTS, PETER BoYER & RoMOLA PARISH

Chapter 3 The Konya Plain Survey: Aims and Methods 41

DouGLAS BAIRD

Chapter 4 Excavations at Pmarba:;a: the Early Stages 47

TREVOR WATKINS

Chapter 5 Topographic Survey of the <;:atalhoyiik Mounds 59

ToM POLLARD, CoLIN A. SHELL & DA vm R. TwiGG

Chapter 6 Systematic Surface Collection 73

RoGER MATTHEWS

Chapter 7 Surface Scraping and Planning 79

RoGER MATTHEWS

Chapter 8 Magnetometric Survey at <;:atalhoyiik East 101

COLIN A. SHELL

Chapter 9 Surface Pottery at <;:atalhoyiik 115

JoNATHAN LAST

Chapter 10 The Knapped Stone 173

JAMES CONOLLy

Chapter 11 Surface Material: Animal Bone and Worked Bone 199

LouiSE MARTIN & NERISSA RussELL

Chapter 12 Figurines, Clay Balls, Small Finds and Burials 215

NAOMI HAMILTON with a contribution by MEHMET ULUCEVIZ

Chapter 13 Trace Element Analyses of Bones and Teeth from <;:atalhoyiik 265
THEY A MoLLESON & PETER ANDREws

Chapter 14 Exploring the 1960s' Surface: the Stratigraphy of <;:atalhoyiik 271

WENDY MATTHEWS & SHAHINA FARID

Chapter 15 Multiple Surfaces: the Micromorphology 301

WENDY MATTHEWS, CHARLES FRENCH, TIMOTHY LAWRENCE & DAVID CUTLER

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Chapter 16 Luminescence Dating of Mud Brick from <:;atalhoyi.ik 343
RoMOLA PARISH

Chapter 17 Interim Dendrochronological Progress Report 1995/6 345

PETER KUNIHOLM & MARYANNE NEWTON

Chapter 18 <:;atalhoyi.ik: the Anthropology of an Archaeological Presence 349

DAVID SHANKLAND

Chapter 19 Conclusions 359

IAN HODDER

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 Contributors

Peter Andrews Natural History Museum, London

Douglas Baird Department of Archaeology, University of Liverpool
Peter Boyer Department of Geography, Loughborough University
James Conolly Institute of Archaeology, University College London
David Cutler Jodrell Laboratory, Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew
Shahina Farid Museum of London
Charles French Department of Archaeology, Cambridge University
Naomi Hamilton Department of Archaeology, University of Edinburgh
Ian Hodder Department of Archaeology, Cambridge University
Peter Kuniholm Wiener Laboratory, Cornell University
Jonathan Last Archaeology Unit, Shire Hall, Cambridge
Timothy Lawrence Jodrell Laboratory, Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew
Louise Martin Institute of Archaeology, University College London
Roger Matthews British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara
Wendy Matthews McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research, Cambridge University
Theya Molleson Natural History Museum, London
Maryanne Newton Wiener Laboratory, Cornell University
Romola Parish Geography Laboratory, University of Sussex
Tom Pollard Department of Archaeology, Cambridge University
Tim Ritchey Department of Archaeology, Cambridge University
Neil Roberts Department of Geography, Loughborough University
Nerissa Russell Department of Anthropology, University of California, Berkeley
David Shankland Department of Archaeology, St David's University College, Lampeter
Colin A. Shell Department of Archaeology, Cambridge University
David R. Twigg Department of Civil and Building Engineering, Loughborough University
Mehmet Uluceviz Department of Archaeology, Bilkent University
Trevor Watkins Department of Archaeology, University of Edinburgh

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Figures
1.1. c;atalhOyiik East. 2
1.2. c;atalhOyiik West. 3
1.3. Building complexity for levels I-III. 8
1.4. Building complexity for levels IV-V. 8
1.5. Building complexity for level VIA. 9
1.6. Building complexity for level VIB. 9
1.7. Building complexity for levels VII-XI. 10
1.8. Redrawn plan of Mellaart's level I. 10
1.9. Redrawn plan of Mellaart' s level II. 11
1.10. Redrawn plan of Mellaart's level III. 11
1.11. Redrawn plan of Mellaart' s level IV. 12
1.12. Redrawn plan of Mellaart's level V. 13
1.13. Redrawn plan of Mellaart' s level VIA. 14
1.14. Redrawn plan of Mellaart's level VIB. 15
1.15. Redrawn plan of Mellaart' s level VII. 16
1.16. Redrawn plan of Mellaart' s level VIII. 17
1.17. Redrawn plan of Mellaart's levels IX (top), XI and XII. 17
2.1. Late Quaternary sediments of the western Konya plain, and location of c;atalhOyiik. 21
2.2. Plan of c;atalhoyiik with core sites. 26
2.3. Core C:H.94-A: lithology and measured parameters. 27
2.4. Core c;H.94-B: lithology and measured parameters. 28
2.5. Core c;H.94-C: lithology and measured parameters. 29
2.6. Core C:H.94-D: lithology and measured parameters. 30
2.7. Core c;H.95-E: lithology and measured parameters. 31
2.8. Core C:H.94-F: lithology and measured parameters. 32
2.9. c;ar~amba palaeochannel PCI: recorded stratigraphy (1994), north-facing section. 34
2.10. c;ar~amba palaeochannel PCI: measured parameters for each stratigraphic unit. 34
2.11. Particle size ratios for 1993 and 1994 cores. 38
2.12. c;atalhoyiik: composite lithostratigraphy and correlation. 38
3.1. Sites in the c;atalhoyiik area. 43
3.2. C:ingere Hiiyiik showing distribution of collection squares and contours at 1 m intervals. 45
4.1. Map of the Konya plain, locating Pmarba~z relative to Kara Dag and c;atalhoyiik. 48
4.2. Plan of Site B- the rock-shelter: latest features. 49
4.3. Plan of Site B- the rock-shelter: the stone retaining wall. 50
4.4. Section on north side of Trench 1. 53
4.5a. Plan of Site A- the settlement on the peninsula. 54
4.5b. Plan of Site A- the burial in the sounding into the early prehistoric levels. 54
4.6. Sections in Site A. The locations of the sections are given in Figure 4.5a. 55
5.1. Plan of the c;atalhoyiik mounds and their immediate surroundings taken from a local map. 60
5.2. Plan of the east mound contoured at 0.5 m intervals. Scale 1:2500. 62
5.3. Generalized plan of the west mound at c;atalhoyiik with contours at 0.5 m intervals. Scale 1:2500. 64
5.4. Surface of the east mound digitally shaded from the northeast by a point source at 30° elevation. Scale 1:2500. 65
5.5. Northeast shaded surface of the east mound with 0.5 m contours superimposed. Scale 1:2500. 66
5.6. Northeast shaded surface of the east mound viewed from the east. 67
5.7. Approximately north-south profile of the east mound at c;atalhOyiik. 68
5.8. West-east profile across the main summit of the east mound at c;atalhoyiik. 69
5.9. West-east profile across the northern subsidiary summit of the east mound. 70
6.1. East mound: surface distribution of all artefacts. 74
6.2. West mound: surface distribution of all artefacts. 76
7.1. Plan of east mound showing location of all scraped squares. 80
7.2. Scrape areas on c;atalhOyiik East in 1993 as seen from the northeast of the site. 81

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7.3. North Area. Plan of entire area; historic phase walls in south are indicated by lighter shading. 82
7.4. Examples of detail observed after scraping on the northern eminence of c;atalh6yiik East. 83
7.5. North Area. General plan showing walls, reconstructed walls, burnt areas and space numbers. 84
7.6. Central Area (980,1080). 87
7.7. 1040,1240 plan. 89
7.8. 1040,1140 plan. 89
7.9. 1045,1125 plan. 90
7.10. 1040,1090 plan. 90
7.11. 940,1040 plan. 91
7.12. 990,1040 plan. 91
7.13. 1040,1040 upper plan. 92
7.14. 1040,1040 lower plan. 92
7.15. 1090,1040 plan. 93
7.16. 1090,1040 excavated burial plan. 93
7.17. 990,990 plan. 94
7.18. Plan of west mound showing location of scraped areas. 95
7.19. 480,1040 plan. 94
7.20. 580,1020 plan. 96
7.21. 640,960 plan. 96
7.22. Location of transects of scraped squares used in Figures 7.23 to 7.25. 97
7.23. Soil depths in scraped areas at 1000 mE. 98
7.24. Soil depths at 1040 mE. 98
7.25. Soil depths at 1040 m N. 98
8.1a. Plan of the c;atalhoyiik east mound: area geomagnetically surveyed and its relationship to the scrape areas. 102
8.1b. View of the east mound from the southwest: topographic position of the magnetic survey area. 103
8.2. Analysis of a static test on site of the FM36 fluxgate gradiometer. 105
8.3. Composite plot of the fluxgate gradiometer survey. 106
8.4. Plan showing the principle features visible in the magnetic survey, Figure 8.3. 107
8.5. Comparison between the magnetic results for scrape area (1040,1140) and its plan. 108
8.6. Comparison between the magnetic results for scrape area (980,1080) and its plan. 109
8.7. Comparison between the magnetic results for northern scrape area 2 on the northern mound and its plan.
8.7a. Magnetic survey with plan overlayed. 111
8.7b. Key to the serape plan. 112
8.7c. Magnetic survey. 113
9.1. Neolithic holemouth vessel rim forms from c;atalh6yiik East. 119
9.2. Decorated Neolithic rims and lugs from c;atalhoyiik East. 121
9.3. Neolithic open bowl rim forms from c;atalh6yiik East. 123
9.4. Other Neolithic bowl forms from c;atalh6yiik East. 125
9.5. Neolithic lugs, handles and base forms from c;atalh6yiik East. 127
9.6. c;atalh6yiik East surface collection -distribution of Neolithic holemouth and bowl rims. 130
9.7. c;atalh6yiik East surface scraping -location of different areas. 131
9.8. c;atalh6yiik East surface collection- total sherd numbers. 134
9.9. c;atalh6yiik East surface collection -Neolithic sherd numbers. 136
9.10. c;atalh6yiik East surface collection- percentage of sherds <2 em. 138
9.11. c;atalh6yiik East surface scraping- proportions of Neolithic sherds. 140
9.12a. c;atalh6yiik East surface scraping- northern eminence: density of all sherds. 142
9.12b. c;atalh6yiik East surface scraping- northern eminence: proportion of Neolithic sherds. 143
9.13. c;atalh6yiik East surface scraping- square 1020,1170: sherd distributions. 144
9.14. Wheelmade rim forms from c;atalhoyiik East. 147
9.15. Other wheelmade rim forms from c;atalhoyiik East. 149
9.16. c;atalhoyiik East surface collection -distribution of Hellenistic slipped wares. 150
9.17. c;atalhoyiik East surface collection -distribution of green-glazed wares. 151
9.18. Chalcolithic painted rim forms from c;atalh6yiik West. 155

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9.19. (:atalhoyiik West surface collection - Chalcolithic sherd numbers. 156
9.20. (:atalhoyiik West surface collection - wheelmade sherd numbers. 157
9.21. (:atalhoyiik West surface collection -distribution of dark painted wares. 158
9.22. (:atalhoyiik West surface collection -distribution of lugs and handles. 159
9.23. Chalcolithic lug forms from (:atalhoyiik West. 161
9.24. Chalcolithic painted and incised decoration from (:atalhOyiik West. 163
9.25. Handmade and wheelmade forms from (:atalhOyiik West. 165
9.26. Neolithic pottery from (:atalhoyiik East. 166
9.27. Chalcolithic pottery from (:atalhoyiik West. 167
10.1. Cores and core tablets- east mound. 178
10.2. Blades, retouched blades, retouched flints- east mound. 179
10.3. Histogram of blade widths: east and west mound top-scrape sample. 180
10.4. Retouched/utilized pieces - east mound. 182
10.5. Bifacesjprojectiles - east mound. 184
10.6. Large retouched flakes from cache on northern eminence. 185
10.7. Mean count of lithic artefacts in each west mound 2 x 2 unit, by northing. 186
10.8. Percentage of blades in each west mound northing. 186
10.9. Distribution of lithic artefacts: east mound. 187
10.10. Distribution of blades: east mound. 188
10.11. Distribution of chips: east mound. 189
10.12. Percentage of blades in each east mound northing. 190
10.13. Density of lithic artefacts by area: east mound. 190
10.14. Percentage of tools by area: east mound. 192
10.15. Percentage of chips and shatter: east mound. 192
10.16. 2 x 2 distribution of lithic artefacts in square 1040,1170. 193
10.17. 10 x 10 distribution of lithic artefacts in areas 2 and 3. 193
10.18. Percentage of blades by level. 193
11.1. The number of bone fragments collected from each 2 x 2 m square on the east mound. 200
11.2. The number of wheel made sherds collected from each 2 x 2 m square on the east mound. 202
11.3. The percentage of bone fragments <2 em length of the total number of fragments in each
2 x 2 m square on the east mound. 203
11.4. The distribution of identifiable medium-sized herbivore bones on the east mound. 204
11.5. (:atalhoyiik East; scraped square animal bones- fragments per m3 • 206
11.6. The percentage of burnt bone fragments for each 2 x 2m unit in scraped square 1020,1170. 207
11.7. The number of bone fragments collected from each 2 x 2 m square on the west mound. 208
11.8. Worked bone. 212
12.1. Examples of Neolithic figurine types from the 1960s' excavations at (:atalhOyiik East. 216
12.2. Figurines from (:atalhoyiik East. 234
12.3. Human figurine from (:atalhoyiik East. 235
12.4. Animal figurine from (:atalhoyiik East. 235
12.5. Stone artefacts from (:atalhoyiik East. 237
12.6. Miscellaneous small finds from (:atalhoyiik East. 239
12.7. Decorated pot stands from (:atalhoyiik West. 243
13.1. The occlusal surface of an adult mandible. 267
13.2. A) The occlusal surface of the mandible of a 4-5 year old individual; B) SEM micrograph showing the large
pits and strongly directional striations on the crushing facet of the first deciduous molar on the mandible. 268
14.1. Plan of sections recorded in 1993-95 in Mellaart's Areas A and Eat the southwest of the site. 272
14.2. Plan of upstanding walls within the 20 x 20m area of excavations renewed in 1995. 274
14.3. Area A, levels VIA/B-Ill. Sections 1-2. 279
14.4. Area A-E, levels VII-Ill. Section 3. 279
14.5. Area A-E, levels VII-VIA. Sections 4-5. 281
14.6. Area E, levels IX-V. Section 7. 281
14.7. Overall view of section 7. 282

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14.8. Composite of west-east sections through Area E, south facing. 283
14.9. Composite of east-west sections through Area E, north facing. 283
14.10. Shrine 1, levels VIII-VII. Section 40. 287
14.11. House 2, level VII. Sections 32-4. 283
14.12. House 4, level VII. Sections 10, 15 and 16. 288
14.13. House 5, level VII. Sections 11, 13 and 14. 288
14.14. House 6, level VII. Sections 19-21. 288
14.15. Shrine 8 antechamber, level VII. Section 22. 290
14.16. ?House/building and Shrine 10, levels VIII-VII. Section 8. 291
14.17. Shrine 10, levels VIII-VII. Sections 12 and 17. 291
14.18. House 12, level VII. Sections 28-31. 292
14.19. Sections 28-36 and buildings VIII:12, VII:2 and VII:16 in the area excavated by Mellaart. 293
14.20. House, Court and Shrine 25, levels XII-VIII and Court X/VIII.25/15 ?stable deposits. Section 6. 292
14.21. Plan of House 25, level XII floor. 293
14.22. Shrine 27, levels VIII-VII. Section 18. 295
14.23a. Chart illustrating depth of floors and height of walls in buildings which are sealed by later levels. 295
14.23b. Chart illustrating depth of floors as a percentage of the height of walls in buildings sealed by later levels. 295
14.24a. Area in m2 of the three major context types in sections 1-3 and 6-8. 299
14.24b. Percentages by area in m2 of walls, room fill and floor sequences within buildings (sections 1-3 & 6-8). 299
15.1. Microstratigraphy of two fire installations in section 2, level V, south of V.61. 305
15.2. Microstratigraphic columns illustrating the type, thickness and frequency of floors and deposits. 313
15.3. Microstratigraphy of platform and floors in the building south of VII.32, section 9. 314
15.4. Microstratigraphy of floors in the building east of VII.32, section 7. 315
15.5. Microstratigraphy of floors in Shrine 25, level VIII, section 6. 316
15.6. Phasing of floors in Shrine 25, level VIII, section 6. 316
15.7. Microstratigraphy of floors in a building in section 3, level VIA/V, east of VIA.42 Court or V.9. 318
15.8. Microstratigraphy of floors in a building in section 4, level VIB/A, north of VIA.46. 320
15.9. Preliminary guide to microstratigraphic attributes diagnostic of uses of space within buildings. 321
15.10. Preliminary guide to microstratigraphic attributes diagnostic of uses of space in open areas. 322
15.11. Microstratigraphy of ?stable deposits in Court X/VIII.25/15, section 6. 324
17.1. 570 year juniper ring-chronology from several occupation levels at Neolithic (atalhOyiik. 346
17.2. Two radiocarbon-dated samples (Lots A and B, ten rings each). Their mid-points are exactly 520 years
apart in the Catalhoyiik ring-sequence. 346
18.1. Imagery from (atalhOyiik on the cover of a catalogue of the Anatolian Civilizations Museum in Ankara. 353
18.2. Medal from the (umra melon festival. 353
18.3. Logo of the (umra youth radio station. 354

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Photographs
15.1. The microstratigraphic sequence in this building suggests there was a change in the use of space from:
i) domestic activities attested by relatively thick plaster floors and burnt occupation deposits [1], associated
with a plastered emplacement perhaps for a pot [2], to ii) cleanf?ritual activities attested by the sequence of
fine white and orange plaster floors [3] which are associated with a Bos jaw, horn cores and elaborate
plastered features [4]. Building in the south of section 3, level VIA/V. Scale= 20 em. 326
15.2. Block sample for micromorphological analysis in the process of being cut out from a sequence of multiple
layers of burnt plaster in a fire-installation. Building from level V in section 2, Area A. Sample (:h93.08,
H:13.5 em, W:6.5 em, depth 8-10 em. 326
15.3. Modern sample of soft lime deposits which occur within 5 km of (:atalhiiyiik and closely resemble materials
used in Neolithic white plasters. These deposits comprise up to 95 per cent pure carbonates of calcium
and magnesium, and are used today for plastering floors and walls in surrounding settlements. Sample
(:h94.50. Cross-polarized light (XPL). Frame width= 7.2 mm. 327
15.4. The first 41layers of a sample of wall plaster are visible here in sequence from left to right. These plasters
were laid as couplets comprising: [1] a pale brown silty clay preparatory layer, 24-720 J.Lm thick, with
vegetal stabilizers which have since decayed leaving voids in the sedimentary microstructure, and [2] a
finer denser finishing coat, 12-552 ).lm thick, which was keyed into the irregular surface of the preliminary
coat. The outer surfaces of these finishing coat are very regular and sharp, and were probably smoothed or
burnished. Sample (:h94.24. Collapsed fragment in Area E. XPL. Frame width = 7.2 mm. 327
15.5. Mud brick [1] and mortar [2] from the earliest building uncovered by Mellaart, XII.25. The mortar
comprises heterogeneous burnt and unburnt anthropogenic debris including fragments of charred plant
remains, bone, and volcanic glass. Sample (:h94.13. Area E, section 6. Plane polarized light (PPL).
Frame height= 7.2 mm. 328
15.6. Many fire-installation plasters have a coarser particle size than floor plasters, and closely resemble alluvial
deposits sampled in a palaeochannel adjacent to the site. Each plaster has been baked up to 1-2 em from the
surface [1]. Only discontinuous lenses of burnt remains <2 mm thick [2] survive between each layer of
plaster [3]. Sample (:h93.08. Area A, section 2, level V. PPL. Frame height= 7.2 mm. 328
15.7. Identified plants in thin section include: a) transverse section, charred wood, Quercus, deciduous white
oak type. Sample (:h93.12. Open area, Area A, section 2. PPL. Frame height= 7.2 mm; b) transverse
section, charred wood, Salix/Poplus, willow/poplar. Sample (:h93.12. Open area, Area A, section 2. PPL.
Frame width= 7.2 mm; c) transverse section, charred wood, Chenopodiaceae similar to Salsola and
Sueda for example. Sample (:h94.10. Open area, Area E, section 6, level IX. PPL. Frame width= 4.4 mm;
d) charred triquetrous stem of Cyperaceae, Cyperus/Carex/Scirpus. Sample (:h93.07. Open area,
Area A-E, section 3. PPL. Frame width= 1.76 mm. 329
15.8. Initial sequence of thick plaster floors [1 & 3] and occupation deposits [2] in section 3, probably
associated with domestic activities. These deposits include charred wood, siliceous plant remains,
calcareous ashes, bone, and burnt aggregates. The surface of the plaster floor [1] has sub-horizontal cracks
and is impregnated with pale yellow salts. Sample (:h93.03. Area A-E, section 3, southern building,
level VIA-V. PPL. Frame height= 7.2 mm. 330
15.9. A similar sequence of thick plaster floors [1 & 3] and occupation deposits [2] probably related to domestic
activities, includes bone and charred and siliceous plant remains, including a cereal-like remains. Sample
(:h93.01. Area A, section 4, building north of VI.46. PPL. Frame height= 7.2 mm. 330
15.10. Later sequence in section 3 of thin plaster floors [1] with finishing coats of white plaster [2] and
occupation deposits (<0.2 mm thick), associated with cleanj?ritual activities. Sample (:h93.03.
Area A-E, section 3, southern building, level VIA-V. PPL. Frame height= 7.2 mm. 331
15.11. Comparative sequence of thin plaster floors with multiple couplets of white plaster, and sparse occupation
deposits. Linear and curvilinear pseudomorphic voids from decayed vegetal stabilizers are clearly visible

X
 in the plasters [1]. Sample (h94.21. Area E, section 7, building east of VII.32. XPL.
Frame height = 7.2 mm. 331
15.12. Microstratigraphic sequence of ?ritual deposits in the small hole in the top of the grave in section 3,
comprising lenses of: [1] thin white plaster, [2] silt loam ?plaster, [3] red ochre, [4] aggregates of white plaster,
[5] red ochre, [6] deposits with finely fragmented charred plant remains, and finally [7] a thick capping of
white plaster. Sample (h93.06. Area A-E, section 3. Reflected light (RL). Frame width = 7.2 mm. 332
15.13. Detail of probable domestic occupation deposits in section 3, including fragments of bone [1], cereal-like
husk [2], and siliceous grass epidermis [3]. Sample (h93.03. Area A-E, section 3, southern building,
level VIA-V. PPL. Frame width= 1.3 mm. 333
15.14. Deposits rich in organic staining [1], salts [2], aggregates of burnt fire-installation plaster [3], and
charred plant remains, east of the fire-installations in Shrine VIII.25. Sample (h94.02. Area E,
section 6. PPL. Frame width = 7.2 mm. 333
15.15. Thin layer of compacted fibrous deposits [1] below a thin layer of white plaster [2] in the later sequence of
deposits in section 3, southern building. Sample (h93.03. Area A-E, level VIA-V. PPL.
Frame height = 1.3 mm. 334
15.16. Thin lenses of sandy silt loam [2] and occupation deposits rich in charred 'reed'-like plant remains [3],
between white plaster floors in Shrine VIII.25 [1 & 4]. Sample (h94.07. Area E, section 6. PPL.
Frame width= 1.3 mm. 334
15.17. Interbedded layers of dung-rich deposits and salts in Area E, Court 25/15 level X/VIII. Sample (h94.15.
Section 6, west. Scale= 50 em. 335
15.18. Lenses of salt [1], dung pellet type 1 [2] and organic staining [3] in Court 25/15 level X/VIII. Sample
(h94.15. Area E, section 6, west. PPL. Frame width= 7.2 mm. 335
15.19. Detail of dung pellet in Photograph 15.18, illustrating partially digested plant remains, including
fragments of Gramineae stem and leaf, and ?tubers. Sample (h94.15. Area E, section 6, west,
Court 25/15 level X/VIII. (atalhoyiik. PPL. Frame height= 1.3 mm. 336
15.20. Detail of dung pellet, same view as Photograph 15.19 in cross-polarized light illustrating abundant
spherulites. The spherulites are 5-15 Jlm in diameter, and have a moderate birefringence with a cross
of extinction, in contrast to the isotropic plant remains. Spherulites have been found in the gut and dung
of animals such as sheep, goats, cattle, gazelle and pig, but further research is required, before any
associations can be confirmed. Sample (h94.15. Area E, section 6, west, Court 25/15 level X/VIII. XPL.
Frame height= 1.3 mm. 336
15.21. Scanning electron microscope image of a spherulite from a bulk sample of deposits from Court 25/15 level
X/VIII in collaboration with M. Canti, English Heritage. Sample (h95.85. Area E, section 6, west. 337
15.22. Sequence of dung-rich deposits in Court 25/15 level X/VIII. PPL. Frame height = 7.2 mm. 338
15.23. Comparative sample of modern sheep/goat stable deposits from the Konya region, collected by Seona
Anderson, University of Sheffield, illustrating similar but less compacted horizontal layering and
dung pellet fragments. PPL. Frame height = 7.2 mm. 338
15.24. Dung pellets type 2 [1] in debris lying on the latest floor in the southern building in section 3. These dung
pellets have a fibrous structure with few recognizable plant remains and do not contain any spherulites.
Some pellets are more compressed than others. Sample (h93.04. Area E. PPL. Frame height = 7.2 mm. 339
15.25. ?Omnivore coprolite type 3, with yellowish organic fine fabric, and fragments of bone, and charred and
siliceous plant remains and pseudomorphic voids. Sample (h93.16. Area A-E, open area in south of
section 3, level VIA-V. PPL. Frame height= 1.4 em. 339
15.26. Obsidian flake [1] and small tapered fragments of charred oak wood [2] in a layer in an open area with
charred 'reed' and willow/poplar fragments, which could perhaps represent remains from wood working and
?basketry/matting. Sample (h93.12. Area A, section 2. PPL. Frame width= 7.2 mm. 340

xi
Tables
2.1. Luminescence dose rate determinations. 24
2.2. Luminescence age determinations. 24
2.3. Principal sediment types and typical ranges for measured parameters. 35
2.4. Lower alluvium characteristics. 36
4.1. Radiocarbon dates. 52
9.1. Neolithic rim characteristics by building level. 117
9.2. Neolithic base characteristics by building level. 117
9.3. Neolithic lug characteristics by building level. 118
9.4. Neolithic body sherd characteristics by building level. 118
9.5. c;atalhoyuk East surface scraping- typological characteristics of the Neolithic rims. 122
9.6. c;atalhoyuk East surface scraping- typological characteristics of the Neolithic bases. 129
9.7. c;atalhOyuk East surface scraping- typological characteristics of the Neolithic lugs. 129
9.8. c;atalhOyuk East surface scraping- typological characteristics of the Neolithic body sherds. 129
9.9. c;atalhOyuk East surface scraping- assemblage characteristics by depth. 137
9.10. c;atalhOyuk East surface scraping- assemblage characteristics by area. 139
9.11. c;atalhOyak West surface scraping- Chalcolithic assemblages. 153
10.1. Debitage categories by raw material: east and west mound 2 x 2 sample. 177
10.2. Debitage categories by raw material: east and west mound top-scrape sample. 177
10.3. Blade and flake butt types: east mound top-scrape sample. 180
10.4. Blade dorsal scar patterning: east mound top-scrape sample. 180
10.5. Mean and standard deviation of obsidian blade widths: east and west mounds top-scrape sample. 180
10.6. Flake dorsal scar pattern: east mound top-scrape sample. 180
10.7. Mean and standard deviation of obsidian flake widths: east and west mound top-scrape sample. 181
10.8. Tools by raw material: east and west mound 2 x 2 sample. 181
10.9. Modified edge delineation by blank type: east mound top-scrape sample. 181
10.10. Modified edge delineation by blank type: west mound top-scrape sample. 181
10.11. Edge delineation and angle types: east mound top-scrape sample. 183
10.12. Edge delineation and angle types: west mound top-scrape sample. 183
10.13. Location of modification on blades and flake blanks: east mound top-scrape sample. 183
10.14. Location of modification by modification position: east mound top-scrape sample. 191
10.15. Functional classifications by raw material: east and west mound top-scrape sample. 191
10.16. Functional classifications by blank type: east mound top-scrape sample. 191
10.17. Numbers of blades, flakes and other debitage by area: east mound top-scrape sample. 191
10.18. Counts of bifaces/projectiles and cores and presence of thinning-flakes by structure. 196
11.1. The number of animal bone fragments identified to each taxon/category from the 2 x 2 m surface collection. 201
11.2. c;atalhOyuk East scraped squares, animal bone data (ordered north to south, west to east). 205
11.3a. The number of identified fragments per taxon/category for each scraped square assemblage. 209
11.3b. The relative proportions(%) of taxa for each scraped square assemblage. 209
11.4. Counts of proximal and distal humeri for cattle and medium-sized herbivores, and proximal and distal
tibiae fragments for medium-sized herbivores only, from all scraped deposits. 209
11.5. The number of identifiable animal bone fragments per taxon/category from the west mound 2 x 2 m
surface collection. 209
11.6. c;atalhoyak West scraped squares, animal bone data. 209
11.7. The number of identified fragments per taxon/category for each scraped square unit. 210
11.8. c;atalhoyuk East scraped squares, worked bone. 210
11.9. c;atalhoyak West scraped squares, worked bone. 210
12.1. Figurines by building. 217
12.2. Schematic and human figurines by level. 217
12.3. Schematic and human figurines by material and level. 217
12.4. Mellaart's figurines by fragmentation and context. 220

xii
12.5. Figurine fragments from the surface survey. 229
12.6. Distribution of clay ball fragments on the surface. 230
12.7. Beads: number of beads made of each material, by level. 247
12.8. Beads: number of bead groups containing each material, by level. 247
12.9. The sex of adult skeletons in the different levels according to Angel and Ferembach. 255
12.10. Juveniles by age. 255
12.11. Juveniles by building. 256
13.1. (atalhoyiik bones and teeth analyzed by ICP. 266
14.1. Height of the first floor in each building above base of walls. 275
14.2. Correlation of the absolute readings taken in 1993-95 of floors and architectural features visible today
in the surviving sections and the heights recorded by Mellaart on plans in Anatolian Studies 1962,
1963, 1964 and 1966. 277
14.3. Summary of section information recorded in 1995 (letters in column refer to Fig. 14.8). 284
14.4. Summary of section information recorded in 1995 (letters in column refer to Fig. 14.9). 285-6
15.1. Pollen analyses conducted by W. Eastwood. 309
15.2. Contextual variation in types of plant remains and dung. 311
19.1. The degree of continuity of elaborate and non-elaborate buildings between different levels. 364
19.2. The percentage of elaborate buildings in level n that continue as elaborate buildings (a) from level n-1,
and (b) to level n+ 1. 364

xiii
 Acknowledgements
Funding for the field research was provided by the
British Academy, the British Institute of Archaeol-
ogy at Ankara, the McDonald Institute, and the Na-
tional Geographic Society. The project also received
a 150,000 ECU development grant from the Euro-
pean Union, with which we have begun building the
'dig house' on the site. So far three laboratories have
been constructed and partially equipped. Another
wing of the courtyard building has been started.
The project is extremely grateful to the Minis-
try of Culture, General Directorate of Monuments
and Museums (especially to the Director at the time
Professor Dr Engin Ozgen, Kenan Yurttagiil, and the
late Osman Ozbek whom we hold in fond memory),
and to their representatives for their help and sup-
port. In 1993 the government representative was
Remzi YagCI, and in 1994 Belma Kulac;oglu, and in
1995 Mr Ali Ondah. Generous assistance was also
given by Ilhan Temiszoy, Director of the Museum of
Anatolian Civilisations at Ankara, by Konya Muse-
ums (Director Erdogan Erol) and the <;umra Belediye
Ba~kan. An enormous amount of logistical help and
advice was provided over the years by the directors
and staff of the British Institute of Archaeology at
Ankara, to whom we are extremely grateful.
I would like to thank personally all those who
have contributed to the field project over its first
three years, but in particular Roger and Wendy
Matthews to whom I am deeply indebted. I wish
also to thank warmly Peter Andrews, Murat Asian,
Douglas Baird, Adnan Baysal, Dorothee Brill, Anne
Butler, Dagmar Cee, James Conolly, Meltem Delibasx,
Burghardt Detzler, Nicholas Dooley, Martin Emele,
Shahina Farid, Daryl Fowler, Bekir Giirdil, Naomi
Hamilton, Christine Hastorf, Nurcan Kayacan, Emine
Kiic;iik, Jonathan Last, Louise Martin, Frank Matero,
Theya Molleson, Maryanne Newton, Aylin Orbash,
Tom Pollard, Tim Ritchey, Neil Roberts, Nerissa
Russell, Orrin Shane, Colin Shell, Constance Silver,
Lothar Spree, Mirjana Stevanovic, Tom Strasser, Ali
Tiirkcan, Mehmet Uluceviz, Ibrahim Uziinoglu,
Nurcan Yalman, Trevor Watkins.
At <;atalhOyiik we have the best group of work-
XV
men I have met or seen anywhere. They come from
the local village, Kiic;iikkoy, and are chosen and ably
led by Ismail Ya~h. We are well looked after by
Necati and Nazmiye Terzioglu and their family and
by Ismail Salmanc1 and protected by Sadettin Dural
and Mustafa Tokyasm. To all these people, who have
accepted us so readily and made us feel so much
part of their lives so very quickly, we express the
warmest gratitude.
Special thanks are due to the Istanbul Friends
of <;atalhOyiik, especially Re~it Ergener, for their
generous energy and support, and also to Paul
MacMillan of MPR/RPM, and Tomruk and Birgiil
Ozden of Meptur.
The setting up of the project would not have
been possible without the tireless support of David
Shankland who steered me through many poten-
tially troublesome waters in the initial phases. Start-
ing a project in a new country must always be fraught
with problems seen and unseen. My academic guides
and mentors in Turkey have been numerous, but I
would like to thank specifically for their support,
honest advice and encouragement Professors Ufuk
Esin, Mehmet Ozdogan, Refik Duru and Berna
Alpagut.
The Board of Directors of the <;atalhoyiik Re-
search Trust is Sir Mark Russell, Dr John Curtis, Lady
Daunt, Professor Nicholas Postgate, Mr Sevket Sabanc1,
Dr Andrew Sherratt, Mr George Warren and Dr
Trevor Watkins. The administrator is Amanda Cox.
It is a great pleasure to acknowledge our debts
to James Mellaart without whose generosity and
warm kindness this new undertaking would not have
been possible, and to his wife Arlette and their son
Alan. It is because of James Mellaart's initial work
that we are so excited to be at the site again, and it is
because of his present support that we are able to be
there now.
I am grateful to our reviewer for pointing out
many more mistakes than there should have been in
an earlier version of this volume.
The project is sponsored by Visa International,
Glaxo-Wellcome, Merko, British Airways, and Shell.
 Chapter 1
Re-opening ~atalhoyiik
Ian Hodder
with a note on Building Complexity by Tim Ritchey
<::atalhoyiik 1 is an example of the important
Anatolian contribution to the development of Medi-
terranean societies. A site of this importance for the
Mediterranean heritage needs careful conservation
and presentation to the public. It poses special prob-
lems of conservation of mud brick and wall plaster,
and problems of site management.
Given its international importance and its at-
tractive and evocative art, <;atalhoyiik should be
an exciting and popular place to visit. Between
Cappadocia and the resorts of the south coast, the
site could attract a large number of visitors. The
museums in the nearby town of Konya receive 1.3
million visitors a year. And yet, at present, few make
the trip to <;atalhoyiik. Most guide books warn that
there is little to see. The trenches of the excavations
are worn away, there are no paintings to see, there is
no museum and few visitor facilities. Apart from a
very helpful pair of guards, there is little more than
an eroded mound.
The solution at <;atalhoyiik is full-scale mod-
ern archaeological excavation and conservation, and
promotion of the site for visitor access. Archaeologi-
cal excavation and conservation were started in 1993
by the <;atalhoyiik Research Trust, under the aus-
pices of the British Institute of Archaeology at An-
kara, with a permit from the Turkish Ministry of
Culture, and in close collaboration with the Middle
Eastern Technical University and other universities
and research institutions in Turkey.
The ultimate aim is to provide the Turkish Min-
istry of Culture with a well planned heritage site.
Visitors will be able to experience the site in a number
of ways. A conservation laboratory will be built and
the latest techniques applied. Visitors will be able to
see this conservation at work. The conserved wall
1
paintings, sculptures, textiles, wooden and ceramic
artefacts will then be placed on display in an on-site
museum, enhanced by virtual reality techniques and
interactive video. Some of the paintings will also be
placed back in conserved houses on the site. Part of
the site will be covered so that the houses are pro-
tected and so that visitors can walk around a
'Neolithic town'. By providing a range of visitor
experiences the full heritage potential of the site can
begin to be exploited.
The Research Trust manages the three parts of
the project.
(1) Field research, involving excavation, environmen-
tal reconstruction and regional survey. The main
teams are from Cambridge, Edinburgh, Liverpool,
Loughborough and Aberystwyth in Britain and from
Berkeley, California. In Turkey, students and staff
are involved from the Universities of Ankara, Istan-
bul, METU, Konya and Bilkent. The overall aim is to
apply the latest scientific analyses to the archaeo-
logical material in the field and in the laboratory.
(2) Conservation and restoration. The conservation is
coordinated by Dr Frank Matera, Director of the
Architectural Conservation Laboratory, University
of Pennsylvania and Constance Silver, Preservar Inc.,
New York. The overall aims are to conduct research
into methods of conserving, displaying and restor-
ing wall paintings and sculptures and other materi-
als, using the latest scientific techniques and
knowledge, and to treat and restore the paintings,
and to monitor their condition over time.
(3) Heritage management. The Conservation Prac-
tice, London coordinates with a team from the Sci-
ence Museum, Minneapolis, in close collaboration
with the Directorate General of Monuments and
Museums in Ankara and Konya Museums, in order
 Ian Hodder
to develop the site for tourism, including roofing of
parts of the site, the construction of a visitor centre
and museum, the provision of pathways, parking,
shops etc.. The overall aim is to realize the potential
of the site as an attractive and informative place to
visit.
Research aims
<:;atalhoyuk consists of a pair of mounds in the Konya
Plain in central Turkey. It was excavated by James
Mellaart in the early 1960s (Mellaart 1962; 1963; 1964;
1966; 1967). The western mound proved to be
Chalcolithic in date, but most attention has been
directed to the eastern mound which had levels dat-
ing to the eighth and seventh millennia BC. 2 No work
took place at the site between 1965 and 1993 when
the present project began.
There were many reasons for restarting work at
<:;atalhoyuk. Some of these are 'internal', relating to
problems posed by the site itself. Others are 'exter-
nal', relating to the changing context within which
the site is situated.
The first internal problem concerns damage to
the site since its excavation by James Mellaart and
the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara be-
tween 1961 and 1965. Trench walls have suffered
extensive erosion and collapse, Neolithic walls have
fallen and large new areas of plaster have been ex-
posed. The tops of Neolithic walls have become used
as pathways for tourists. Fortunately the eastern
r potential could be evalu-
Figure 1.1. c;atalhoyiik East.
2
mound has been fenced by the General Directorate
of Monuments and Museums and Konya Museums
and a guard is present at all times. This protection
has prevented large-scale looting. It has also led to
the growth of vegetation on the surface of the east-
ern mound and this has helped to stabilize erosion
in unexcavated areas. The western mound, on the
other hand, has not been fenced and has been used
as a communal village threshing and winnowing
area, while agricultural fields have encroached onto
its lower slopes. But perhaps the main damage to
both mounds since the 1960s is largely unseen. A
massive programme of investment in irrigation in
the surrounding region has radically transformed
the landscape into a fertile plain, green with crops
and trees, and busy with earth-moving machines
and concrete-mixer lorries. The digging of canals
has aided the recovery of sites partially or completely
buried by alluvium (see Chapter 3). But it has also
substantially lowered the ground water table.
Mellaart abandoned his deep sounding partly be-
cause his trench filled with water at about 3-4 me-
tres below the level of the plain. Today, the water
table is artificially controlled but is normally greater
than 10 metres below the plain. Organic materials
which had been preserved in waterlogged condi-
tions are gradually being lost.
The second set of internal problems concerns
issues that have been raised about the interpretation
of the site. The enormous importance of Mellaart's
work was in opening up wide areas of the eastern
mound so that its overall
ated and its importance
glimpsed . But his work
raised a host of new ques-
tions. Only 4 per cent of
the mounds at the site has
been excavated and the full
range of modern scientific
techniques has not been
applied. Work restarted at
<:;a talhoyuk in 1993 with
the aim of answering the
questions raised by the ear-
lier excavations. The main
research questions concern
palaeoenvironmental and
palaeoeconomic reconstruc-
tion, the early development
of the site, relationships
with other sites, the de-
gree of centralization and
 Re-opening <:;:atalhoyuk

specialization of production, the degree of social dif- 1990) to the skull ritual and statuettes at 'Ain Ghazal
ferentiation and its relationship with elaborate sym- (Rollefson 1986) there is an increasing understand-
bolic behaviour. ing of elaborate symbolism associated with early
The first external issue is that scientific tech- sedentism and the development of agriculture (Bar
niques in archaeology have changed since the 1960s. Yosef & Belfer-Cohen 1992).
Not only can conservation problems be tackled more In southeast Anatolia, early sites such as Hallan
adequately now, but a wider range of archaeometric <:;:emi and basal <:;:ayonu already demonstrate a com-
techniques are available to deal with the special chal- plexity in buildings and symbolism which is also
lenges posed by a site like <:;:atalhoyuk. For example, found in PPNB-type assemblages at Nevali <:;:ori,
one of the problems posed by the site is how to Gritille and Caferhoyuk (Ozdogan 1995; Hauptmann
detect activities that took place on floors in build- 1993; Voigt 1985; Cauvin 1989). In central Anatolia,
ings, since in most cases these floors have been swept the important new excavations at A~1kh Hoyi.ik (Esin
very clean. As is clear in Chapter 15, micromorpho- 1991) have revealed a large, densely packed, a ceramic
logy now provides a mechanism for identifying the site with elaborate and differentiated buildings in
micro-traces and trample left on floors even after the millennium prior to <:;:atalhoyuk, and apparently
sweeping. Analysis of organic and inorganic residues without domestication. There is now also increased
can be applied to floors as well as to ceramics and evidence of a continuity of elaborate symbolism in
ground-stone tools. And so on. The remarkable pres- the millennium after <:;:atalhoyuk, at sites such as
ervation of a wide range of materials at <:;:atalhoyl.ik Hoyli<;ek, Kura<;ay and Ko;;khoyi.ik (Ouru 1986; 1992;
allows an enormously wide suite of methods to be Silistreli 1989). Our understanding of the Neolithic
applied, although only a few are relevant to the ini- sequence has also changed in western Anatolia and
tial stage of research reported here. Marmara, where early sites have emerged and com-
Another external issue is that our understand- mon patterns identified with southeast Europe
ing of the Neolithic in Anatolia has changed consid- (Ozdogan 1995).
erably with the discovery and excavation of a large All this new evidence indicates clearly that
number of Neolithic sites in Anatolia and the Near <:;:atalhoyuk is no longer so distinctive. It is part of a
East. Many of these show a remarkable degree of wider trend. The excavated levels are not particu-
complexity, often at early dates which stretch back larly early. There are other large and complex sites
well before <:;:a ta lhoyuk. The <:;:a talhoyuk levels exca- at this time period. But having said that, in a sense
vated in the 1960s were radiocarbon dated to be- the uniqueness of the site has only been highlighted.
tween 8450 and 7670 yr BP. In Chapter 16 in this <:;:atalhoyuk is part of a trend, and elements of its
volume Parish reports OSL
dates from mud bricks
from level 3 I 4 and level12
which correlate well with
these dates, and in Chap-
ter 17 Kuniholm and New-
ton report on their initial
findings on the <:;:atalhoyuk
dendrochronology. The
<:;:atalhoyuk dates equate
with well-established Neo-
lithic sites in the Levant. It
is now clear that even at
the earliest sedentary sites
in Anatolia and the Near
East there is elaborate sym-
bolism associated with
houses, burial rituals, figu-
rines and bulls (e.g. Cauvin
1994; Hodder 1990). From
the complex houses at
Qermez Dere (Watkins Figure 1.2. <;ntalhOyiik West.

3
 Ian Hodder
assemblage are found elsewhere. But none of the
recent work has identified the same degree of com-
plexity. The site, and especially the art, still stand
apart as unique achievements.
What the recent discoveries have begun to al-
low us to do is to separate our understanding of the
site from parallels with the Levant and southeast
Anatolia. As more sites are studied, the distinctive-
ness of <::atalhoyiik can begin to be situated within a
Central Anatolian sequence separate from sequences
to the east. 'Central Anatolia should neither be con-
sidered as a nuclear nor as a marginal zone to the
low lands of the Near East, but as a distinct cultural
formation zone, developing on different lines from
the Near East' (Ozdogan 1995, 54). As yet, however,
the precise character of this regional tradition re-
mains to be defined. There are intimations of distinct
lithic characteristics, a distinct ceramic sequence,
closer links with European traditions, a greater em-
phasis on non-domesticated plants and animals, and
less social and ritual centralization. The new work at
<::atalhoyiik must contribute both to an understand-
ing of the uniqueness of the site itself within wider
trends, and to a definition of the distinctiveness of
the regional cultural sequence within which it oc-
curs.
A final external issue is that the wider context
within which the site is situated as part of global
heritage has changed significantly. Part of Mellaart' s
success was to bring the site to the attention of a
wide audience. In our first years of research at
<::atalhoyiik we have become aware of the seemingly
endless stream of special interest groups who wish
to be involved in some way in the site's interpreta-
tion. We have been visited at the site by Goddess
Tours and have been involved in debates with
ecofeminists, Gaia Theorists and Mother Goddess
cults. From quite a different angle come all those
interested in the origins of kilims and kilim designs
and those researching the origins of textiles. Within
Turkey there are different sets of interests- nation-
alist versus Euro-centric, fundamentalist versus secu-
lar, the state versus the local community (see Chapter
18). There has been so much speculation and contro-
versy about the site that it seemed important to pro-
vide some new and secure evidence on which the
debates might develop.
The surfaces of this volume
<::atalhoyiik has long dominated our view of the ar-
chaeology of the Konya plain. The surveys and exca-
vation in the region around the site allow us to put
4
the site into its environmental and historical con-
texts (Chapters 2, 3 & 4). How could the environ-
ment around the site have sustained a population of
this size? What impact did the inhabitants have on
the environment, and what is the relationship be-
tween the site and alluviation in the plain? If we are
to understand the site as some sort of centre then we
must gain some knowledge of putative subsidiary or
dependent settlements. If we can assert with confi-
dence that no such settlements exist then we will
require a different view of <::atalhoyiik. In addition
we would like to know more about the antecedents
of <::atalhoyiik and those developments that imme-
diately follow the decline of this particular commu-
nity on the plain. Only intensive survey and selected
excavation can reveal the necessary information
about any sites that may be relevant to these issues.
The survey and excavation at other sites will also
address questions that relate to long-term environ-
mental impact and interaction. Questions include
'Did agricultural societies emerge in alluvial settings
or on the hilly flanks of these plains?', 'How dense
was settlement in different periods?', and 'What sort
of settlement systems existed under regional and
imperial states from the Hittites to the Ottomans?'.
In terms of <::atalhoyiik itself, this volume cov-
ers the first three years of surface work (both site-
based and regional), and the work on the 1960s'
artefacts housed in the Konya and Ankara muse-
ums. Although the <::atalhoyiik project is designed
to run for 25 years, the first three years were planned
primarily as a pre-excavation phase. The aim was to
find out as much as possible about the site without
excavation- working on the various surfaces of the
mounds. This strategy was necessary as a prelimi-
nary to excavation, so that excavation strategies could
be developed with the fullest possible information
available. In addition, the strategy was designed to
redress the concentration in the 1960s on very lim-
ited parts of the mounds. The aim was to look at the
site as a whole, at least as far as information from the
surface could provide an overall picture.
The surface survey involved detailed contour
planning (Chapter 5), geophysical prospection (Chap-
ter 8), the collection of surface artefacts in 2 x 2 m
squares on a 20m grid, and surface scraping ('top
scraping') in 10 x 10m units, initially on a 50 m grid
(Chapters 6 & 7).
Another important component of the surface
work was to examine the vertical surfaces, the sec-
tions left by Mellaart but now sadly eroded and
collapsed. The aim here was to record information
before it was lost in further collapse, to provide a
 Re-opening <::atalhoyiik
basis for interpreting the 1960s' data and plans, and
to understand the stratigraphy of the site as well as
possible before embarking on major excavation
(Chapter 14).
Museum study visits were made to Konya Mu-
seum and to the Anatolian Civilisations Museum at
Ankara by various specialists on the project ~bone,
lithic, ceramic, figurine, burial). The aim of such re-
search was to obtain comparative evidence for dat-
ing, for differences between 'shrines' and non-'shrines',
differences between burials and house contents etc..
It was thought essential to try this approach despite
the enormous problems which severely limit the con-
clusions that can be drawn from such data (Chapters
9, 10, 12 & 13).
We are trying to answer other questions in very
different ways. For example, Mirjana Stevanovic from
Berkeley (to be joined by Ruth Tringham in 1996)
has begun work on experimental reconstruction of
the buildings. In this way we can experiment with
ideas about why the buildings were built in the way
they were (e.g. with separate, rather than party walls).
Using these and a wide range of analytical tech-
niques we hope to get closer to technological and
architectural questions.
In January 1995 Nurcan Yalman from Istanbul
University and David Shankland, Acting Director of
the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara, un-
dertook a preliminary trip to villages in the Karaman,
<::umra and Konya regions to look for traditional
architecture that might produce useful parallels for
<::atalhoyiik. In mountain villages such as Taskale
the roofs of houses are used as courtyards by houses
higher up the slope, but the houses are mainly made
of stone. To get parallels for mud brick architecture,
villages closer at hand are more useful and during
the 1995 summer field season N mean Yalman, helped
by Mirjana Stevanovic, began more detailed study of
some villages close to <::umra (especially Uriinlii,
Tiirkmen Camili and Gokhoyiik). Attention focused
on methods of construction and use of mud brick
and plaster walls. Some houses still have 'platforms'
and niches like those on the site, and the walls are
richly decorated- not with paintings but with car-
pets, kilims and other textiles. The parallels with the
Neolithic housing are obvious but so are the differ-
ences - the plaster looks the same but has different
constituents, for example. A careful programme of
sampling bricks, mortars and plasters has begun in
order to provide comparisons with the site architec-
ture, and the potential for providing information
relevant to the site, even if only by way of contrast, is
considerable.
5
During the 1995 field season David Shankland
began an ethnographic study of the village closest to
the site, Kii<;iikkoy (Chapter 18). As well as provid-
ing information on wider aspects of the village, this
work will look at the effect of the 1960s and new
work at the site on the local community. Nearly all
our workmen come from the village and the impact
of our presence is considerable. The types of knowl-
edge about the site which circulate in the village are
very different from our own. Yet symbols from the
site are used - for example, by the local radio sta-
tion to advertise and identify itself. Relationships
with the site are complex and multi-levelled and it
will take sensitive and detailed study to provide a
full picture.
Some initial themes
Three themes will dominate interpretation in this
volume. The first concerns site formation processes.
Figures 7.19-7.22 provide cross-sections through the
eastern mound, indicating depth of soil above un-
disturbed archaeological deposits. The greater depth
of disturbed soil down slope is to be expected, but
the impact of soil movement, erosion and weather-
ing on the surface distributions of artefacts will be of
major concern throughout this volume (see espe-
cially Chapter 9). Despite the considerable down-
slope movement of soil and artefacts, and despite
the localized selective processes linked to slope,
vegetational cover and later occupation, can any-
thing be inferred about Neolithic behaviour on the
mound surface? Further study of sedimentological
processes on the surface of the mounds will be car-
ried out in future by excavating transects across and
down the slopes of the mound and out into the sur-
rounding alluvium. But for the moment a range of
evidence will be discussed in this volume which
relates to the formation of the site's surface.
A second theme concerns the spatial and social
organization of the eastern mound. For example,
there has been considerable ambiguity about whether
the site is a village, town, urban centre or city (e.g.
Mellaart 1967; Renfrew 1984, 90). Use of such terms
depends on the definitions used but also on the in-
terpretation of the activities taking place at the site.
We will, in this volume, use the information from
the surface studies in order to address the size and
internal complexity of the site.
Another aspect of the second theme concerns
Mellaart's (1967) suggestion that he may have exca-
vated a 'priestly quarter' containing 'shrines'. We
needed to discover whether elaborate ritual buildings
 Ian Hodder
were found elsewhere on the site or whether they
were restricted to the southwest corner excavated by
Mellaart. But in addition, we needed to evaluate the
very concept of 'shrine'. The terms shrine or sanctu-
ary or cult building are notoriously difficult to de-
fine (Renfrew 1985), and certainly Mellaart had used
a variety of criteria such as amount of sculpture and
painting, numbers of burials and platforms etc .. We
wanted to use contextual information in order to
evaluate building use. That is, we wanted to use
variation between buildings on a number of differ-
ent dimensions in order to see how they might best
be differentiated without making a priori assump-
tions about what a 'shrine' should look like. Thus we
wanted to compare variation in ceramics and lithics
etc., and gradually build up an interpretation of the
buildings depending on the nature of that variation.
Our understanding of ritual specialization at
<;:atalhoyiik would also throw light on the overall
issue of the level of complexity of the site. Were we
dealing with ritual specialists in priestly quarters, or
simply domestic houses with varying degrees of in-
ternal decoration and elaboration?
As a starting point we needed to categorize
buildings without using loaded terms such as 'shrine'
and 'non-shrine'. The buildings in each level were
quantified in terms of their architectural complexity
by counting numbers of platforms or bins, benches,
pillars or posts, pits or basins, fire installations (ov-
ens, hearths etc.), mouldings, and subdivisions or
rooms (termed 'spaces'). The number of paintings
was not thought to be a reliable measure since many
paintings have collapsed into room fills. In addition,
our own research has begun to show that paintings
might not be apparent on plaster surfaces but might
be hidden within the multiple layers of plaster. Thus
only the presence or absence of paintings was re-
corded. When this information is plotted by level,
using Mellaart's data, the results in Figures 1.3 to 1.7
are obtained (information collated by T. Ritchey and
T. Pollard; see Note by T. Ritchey). As is clear from
all the figures, no clear break can be discerned be-
tween more or less complex buildings, and only ap-
proximate correlations are obtained between a
building's position on the complexity graphs and its
labelling by Mellaart as 'shrine' or 'non-shrine'. Thus,
right from the start, the differentiation of buildings
is problematized. Understanding of the range of ac-
tivities carried out in buildings of different architec-
tural complexity will be one of the recurring themes
of this volume.
A third theme concerns temporal change. To
what extent do the levels identified by Mellaart
6
correspond to clear, separate horizons of destruction
and rebuilding? Some of the levels had been de-
stroyed by fire, but were these general conflagra-
tions or were they controlled, small-scale and
piece-meal? Was the growth of the settlement or-
ganic or structured? Do individual buildings go
through changes of use, or is a 'shrine' always a
'shrine'? Such questions necessitate detailed recon-
struction of stratigraphic sequences both at the gen-
eral level and in terms of detailed sequences of
activities on replastered floors (Chapters 14 & 15).
Superficial meanings
The research at <;:atalhoyiik over the long term will
allow the development of methodologies which
might be termed 'postprocessual' (Hodder 1991;
1992). The current phase in which full-scale excava-
tion is being developed (from the 1996 season on) is
allowing experimentation with news ways of record-
ing and working in the field. The key to this new
approach is contextuality or non-fixity. The aim is to
define typologies and terminologies not on a priori
grounds but on the basis of both general and local
information. Types and terms are seen as being sen-
sitive to context, capable of redefinition from differ-
ent perspectives. Contextuality leads to multivocality,
interactivity and reflexivity.
Such an approach is entirely dependent on hav-
ing contextual information- that is, houses, rooms,
pits, burials in which things are associated. Indeed,
the main reason that I wanted to restart work at
<;:atalhoyiik was that it appeared to offer rich contex-
tual patterning and the potential for 'thick' or 'deep'
description (Hodder 1991). The contextual associa-
tions should allow insight into particular cultural
meanings. In Chapter 10 Conolly has begun to be
reflexive about the terminologies normally imposed
in lithic analysis. But working on either the horizon-
tal or vertical surfaces of the mound provides little
or no contextual information beyond that produced
by post-depositional processes. The erosional proc-
esses have erased or 'naturalized' the specific cul-
tural meanings and forced us to use universal and
decontextualized methodologies. On the surface, we
were reduced for the most part to using type series
and terminologies developed at other sites or in ab-
straction. Or else we had to rely on the contexts (e.g.
levels and buildings) provided by the 1960s' archive
which were themselves built within very different
questions and interests to our own and which pro-
vided little of the sensitivity for which we were
searching.
 Re-opening <::atalhOyiik
The title of this volume thus refers at one level
simply to the fact that our research between 1993
and 1995 has concentrated on various surfaces of the
mounds and of the region. But at another level it
refers to our inability at this stage to go beyond the
surface meanings of things in order to understand
situated and specific meanings at a greater interpre-
tive depth. In this volume we have been reduced,
because of the relative lack of contextual informa-
tion, to orthodox methods and established descrip-
tions. Such methods can easily be criticized as being
little more than extensions of our own assumptions
and biases. Theories and methods replace each other
in a continual chain of signification, an endless play
of difference unrelated to anything beyond 'the sur-
face'. The play of signification can be confronted by
contextuality - by boundaries which localize and
specify meanings. Our theories and methods need to
be sensitive to context, but until excavation has re-
commenced at <::atalhoyiik we are forced to follow
largely traditional methods.
Where multivocality, interactivity and reflexiv-
ity can and should begin at this initial phase is in our
interactions with the world in which we are working
in the Konya region and Turkey. Chapter 18 by David
Shankland begins a process of evaluation of the im-
pact of the archaeological work on the local commu-
nity. This research by a social anthropologist aims to
move beyond generalized statements about the rela-
tionship between archaeology and society towards a
more contextualized understanding. The research
also allows us to begin to respond and interact, de-
veloping a reflexivity in the face of the multiple in-
terpretations of <::atalhoyiik.
Note: building complexity
by Tim Ritchey
The data used to construct Figures 1.3-1.7 were gath-
ered from the preliminary excavation reports and
book published by James Mellaart (1962; 1963; 1964;
1966; 1967). While not ideal, the plans (redrawn here
as Figs. 1.8-1.17) provided the information neces-
sary for quantifying the types of architectural fea-
tures which were present in each building. In all,
eleven of the twelve levels had plans which could be
used to draw information for the study. However,
the quality of plan varied between levels, and in
some cases across levels where different plans were
found in different publications covering disparate
regions of the excavation trench. Therefore, while
7
intra-level data are comparable for the most part,
inter-level comparison is not as secure, and these
should be seen as relative quantities.
Information which was gathered included the
number of platforms, benches, pillars/posts, pits or
basins, ovens or hearths, mouldings, room spaces
and whether paintings were present in the building.
All these numbers, along with location information
were fed into a Microsoft Access database and dis-
played in an Excel spreadsheet. The goal of this analy-
sis was to provide a complexity scale which could be
compared with artefact concentrations in the build-
ings. The scale was created as a stacked bar histo-
gram, with each feature type scaling to the number
of features of that category found in the plans and in
the text of the publications. The presence of paint-
ings is indicated by the lighter single bar on top, and
buildings identified by Mellaart as 'shrines' are de-
noted in the building numbers along the bottom of
the graphs.
In levels V, VIA and VIB, pillars seem to be a
better marker of complexity than paintings. But lower
down, in level VII, the connection between pillars
and complexity begins to be lost. Instead, the number
of platforms seems to be a good indicator of the
more complex buildings.
In the graphs there are no clear breaks between
more and less elaborate buildings. Overall, the de-
marcation between 'shrine' and non-'shrine' as pro-
posed by Mellaart cannot be substantiated by
architectural features alone. Except in levels where
there were too few buildings to get a good indica-
tion, the clustering of 'shrines' does occur at the
upper end of the complexity histograms; however,
this does not mean that 'shrines' can be easily cat-
egorized since there is no obvious break in the ranked
sequence of variation in architectural complexity.
There are essentially two issues to deal with. First, it
is not expected that there actually be a cut-off point
so that buildings can be placed into 'shrine' and
non-'shrine' categories. The idea of 'shrine' versus
non-'shrine' is seen to be a much more blurry con-
cept both theoretically and methodologically. Sec-
ond, even if we did expect a clear cut-off point
between the two, it would not be realistic to expect a
single variable such as architectural complexity to
provide all the information needed for determining
to which set a building belonged. It is the architec-
tural features in relation to the other artefacts which
will provide the finer scale analysis needed to un-
derstand variation between buildings.
 18 paintings?

16 El no of spaces
14
"'~ D mouldings
;:s 12
-:o01
10 D fire installation
""'0
""'
.... 8
01 • pit/basin
.rl
e;:s 6
z II pillar I post
4
2 D bench
0
N Ol ~ (") '<!" 0 ~
• platform / bin
~ C':! "! Ltl "': ::! C':! Ltl ~
"! "': ~
f'-: ~

a:i <i <i a:i a:i a:i a:i <i "' "' <(
<i <i <i <i <i <i <i <i <i <i <i <i <i
ui ui ui
ui
Buildings

Figure 1.3. Building complexity for levels I-III. In this and the following figures, the prefix S was given by Mellaart to buildings he identified as 'shrines'. >--<
Pl
~
Other letter prefixes refer to areas of the eastern mound as defined by Mellaart.
00 ::c
0
0..
0..
(!)
>-t

25

20 • paintings?

"'~ no of spaces
2 15
"
~ Dmoldings
~
0
....
<II ml fire installation
..0
e 10
=
z • pit/basin

5 1111 pillar/post

Dbe nch
0
M ..,. M ..,. M ..,. M ..,. • platform / bin
~ M
2' "'
2' "'2' "'2' "' 2'"' "'
2' 2' 2'"
2' "' > >" ""z z
"" > > >
"' "'> ~ ~ "'> ""'> "'> >" >~ >" "'> >"' "'> > > >
w w w w w w w w w w w w w w >w >
w w w > uj
>
uj w w w w > uj
>
uj
w w w w w w .. w w w ..
ui "' " ui ui " .. ui ui ui ui ui ui
ui "' "'
Buildings

Figure 1.4. Building complexity for levels IV-V.

 45

40

35

El paintings?
30
II no of spaces

0 moldings
25
Cl fire installation

• pit/basin
20
ID pillar I post
D bench
15
• platform/bin

10

:;o
roI
0
'"0
ro
:::s
s·
crq
\0 Figure 1.5. Building complexity for level VIA. .(")
PJ
..,.
45
PJ
s:
Q:
40 '-<:
C:
7\'
35
• paintings?

• no of spaces
30
~

~
Dmoldings
=
] 25 Gl fire installation
0
Ill pit/ basin
i!e 20

z= Ill pillar /post

15 O be nch

Ill platform / bin

10

0 la ••••••••••••.•.•.•.•••.•.•. a.~.a.l.a.~.;.l.l.!.!.~.~.!.~
~ ~ ; ~
Buildings

Figure 1.6. Building complexity for level VIB.

 25,---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------·
paintings?

20 no of spaces

Ill
"' Dmoldings
....
::s
-:.Ill 15
.... D fire installation
....0
....
Ill •pit/basin
..0
10
e::s
z II pillar I post

5 . Obench

• platform/bin

o ~~~~~~1 1 111i~~~~~8~1~1~1~Jjll ~
M M m 0
M ~ ~ ~ ~ !" ;;; N ~
~ ~ ~
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ x
gg~~ ~~~~ ~~~g ~g~~ g~~~ ~gg~ > > > > > >
uj
> > >
fli
> > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > >
"' '" '" '" "' '" '" "' '" "' '" "'
Buildings ......
Figure 1.7. Building complexity for levels VII-XI. Pol
::l
...... :I:
0 0
0..
0..
(!)
"1

N «1

10m

Figure 1.8. Redrawn plan of Mellaart' s level I.

 Re-opening C::a talhoyuk

N '1

10m

Figure 1.9. Redrawn plan of Mellaart's level IT.

N '1

Figure 1.10. Redrawn plan of Mel!aart's level Ill.

11
 Ian Hodder

......
.;

-"""\\,,
I \
\ ~
'I
\J

12
Re-o~pe=nmg
·~=-----
<:;:atalhoyuk ---------

,.:::·.

t
z
13
 N-~ >-<
I))
- ::l
>--' ::c
0
*" lOrn 0...
0...
(1)
...,

Figure 1.13. Redrawn plan of Mellaart's level VIA.

 N --
.......
Ul

::::;'
-or
Q:
'<
C:
7\

Figure 1.14. Redrawn plan of Mellaart's level VIB.

 N..........-~
--
lOrn

OJ
-
::l
....... ::r:
a-- 0
0..
0..
(!)
"1

Figure 1.15. Redrawn plan of Mel/aart' s level VII.

 Re-opening <.;:atalhoyi.ik

,,,, N..........--4~
'•
//

10m

N ,
10m

Figure 1.16. Redrawn plan of Mellaart's level VIII.

Figure 1.17. Redrawn plan of Mellaart's levels IX (top),

Notes
1. A w id e range of spellings for <.;:atalhoyi.ik is found
in the literature. The spellin g most commonly
found in the international literature (<.;:atal
Hi.iyi.ik) has become relatively rare in Turkey
and the preferred spelling used here is that used
on official permit documents by the present Turk-
ish administration. However, other spellin gs,
such as <.;:atal Hoyi.ik, are commonly found in
Turkey.
2. sc dates used in this volume refer to calibrated
dates; BP to radiocarbon years.
XI and XII.
References
Bar-Yosef, 0. & A. Belfer-Co hen, 1992. From foraging to
farming in the Mediterranean Levant, in Tran sitions
to Agricultu re in Prehistory, eds. A.B. Grebauer &
T.D. Price. Madison (WI): Prehistory Press, 21-48.
Cauvin, ]., 1989. La stratigraphie de Cafer Hoyuk-Est
(Turqu ie) et les origin es du PPNB du Taurus.
Pnleorient 15, 75-85.
Cauv in, J. , 1994. Naissnnce des divinites. Naissance de
l'ngriw lture. Paris: CNRS.
Duru, R., 1986. Kurucay Hoyiigii Kazilari, 1984 Calisma
raporu. Belleten 50, 247-59.
Duru, R. , 1992. Hoyiicek Ka zilari 1989. Belleten 61, 551-66.

17
 Ian Hodder
Esin, U., 1991. Salvage excavations at the pre-pottery site
of A~nkh Hoyuk in Central Anatolia. Anatolica 17,
123-74.
Hauptmann, H., 1993. Ein Kultgebaude in Nevali Cori, in
Between the Rivers and Over the Mountains. Archaeologia
Anatolica et Mesopotamica, ed. M. Frangipane. Rome:
University of Rome, 37-69.
Hodder, I., 1990. The Domestication of Europe. Oxford:
Blackwell.
Hodder, I., 1991. Reading the Past. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Hodder, I., 1992. Theory and Practice in Archaeology. Lon-
don: Routledge.
Mellaart, J., 1962. Excavations at <;atal Huyuk, first pre-
liminary report, 1961. Anatolian Studies 12,41-65.
Mellaart, J., 1963. Excavations at <;a tal Huyuk, second
preliminary report, 1962. Anatolian Studies 13,43-103.
Mellaart, J., 1964. Excavations at <;atal Huyuk, third pre-
liminary report, 1963. Anatolian Studies 14, 39-119.
Mellaart, J., 1966. Excavations at <;a tal Hiiyiik, fourth pre-
liminary report, 1965. Anatolian Studies 16,15-191.
18
Mellaart, J., 1967. (:atal Hiiyiik: a Neolithic Town in Anatolia.
London: Thames & Hudson.
Ozdogan, M., 1995. Neolithic in Turkey: the status of re-
search, in Readings in Prehistory. Studies Presented to
Halet (:ambel. Istanbul: University of Istanbul, 41-
60.
Ozdogpn, M. & A. Ozdogpn, 1990. Cayonu. A conspectus
of recent work, in Prehistoire du Levant II, eds. 0.
Aurenche & M.C. Cauvin. Paris: CNRS, 387-96.
Renfrew, A.C., 1984. Approaches to Social Archaeology. Ed-
inburgh: Edinburgh University Press.
Renfrew, A.C., 1985. The Archaeology of Cult. London:
Thames & Hudson.
Rollefson, G.O., 1986. Neolithic' Ain Ghazal (Jordan): ritual
and ceremony II. Paleorient 12, 45-52.
Silistreli, U., 1989. Kosk Hoyuk Figurin ve Heykecikleri.
Belleten 53,497-504.
Voigt, M.M., 1985. Village on the Euphrates: excavations
at Neolithic Gritille in Turkey. Expedition 27, 10-24.
Watkins, T., 1990. The origins of house and home? World
Archaeology 21, 336-47.
 Chapter 2
Preliminary Results of Geoarchaeological
Investigations at ~atalhoyiik
Neil Roberts, Peter Boyer & Romola Parish
Geomorphological and geoarchaeological studies
have made an important contribution to understand-
ing archaeological records at both landscape and
site-specific scales, and in a wide range of contexts
(Davidson & Shackley 1976; Vita-Finzi 1978; Rapp &
Gifford 1985). In the Eastern Mediterranean region,
they have included sediment-based investigations
of cave sequences (e.g. Wilkinson & Duhon 1990),
past and present coastlines (e.g. Kraft et al. 1980),
alluvial histories (e.g. van Andel et al. 1995) and site
formation processes (e.g. Courty et al. 1989).
This chapter relates to preliminary results of
geomorphological investigations carried out at, and
in the immediate vicinity of, <:;atalhoyiik during a
preliminary reconnaissance in 1993 and in substan-
tial fieldwork seasons in 1994 and 1995. The work
forms part of the wider KOP AL (KOnya basin
PALaeoenvironmental research) programme, whose
aim is to investigate the late Quaternary environ-
mental history of the Konya plain in relation to its
human occupation and, in particular, to the origin of
Neolithic agriculture. Our particular concern is to
examine the relations between changes in the natu-
ral environment (climate, vegetation, geomorph-
ology, etc.) and the domestication of plants and
animals during a time period when global climate
was changing from glacial to interglacial conditions.
Ultimately, it is to be hoped that the current research
programmes will lead to a reconstruction of an inte-
grated record of Holocene landscape change, both
natural and cultural. The Konya plain is ideally suited
for this task, because rich archaeological and
palaeoenvironmental evidence is potentially avail-
able from sites in close proximity to each other.
19
Background to the study
<:;atalhoyiik lies on the Konya plain on the southern
edge of the Anatolian plateau at an elevation of c.
1000 m asl. The climate of the plain is semi-arid, with
average precipitation below 300 mm p.a., and it ex-
periences a substantial seasonal temperature range,
winter temperatures being around freezing and mean
summer temperatures >20°C. The plain and its im-
mediate surroundings are treeless, except along river
courses. By contrast, the watershed catchment area
receives up to 1000 mm p.a. precipitation and is, or
was until recent deforestation, well-wooded. Most
of this is in the Taurus mountains south and west of
Konya, where peaks reach 3000 m asl.
Hydrologically, Konya is a closed (i.e. non-out-
let) basin, except for some karstic sink-holes (diiden).
Most of the plain is today dry, although soils were
waterlogged for much of the year prior to twentieth-
century river regulation and irrigation. Shoreline
depositional landforms and wave-cut cliffs are evi-
dence that a shallow but extensive lake formerly
occupied the floor of the plain (Erol1978). As rivers
and wadis enter the Konya plain, most of their sedi-
ment load is deposited close to the basin edge as fan-
shaped masses of alluvium (Fig. 2.1). The largest of
the alluvial fans has been deposited by the <:;ar~mba
river, which covers 474 km2• Although broadly fan-
shaped, its hydro-geomorphological characteristics
are today more akin to an alluvial floodplain than an
alluvial-fan environment. Overbank deposition of
silts and clays over very low slopes has pushed these
alluvial features towards the centre of the plain, on
top of the lacustrine beds of palaeo-lake Konya. A
 Neil Roberts, Peter Boyer & Romola Parish
distributary of the ~ar~mba river ran between the
mounds of ~atalhoyiik east and west prior to recent
artificial modification of the drainage system.
The ~ar~mba alluvial fan is dotted with great
numbers of ancient settlement mounds (hoyiik in
Turkish), many of which appear to have been sub-
ject to burial by Holocene alluviation. The original
excavation by Mellaart (1964, 41ff.) also suggested
that this was the case at ~atalhoyiik. A deep sound-
ing below the floor level of an excavated room at
~atalhoyiik was made during the 1963 excavations.
It penetrated to a depth of about five metres below
the modern ground surface, and Mellaart recorded
archaeological material as observable to the base of
this (i.e. 'natural' was not reached). However, a dif-
ferent conclusion was reached by Cohen (1970) who
claimed that there had been no post-Neolithic
alluviation in the area and that ~atalhoyiik was es-
tablished at the same level as the modern land sur-
face. Cohen went on to propose that the waters of
the Pleistocene Konya lake had receded only a short
time before the establishment of ~atalhoyiik, and
that, following rapid alluviation at the start of the
Holocene, the early Neolithic farmers exploited newly-
available soil and water resources - a kind of geo-
logical opportunism. The site of ~atalhoyiik certainly
lies on the former lake bed, and a prominent east-
west sand ridge (a beach spit of the palaeo-lake) is
found about 6 km south of the mound (Fig. 2.1).
Subsequent 14C dating of mollusc shells from
this ridge and from other shoreline deposits (Roberts
1983) has indicated that the main fall in lake levels
occurred well before the end of the Pleistocene, prob-
ably c. 17,000-16,000 14C yr bp (c. 19,000-18,000 Cal.
BP). The site of ~atalhoyiik is therefore likely to have
been free of permanent water through most of the
deglacial climatic transition period, although it may
have lain at the southern edge of an extensive marsh
or shallow lake which was centred around Yarma
during the terminal Pleistocene; (one of the 'second-
ary depressions' (Roberts 1983)). One of the authors
(NR) also undertook a brief assessment of alluviation
at ~atalhoyiik in 1978, with a series of three hand-
augered cores (Roberts 1982), in an attempt to re-
solve the differing views of Mellaart and Cohen.
This showed clearly that the site had been buried by
post-occupation alluvium; but a proper assessment
of the depth of burial and reconstruction of the early
Holocene landscape was not possible at that time
without re-excavation of ~atalhoyiik.
However, the lithostratigraphic sequence from
another of the fans in the Konya plain, that at Ibrala
near Karaman, was investigated in association with
20
geo-archaeological work at the aceramic Neolithic
site of Can Hasan III (Roberts 1991). This provided
evidence of changing late Quaternary sedimentary
regimes on the fan, tied to an archaeological chro-
nology. The mound of Can Hasan III was excavated
in 1969-70 by the British Institute of Archaeology at
Ankara (French et al. 1972). Today it stands only 2.5 m
above the general fan surface, but excavation uncov-
ered a greater depth of archaeological deposits bur-
ied by Holocene alluvium. Excavation revealed 4 m
of cultural deposit, and archaeological levels below
this were sampled by a Dachnowsky corer at the
time of excavation. A subsequent programme of hand
augering across the fan indicated that the Holocene
alluvium is fine-grained and moderately sorted, and
is underlain by a coarse-grained and/ or poorly sorted
lower alluvium of late Pleistocene age. On the distal
part of the fan the two alluvial units are separated by
a wedge of lacustrine marl and silty sand of prob-
able deltaic origin. There was thus a sharp contrast
between the alluvial regime of the Ibrala fan during
the Holocene and in the late Pleistocene, which ap-
peared to be related to major climate changes at the
end of the last glaciation.
In summary, Cohen's (1970) proposal that the
shrinkage of Pleistocene Lake Konya led to latent
agriculturalists exploiting newly available soil and
water resources, has not been supported by subse-
quent work. Data do suggest, however, that impor-
tant environmental changes occurred in south central
Anatolia prior to the Neolithic occupation. For ex-
ample, an important shift in alluvial fan sedimenta-
tion occurred prior to the appearance of the Neolithic
site of Can Hasan III (Roberts 1991). On the other
hand, the Can Hasan study did not have high chrono-
logical resolution, and it would be premature to as-
sume the results from there would apply elsewhere
in the Konya plain.
The current field research programme at
~atalhoyiik has been framed in the context of a
number of objectives:
• detailed measurement of the true depth of post-
occupation alluvium and of cultural deposits at
~atalhoyiik, which should be a logical precur-
sor to new archaeological excavation;
• evaluation of the relationship between site
stratigraphy and associated mound formation
processes, including post-occupation erosion,
flooding and alluviation;
• assessment of the soil and water resource base
available to the Neolithic population. Is the mod-
ern distribution of soil types (de Meester 1970),
for example, a reasonable guide to those in the
 IZ
">f11fiQL(J VJV:) jo UOLJ VJO ] puu ' UIVJd uliuo)[ WJJ5Jm Jlfl jo 5JU3ut! PCJ5 fiJVLUCJJVI1Q CJJV1 TZ am~!::l
SJl1Al~lU! WQQp l\1 SlllOlUO;)
Sl1Al1Jd pu11
pu11s Jll1W ~}[11'1
s~qsnw 'S~)[\1'1
j:..:::::. :j t:: j
0
lWI Sl 0
'{L--..r-~ - ----.....-----·
dl!W JO lr.llV D
~
.
{__ 11Jll:l(UV •
suoq e~ q saA UJ reJ~~oroae q ::)Jeoa~
 Neil Roberts, Peter Boyer & Romola Parish
past (cf. French 1970)? Did <;atalhoyiik lie on the
<;an]amba alluvial fan at all, or was it located on
the marl plain? Where was the river located at
that time?;
• investigation of the impact of geomorphological
change on the development of Neolithic agri-
culture. Did hydro-geomorphological changes
at around the time of the Pleistocene-Holocene
transition lead to the creation of alluvial soils
suitable for agriculture, and was this associated
with a switch in archaeological site locations
from the margins of the plain to the alluvial
fans?;
• assistance in understanding the functioning of
<;atalhoyiik's economy, including agricultural
processes such as irrigation and manuring, and
the sourcing of raw materials for ceramic and
mud brick manufacture.
While in no sense arguing for environmental
determination, testing of these ideas will indicate if
newly available environmental resources were a nec-
essary pre-condition for the successful adoption of
farming as a mode of production in south central
Turkey.
Methods
Field
Sediments of lacustrine, alluvial and archaeological
origin were studied and sampled mainly by coring,
although some deposits (palaeochannel, Pleistocene
lake shorelines) were exposed as sections in quarries
and dry irrigation ditches; (pumping has caused a
dramatic lowering of the water table in the Konya
plain since the mid-1980s). Coring mainly employed
an Eijkelkamp corer and Cobra motor, with exchange-
able sampling heads 100 em in length but of varying
diameters. Sediments from open gouge heads were
sub-sampled in the field into plastic bags; those from
lined sampling heads were either extruded into
clingfilm inside downpipe cut lengthways or left in
the core liner to be opened in the UK. Sediment cores
taken with this system retained good stratigraphic
integrity as indicated by features such as horizontal
layering, and involved minimal sample contamina-
tion. During the 1993 reconnaisance season, two ex-
ploratory cores were taken with a hand auger and a
25 em-long 'Dutch' sampling head. While providing
a useful initial guide, this coring system does not
provide reliable stratigraphic detail, and the two ex-
ploratory cores have therefore been replicated in sub-
sequent field seasons. The results of the 1993 cores
will only be referred to briefly in this report.
22
Core extrusion and sub-sampling, data logging,
sediment description and preliminary analyses were
undertaken in a field laboratory set up in <;umra.
These included scanning of wet preparation raw sedi-
ment slides under x100 and x400 magnification un-
der a transmitted light binocular microscope, and
measurement of whole core magnetic susceptibility
using a loop sensor and a Bartington MS2 meter
linked to a portable computer. Magnetic data were
imported into Excel spreadsheets. After fieldwork,
sediment samples were stored in core boxes and
returned to the UK for laboratory analysis.
In 1995, topographic data were obtained by sur-
veying using a high precision Leica system 200 GPS
(Global Positioning System) and associated SKI and
LISCAD software, operated by Dr David Twigg. This
proved highly successful in providing horizontal and
vertical data over a range of 10 x 20 km, with a
precision of +I- 1 em. In the 1993 and 1994 field
seasons, topographic data were derived from the
main <;atalhoyiik Total Station survey carried out by
Tom Pollard.
Laboratory
Four analytical measures are used here to character-
ize sediments, namely organic matter and carbonate
content, magnetic susceptibility and particle size dis-
tribution. Fluctuations in these parameters reflect
changing sediment source, transport and depositional
characteristics. Organic matter content, for example,
is typically high in sediments deposited in anaerobic
standing water, while in terrestrial sediments high
concentrations may reflect organic matter accumula-
tion during soil formation processes (Stein 1984;
1992). Authigenic lake carbonates are associated with
calcareous organisms such as ostracods, or precipi-
tation out of solution. Organic matter and carbonate
content of the sediment samples were calculated us-
ing the loss on ignition technique, at 550°C for two
hours and 950°C for one hour respectively, as out-
lined by Dean (1974). Assuming that the carbonate
in each sample was purely calcium carbonate, the
calcium carbonate equivalent can be calculated by
dividing the C02 content by 0.44 (the fraction of C02
in CaC03) (Stein 1984). When adjusted, the CaC03
(equiv.) figures for alluvial sediments at <;atalhoyiik
are very similar to those reported by Roberts (1982)
who used a gas-volumetric method for measurement.
Magnetic susceptibility is a measure of the re-
action to an induced magnetic source (Dearing 1994)
and can be used to differentiate between deposits
and provide some indication of their mineral com-
position, and thus source. When measuring using a
 Geoarchaeological Investigations
magnetic susceptibility meter, a figure is given which
is a measure of the ratio between the magnetization
produced in a sample and the magnetic field im-
parted. This is termed the volume magnetic suscep-
tibility, represented by the Greek letter K, and is
measured on a scale of J0-5• To allow for different
densities between samples, a measure of mass spe-
cific magnetic susceptibility (c) may be made where
the mass and volume of the sample are known:
x=K+p
where p = bulk density of sample (kg m-3 ).
This provides a more accurate figure, particularly
useful in determining subtle trends within groups of
readings. For this reason this was the figure calcu-
lated in this work. Mass specific magnetic suscepti-
bility is expressed in units of m 3 kg-1• A significant
value is one of 0.1 m 3 kg-1, because (with a few excep-
tions) samples with readings below this tend to be
dominated by low susceptibility paramagnetic min-
erals such as carbonates and silicates, whereas sam-
ples with readings above this are dominated by much
higher susceptibility ferrimagnetic iron minerals
(Dearing 1994). This value is shown on Figures 2.3-2.6.
The data presented here are based on single
samples, not on whole core measurements. Samples
were prepared by oven drying at 35°C for a mini-
mum of 72 hours, and were crushed using a pestle
and mortar into a fine powder, or until all of the
particles were disaggregated. Measurements were
made using a Bartington Instruments MS2 magnetic
susceptibility meter with a low frequency sensor.
Repeat readings were taken on a high resolution 0.1
K interval scale on weighed and filled 10 ml plastic
sample pots. This allowed the calculation of mean
magnetic susceptibility taking account of background
interference.
Particle size analysis utilized the same samples
prepared for magnetic susceptibility work, although
because of the time taken for fine particle size analy-
sis, only selected sediments were analyzed. This
involved initially dry sieving the dried and dis-
aggregated samples through a series of sieves of
mesh sizes, 8 mm, 4 mm, 2 mm, 1 mm, 500 j..tm and
250 j..tm. The residue held in each sieve was then
weighed and the proportion of material greater than
250 j..tm calculated. The fine sediment passing through
the 250 j..tm sieve was analyzed using a Micromeritics
Sedigraph. Samples were measured down to parti-
cle sizes of between 2 and 0.2 j..tm, according to the
nature of the material. The results from the sedigraph
were combined with the manually sieved data to pro-
duce a full particle size distribution for each sample.
A number of sub-samples were taken to test for
23
the presence of pollen and diatoms, predominantly
from marl deposits but also from fragments of
ceramics, mud brick and some other sediments. As-
semblages from the marl could provide environmen-
tal data for the period of deposition, and assemblages
from ceramics could be used to source clays utilized
(Battarbee 1988).
Radiometric dating
Good chronological control is obviously a pre-requi-
site for accurate correlation between on- and off-site
stratigraphic sequences. It was known from previ-
ous investigations (Roberts 1982) that most alluvial
deposits at <::atalhoyiik contained sparse (or derived)
organic matter, and that radiocarbon dating was
therefore unlikely to be always applicable. Conse-
quently a programme of luminescence dating has
been been built into the research programme, and is
being carried out by one of the authors (RP) at the
University of Sussex Dating Laboratory. The OSL
(Optically Stimulated Luminescence) dates reported
here derive from samples obtained during the 1994
field season. A number of further samples from 1995
are currently in the process of luminescence and
radiocarbon dating, and the chronology outlined here
should be regarded as tentative and provisional.
Luminescence dating is a technique proven for
inorganic sediments up to 200 ka (Aitken 1994). The
technique is based on the measurement of trapped
charge held in defects of quartz and feldspar crys-
tals. Exposure of the crystals to light or heat detraps
some of the charge which recombines with 'holes'
with the emission of light (luminescence). This emp-
tying of the crystals is known as the 'zeroing event'.
After burial, the crystals accumulate trapped charge
with time; the charge is emitted as a product of the
decay of naturally occurring radioisotopes of U, Th
and K. The event that is dated is the last exposure to
sunlight (or heating) of the crystals. The age limit of
the dating technique is determined by the saturation
of the crystals with trapped charge. The age is deter-
mined by the Equivalent Dose (ED) I Annual Dose
Rate. The former is determined by laboratory meas-
urement and represents the radiation dose adminis-
tered by an artificial source which gives rise to a
signal of equivalent intensity to that measured for
the 'natural' signal (i.e. that emitted from the sample
when it is first measured). The latter was determined
by laboratory measurement of the U, Th and K con-
tent or the alpha, beta, gamma and cosmic activity of
the bulk sample.
As noted above, samples were taken in the field
in two different ways; namely, by coring and from
 Neil Roberts, Peter Boyer & Romola Parish

open sections. In the former case, an opaque plastic
liner (5 em diameter) was inserted into the sampling
head, from which a section was cut off in the labora-
tory. For open sections, short (15 em) lengths of
opaque plastic tubing were inserted into the sedi-
ment unit, removed and wrapped up in black plas-
tic. For both section and core samples, the end 3-4
em at each end of the sample tubes, which might
have been exposed to light during sampling, were
removed in the luminescence laboratory and used
for dosimetry measurements. The central part of each
sample was unexposed to light during sampling and
used for OSL measurements.
All samples, except CP6c, were fine-grained
preparations. Preparations were carried out in a dark
room lit by dimmed red lights. Samples were pro-
tected from any unnecessary or extended exposure
to this light source. The procedure followed entailed
deflocculation using Calgon, the removal of carbon-
ates using concentrated HCl and the removal of or-
ganic material using Hydrogen Peroxide. Samples
were then washed through a 43 !liD sieve with dis-
tilled water, retaining the fraction which passed
through the sieve. This was centrifuged as 2000 r.p.m.
for 5 minutes and the supernatant was decanted.
The sample was resuspended in distilled water, thor-
oughly mixed and centrifuged again. This proce-
dure was repeated 4-6 times to ensure the sample
was free from traces of the previous chemical treat-
ments. Finally, the sample was washed in IMS 2-3
times to remove traces of water, and dried. Each
sample was then re-suspended in acetone, and the
size fraction 2-11 11m was isolated by suspension in
6 cm3 acetone. The fraction kept was that
produced from the supernatant follow- Table 2.1. Luminescence dose rate determinations.
ing 2 minutes settling, and the sediment Site ref.
after 20 minutes settling. This fraction was
remove the outer layer affected by external alpha
dose, and then cleaned in HCl, distilled water and
acetone, dried, resieved and washed again. Alu-
minium discs were prepared of the quartz fraction
by adhesion using silicone spray.
The ED was determined by the additive dose
technique. Four discs were measured of the natural
signal, and four discs for each of 5 additive dose
points. Irradiation was by a manually-operated Sr90
source, delivering 14.3 Gy I min. Samples were meas-
ured in a Rise automated reader, using a preheat of
220°C for 5 minutes for each disc and normalization
by a 0.5 second exposure to the green light source.
The polymineralic fine grain samples, and the coarse
grain quartz fraction of CP6c, were measured using
30 seconds exposure to a green halogen lamp to stimu-
late the OSL signal. Detection was by a filtered photo-
multiplier tube with a combination of GG420 blue/
green filters for excitation and U340 for detection.
The dose rate (Table 2.1) was determined by
alpha counting and thick source beta counting to
determine the U and Th contents and the total beta
activity. The K% content was derived from the U
and Th ppm (Nambi & Aitken 1986). For all fine
grain samples, the estimated a-value used was
0.075±0.005. Water content was measured as a per-
centage of dry weight. For CP6c, the mean grain size
after etching was c. 200 !liD. The cosmic component
was calculated according to Prescott & Hutton (1988).
The OSL ages for eight sediment samples from
two series are listed in Table 2.2. The first series
relates to 'natural' sediments lying beneath
<;atalhoyiik, recovered from two cores taken through
Lab ref. U-ppm Th-ppm K% Cosmic Water% Total annual
(J.!Gy/a) dose (mGy/a)

diluted and used for preparing sample C:H94A(V)

C:H94A(VIII) CH2
CHI 3.91±0.67
3.37±0.62
9.52±2.31
12.24±2.12
2.67±0.64
3.37±0.59
138±14
94±9
20.6S
29.69
4.34±0.70
4.56±0.61
discs. Twenty-four aluminium discs, 1 em C:H940(VIII) CH3 3.9S±0.78 12.79±2.66 3.3S±0.74 94±9 16.32 S.37±0.84
C:H94D(IX) CH4 3.5S±0.7S 14.06±2.S7 3.87±0.70 73±7 22.5 S.53±0.77
diameter, were cleaned for each sample
PCI, unit 4 CP4 3.22±0.S3 9.S6±1.8S 2.66±0.49 20S±21 16.71 4.3S±O.SS
and placed in flat-bottomed glass vials. 1 PCI, unitS CPS 3.04±0.SS 9.62±1.90 2.67±0.S3 20S±21 8.27 4.69±0.66
ml of fine grained suspension was added PCI, unit 6a
PCI, unit 6c
CP6a
CP6c
1.04±0.82
4.98±0.89
21.8S±2.81
1.48±0.2S
S.77±0.7
0.64±0.11
20S±21
20S±21
18.13
3.96
6.2S±0.7S
1.94±0.29
to each vial and evaporated off in a cool
oven.
Sample CP6c, being coarse-grained, Table 2.2. Luminescence age determinations.
was first cleaned of carbonates and or- Site ref. Lab ref. ED(Gy) age± (years) Random Systematic %error
ganics as before. The sample was dried error error

and sieved, retaining the 180-2251-lm size C:H94A(V)

C:H94A(VIII)
CHI
CH2
38.S8±4.01 8886±1664
S0.76±10.54 11136±2219
17.89
21.92
S.54
S.56
18.73
22.62
fraction. This fraction was cleaned, and C:H94D(VIII) CH3 47.90±11.3 8910±220S 2S.24 S.57 2S.SS
C:H94D(IX) CH4 4S.S1±4.39 8233±1370 IS.68 s.ss 16.64
separated using heavy liquids (sodium
PCI,unit4 CP4 19.78±2.S6 4S4S±80S 16.83 S.SI 17.71
polytungstate, s.g. 2.62 g/ cm 3 ) and PCI, unitS CPS 31.04±6.73 6613±1S66 23.04 s.so 23.69
cleaned again. The quartz fraction was PCI, unit 6a
PCI, unit 6c
CP6a
CP6c
17.9S±2.S8
12.89±1.42
2872±472
6629±1109
IS.67
IS.82
4.98
S.4S
16.44
16.73
etched in 40 per cent HF for 40 minutes to

24
 Geoarchaeological Investigations
the mound. The second series derives from the fill of
a former channel of the C::ar~amba river, exposed in
an irrigation ditch section south of C::atalhoyiik. The
context and significance of these dates will be dis-
cussed below. It should be noted that luminescence
ages are directly comparable with calender years,
and that comparison with radiocarbon dates requires
calibration of the latter. The error function for lumi-
nescence dating is calculated on a percentage basis
(in these samples between 15 and 25%).
Lithostratigraphy
Coring was undertaken at six sites on, or adjacent to,
the main (east) mound at C::atalhoyiik. In 1994, this
involved four locations on a north-south transect on
the east mound; in 1995 a further two sites were
cored, both of them lying between the east and west
mounds (Fig. 2.2). Core stratigraphies may be sum-
marized as follows:
C::H94-A: (701 em long; see Fig. 2.3) Taken near
the base of one of Mellaart' s trenches, this confirmed
a hand-augered core sequence undertaken in 1993
<C::HE.93-1), but with proper stratigraphic control and
sediment sampling. The core commenced 15.2 m be-
low site datum and encountered 454 em of in situ
Neolithic deposits, underlain by 98 em of 'natural'
alluvial clay and 141 em of lake marl, pale grey-
yellow in colour, separated by c. 8 em layer of very
dark grey organic clay. OSL ages have been obtained
for both the alluvial clay and the upper part of the
marl from this core (Table 2.2).
C::H.94-B: (350 em long; see Fig. 2.4) This core
was taken at the northwestern edge of the main
mound, in the area of the new dig house. No cultural
material was encountered (either derived or in situ),
the sediments comprising brown silty clay (0-127
em) and heavy 'backswamp' clay (127-286 em) over
lake marl (268->350 em).
C::H94-C: (583 em long; see Fig. 2.5) Immedi-
ately north of the present bekc;i's house, this core did
not encounter any apparently in situ Neolithic de-
posits, although the top 200 em included late (?Byz-
antine) cultural material. Beneath this were grey to
brown silts and clays of alluvial/ colluvial origin,
mixed with derived cultural material (notably char-
coal), and with silty marl below 529 em. The basal
part of the day-silt contained a well-preserved dia-
tom flora.
C::H.94-D: (733 em long; see Fig. 2.6) Further
upslope and c. 2m higher than core 94-C, the core at
this location encountered apparently in situ Neolithic
deposits. Between 475-500 em was a layer of lake
marl including charcoal, apparently used as fill
25
beneath the building layers. Beneath 561 em cultural
deposits were followed by grey-brown alluvial silt-
clay, overlying a dark organic clay (<680-687 em)
and in situ lake marl (690->733 em). Two OSL dates
have been obtained for the alluvial silt-day from this
core (Table 2.2).
C::H.95-E: (645 em long; see Fig. 2.7) Taken off
the southwestern side of the east mound, this re-
peated a hand-augered core sequence undertaken in
1993 (C::HE.93-2), but with proper stratigraphic con-
trol and sediment sampling. The core recovered 241
em of alluvial silt-day, alternating with bands of
fluvial sand between 137 and 241 em, over cultural
fill, at least some of which appeared to be in situ
(241-318 em). Below this lay alternating fluvial
sands/ gravels and silts/ clays (318-610 em), and an
olive-grey marly silt (610-640 em).
C::H.95-F (700 em long; see Fig. 2.8) and parallel
core C::H.95-G (540 em) These cores were taken be-
tween C::atalhoyiik east and west, and C::H.95-F com-
prised 189 em of brown alluvial silt over fluvial
sands/ gravels with some silt layers and occasional
blackened bone and shell (189-295 em). Beneath this
was very dark grey or black, soft organic silt, with
occasional sand and gravel, pottery and animal bone
(295-400 em), and very dark grey day-silt with abun-
dant cultural material including potsherds, locally
sandy (400-535 em), and finally olive grey clay or
silty lake marl (535-700 em). The cultural material
was not in situ.
In addition to these cores, examination of irri-
gation channel sections in the immediate vicinity led
to the discovery of a number of informative sections,
including several buried channel-like features cut
into the underlying lake marl. In 1994 a large, buried
palaeochannel of the C::ar~amba river was found c.
500 m south of C::atalhOyiik (PCI). This section was
cleaned, surveyed, recorded and the sediments sam-
pled. Further samples from this palaeochannel were
collected in 1995, and a second feature west of PCI in
the same irrigation ditch was also cleaned, sampled
and recorded (PCII). Other features were visible east
and north of C::atalhOyiik, including a sand and gravel
filled 'channel' containing pottery (Stephen Holmes,
pers. comm.). They will be studied further in future
field seasons.
The former river channel PCI was 42.5 m wide
at the top of the marl horizon, and was filled with
fine- to medium-grained clastic sediments; organics
were notably absent although they may have been
lost through oxidation. The palaeochannel deposits
are represented by Units 4 to 6 (below). In order
from the base up, the following lithostratigraphic
 IN

z
~
:;::::1
0
o"
(\)
::;.
,Cfl
>-;;
(\)

ro-
....
t-J 95 .F/G OJ
0\ 0
• '<
(\)
....
~
:;::::1
0
3
0
5l
>-;;
til
:::!.
(fl
::>"

Figure 2.2. Plan of c;atalhoyiik with core sites.

 Geoarchaeological Investiga tions

1005 0
3 -1
~: ............. OJ Jliil kg
L •L •&. •L

.............:'-
..................
.............. ~.

1004 1
...........
... 2

1003 2

....... . ..
...........
6"' 1002 ...........
...
......... r-.. 3
CIS ...
..........
...
6
'-"
..c
6 ....
0..
'-" Q)
s:: 0
0
....CIS ~

- > 0
Q)
1001 u 4
Cultural

-,-
~
Deposits
...... .
~
5 Alluvium
1000 L., L., L• L
'-., '-., L., L
L., L., L• L
................. _j_
Marl
0
--- 6
999
G ---
---·
---·
998 7 I
I I I I
0 5 10 20 40 60 0 0.3 0.6 0.9
% % xtf
Organic CaC0 3
Matter Equivalent ( JlrJ kg" I)
Content

Wctay
ts::::J
millsitt
~
I::) Marl 1:::::1 Charcoal Organic Clay

I Plaster 0 Olive
2 Redeposited Marl G Grey

Figure 2.3. Core (H.94-A: lithology and measured parameters.

27
 Neil Roberts, Peter Boyer & Romola Parish

1003.5
0
........
........
1003 ........
....... 0.5

·-..:-..:-..:. ..
•L.•L•L.•L.
•L.•L•L.•
•L. "L "L "L.
•L •&.•L.•
1002.5 0.1 ,.ur? kg-1
...........
... 1.0

-
vi
1002
. .... ....... ...
.. ....
.... .. .. ,-._
6 I.
....... ....
L L. L a
~
. ....... . 1.5
L L L L. '-"
..c::
6
'-"
. ......
L. L. L. L.
L L. L. L
;.J
0..
0)
c .. ... .... ....
L
L
L. L. L.
L. L. L. a
.s L. L L. L.
~
;.J
<:':l
;> 1001.5
L. L
......
L. L
0

- u
L L L L
0)

~
.. .... ....
... ... L. L.
L. L L. L.
L. L L. L
2.0
.......
L L L L
L L
.... L. L.

... .... ..... ......

L. L L. L

L. L L. L.
L. L. ... L.
1001 ~~~~':~~&.
L. •L. •L. •L. ..
•&. •L. •a. •L
•&. •L "L"
2.5
•L. •L. •L •L.
L. "L"L •L. •
"L."L"L"L.
"L •L. •L •
•&. •&.. •L •L
..... •L. .......
•L. "L •L "L
•L. ..........
•L "L •L. •L. Alluvium
"L "L •t. •
1000.5
Marl
3.0

1000
3.5

999.5 I I I I
0 5 0 20 40 600 0.2 0.4 0.6
% % x1r
Organic CaC03 3 -1
Matter Equivalent (Jlm kg )
Content

Clay r::::::l silt

l:d t:: :I Marl

Figure 2.4. Core (H.94-B: lithology and measured parameters.

28
 Geoarchaeological Investiga tions

.........
.........
...... ...
.........
.......
1004
... ... ..
.........
.........
......... 0.1 J.1ffi3 kg'
.........
.........
.........
.........
.........
.........
.........
.........
.........
...........
.........
......
......
.........
-.

......... ~~.

...... ...... ......

.........
1003 .........
.........
.........
.........
..... ... +
.........
.. ~ .. !'" ~ 2

~
1002
6"'
«i
6
...... 3
......
~

c
0
~
>-
ClJ
......
u:i 1001

...... 4
. ~· ~· ~

..
·~· ~· ~
~· ~· ~

..~· ~· ~
~· ~· ~
1000
..
~· ~· ~
~· ~· ~

..
~· ~· ~
~· ~· ~

.. D
~· ~· ~
~· ~· ~ 5
.
~· ~· ~
~· ~· ~
Cultural Deposits
--- ---
Silty+Marl
999

I I I I I I I
0 2 4 60 10 20 30 0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8
% % x1f
Organic CaC03
Matter Equivalent ( J.lm3 kg·')
Content

Figure 2.5. Core (:H.94-C: lithology and measured parameters.

29
 Neil Roberts, Peter Boyer & Romola Parish

1007

... ... ... .

1006
r r r

... ... ... ...

r r r
r r r
r r r

.. .. .. ..
r r r
r r r
1005
... ... ... ...
r r r
r r r
r r r
. ~. ~. ~.
2
.. .. .. ..
r
r
r
r
r
r
1004 .. .. .. ..
r
r
r
r
r
r
.. .. .. ..
r
r
r
r
r
r
.... r
r
r
r
r
r
3
.. .. .. ..
r
r
r
r
r
r
....
0
1003 r r r
8"' ... ... ... ... 8......,
r r r
r r r
i r r r
g r r r
-5
v0..
4
r:: : "'! "'! --: 0
.~ : '-: "': "'!
~ : L: L: L.: ...v
0
;..
v 1002 : L: L: L: u
Ul : L: L: L:
:L:L:L:

:L.:L:L: 5
:L:L.:a.:
: L: L: L: Cultural
: "'! "'! "'!
1001
-~r~
: "'! "': ""!
................
L
.. .. ..
L L

... ... ... ...

L L L
L L L 6
L L L
Alluvium
.. .. .. ..
L L L
L L L

-•-t
1000 L L L

B-
Marl
7

999 ~~~~1~1~1~1-+1~1 ~~~1--~~1--~1

0 2 4 6 8 10 0 20 40 60 0 0.1 0.3 0.5 0.7
% % xtr
Organic CaCD.J 3 1
Matter Equivalent ( j..Ull kg" )
Content

Clay Silt f~~3 Marl []charcoal Plaster Organic Clay

c Coarse Marl
Figure 2.6. Core <:;H.94- D: lithology and measu red parameters.
30
 Geoarchaeological Investigations

1004

0.1 ~ 3 kg -l
0 I

1003
....
..
1

1002

2
......._
,....; Alluvium
<ll
1001
8 t
cd Cultural
8
'-" ......._
Deposits
c::
0
•.jj
8 3 !
CIS ..c::
....
> 1000 Alluvium
0
......
~ 8:
4

999

998

6
Marl
997 +
0 0.4 0.8 1.2
%Organic xtr
Matter (Jl.Il13 kg -1)

Clay Marl

Figure 2.7. Core (H.95-E: lithology and measured parameters .

31
 Neil Roberts, Peter Boyer & Romola Parish

997

996 I I I I I I I I t-1.L.....-.-+-----lll-------41
0 10 20 30 0 10 20 30 0 0.4 0.8 1.2
%Organic % CaC03 X If
Matter Equivalent (1J.m3 kg-1)

~~~~I Marl
Figure 2.8. Core C:H.94-F: lithology and measured parameters.

32
 Geoarchaeological Investigations
units were recorded (Figs. 2.7 & 2.8):
PCI
(Pre-palaeochannel)
Unit 1: Light olive-grey (SY 6/2) lake marl (maxi-
mum thickness>150 em)
Unit 2: Dark (2.5Y N3/) organic clay (max. 20 em)
Unit 3: Heavy, dark greyish brown (2.5Y 3/2)
'backswamp' clay (max. 160 em); ['lower al-
luvium']
(Channel fill)
Unit 4: Dark greyish brown (2.5Y 4/2) clay with
manganese staining (max. 30 em)
Unit 5: Matrix-supported gravel, mean particle size
8-32 mm, sub-angular to sub-rounded, lo-
cally part-cemented (max. 30 em)
Unit 6: Fluviatile silts, sands and gravels, coarsen-
ing from west to east (max. 220 em)
Sub-unit 6a: Red-brown (10 YR 4/3) well-sorted
silts
Sub-unit 6b: Buff (10 YR 4/ 4) well-sorted quartz-
rich silts
Sub-unit 6c: Grey to orange, medium to coarse,
moderately to well-sorted fluviatile
sands containing large freshwater
bivalve shells
Sub-unit 6d: Fluviatile sandy gravels
(Post-palaeochannel)
Unit 7: Brown (lOYR 5 /3) alluvial silt-day with man-
ganese staining (max. 230 em). This 'upper
alluvium' caps all the underlying units.
Little cultural material was found in these deposits
(one piece of fired pottery in Unit 6). Four sediment
samples from the fill of palaeochannel PCI have so
far been OSL dated (Table 2.2).
The second channel-like feature (PCII) was 89 m
wide at the top of the marl; it did not have a fill of
coarse-grained clastics (e.g. sands), but was infilled
largely with the lower alluvial clay. The contact sur-
face with the underlying marl was also irregular
rather than sharp, and potsherds and bone were
found near the base of the channel fill. A section
cleaned in the centre of the channel revealed the
following stratigraphic sequence, with the part be-
low 404 em being recovered by augering through
the base of the ditch. (Note that the numbered units
for PCI and PCII do not correspond.)
PCII
0-22 em: Topsoil
22-186 em: Brown alluvial silt-day ['upper allu-
vium'; unit 2]
33
186-384 em: Dark greyish brown (2.5Y 4/2-3/2 to
SY 4/2) clay ['lower alluvium'; unit 3]
384-444 em: Olive grey to greyish brown (SY 5/2
to 2.5Y 4.2) clay, with occasional gravel
[unit 4]
444-519 em: Dark greyish brown (2.5Y 4/2) sand,
locally silty, with some gravel [unit 5]
519->550 em: Olive grey to dark greyish brown (SY
4/2-3/2 to 2.5Y 4.2) stiff clay with
shell fragments and calcareous nod-
ules [unit 6].
The main lake marl, which was visible at the channel
margins, was thus not recorded in this central pro-
file, either because it had been truncated completely
by the channel or (more likely) because the base of
the channel fill was not reached. The potsherds from
the basal part of the 'lower alluvium' were identified
as water-abraded early Chalcolithic (J. Last pers.
comm.). The animal bone sampled from the same
level comprised 1 medium herbivore sized long-bone
shaft fragment, 1 Bos proximal radius fragment
(fused, with evidence of carnivore gnawing), and 1
large (?Bos, ?Cervus) radius/ulna shaft fragment (L.
Martin pers. comm.).
Sediment analysis and palaeoenvironmental
interpretation
Using a range of indicators, including colour, tex-
ture, organic matter and carbonate content, and mag-
netic susceptibility, it is possible to identify and
characterize a number of principal sediment types,
shown in Table 2.3. Preliminary particle size analy-
ses have been completed on some of the 1993 and
1994 samples, and downcore gravel-sand-silt-day
ratios are illustrated in Figure 2.11. It is clear that the
finer (clay and silt size) sediments are dominant,
with the clay content often approaching 50 per cent,
except in lotic (moving-water) fluvial deposits, such
as in core <;HE.93-2. This preliminary core was taken
between the mounds and shows a sequence of coarser
and finer fluvial sediments.
Most of these sediment types also represent
lithostratigraphic units. The oldest of them, the lake
marl, is fine-grained and carbonate-rich (40-60 per
cent at most sites); authigenic CaC03 having been
precipitated out of lake waters and deposited on the
lake bed. Cores <;H.94-C and <;H.95-E and F show
lower carbonate values (25-40 per cent). The marl
analyzed for mass specific magnetic susceptibility
produced readings systematically below the 0.1J.Lm3
kg-1 level, suggesting a dominance of paramagnetic
 Neil Roberts, Peter Boyer & Romola Parish

Horizontal Distance (m)

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70

1006
781.81Et
472.26N
1005

~
1004
</i
E 1003
::: ::::::: ::: :::::::: ::::::::::: .7.:::::::::::::::::::::::::::::
~
g
c
0
".::l 1002
«l
>
0)

iii
1001

1000

999

I; ;~Gravel []sand D Silt Nclay

u D
Upper
Alluvial
Clay
~==~Marl II Organic
Clay
Bivalve
[ ] Mollusc
Shells
(See text for details of lithological units )

Figure 2.9. (ar~amba palaeochannel PCI: recorded stratigraphy (1994), north-facing section. (Note exaggerated
vertical scale.)

6c

6b
I
~
·c;;
8.
6a ~
Q3
c
c
6d "'
..c:
u
8
~

·a 5 "'
<a
p..,
:::>

3
t
2b

2a

0 2 4 6 8 10 12 0 10 20 30 40 50 0 0.4 0.8 1.2 1.6

% Organic Matter Content % CaC0 Equivalent Mass Specific Magnetic Susceptibility
3
(~1m 3 kg- 1)
Figure 2.10. (ar~amba palaeochannel PCJ: measured parameters for each stratigraphic unit.
34
 Geoarchaeological Investigations
minerals in the deposits, presumably with some
diamagnetics as well. This correlates well with the
high carbonate readings, as calcium carbonate is
weakly diamagnetic with a mass specific magnetic
susceptibility (X) of -0.0048 J..lm3 kg-1 (Dearing 1994).
A number of paramagnetic silicates (0.01-0.95 J..lm3
kg- 1) may also have been present, as well as dolo-
mite (CaMg(C03 ) 2) <x = 0.011 J..lm3 kg-1). A marl sam-
ple from core <;H.94-A has given an OSL age of
11,136±2219 years. This is significantly younger than
14C ages for the last main high lake phase (17,000-
23,000 14C yr BP) on Dreissena shells from shoreline
facies. This discrepancy may be explained by sub-
aerial reworking of the upper part of the marl dur-
ing and after lake regression. Reworking, which has
been previously suggested by de Meester (1971) on
the basis of fossil wormcast evidence in the upper
metre of the marl, would 're-bleach' sediments and
result in younger luminescence ages.
The next youngest stratigaphic unit is the dark
organic clay, up to 30 em in thickness, which is found
in the palaeochannel sections and two of the cores
from the east mound. Its absence in other sections/
cores is explained by its subsequent removal due to
river incison or other erosion. This clay is probably a
marsh or shallow lake deposit. A lentic (standing
water) depositional origin is supported by its high
clay and low sand content, particularly from the PCI
palaeochannel section sediments, and even compared
with the underlying marl. A dark-coloured, organic
'marsh marl' is described by de Meester (1971) from
the Yarma and Hotam1~ depressions, respectively
north and east of <;atalhoyiik. This 'marsh marl' was
formed due to a short-lived re-advance of lake wa-
ters and has been dated to 12,000-11,000 14C yr BP
from mollusc shells. Although the dark organic clay
at <;atalhoyiik does not contain aquatic mollusc shells
and is not a marl (CaC03 equiv. values are <15 per
Table 2.3. Principal sediment types and typical ranges for measured parameters.
Sediment type Organic Matter % CaCO, (equiv.) %
Cultural fill, 4-8* 10--30*
in situ
Brown upper alluvial 3-5 18-30
silt-day
Fluvial silts, sands 1-5 5-25
and gravels
Dark grey-brown lower alluvial 3-7 10--20
'backswamp' silt-day
Dark organic clay 5-12 3-15
Pale olive-grey calcareous 2-5 25-60
lake marl
• highly variable stratigraphically
cent), it is possible that it represents a lateral equiva-
lent to the marsh marl, located towards the southern
periphery of the Yarma secondary depression. In the
PCI palaeochannel section an additional sub-unit (2b)
was recorded in the upper part of the dark organic
clay, and which had a mass specific magnetic sus-
ceptibility in excess of 1.6 J..lm3 kg-1• This may have
been a palaeosol developed on the underlying dark
organic clay unit. Topsoil, in particular, exhibits in-
creased magnetic susceptibility compared with
unweathered sediments (Oldfield 1983; Thompson
& Oldfield 1986).
Above the marl and organic clay, there was a
clear increase in x, indicative of a change to allu-
vium dominated by ferrimagnetic minerals from the
catchment. The lower alluvium is a heavy silt-day
which forms prismatic blocks with slickensides upon
drying, and which may correspond to the swelling,
smectite-rich Karkm soil series of Dreissen & de
Meester (1969). It is notably lacking a coarse fraction,
and can have organic matter values >5 per cent,
suggesting deposition in the 'backswamp' environ-
ment of flood basins. This alluvial unit, which off-
site is generally c. 150 em thick in the <;atalhoyiik
area, was observable in three of the east mound
cores~ In terms of sedimentary characteristics, it was
very similar here and in unit 3 of the palaeochannel
(PCI) section, a close correlation which can be seen
from Table 2.4. The lower alluvium has three OSL
ages from cores <;H.94-A and 0, where it is c. 100 em
in thickness and lies beneath in situ Neolithic cul-
tural strata. Three dates give consistent ages of
around 8000-9000±2000 calender years BP (Table 2.2).
Given that these samples must pre-date the Neolithic
layers at <;atalhoyiik, they indicate that alluvial depo-
sition began soon after the start of the Holocene (c.
11,000 Cal BP). It is uncertain when deposition of this
unit ceased, although this was not later than the
Magnetic Susceptibility (X) Clay% Silt% Sand + Gravel %
mlkg-t <2J.I 2-SOJ.I >SOJ.I
0.1-1.0• 5-60• 35-85• 2-13•
0.4-0.8 23-48 37-56 14-21
0.2-1.0 11-35 22-66 3-70
0.1-0.4 42-58 29-54 2-12
0.1-0.2 61-72 27-36 0-3
<0.1 37-56 41-56 0-7
35
 Neil Roberts, Peter Boyer & Romola Parish
Table 2.4. Lower alluvium characteristics.
Organic Carbonate Mass Spec. Colour
Content(%) Content(%) Mag.Sus. (X) Range
<;:H.94·B 4.90-5.48 13.52-19.36 0.21-0.38 2.5Y 3/2-10YR 3/2
<;:H.94-D 4.22-6.89 5.86-17.48 0.17-0.29 2.5Y 3/2-2.5Y 4/2
<;:H.94-A 3.92-5.24 10.66-23.18 0.15-0.27 2.5Y 4/2-2.5Y 6/2
PCl 7.04 17.16 0.25 2.5Y 3/2
mid-Holocene (see below). To judge from the pres-
ence of early Chalcolithic pottery in the lower part of
the fill of channel PCII, it is probable that deposition
continued during and after the human occupation at
both <;atalhoyiik east and west. Assuming channel
PCII to be of fluvial origin, then it may have been cut
and occupied by the <;ar~amba river contemporary
with the occupation at <;atalhoyiik. Its subsequent
infilling was certainly partly coeval with deposition
of the lower alluvium.
The fluvial sands and gravels represent rela-
tively high-energy environments within the river
channel itself. They therefore testify to the presence
in the past of one or more channels of the <;ar~mba
river running south of <;atalhoyiik and between the
east and west mounds. Palaeochannel PCI, which
separates the upper and lower alluvia, has three OSL
dates of mid-Holocene age (7000-4500 Cal BP) (a
fourth date of 2872 BP may be too young because of
re-bleaching). These, of course, correspond to the
age of abandonment of this river channel, and it may
have been hydrologically active prior to, as well as
during, this time period. On the other hand, the OSL
age of the (thin) basal layers (PCI units 4 and 5) is
not older than the substantive channel fill of me-
dium- to coarse-grained clastics (PCI unit 6), which
suggests that palaeochannel PCI is unlikely to have
been active much before the mid-Holocene, and was
therefore probably not contemporary with <;atal-
hoyiik. Some of the fluvial sands and gravels en-
countered between the two mounds presumably
represent the northward continuation of the same
mid-Holocene river channel, but others are likely to
be earlier in date and match the period of site occu-
pation. Further work is needed to verify this.
The upper alluvium caps all of the other non-
archaeological strata in the <;atalhoyiik area to a
depth of c. 150-250 em. It post-dates palaeochannel
PCI and by inference is late Holocene in age. The
clear contact between upper and lower alluvial units
suggests a break in continuity of deposition; that is,
there may have been a phase of stability during which
alluvial deposition presumably took place elsewhere
on the fan, away from the occupation area. Renewed
alluviation then buried the old land surface (which
we shall be examining in case of possible soil devel-
Texture opment). Compared to the lower alluvium, the up-
Clay-silt
per alluvium has a higher carbonate content, elevated
Silt-day magnetic susceptibility values and a significant coarse
Silt-day
Clay-silt fraction. This suggests a contrast in the catchment
source area between the early and late Holocene,
perhaps from the Bey~?ehir-Sugla basin, which has
overflowed into the <;ar~?amba river in the past
(Roberts 1983). The ultimate cause of this difference
in sedimentary regime is likely to be climatic and I or
anthropogenic; for example, related to enhanced top-
soil erosion following Bronze Age and later defor-
estation. Whatever the cause, the <;ar~mba alluvial
fan in the vicinity of <;atalhOyiik would have been
less waterlogged during recent millennia than it was
during the early Holocene.
Both in situ and reworked archaeological de-
posits were encountered. The former are character-
ized by very erratic curves in x, organic matter,
carbonate and grain-size, reflecting the wide range
of differing deposits and processes represented in
the archaeological record. Other cultural deposits,
not apparently in situ, had either been subsequently
reworked by mound erosion or were deposited into
active or abandoned river channels (e.g. the organic-
rich deposit recorded in core <;H.95-F, probably an
old channel used for refuse disposal). One particu-
larly unusual deposit was found in the lower part of
core <;H.94-C. Overlying the marl was a silty clay
containing a great deal of re-deposited cultural ma-
terial and a rich diatom assemblage. This was domi-
nated by Nitzschia frustulum and N. liebetruthii but
also with smaller numbers of Amphora coffeaeformis,
A. veneta and N. palea/N.capitellata and occasional N.
aff halophila (C. Sayer pers. comm.). Most of these
diatoms are eutrophic or halophytic species and sug-
gests standing water which was inundated by or-
ganic waste and subject to high evaporation. A
number of opaline phytoliths were also observed.
This core lay towards the base of a gully emanating
from near the top of the east mound (Fig. 2.2), down
which drainage runoff and waste may have been
transported. No alluvium was present in core C,
presumably because this and the top of the marl had
been deliberately removed, for example, as a result
of digging for marl as a raw material for ceramic
production or mud bricks. This resulted in the for-
mation of a hollow which became filled with water;
indeed, it is therefore feasible that a small pond or
depression for liquid outfall existed at the north-
west of the east mound. Alternatively there may
have been a ditch around the site.
36
 Geoarchaeological Investigations
Core correlation and discussion
One important point of correlation which can be
made between each of the cores and palaeochannel
sections is the olive grey to white lake marl at the
base of each sequence. The elevation of the top of the
marl horizon, however, varies by over 3m at differ-
ent sites (Fig. 2.12). In several cases (i.e. CH.94-C,
CH.95-E and F, and palaeochannels PCI and PCII)
this was clearly because the marl had been cut into
by later river erosion or by digging. Nonetheless,
this still leaves a discrepancy of about 1 m between
the height of the top of the marl at sites on and off
the east mound. This might be explained by the marl
surface not being sub-horizontal, and observation of
the top of the marl in ditch sections shows that this
surface is - perhaps surprisingly - often rather
irregular. The height discrepancy, however, also ap-
plies to the overlying dark organic clay layer. If this
is, as suggested, a marsh deposit, it is more difficult
to explain in terms of erosion of the pre-Holocene
surface. An alternative is that the weight of cultural
deposit has caused compression loading below the
mound, and has depressed the underlying sediment
layers by a metre or more. If so, this would compli-
cate calculations of the depth of alluvial burial at the
site and the thickness of cultural deposit to be exca-
vated. Away from the site itself, the contact between
upper and lower alluvial units provides another im-
portant stratigraphic marker, of mid-Holocene date.
Observations elsewhere indicate that these two allu-
vial units are widespread over the outer part of the
<::ar~amba fan.
The sediment sequences at and around <::atal-
hoyiik help to determine the extent and thickness of
the Neolithic levels on the southwest side of the east
mound. It appears that c. 4.5 m of cultural material
lie beneath the base of the deepest trench left by
Mellaart, prior to the present excavations (Fig. 2.3).
In his deep sounding at the end of his 1963 season,
Mellaart (1964) reported that he encountered house
levels down to 1002.42 m, below which was a brown
humus layer on top of a 30-cm-thick band of grey
clay, interpreted by him as a flood deposit. These
sediments were in turn underlain by a further 370
em 'lower fill' containing stone and bone artefacts,
plaster floors and collapsed mud brick. The bottom
of the archaeological deposits was apparently not
reached in this deep sounding (estimated basal el-
evation of 998.3 m). The lowest recorded cultural
deposits in the 1994 cores lie 2-3 m above the base of
Mellaart's deep sounding (Fig. 2.4). The discrepancy
between these two sequences might conceivably be
37
reconciled if Mellaart' s sounding had encountered a
ditch dug around the outside of the Neolithic settle-
ment. The current work has encountered a filled
depression to the northwest of the mound. This, how-
ever, was at the site edge and appeared to be filled
with redeposited cultural material, whereas Mellaart' s
sounding was below stratified in situ archaeological
deposits. The 1994 cores did not encounter the grey
clay band recorded by Mellaart, although lake marl
(which is often light grey in colour) was found within
cultural deposits at different elevations, presumably
used as a fill when dwellings or floors were rebuilt.
The height of the basal in situ Neolithic levels ap-
pears to vary across the mound, with the lowest
deposit recorded at 1000.26 masl in core CH.95-E,
beyond the present limit of the mound. The spatial
extent of the east mound beyond its visible limits
also appears to vary. On the northwest corner of the
site, in situ Neolithic levels are restricted to the mod-
ern hoyiik, whereas to the southwest they are found
outside it beneath the alluvium.
The new results confirm that <::atalhoyiik has
been partially buried by post-Neolithic alluvium, but
only by c. 3 m of river sediment, a smaller depth
than suggested by an earlier geoarchaeological re-
connaissance study (Roberts 1982). Alluvial burial is
complicated by the height discrepancy between units
on and off the mound (possibly linked to compres-
sion loading), so that although there has only been c.
3m of post-Neolithic alluviation at <::atalhOyiik, there
may be more than this of in situ archaeological de-
posits below the modern level of the Konya plain.
The 'natural' layers underneath <::atalhoyiik are of
alluvial origin, and indicate that the site was cer-
tainly located on the <::ar~mba fan as at present,
although the soils were heavier and wetter than those
which exist today. The existence of the river channel
deposits between the two mounds and of palaeo-
channels in nearby irrigation sections indicates that
a branch of the <::ar~mba river has flowed here dur-
ing much of the Holocene. So far, the only channel to
have been dated radiometrically (PCI) is of mid-
Holocene age, and therefore younger than the pe-
riod of occupation at <::atalhoyiik. On the other hand,
the presence of Neolithic-Chalcolithic cultural de-
bris in channel PCII and in fluvial sediments from
cores taken between the east and west mounds, of-
fers strong support to the idea that a distributary of
the <::ar~mba river also ran next to the site during
the early Holocene. Confirmation of the contempo-
raneity of these river deposits with the Neolithic
occupation at <::atalhoyiik requires further fieldwork
and radiometric dating. It is, however, likely that the
 Neil Roberts, Peter Boyer & Romola Parish

<:H 94 -A
1004

<:H94-D

1003
<:H 93-2
<:H 94- B

1002
<:H 94- C
v;
6
od
g 1001
c:
0
";:l

"'>
(!)

t:li
1000 0 50 100
%

999 0 50 100
0 50 100 %
% 0 50 100
%
998
0 50 100
Delay Silt Sand Gravel %

Figure 2.11. Particle size ratios for 1993 and 1994 cores.

1007

1006

1005
94-C

1004 /
94-B
1003
---:-
~

E
i c:
1002

-~ 1001
til
1000

999

998

997

996

F:'W Gravel
~ b\\l Sand 1::::::~ Silt ~Clay
~
[::3 Marl -Organic
IIIII
Clay ~ Cultural
In situ m Redeposited
Cultural
Deposits Deposits

Figure 2.12. (:ntalhdyiik: composite lithostratigraphy and correlation .

38
 Geoarchaeological Investigations
main mound at C::atalhoyiik was founded on the east-
ern bank of the C::ar~mba river, which appears to
have been cut into and built up to form terrace-like
features. It might be expected that the mound(s) of
C::atalhoyiik would have been established on raised
levee deposits adjacent to the river channel, as van
Andel & Runnels (1995) suggest similar locations for
Neolithic mounds or magoula in Greece. However,
the alluvium underlying <::atalhoyiik lacks a fine sand
component and is too clay-rich to be a true levee
deposit.
Conclusion
The sediment cores and samples obtained so far pro-
vide the basis for understanding the changing natu-
ral and cultural landscape around C::atalhoyiik since
the time of the last glaciation. The site was founded
on an alluvial plain, which had started to accumu-
late around the start of the Holocene on the bed of
the former Konya lake. It is likely that a branch of
the C::ar~mba river ran next to the site at the time of
site occupation, with heavy backswamp soils stretch-
ing away behind. On the basis of the modern river
flood regime, the backswamp areas would have been
covered by floodwaters during early spring and pos-
sibly also in winter. It is probable that alluvial depo-
sition continued during and after the human
occupation at C::atalhoyiik. There is also evidence of
off-site human activity. A nearby buried channel fea-
ture, now exposed in section (PCII), contains early
Chalcolithic pottery and animal bone, and other cul-
tural debris has been found in cores taken between
the east and west mounds. River channels, active or
abandoned, may therefore have been used for refuse
disposal. On the northwest corner of the main mound
there was an artificial pond or ditch used for wash-
ing or animal watering, probably created by excava-
tion of lake marl for building material, which
subsequently became infilled mainly by material
eroded off the mound. Given the very poor drainage
of the area at the time of occupation, building the
Neolithic settlement upwards (to form an artificial
mound) rather than outwards would have had obvi-
ous advantages. A sloping site, raised above the plain,
would have been less likely to suffer from river flood-
ing, and both rainwater and human waste would
have run off the site onto the surrounding land or
into drainage ditches.
In contrast to the suggestion of Cohen (1970)
the current land surface is not the same as that
exploited by the inhabitants of C::atalhoyiik during
39
the early Holocene, because the site has been buried
by 2-3 m of post-occupation alluvium. Most of this
comprises an upper alluvial silt-clay, which was de-
posited during the later part of the Holocene, when
the plain appears to have been somewhat less wet
than at the time of human occupation. Consequently,
there are certainly several metres of in situ archaeo-
logical layers lying below the general modern level
of the plain. Because of a height discrepancy be-
tween sedimentary units on and off the mound, pos-
sibly related to compression loading, cultural layers
are likely to continue deeper than would be pre-
dicted from burial by alluviation alone.
The geoarchaeological programme at C::atal-
hoyiik has also been planned as the central reference
site for analysis of alluvial stratigraphy on the
C::ar~mba alluvial fan as a whole, spanning the en-
tire Holocene period. A three-dimensional recon-
struction of the alluvial fan stratigraphy is in
progress using cores and sections taken at, or near
to, a number of the archaeological sites being sur-
veyed by Dr Douglas Baird and his team from Liver-
pool University (Chapter 3). The results of this will
be published elsewhere. Other planned future work
includes an analysis of the relationship between al-
luvial stratigraphy and site formation processes, and
identification of the buried Neolithic ground surface
along with evidence of manuring and other cultural
activities.
Acknowledgements
The 1994 and 1995 KOPAL field seasons received
financial support from the National Geographic So-
ciety. We are also grateful to the Turkish Ministry of
Culture for research permission, to the British Insti-
tute of Archaeology at Ankara, and to our repre-
sentatives from the Konya museum, Muzaffer Tun<;
(1994) and Necip C::ay (1995).
The fieldwork involved the following personnel:
1993- Dr Neil Roberts (Loughborough University),
Dr Henry Lamb and Mr Warren J. Eastwood (both
University of Wales, Aberystwyth)
1994 - Dr Neil Roberts, Dr Hakan Yigitba~10glu (An-
kara University), Dr Philip A. Barker (Lancaster Uni-
versity), Dr Romola Parish (Sussex University), Mr
Warren J. Eastwood and Mr Carl D. Sayer (Laugh-
borough University).
1995 - Dr Neil Roberts, Dr Hakan Yigitba~10glu, Dr
Romola Parish, Dr David Twigg and Mr Peter Boyer
(both Loughborough University) and Mr John Tibby
(Monash and Loughborough Universities).
 Neil Roberts, Peter Boyer & Romola Parish
References
Aitken, M.J., 1994. Optical dating: a non-specialist review.
Quaternary Science Reviews (Quaternary Geochronology)
13,503-8.
Battarbee, R.W., 1988. The use of diatom analysis in ar-
chaeology: a review. Journal of Archaeological Science
15, 621-44.
Cohen, H.R., 1970. The palaeoecology of south central
Anatolia at the end of the Pleistocene and the begin-
ning of the Holocene. Anatolian Studies 20, 119-37.
Courty, M.A., P. Goldberg & R. MacPhail, 1989. Soils and
Micromorphology in Archaeology. Cambridge: Cam-
bridge University Press.
Davidson, D.A. & M.L. Shackley (eds.), 1976. Geo-
archaeology. London: Duckworth.
de Meester, T. (ed.), 1970. Soils of the Great Konya Basin,
Turkey. Wageningen: Centre for Agricultural Pub-
lishing and Documentation.
de Meester, T., 1971. Highly Calcareous Lacustrine Soils of
the Great Konya Basin, Turkey. Wageningen: Centre
for Agricultural Publishing and Documentation.
Dean, W.E., Jr, 1974. Determination of carbonate and or-
ganic matter in calcareous sediments and sedimen-
tary rocks by loss on ignition: comparison with other
methods. Journal of Sedimentary Petrology 44, 242-8.
Dearing, J.A., 1994. Environmental Magnetic Susceptibility.
Using the Bartington MS2 System. Oxford: Bartington
Instruments Ltd.
Dreissen, P.M. & T. de Meester, 1969. Soils of the (:umra
Area, Turkey. Wageningen: Centre for Agricultural
Publishing and Documentation.
Erol, 0., 1978. The Quaternary history of the lake basins of
central and southern Anatolia, in The Environmental
History of the Near and Middle East Since the Last Ice
Age, ed. W.C. Brice. London: Academic, 111-39.
French, D.H., 1970. Notes on site distribution in the <;:umra
area. Anatolian Studies 20, 139-48.
French, D.H., G.C. Hillman, S. Payne & R.J. Payne, 1972.
Excavations at Can Hasan III 1969-1970, in Papers
in Economic Prehistory, ed. E.S. Higgs. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 181-90.
40
Kraft, J.C., I. Kayan & 0. Erol, 1980. Geomorphic recon-
structions in the environs of ancient Troy. Science
209, 776-82.
Mellaart, J., 1964. Excavations at <;:atal Hiiyiik, third pre-
liminary report, 1963. Anatolian Studies 14, 39-119.
Nambi, K.S.V. & M.J. Aitken, 1986. Annual dose conver-
sion factors for TL and ESR dating. Archaeometry 28,
202-5.
Oldfield, F., 1983. The role of magnetic studies in
palaeohydrology, in Background to Palaeohydrology,
ed. K.J. Gregory. Chichester: Wiley, 141-65.
Prescott, J.R. & J.T. Hutton, 1988. Cosmic ray and gamma
ray dosimetry for TL and ESR dating. Nuclear Tracks
and Radiation Measurements 14, 223-7.
Rapp, G. & J. Gifford (eds.), 1985. Archaeological Geology.
New Haven (CT): Yale University Press.
Roberts, N., 1982. A note on the geomorphological envi-
ronment of <;:atal hiiyiik, Turkey. Journal of Archaeo-
logical Science 9, 341-8.
Roberts, N., 1983. Age, palaeoenvironments and climatic
significance of Late Pleistocene Konya lake, Turkey.
Quaternary Research 19, 154-71.
Roberts, N., 1991. Late Quaternary geomorphological
change and the origins of agriculture in south cen-
tral Turkey. Geoarchaeology 6, 1-26.
Stein, J.K., 1984. Organic matter and carbonates in ar-
chaeological sites. Journal of Field Archaeology 11, 239-
46.
Stein, J.K., 1992. Organic matter in archaeological con-
texts, in Soils in Archaeology, ed. V.T. Holliday. Wash-
ington (DC): Smithsonian, 193-216.
Thompson, R. & F. Oldfield, 1986. Environmental Magnet-
ism. London: Allen & Unwin.
van Andel, T.H., K. Gallid & G. Toufexis, 1995. Early
Neolithic farming in a Thessalian river landscape,
Greece, in Mediterranean Quaternary River Environ-
ments, eds. J. Lewin, M. Macklin & J. Woodward.
Rotterdam: A.A. Balkema, 131-43.
van Andel, T.H. & C.N. Runnels, 1995. The earliest farm-
ers in Europe. Antiquity 69, 481-500.
Vita-Finzi, C., 1978. Archaeological Sites in their Setting.
London: Thames & Hudson.
 Chapter3
The Konya Plain Survey: Aims and Methods
Douglas Baird
The Konya plain survey is sponsored by the Uni-
versity of Liverpool and the British Institute of Ar-
chaeology at Ankara. It is funded by the University
of Liverpool, the British Institute of Archaeology at
Ankara, the British Academy, and the Society of An-
tiquaries of London.
This contribution represents a statement of
• objectives for the survey
• and methods developed and tested in order to
achieve those objectives.
The purpose of the project is to provide a de-
tailed reconstruction of the settlement history of the
Konya plain. Such a reconstruction will have an im-
portant impact on our views of the development of
human settlement not just in Anatolia, but on semi-
arid and arid alluvial plains throughout the Near
East. The settlement history of such plains, the foci
for some of the most significant developments in
human history, remains poorly understood. Because
the Konya plain is relatively small we can survey a
significant proportion and thereby achieve a mean-
ingful understanding of its settlement history. The
Konya plain may offer, in microcosm, a reflection of
more widespread developments within the Near East.
Essential to such a wider contribution will be an
understanding of those features peculiar to the envi-
ronment of the plain and of the development of set-
tlement upon it. The survey project is therefore
undertaken in close cooperation with a team of
geomorphologists, directed by Neil Roberts of Laugh-
borough University. They are studying the develop-
ment of past environments on the plain and, in
particular, its history of alluviation.
The Konya plain is an area of inland drainage
at an altitude of around 1000 m above sea level.
Major alluvial fans characterize the southern and
southwestern parts of the basin. Rainfall in the basin
is less than a mean of 300 mm per annum and in the
41
centre of the basin less than 200 mm per annum. This
places the centre of the basin beyond the limits of
reliable dry farming and at the edges of the basin
dry farming is likely to occasion a notable degree of
risk of crop failure. Around <::umra, on the <::ar§amba
alluvial fan in the southwest of the basin, reports
suggest that in the recent past only once in 10 years
has there been sufficient moisture for the growth of
winter wheat (Cohen 1970, 122). Within such an in-
land drainage waterlogging and salinity may both
be problems. The relative aridity and these other
specific environmental features make the Konya ba-
sin a particularly interesting setting in which to study
the development of settlement. Our detection of
changing population densities and variation in the
distribution and nature of settlements are likely to
inform about significant changes in land manage-
ment (Roberts 1990, 58) and the nature of human
interaction with the environment amongst other fac-
tors.
<::atalhoyiik has long dominated our view of
the archaeology of the Konya plain. The survey in
the region around the site will put <::atal in its con-
temporary and historical context. If we are to under-
stand the site as some sort of centre then we must
gain some knowledge of putative subsidiary or de-
pendent settlements. If we can assert with confi-
dence that no such settlements exist in its environs
then we will require a different view of <::atalhoyiik.
In addition we would like to know more about the
antecedents of <::atalhoyiik and those developments
that immediately follow the abandonment of this
particular setting for occupation on the plain. Only
intensive survey can recover information about any
sites that may be relevant to these issues.
In addition the survey will attempt to address
the questions that relate to the long-term develop-
ment of settlement on the plain. This will include the
 Douglas Baird
influence of the environment of the plain on such
development and the impact of such developments
on the environment. In what ways did the earliest
agricultural societies develop? Did they emerge in
such alluvial settings or on the hilly flanks of such
plains? Was the rapid expansion of agricultural soci-
eties related to the colonization of such plains? How
much did population growth or redistribution, or
the emergence of key centres have to do with the rise
of urban societies? When do these appear on the
alluvial plains? How dense was settlement in differ-
ent periods? What sort of settlement systems existed
under regional and imperial states from the Hittites
to the Ottomans and how did these externally based
powers affect settlement in such areas?
The plain is flat making interpretation of the
interrelationships of settlements and the working of
past settlement systems simpler, because we do not
have to consider the role of topography in the devel-
opment of settlement. Models allowing us to infer
the economic structure underlying settlement distri-
butions were first developed for such plains.
The density of sites in the plain has been known
for some time (French 1970, 139). This is particularly
true in the area of the alluvial fans which border the
plain, the <;ar~amba fan forms one of the main foci of
the survey. Our work in 1995 indicated that in some
areas of the fan site density is at a minimum of 1 site
per 6 km2 (Fig. 3.1). Given the multi-period occupa-
tions on most of these tell sites we are clearly dealing
with a relatively well-preserved settlement record.
Mellaart, French, and Hall surveyed sites in
this area in 1958. They visited a significant number
of sites in the plain, including some of the larger.
The sites they visited still only represented a small
proportion of those present (French 1970, 139-41). In
addition, their relatively rapid visits and unsystem-
atic collections are unlikely to have documented fully
the occupations represented on these sites (French
1970, 139). Systematic sampling of sites between 1993
and 1995 indicates that they indeed, quite under-
standably, failed to identify some periods of occupa-
tions present at sites they visited. In particular, they,
unsurprisingly, failed to detect prehistoric occupa-
tions, represented by low density material, buried
by later settlement.
Issues
1. Site location
Recently revised 1:25,000 topographical maps pro-
vide base maps for the survey. Because a large
number of ancient settlements on the plain are part
42
of tells and the plain is relatively flat, the locating of
a significant number of ancient sites on the plain is
straightforward. They stand out as distinct topographi-
cal features in this otherwise featureless landscape.
The methodological problem for the survey
project is our ability to identify, at the surface, low
tell sites (French 1970, 141), sites of very limited area,
and non-tell sites and the variety of sites completely
buried by alluviation. We know that there is 1m of
sediment underlying the earliest occupation levels
at <;atalhoyiik and overlying Pleistocene lake marls.
Another 3 m of sediment has been deposited around
<;atalhoyiik since it was first occupied (Roberts this
volume). In some areas alluvial deposits may be 4 m
deep or more. Clearly many small and early sites
may be buried. Unless we have some method for
recovering such sites the settlement record which
we will document will be very partial. In particular
the early settlement history of the plain will remain
obscure.
2. Site comprehension
Tell sites are frequently complex palimpsests of oc-
cupations of different periods and types. It is regu-
larly the case that occupations of different periods
are located in different areas of particular sites. Such
occupations are also likely to be subject to different
degrees of survival and exposure. To state only the
most obvious processes: the earliest, smallest occu-
pations are most likely to be buried, the latest eroded.
Fortunately, due to local weathering and dis-
turbance processes and the nature of the local veg-
etation the surfaces of a large proportion of tells, at
least on the <;arf?amba fan, are littered with artefacts.
This has provided the opportunity to assess, to some
degree, the area of the different phases of occupation
on tells and the detection of some early occupations
masked by later deposits. Additionally it has offered
us the opportunity to discover the presence of dis-
tinctive activities and uses of certain sites or parts of
sites at particular periods.
Methods
1. Site location
Due to major agricultural development in the area
the plain is transected by large and small irrigation
canals, some of which are regularly redredged. New,
large canals are currently being cut. By walking these
canals (Fig. 3.1), one team member on each bank, we
can inspect the canal sides for evidence of occupa-
tion deposits and the upcast for evidence of artefacts
deriving from such occupation. Since most of the
 Abditdu
K1slar Hi.i
M29-C1.10
~
/lba 1006.9m IUJ!' Karaca II
I <;:ingene
'>, Karaca Hi.i @) 1005.3 m
Q Karhane Hi.i 'f> M29-C2.12 Kosel! o
Q M29-C1.17 M29-C1.13
1015.5m 1007m M29-C2.7 0 Sofular
M29-C2.11

~ Ovakavag1
Avratham Hi.i
0 M29-Cl.3
1.'\ Tekke Hi.i
'-.J M29-Cl.2 K!zll Hi.i Sam1k
Kmd1rahk <;:mill 1'\
1017.3m \) M29-C1.12 0
1/' 1002m J . M29-C2.6 :::::
<;:m11i '<:
0 Pol
• "' Beskilise Yayla "1:1
M29-C2.3 OJ
1005.3m ::;·
D Vl
Kap,dalli Hi.iO 1
AgadamiJ Hi.i c....,
M29-Cl.6 Ki.i<;i.ikkoy <
M29-C1.18 ro
.;:. M29-C1.15 '<:
w
Hala<; M29-C2.4 :»
<;:atalhoyi.ik East ( 1008m fill Plfasanb §"
<;:atalhoyi.ik West () M29-Cl.7 (fl

M29-C1.8
0 1020.3m Pol
:::::
_/"\
Ku~lu Q) Km1k<;1 0..
M29-C2.9./ ° Ku~lu 1005.3m
M29-C2.10 ~
~ ro
Alemdar .. t) g.
Smak Hi.i Uri.imdi.i Hi.i 0
l002.5m 0 M29-C1.9 Tell?0 0..
M29-Cl.ll (fl

1007.5m
t) Dedeli Hi.i (§)
M29-Cl.S Araboglu \<$J'l-'o«' Alanh
1008m M29-C2.2 o /'
0 Torundede Hi.i 1004.6m __./
M29-C1.14

After Konya M29-Cl / C2 1:25000

G•;dN~ 0 Skm

Figure 3.1. Sites in the (:atalhoyiik area.

 Douglas Baird
largest canals cut down into the Pleistocene lake
marls we hope to gain an indication of the presence
of small tell sites, non-tell sites and those sites com-
pletely or substantially buried beneath alluvium.
At this stage, limited surface prospection has
been conducted only in the immediate vicinity of
known sites, partly as a means of verifying their
limits, but also to test the possibility of identifying
non-tell sites or small tells through field walking. It
is intended to expand this programme once the ini-
tial results of surface inspection around tells and
canal surveys have indicated areas most likely to
repay such prospection. A project to develop the
remote sensing of sites using satellite imagery may
help define areas suitable for such field walking.
This is a Ph.D. project being undertaken by
Stephen Holmes at Edinburgh University. Terres-
trial survey has identified sites not located on topo-
graphic maps. If these can be distinguished on
satellite images we may be able to provide criteria
for the identification of other such sites. We will test
such putative site locations in future seasons. The
survey thus provides a testing ground for a new
type of site location procedure.
2. Site comprehension
In order to gain a better understanding of individual
sites the following procedures have been developed
and tested.
Each site is the subject of a detailed contour
survey. A site grid is established and intensive arte-
fact collection is undertaken from regularly spaced
sample squares (Fig. 3.2). The 3 x 3 m squares are
spaced between 10 and 50 m apart depending on the
size of the site. Most commonly the squares are
spaced 30 or 40 m apart. This provides coverage of
all areas of a site.
The vegetation from the surface of each square
is removed and each square is scraped with a shovel.
The fine sediments and artefacts thus collected are
sieved through a 5 mm mesh. This ensures standard
retrieval conditions for each part of each site. Con-
sistent collection is thus enhanced. The smaller arte-
fact categories are also well represented by this
method. These include smaller components of the
chipped stone assemblages, particularly important
for identifying the presence of some, especially ear-
lier prehistoric, occupations. Also thus retrieved are
more representative samples of beads, fine bone ar-
tefacts, and fine, thin ceramics.
By looking at the distribution of chronologi-
cally diagnostic artefacts from square to square across
the site it is hoped we can map the approximate
44
areas and thus relative size of, at least some of the
occupation periods on these multi-period sites.
Supplementary collections of the most diagnos-
tic material from the general surface of sites are un-
dertaken. This material may offer the opportunity to
provide more precise dating for certain periods of
occupation.
The evolution of these methods was the result
of trials conducted in the reconnaissance seasons in
1993 and 1994.
Preliminary results of methods
1. Site location
Canal walking has proved effective in the location of
sites not on topographic maps. 9.5 km of canal were
walked in map square M29C2 (Fig. 3.1). Three sites
not on the topographic maps were located. These
included:
• a small tell site Kuslu II (M29C2.9). This covered
an oval area 100 m by 80 m and was less than 1
m high. Such small sites are likely to have been
missed by topographers.
• 1 non-tell occupation site, Kopruyeri, (M29C2.10),
c.40mx40m;
• 1 non-tell site, Sofular (M29C2.11), a diffuse arte-
fact spread. This may represent general activity
in the landscape or seasonal settlement.
In addition, field walking and discussion with local
people located three sites not on topographic maps.
These included 1 buried tell site projecting c. 0.5 m
above the present ground surface.
Also located in this manner were two artefact
concentrations close to, but quite separate from neigh-
bouring tell sites, Kizil I (M29C1.12) and Kizil II
(M29C2.3). These artefact concentrations may have
been outlying habitations or may represent evidence
of off-site activity. One such instance includes obsid-
ian blade fragments whose attributes clearly provide
evidence of such off-site activity in the prehistoric
period.
A number of individual finds were retrieved by
canal and field walking, including prehistoric
chipped stone from the alluvium. These finds may
represent more generalized and diffuse activities in
the landscape or transportation of such material by a
variety of possible mechanisms.
2. Site comprehension
Systematic collection methods are already revealing
relatively promising details about sites and variations
 Konya Plain Survey: Aims and Methods
c;ingene Hiiyiik
D D
Figure 3.2. (:ingere Hiiyiik showing distribution of collection squares and contours at 1 m intervals.
in the nature of occupations through time.
Thus intensive collection has revealed sporadic
artefacts from buried prehistoric occupations on
large, later period sites (Fig. 3.1). Examples include:
• Late Chalcolithic occupation on Iron Age, Hellen-
istic and Roman-Byzantine Hala~ (M29C2.4);
• an Epipalaeolithic type assemblage from the site
of Kizil I (M29C1.12) almost certainly derived
from redeposited material;
• an Early Bronze occupation at C::ingene (M29C2.12).
The Epipalaeolithic material would not have been
recovered without sieving.
We have been able to document the quite var-
ied size of settlements at particular sites at different
periods, precise areas await computation. Thus at
Koseli (M29C2.7) an Early Bronze I-II site was twice
the area of the later Iron Age site there - Early
Bronze site area c. 1.5 ha, Iron Age site area c. 0.8 ha.
In some cases we seem able to document the growth
45
••••• I
0 lOOm
D Collection squares
D D
of particular settlements. Thus C::ingene (M29C2.12)
grew from a small Hellenistic settlement c. 3.1 ha to
a slightly larger Roman settlement, to a Byzantine site
twice as large as its Hellenistic predecessor at least c.
6.3 ha. This pattern may be repeated at other sites.
Intensive sampling is also recovering material
pointing to specific kinds of activity on sites. Thus
we have recovered the residues of certain industrial
processes (this material awaits analysis). We have
also recovered human bone from disturbed cem-
etery areas on a number of sites.
It is premature to talk of 'results' other than the
proven value of our strategy and tactics. It is clear
that distinct patterns are likely to emerge. Certain
periods are well represented, others less so. This was
already appreciated by the earlier investigators
(French 1970, 142). It is also clear that certain periods
are much better represented in some areas than oth-
ers. For example, around C::atalhoyiik Early Bronze
I-II sites are very common. Further east Iron Age
sites are well represented, Early Bronze occupations
 Douglas Baird
less so. One major issue we will need to investigate,
once we have defined this phenomenon more pre-
cisely, is why this should be so.
The survey also involves major cooperative ven-
tures. As I have already indicated we are working in
close cooperation with a project studying the geo-
morphology and palaeoenvironments of the plain,
directed by Neil Roberts of Loughborough Univer-
sity. By identifying occupation material interstratified
with alluvial and other depositional units we will
help provide a chronological framework for this
palaeoenvironmental record.
46
References
Cohen, H., 1970. The palaeoecology of south central
Anatolia at the end of the Pleistocene and the begin-
ning of the Holocene. Anatolian Studies 20, 119-37.
French, D., 1970. Notes on site distribution in the <;umra
area. Anatolian Studies 20, 139-48.
Roberts, N., 1990. Human-induced landscape change in
south and southwest Turkey during the later
Holocene, in Man's Role in the Shaping of the Eastern
Mediterranean Landscape, eds. S. Bottema, G. Entjes-
Nieborg & W. Van Zeist. Rotterdam/Brookfield: A.A.
Balkema, 53--68.
 Chapter4
Excavations at Ptnarba§t: the Early Stages
Trevor Watkins
The cluster of sites at Pmarba~1 was noted in 1993 in
the first, preliminary season of survey work in the
region around <;atalhoyiik in the Konya plain, car-
ried out by Dr Douglas Baird and the present au-
thor. Attention had been drawn to the location by Dr
David French, who had first visited the location and
picked up a small amount of chipped stone while he
was working at Can Hasan in the 1970s. There was
already a known occupation of a cave there in the
Byzantine period, documented by a rock-cut inscrip-
tion, but the presence of early prehistoric remains
had not previously been noted. A preliminary search
of the locality in 1993 noted that, as well as a series of
small-scale occupations, constructions and tombs
dating to various periods ranging from the Late
Chalcolithic or Early Bronze Age to the Byzantine,
there was evidence of substantial early prehistoric
occupation in several rock-shelters and on an open
village site below the cliffs and at the very edge of a
small, spring-fed lake. It was also clear that there
had been substantial recent damage to the site
through the search for and looting of a number of
stone-built tombs.
In view of the importance of a number of rock-
shelters and an open village site of early prehistoric
date in that part of Turkey, and because of the dam-
age that was threatening them, our report at the end
of the season to the Turkish Directorate-General of
Museums and Antiquities drew particular attention
to the problem. The Directorate-General called on
the Karaman Museum (the sites in fact lie just within
the territory of the newly formed province of
Karaman, and not in Konya vilayet) to confirm the
situation, and the present author, representing the
Department of Archaeology, University of Edin-
burgh, and the Karaman Museum made a joint ap-
plication to undertake rescue excavations at the site,
beginning in 1994.
The excavation work is concentrated on the early
47
prehistoric occupations, because of their uniqueness
on the central Anatolian plateau and the potential
they have for shedding light on the processes of
increasing sedentism and the early development of
sedentary societies, the adoption of cultivation and
herding. The programme is part of the <;atalhoyiik
Research Project, because of the potential for shed-
ding light on what may be termed the longer term
prehistory of <;atalhoyiik. The excavations were
funded by the British Academy, the British Institute
of Archaeology at Ankara, the Society of Antiquar-
ies of London and various funds at the University of
Edinburgh. Our collaborator on the excavation (car-
ried out jointly by the University of Edinburgh and
the Karaman Museum) was Cengiz Topal, Assistant
Director of the Karaman Museum. The team's
archaeo-botanist is Mark Nesbitt; the zoo-archaeolo-
gist is Dr Nicola Murray; and the study of the lithic
assemblages is the responsibility of Dr Douglas Baird.
This paper consists of a brief account of the
cluster of sites at Pmarba~1 and a short report on the
work of the first two seasons, in 1994 and 1995.
The sites at Pmarba!it
In the southern part of the Konya plain there is a
great volcanic massif, Kara Dag, that thrusts up more
than a thousand metres above the surrounding plain.
At the northwest margin of the zone of volcanic up-
thrust, a ridge of limestone hills was pushed up. The
northern tip of the ridge of hills takes the form of a
cliff. Immediately below, there are springs that feed
a permanent shallow lake. Around the quite small
lake and extending far to the north there are large
stretches of seasonal water and reed-marshes, where,
at the end of the Pleistocene period, there was a
short-lived, shallow lake, one of five such basins on
the Konya plain at that time.
At the base of the cliffs at the end of the limestone
 Trevor Watkins

• @)
<;:ATALHOYUK

••
Figure 4.1. Map of the Konya plain, locating Pznarba~1 relative to Kara Oag and (atalhoyiik.

48
 Excavations at Pmarba~n: the Early Stages

ridge there are several rock-shelters. Below the shel- large limestone block, somewhat lower than the main
ters there is a slope down to the edge of the lake. line of hills, but still possessing cliffs five or six me-
Extending into the lake is a short peninsula that tres high. On the flat top of this massive block there
terminates in a pile of massive limestone boulders. are some architectural remains, and probably the
On the neck of this peninsula there are masonry disturbed remains of tombs. In its east-facing, verti-
tombs, which have been subject to recent looting, cal side, there are three more rock-shelters or shal-
and a surface scatter of pottery dating to various low caves. The southernmost, called Site C, is a small
periods. When the site was first visited in September chamber with a chimney-like formation. The cham-
1993, a recent looters' pit close to the track through ber has been modified, and there is a rock-cut step or
the site showed that there was a deposit of a differ- bench close to its present ground level, several foot-
ent character beneath the surface stratum. From the holds leading upwards into the chimney, and a small,
heap of spoil from this pit it was easy to collect a eroded, Christian inscription in indecipherable Greek.
significant handful of chipped stone that included At the mouth of the cave there is a bank of deposit
recognizable blade lets and very small-scale debitage, that has almost certainly been pushed out of the
and a small number of quite distinctive microliths. It cave when it was modified in Byzantine times. From
therefore appeared that, beneath later occupations the bank there are eroded small-scale chipped stone
on the peninsula, there was an early prehistoric oc- pieces. All those that have been collected are of ob-
cupation. This site has been called Site A. sidian, but since obsidian is so much more easy
The rock-shelter that had been first recognized to spot than flint, the observation is probably not
by Dr David French had
also been the scene of re-
cent interference. A large
pit had been dug against
the rock-face beneath the
over-hang, and partly re-
filled . This site also yielded
G
a number of small-scale
chipped stone pieces, but
no pottery was in evidence.
The first rock-shelter, which
faces west, has been called
Site B. Before excavation, it
consisted of a flat surface
beneath an overhang of the
cliff-face. Several huge
boulders projected from the
surface of the soil, fallen at
o _ __ ___ _ l_ __ _____ ___ ---
some time in the past from
the cliff above. To the south
of the flat surface, there
were two more huge boul-
ders on the surface. These
had been compounded with
smaller stones to form a
barrier, which is continued
as a dry-stone wall around
the rest of the area. The dry- I
stone wall has an entrance 0
about two metres wide, and L - - ·- - - - - '2 !? ? - - - - _Q~ - - - - - - - - - - -':C. - - - - - -

then curves around to meet

the rock-wall to the north
of the rock-shelter. Figure 4.2. Plan of Site B- the rock-shelter: latest features. The trench is aligned on
Opposite the rock- magnetic north. The southern trench is Trench 1; the northern trench, begun in 1995,
shelter Site B, there is a is Trench 2.
49
 Trevor Watkins

significant in terms of the date of the deposit. What
is more likely to be meaningful is the observation
that all the collected material belongs in the bladelet
scale of chipped stone.
Immediately to the north of Site B, there is an-
other opening in the vertical rock surface. It resem-
bles the peak of a shallow cave or rock-shelter. If that
is what it is, then it has become almost entirely filled
with deposit. A number of small-scale pieces of ob-
sidian have been noted on the surface, apparently
eroding out of an archaeological deposit. It is possi-
ble that material that has eroded out of the bank of
material from Site C, which is immediately above
this area, has slipped down and is confusing us. For
the moment, however, we are calling this possible
cave or rock-shelter Site D.
Only a few metres further north again is a sub-
stantial crevice in the rock, about four metres wide
and stretching back five or six metres into the rock.
The crevice is partly roofed with rock. The nearly
flat surface of the soil in this area is dark and fine.
Once again, small-scale chipped stone pieces have
been collected from the surface, both within the crev-
ice and outside it and down the slope to the north.
This possible rock-shelter has been called Site E.
Finally, around the corner from Site E, there is a
low vertical face of rock that faces north and looks
out onto the peninsula and the lake. A very small
amount of chipped stone was found here, too, but of
greater importance is an area of mortars of different
sizes formed in the natural surface of the rock where
it forms a shelf immediately below this vertical face .
It is by no means clear whether this area forms a
separate and distinct site, or whether it is a particu-
lar adjunct of another, adjacent site, either Site A, the
settlement on the peninsula, or Site E, the rock-shel-
ter that is only a few metres
away around the corner.
For the present we are call-
ing this site Site F.

The excavations

The purpose of the first sea-

son qf excavation, in Sep-
tember 1994, was to test the
two components of the site
that showed signs of recent
interference, Sites A and B.
The season was intended as
an assessment exercise. We
I
needed (a) to learn how
I deep the stratigraphy is on
L -
each site, and how well de-
tailed and rich it is, (b) to
obtain cultural assemblages
from both areas of the site
in order to form some idea
of the periods of occupation
and the quality of the avail-
-·,
·,
able archaeological material,
and (c) to obtain carefully
controlled samples of bo-
tanical and zoological ma-
terial in order to assess the
I research potential for learn-
L_ - ·- ·- - · - · - - - - - - - - - - - - -
ing about the environment
and its exploitation. In view
2m of the uniqueness of these
early prehistoric sites on the
Figure 4.3. Plan of Site B- the rock-shelter: the stone retaining wall. plateau, close to <:;:atalhoyiik,

50
 Excavations at Pmarba~;a: the Early Stages
we urgently needed (d) to obtain samples for radio-
carbon dating. In September 1995, work was concen-
trated on Site B, the rock-shelter site, with a view to
doubling the area of the 1994 sounding, and pen-
etrating further into the stratified deposits.
Over both seasons a sampling strategy and re-
covery methodology were developed and tested. All
archaeological deposits removed from the trench are
quantified approximately through the use of a stand-
ard-sized bucket of known capacity. At first, a mini-
mum of 30 or 60 litres (depending on the assumed
size of the new unit) was removed for wet-sieving
and flotation. In the second season this was modi-
fied, for simple practical reasons of portability, to a
standard sample of 40 litres. A second sample of 40
litres is taken later from another part of the same
context. Further samples are then taken, where there
are reasons to do so, and as long as there is the
capacity to deal with the product. Where greater
precision on the location of the samples is required,
samples were taken from a particular square metre,
allowing us to quantify the variability within a de-
posit to a certain degree. The general objectives are
to obtain the maximum amount of wet-sieved mate-
rial that can be dealt with, and to screen all the
deposit with at least a 5 mm mesh. Everything that is
not sent for wet-sieving is dry-sieved at the side of
the trench. The rocking frame is equipped with a
wire mesh of approximately 5 mm. Comparison of
the dry-sieved and the wet-sieved product has shown
the difference in general terms, and those differences
will be quantified and standardized through study of
the faunal remains and chipped stone next season.
The flotation and wet-sieving are carried out
using a modified Siraf-type machine, made locally
under the supervision of Mark Nesbitt. In 1994 we
used the British Institute in Ankara machine, which
had been built by Mark Nesbitt. In the 1995 season, a
new machine was built in Karaman to the same de-
sign as that built for (atalhoyiik. At Pmarba~n we
have had the great advantage that the flotation and
wet-sieving machine can be set up beside the dwin-
dling, spring-fed lake. In 1994 the floated material
was caught in two sieves, the first of 0.3 mm and the
second of 1 mm. In 1995, in common with (atal-
hoyiik, a single fabric mesh of 0.3 mm was used for
catching the floated materials. The wet-sieving is
carried out using a 1 mm flexible mesh, through
which the fine residues are encouraged to drop by
the agitation of the water entering the tank and
manual assistance. The floated residues are left to
drain at the site, and are then air-dried at the excava-
tion work-rooms. The gross weight of the unsorted
51
material is recorded as it is re-packed ready for trans-
port to the laboratory for sorting and analysis.
The heavy residue from the process is drained
and dried on meshes at the site, and is then sepa-
rated into various fractions. In 1995 we introduced a
10 mm sieve in order to segregate the material that is
>10 mm. A 5 mm mesh and a 3 mm mesh are also
used, so that we have a fraction that is >5, <10 mm,
another that is >3, <5 mm and a third that is >1, <3
mm. In 1994 portions of the smallest fraction, the >1
mm, were sorted, but it was concluded at the end of
the season that the amount of useful information
that was being recovered in terms of chipped stone
or animal remains at >3 mm was not worth the very
large amount of time that is taken sorting such a fine
residue. In 1995 the smallest fraction was simply
weighed and retained in case the archaeo-botanist
wishes to sort it for carbonized plant remains that
failed to float. The >3 mm, >5 mm and >10 mm
fractions were weighed and then sorted at the exca-
vation work-rooms. In 1994 the results of the sorting
of the >3 mm and >5 mm heavy residues were care-
fully compared. It seemed to us that the critical
threshold was around 5 mm, and that there is only a
limited amount of useful data in the smaller fraction.
Consequently, we have standardized on the proce-
dure of sorting only 20 per cent of the heavy residue
fraction that is >3 mm.
Summary of early excavation results
Excavations were begun in 1994 with soundings in
one of the rock-shelters, called Site B, and in the
open area settlement on the peninsula, called Site A.
The work on Site B was continued in 1995.
Site B - the rock-shelter
Our first sounding in this area was set immediately
to the S of the damaged area. It took the form of a
trench, 4.5 x 2 m wide, at right angles to the rock
face. In 1995 the area of the sounding was doubled
by adding an identical trench parallel to the first,
and enclosing the area of the damage. Michael
Rawlings, the supervisor of this excavation site, de-
fined five stratigraphic phases in 1994, and two more
phases have been added to the sequence in 1995. The
trench begun in 1994 is now Trench 1, while that
opened in 1995 is Trench 2.
The large pit dug illicitly before September 1993
in the back of the rock-shelter was mostly within the
area of the new trench. The pit was emptied and the
sides cleaned; it was found to be about 1 metre deep,
and dug entirely through stratified archaeological
 Trevor Watkins

deposits. The rock-face exposed at the back of the deposit of clay. The shallow pits or scoops, and the
rock-shelter was seen to be blackened by smoke, and fire-installation had been dug into a layer of grey
the slope on the surface of the rock was still dipping ashy material which lay all over Trench 1 and the outer
backwards. These observations suggest that there is part of Trench 2. This material was up to 0.15 m in
still some considerable depth of archaeological de- depth and was excavated from most of the trench.
posit below the bottom of the pit. The large quantity and splintered nature of the ani-
The surface deposit across both trenches was a mal bone from this deposit, and the copious amounts
thin layer of trampled animal dung and dead veg- of charcoal, may suggest a build-up of occupation
etation. When that was removed, clearly articulated material but there were no surfaces defined within
archaeological features could be identified. Four shal- the deposit.
low, roughly circular pits or scoops, covered at the The situation in Trench 2 was complicated be-
top with stones, and, at least in one case, marked out cause, in addition to the recently dug pit against the
or even lined with carefully set stones, are among rock-face, there seemed to be earlier disturbance of
the latest features on the site, two in each trench. A the deposits immediately adjacent to the pit. There
number of the stones covering these pits or set around were some Byzantine potsherds and a few, scattered
their edges were found to be burnt. Below their stony fragments of human bone, suggesting that perhaps
surfaces, these pits contained significant amounts of there had been a shallow burial of Byzantine date
small wood charcoal. These features would seem to that had been badly disturbed. At the east end of
be small hearths or cooking installations. A radio- Trench 2 there was a further complication in the
carbon date from one of these pits placed its use form of a structure of stone blocks forming three
somewhere early in the fourth millennium sc sides of a square, with the edge of a huge, half-
(uncalibrated), or early fifth millennium sc in calen- buried boulder forming the fourth, western side. The
dar years (Table 4.1). excavation of this construction is not complete and
The digging of one of the pits had cut a basin- will continue, we hope, to a more positive conclu-
shaped 'fire installation' or hearth recorded in the sion next season.
northeast corner of the trench. This had a base of Below the grey, ashy deposit in Trench 1 was
baked clay that was actually bonded to the rock-face found the irregular top of a curving wall made up of
at the east and was probably the initial lining of the large blocks of limestone, and, against the north side
feature. The whole installation was placed within a of the trench, the fill that had been tipped into the
cut and consisted of a series of ashy or silty fills with structure. The wall is crudely built of three or four
at least one instance of re-lining indicated by another courses of very large stones, its west end butted
against the rock wall at the
back of the shelter. At the
Table 4.1. Radiocarbon dates.
western end of the exposed
Lab. Ref. Context Material Age •• (oc) Calibrated age; 95.4% confidence; BC part of the wall was a single
OxA-5499 ABJ charcoal 9050±80 (7100±80) 8331-8310 (0.04); 8255-8223 (0.03); 8215-7943 (0.93) large limestone orthostat
OxA·5500 ABR charcoal 9290±80 (7340±80) 8582-8572 (0.01); 8521-8509 (0.01); 8496-8089 (0.98)
OxA-5501 ABU charcoal 9140±80 (7190±80) 8352-8015 (1.00) which had been recorded
OxA-5502
OxA·5503
BAl
BAT
charcoal
charcoal
5725±65 (3775±65)
7145±70 (5195±70)
4764-4741 (0.02); 4725-4454 (0.97); 4416-4402 (0.01)
6159-6144 (0.01); 6122-6085 (0.07); 6069-6064 (0.92)
within the trench area at the
OxA-5504 BBA charcoal 7450±70 (5500±70) 6415-6160 (0.95); 6143-6123 (0.02); 6086-6064 (0.03) start of the excavation as
Note: The six dates were obtained from carbonized wood fragments recovered by flotation in the 1994 season. Contexts it was projecting slightly
beginning with the letter' A' are in Site A, the area on the peninsula; contexts beginning with the Jetter 'B' are in Site B, the
rock-shelter. The raw ages Br (before present- i.e. before AD 1950) are complemented by the equivalent uncalibrated ages
above the pre-excavation
Be (in parenthesis), in order to facilitate comparisons with dates in the published literature. In the final column are the ground surface. To the north
calibrated age-ranges, as prepared by the Oxford University Radiocarbon Accelerator Unit, using the agreed procedures
that are incorporated in the OxCal computer program, and based on the 1993 bi-decadal calibration curve. The ranges are of the orthostat was a gap
quoted at two standard deviations (95.4 per cent probability). Where the calibration process encounters 'wiggles' in the
calibration curve, it may cross the curve two or three times; the OxCal calibration program calculates the probabilities
in the wall, which may be
against each encounter with the curve, expressing that probability (for example, 0.95) as a fraction of 1.00. part of an entrance. A close
ABJ -a thin stratum of fine soil, chocolate brown in colour, into which the early prehistoric grave had been cut. ABJ examination of the south-
overlies ABR. ABJ produced an assemblage that contains no material other than the early prehistoric chipped stone.
ABR -a thin stratum of fine soil, reddish brown in colour, underlying ABJ and overlying ABU, and containing exclusively
facing section at this point
early prehistoric chipped stone assemblage. indicates a slight change in
ABU -the lowest stratum reached so far, a stratum of fine soil, charcoal grey in colour, underlying ABU, and associated
with various stony or stone-built features. the colour of the deposits
BAI -a lens full of carbonized wood below a capping of stones in a shallow pit. Together with another similar pit, the
latest sealed stratified context in the sequence, immediately below the shallow surface layer.
here. The wall shows no
BAT - deposit of deliberate fill within the area enclosed by the curving wall. BAT is high in the series of sloping deposits sign of any bonding mate-
with lenses of charcoal.
BBA -deposit of deliberate fill within the area enclosed by the curving wall; BBA is stratigraphically below BAT. rial having been used. It
seems to be a dry-stone

52
 Excavations at Pmarba;a: the Early Stages
G
Figure 4.4. Section on north
side of Trench 1. The radio-
carbon date on charcoal from
BAJ (see Table 4.1) came
from the pit at the top of the
section; the other two
radiocarbon dates were on
samples from the tilting
charcoal lenses below.
construction and its purpose was to act as a revetment
against the soft deposits of rubbish into which the
structure had been cut.
The fill within the wall was a series of tips and
dumps of material, dipping quite steeply in from the
inner edge of the wall towards the centre of the area
enclosed by the wall. Some of the thinner tip-lines
were very rich in charcoal; other, thicker tips were
more silty but still had a high ash and charcoal con-
tent. It appears that the filling of the structure was a
rapid process, during which the deposits did not
have time to weather or erode. At the base of the fill
there was no sign of a floor or trampled surface. The
fill lay directly on the earliest stratum so far encoun-
tered. The wall seems to have been based on a ledge
cut into this earlier deposit, and the floor of the
enclosed space was a shallow, saucer-like depres-
sion within the retaining wall.
Excavation around the west and south of the
large stone structure revealed a succession of thin
strata that all contained considerable amounts of car-
bonized plant remains (mostly wood charcoal) and
animal bones, and are putatively of earlier date.
Amounts of chipped stone varied from one layer to
the next, but a larger sample of chipped stone has
certainly resulted. Preliminary analysis of the chipped
stone has resulted in tables of statistics that await
detailed analysis against the stratigraphic evidence,
but first impressions are that these strata represent
rubbish disposal, and the chipped stone may well rep-
resent an earlier phase in the occupation of the site.
The wall was found to be standing on a deposit
of light brown soil and gravel, mixed with frost-
fractured limestone that originated from the roof of
the rock-shelter. The lower part of the depression
that formed the structure had been dug into this
deposit, which is obviously quite deep. This under-
lying stratum of light brown and stony material was
also found at a higher level outside the stone struc-
ture. Here, to the southwest of the stone structure
53
1m
and below the stratified deposits of ash and bone
described above, the light brown, gravelly material
appeared as a ridge, which had been cut away to
form hollows to the southeast and the west. These
hollows await further investigation next year, when
the trench can be extended, and when the wall of the
stone structure is dismantled.
It is clear that this light-coloured, gravelly de-
posit, full of frost-fractured stone, is mostly of natu-
ral origin. At present we do not know how thick it is.
A small test was dug into this material at the base of
the large stone structure. This test showed that this
material contains some animal bone and chipped stone.
Site A- the settlement on the peninsula
Initially, a square area, 3 x 3 m, was opened on the
site, immediately adjacent to the looters' pit whose
spoil had provided the first indications of an early
prehistoric settlement in this area . When a pithos
burial was encountered in the later deposits, a small
extension was added at the northwest corner, and it
was decided to continue the sounding in a restricted
1 m wide strip along the southern side of the square.
The maximum depth of deposit explored is a little
over 0.90 m, and there is no sign of the base of the
archaeological deposit. The supervisor of this area of
excavation, Catriona Gibson, on whose report this
section of the paper is based, provisionally defined
nine stratigraphic phases.
The lowest three of the nine phases seem to be
early Neolithic in date. They produced significant
quantities of well-preserved animal bone and diag-
nostic chipped stone, both in obsidian and flint, in
particular a substantial number of micro lithic pieces.
In addition a decorated stone shaft straightener was
found in these earliest levels, reminding us in its
decoration of a very similar piece in the same soft,
fine-grained stone and of another shaft straightener
with different decoration, both found in the surface-
collected material in 1993.

I
L - - - --
I I
E l_ _ _ _ _ _ - - - - - - - -
L -- - · - - -- - - -- - -
0 c
Figure 4.5a. Plan of Site A- the settlement on the
peninsula: pithos burial and cist (?)at the base of the
third millennium BC levels.
The ea rliest phase so far encountered consists
of dark humic loamy layers, associated with three
possible structures (with radiocarbon dates in the
late eighth millennium BC uncalibrated, or late ninth
millennium calibrated in calendar years). Some
ground-stone tools, particularly smoothers and
pounder fragments, came from this phase. Parts of a
stony curvilinear feature were found, and two fur-
ther possible structural elements were also noted,
formed from smallish and medium-sized, very well
compacted stones and pebbles, concreted together
in a mud matrix. Another potential structural ele-
ment consists of at least three courses of rectangular
blocks of white marl sitting in the east facing section
of the 1 m sondage (on section E-F, Fig. 4.6) .
The next phase consisted of a small grave in
which a small child had been inhumed . The grave
was sub-ovoid in plan with vertical sides and con-
tained the remains of a crouched child, lying on its
left side with arms folded . Its grave goods included
a nicely rounded, bun-shaped lump of red ochre,
placed just to the south the inhumation's folded arms.
Against the eastern side of the grave lay what ap-
pea rs to be a damaged adze, re-used as a smoothing
implement, a part of a sub-spherical basalt object,
and a fragment of a basalt grinding stone.
Trevor Watkins
I I
~ - - - - - - - -- -- -- --- t>~- - --- -
~
Fr£ ... -- 0 I
rY --
I .
a/?D
• _ I
:0'~ ~V
~~~~CL ___ ~9~_ti~& __ _j
I . . . . . . · .. .. . . . I
Figure 4.Sb. Plan of Site A- the burial in the sound-
ing into the early prehistoric levels.
- ------------I F
Th e latest deposit within this earliest phase is a
dark brown sandy deposit. This layer is important
because it appears to be the latest deposit that con-
tains no ceramic finds (with the slight exception in
I the northern part of the trench, where there was
- - - - ------ - _j
observed animal disturbance). It also seals the burial
and as~ures us of its early date, and it seems to
represent the soil development during an occupa-
tional hiatus lasting thousands of years. Above this
level, the next phase is mad e up of a badly degraded
mud-brick horizon containing evidence of mud-brick
collapse. As well as a few sherds of pottery there is
quite a change in soil types. The layers from this
point upwards are much lighter and grittier I siltier
and generally less humic and loamy than those in
the earlier phases.
This phase also includes several incidences of
disturbance from a higher level, including a pithos
burial and what may be a cist burial. The probable
cist only projected a short distance into the trench on
its west side, and was not excavated. The pithos
burial was set into a very tight fitting, roughly oval
cut, measuring 1.15 x 0.61 m and was made up of
parts of three separate pithoi . The burial within the
pithos was that of a juvenile, but the bones were
much disordered by animal disturbance. Associated
with the pithos burial, and lying immediately above
it, were some fine red painted pottery sherds and a
complete goblet in fine, red slipped and burnished
Early Bronze Age fabric .
Above this phase, we could identify a fragmen-
tary plaster floor surface that sealed both the pithos
burial and the cist, and portions of the bases of a
mud-brick wall. The pottery found in these levels is
monochrome, red-surfaced and black at the core. It
seems likely that it is a limited repertoire of Early
Bronze Age ceramics, but at present we have too
little material to form a good idea of the corpus.
54
 Excavations at Pmarba~r: the Early Stages

Finally, immediately below the surface soil, there The faunal material
was a linear feature roughly 0.65 m wide and run-
ning west-east across the trench. It appears as a The animal bone material recovered both from wet-
shallow ditch with a stony. Amongst the finds were and dry-sieving is generally in extremely good con-
high densities of fine and coarse ware pottery, prob- dition, and in most of the contexts sampled in this
ably of Roman or Byzantine date, chipped stone season seems to be present in very good quantities.
and two bronze coins, one of which is definitely Some preliminary analysis of some samples was un-
Roman. dertaken during the season, but without access to
good reference collections and more detailed study
Chipped stone it is not possible to make definitive statements. Good
samples of material of Neolithic date from the rock-
Dr Douglas Baird has been able to give a brief ex- shelter were available from a very early stage, the
amination to the material excavated in 1994, but the ratio of diagnostic to non-diagnostic bone being very
1995 material from Site B awaits proper analysis. In encouraging. There are animals of all sizes, ranging
the rock-shelter, Site B, the chipped stone pieces that from Bas and equids down to small birds, small mam-
are chronologically diagnostic indicate that all the mals, tortoise and snake, and including ovicaprids,
deposits so far excavated are Neolithic. One or two fox and hare. There are bones of larger birds, up to
sherds of pottery from the later phases and the ob- the size of goose, presumably taken as winter mi-
sidian point fragments in many of the excavated grants on the lake, but rather fewer fish bones than
contexts suggest that the latest occupation is pottery might have been expected. The equids are particularly
Neolithic, close to the date of c;:atalhoyuk itself, .Q
around 6000 to 5600 BC. The earlier deposits, includ-
ing the fills of the large curvilinear stone structure,
have point types and bi-face fragments that suggest
an earlier, seventh or early sixth millennium date.
The technology of some of the chipped stone also
indicates that there is probably an earlier, aceramic
Neolithic component in the rock-shelter, that is, some-
thing a little earlier than the currently known mate-
rial from C::atalhoyuk. Microliths and elements of a
small-scale, bladelet-based industry are also present,
in very small quantities and presumably as residuals,
in these Neolithic deposits in the rock shelter. It is
noteworthy that they are different from those from
the earliest levels in Site A, and they are presumed
to derive from a substantially earlier prehistoric oc-
cupation in or around the rock-shelter, but of a date
different from that of Site A.
In Site A, the settlement on the peninsula, there
is no chipped stone material of the Neolithic date of
the kind found in the rock-shelter. The earliest de-
posits so far excavated in this area have yielded
what appears to be (on the basis of very small sam-
ples) a relatively uniform assemblage, characterized
by quite distinctive microlithic types. Unlike the
Neolithic in the rock-shelter, a lot of flint was used
alongside the obsidian. The products of the industry
are of very small size, and the raw material was
clearly intensively and exhaustively utilized, brought '"'
as it was over considerable distances. Classic geo-
metric forms are very rare but there was a tendency Figure 4.6. Sections in Site A. The locations of the
to produce a microlith of distinctive character that sections are given in Figure 4.5a. The three radiocarbon
was an elongated, asymmetric triangle or arched dates (Table 4.1) come from the two lowest strata defined
backed piece. at the base of section C-0.
55
 Trevor Watkins
prominent, and Equus hydrontinus is apparently well
represented.
More difficulty was experienced with Site A. In
the Early Bronze levels, to judge from the amounts
of residual early prehistoric chipped stone present,
the bone samples are likely to be very mixed in date.
In the early prehistoric levels that were encountered
first, the amounts of bone were rather small and it
was mostly heavily splintered. In the deeper depos-
its very good bone samples were retrieved. These
have not yet been sorted even in a preliminary man-
ner, but it is quite clear that they represent a wide
range of species across the whole size spectrum from
Bas and Equus down to small mammals, birds of all
sizes and a few fish bones, a spectrum not at all
dissimilar to that of Site B.
It is of interest to note that a single Dentalium
shell, the species very much used in the Epipalaeo-
lithic Natufian culture of Israel and western Jordan,
was recovered, but from a mixed context in Site A.
Four Mediterranean seashells from the Epipalaeo-
lithic deposits in the same area further attest inter-
esting long-distance contacts and exchanges.
The cultural assemblage from Site B
Given the radiocarbon dates (in the sixth millen-
nium BC, uncalibrated), and the clear resemblance
between the chipped stone tools in the latest levels
at Pmarbaiin and those from (atalhoyiik, the cultural
assemblage from the late levels of the rock-shelter at
Pmarbaiin is distinctly eccentric. In particular it is
deficient in both pottery and heavy ground-stone
tools. The late Neolithic chipped stone assemblage is
very heavily dominated by obsidian, and flint is a
considerable rarity. It is striking that, although cores
of obsidian are very rare, there are plenty of prepa-
ration flakes. This suggests that the occupants of the
site were at least resident long enough to need cores
in order to make tools. The absence of other tools
than those of chipped stone, especially food prepa-
ration equipment such as mortars, pestles and querns,
suggests that they either did not use cereals and
pulses or that they brought them to the site already
prepared. There is a distinct shortage of bone tools,
also. So far, only one fragment of spatula and one
bone point of a needle have been recovered. Two
very small disc-shaped beads complete the very lim-
ited repertoire of the site in the late Neolithic period.
The central question relating to the later
Neolithic occupation concerns the nature of that oc-
cupation and the relationship of the occupants to the
communities that lived on hoyiiks like (atalhoyiik
56
on the plain. Were the people who occupied the
rock-shelter in the sixth millennium Be using it sea-
sonally, for example, as a hunting station for killing
and butchering wild equids? Or were they a small
permanent community at the margins of the society
that occupied the plain, earning their living by sup-
plying, for example, meat of wild animals? Detailed
study of the cultural assemblage, the animal bones
and the botanical evidence will be needed to help us
to address this question.
Environmental and economic data
The botanical material is still being examined by
Mark Nesbitt at the Institute of Archaeology in Lon-
don. The great bulk of the botanical material seems
to consist of wood charcoal, often in microscopic
pieces, and there are very few seeds. There is a strik-
ing difference in the quantities produced by the two
sites. Site A has produced very little carbonized plant
remains, whereas, in the 1995 season, flotation of
about one metric tonne of deposit produced just over
10 kg of carbonized plant materials from Site B. Plans
are now in hand to begin the study of the wood
charcoals.
The zoological material is also now being stud-
ied under the supervision of Dr Nicola Murray in
Edinburgh University. It is very well preserved, and
is proving to be rich in potential information. This
season, a further 34 kg of excellently preserved ani-
mal bone was recovered. What is immediately ap-
parent is the very large quantities of bones of an
extinct equid species, especially in the late Neolithic
deposits from Site B. Other species represented in-
clude very large wild cattle, sheep and goat, fox,
hare, many birds and some reptiles. The study of the
late Neolithic material will be of particular interest
in conjunction with the nearly contemporary mate-
rial now being excavated at (atalhoyiik. It is already
apparent that there is a considerable degree of dif-
ference in the bone assemblages from the late
Neolithic in the rock-shelter and the early Neolithic
in Site A, the open village settlement beside the lake.
Discussion
The two seasons of excavation have produced an
excellent representation of the material from the late
Neolithic, and possibly earlier, occupations in the
rock-shelter, Site B, and a smaller amount of mate-
rial from the early Neolithic village on the penin-
sula. In addition, we have a small sample of the
later, Early Bronze Age, occupation in Site A. We
 Excavations at Pmarba~n:
have the first, small set of radiocarbon dates (Table
4.1), which place the early occupation of Site A in the
second half of the eighth millennium BC (uncali-
brated), and the last significant phase of occupation
of the Site B rock-shelter in the sixth millennium Be
(uncalibrated), with later re-use in the early fourth
millennium BC. We now know, therefore, that small-
scale, bladelet-based, microlithic industries contin-
ued beyond the Epipalaeolithic into the Neolithic
period in Anatolia, following a different develop-
mental history from the Levantine industrial se-
quence, which has been the only one known in detail.
The sampling strategy and recovery methodology
have produced excellent samples of carbonized plant
remains, and plans for extensive research on the
animal bones, the seeds and the wood charcoals, and
the chipped stone industries are now in hand.
The complexity of the stratified deposits, and
the need to move at the speed at which the materials
can be processed mean that the pace of excavation
will necessarily be slow. However, the potential ex-
ists to explore a long sequence of occupation reaching
57
the Early Stages
back at least into the middle of the eighth millen-
nium Be. This sequence of occupation should be
placed in the context of some knowledge of the local
environment when Dr Neil Roberts' team has com-
pleted work on the core from the bed of the lake at
Siileymanhaci, only about 4 km from the sites at
Pmarba~1.
Contacts were made in 1995 with the interna-
tional team, led by Prof. Yalcinkaya of Ankara Uni-
versity and Prof. Marcel Otte of Liege, which is based
at Kara'in, near Antalya, and is working in that cave
and at the nearby site of Okuzini. It is hoped that in
future we shall be able to exchange research visits
with this team and work towards ensuring direct
comparability of the results from the two teams. The
opportunity to co-ordinate work and working meth-
ods between the important stratigraphic sequences
from Epipalaeolithic to early Neolithic near Antalya
'and those on the southern plateau is exciting, as is
the prospect of working in direct comparison with
the contemporary material coming from <;atalhoyiik
itself.
 ChapterS
Topographic Survey of the ~atalhoyiik Mounds
Tom Pollard, Colin A. Shell & David R. Twigg
The two C::atalhoyiik mounds are situated on the
Konya alluvial plain some fourteen kilometres north
of the town of C::umra, and about two kilometres
south of the village of Kii<;iikkoy, the road to which
passes by the north side of the west mound. The
relict course of the C::ar§amba river passes between
the mounds (Fig. 5.1). The environs are intensively
cultivated for cereals and horticultural crops, includ-
ing the well-known tomatoes of the C::umra region.
Development of the irrigation system is bringing
raised concrete channels across the surrounding land-
scape and with it some reorganization of nearby
fields and ditch sytems. The area between the mounds
is occupied by established small orchards and a plan-
tation of poplar, no doubt taking advantage of the
higher moisture regime of the old stream course.
The surrounding alluvial plain is at about 1004 m
a.s.l..
Objectives
It was clear from the outset that for a project of the
scale anticipated for C::atalhoyiik, one of our primary
concerns should be to obtain an accurate record of
the surface topography of both the east and west
mounds before they were disturbed by further exca-
vation or other archaeological activity.
There were four main aims for the survey:
1) that it would generate an accurate model of the
surface of the hoyiiks;
2) that the model would provide a secure frame of
reference for the systematic surface sampling ex-
ercises and the excavations which would even-
tually proceed down from the surfaces;
3) that it would be sufficiently detailed to highlight
micro-topographical variation which might re-
late to sub-surface features (e.g. buried walls)
and also the more recent history of the mounds;
4) that the model would form a basis for the
59
description and spatial study of the sites and
their immediate environment using a computer-
based Geographical Information System (GIS),
and also provide possible insight into the sur-
face taphonomy of the mounds.
Methods
The first task of the survey was to establish an over-
all site grid. Being one of the more elevated features
in the Konya plain, the larger east mound has a
triangulation point on its summit, the height of which
is marked on the 1:25,000 map as 1020.3 m a.s.l.,
some sixteen metres above the surrounding plain.
The UTM Zone 36N coordinates for this datum were
determined subsequently to be 484,844 mE, 4,168,967
m N, using a Global Positioning System (GPS) -see
Appendix 1 for a listing of equipment employed in
the survey. The datum point, from which the survey
originated, was assigned the nominal coordinates of
1000 m E, 1000 m N in the site grid, which was
intended to encompass both the east and west
mounds. Magnetic north measured from this point
was found to lie almost in the direct line of the
minaret of the mosque in the village of Kii<;iikkoy.
The centre line of this landmark from the datum
point was adopted as the site grid's north reference
direction.
The initial placement of the grid pegs was de-
termined in the first instance by the requirements of
the surface collection programme: a 2 x 2 m square
was to be investigated systematically at 20 m inter-
vals across the entire site. Where appropriate, more
substantial permanent markers were put in at 50 m
intervals to aid the precise placement of trenches.
The east mound was gridded during the first days of
the 1993 season, while the west mound was covered
early in the 1994 season once the surface collection
on the east mound was complete.
 Tom Pollard, Colin A. Shell & David R. Twigg

4170000

4169000

484000 485000
Figure 5.1. Plan of the c;atalhoyiik mounds and their immediate surroundings taken from a local map. Contours at 0.5
m intervals above 1004.00 m. Scale 1:8000.

60
 Topographic Survey of the <:;atalhoyiik Mounds
Surveys
The east mound (1993-1995)
The east mound was the main focus of the topo-
graphic survey, as it was here that the bulk of the
archaeological work would take place. It is enclosed
by a fence, erected following Mellaart's excavation
of the site in the 1960s (Mellart 1967). The area en-
closed measures some 500 m north-south, and 300
m east-west. The mound is in fact composed of three
sub-mounds or eminences: the main, or southern,
eminence, which rises to about 17m above the sur-
rounding plain and was the location of Mellaart's
work; a smaller northern eminence, rising to about
12 m above the plain; and a much lower plateau to
the east of the main eminence. Other than the occa-
sional fox-hole and some modern trackways and
other disturbance, the mound appeared to be uni-
formly smooth and featureless.
The desired topographic detail could only be
achieved through a dense coverage of readings. Just
how dense that coverage should be was a topic of
debate, but a 2 m spacing was settled on as a prag-
matic balance between the desire for thorough re-
cording of detail and the limitations of time. It was
accepted that while the smallest surface features
would likely be overlooked at this resolution, the
more substantial ones (if they existed) would almost
certainly be picked up to some degree. In this it
should be recalled that the rooms excavated by
Mellaart ranged in size from two metres upwards.
The technique for the detailed survey was
straightforward. One 20 m square at a time was
marked out with poles, which acted as guides for the
staff-holder, who walked each square boustrophed-
on in lines approximately 2m apart, with readings
taken by electronic total station every two metres. In
this way up to 1500 measurements could be taken
during a working day, with a potential three-dimen-
sional precision of the order of 5 em. The grid was
not always rigidly adhered to, particularly where
there was modern disturbance, or lack of detail off
the mound. For instance, in the northwest corner of
the fenced area is a low seasonally marshy area
which, though enfenced, is off the mound and al-
most completely flat. Lower density recording was
possible here at approximately 5 m intervals with-
out a significant loss of detail. This area, inciden-
tally, is the location of the new dig-house, where the
excavation of the foundations confirmed the absence
of archaeological material. Mellaart' s excavations re-
quired more attentive treatment, owing to the much
more varied topography of old archaeological
61
trenches. The area was recorded in a strictly topo-
graphic way, not on the systematic 2 m grid, taking
as many readings as necessary to describe the fea-
tures.
The survey data were downloaded at the end
of each day from the datalogger to a computer run-
ning the necessary software for the equipment being
used (the different total stations recording in differ-
ent formats). The data were edited and 'cleaned up'
(i.e. had additional or unecessary digits or leaders
removed) before transfer to a contour generation
program. Daily plots were produced of the points
taken, and the contours generated to check that the
surface was accurately recorded. Occasionally, where
the recording was found inadequate we were able to
return the following day to a specific location to
rectify any omission or refine the detail. Each day's
data were incorporated into a larger site map and
the progress of the survey could be monitored. Over
the two seasons of survey, approximately 25,500 read-
ings were taken on the east mound: we believe an
unprecedented coverage of a site of this size.
Major features are fully delineated in a contour
plot of the mound at 0.5 m intervals (Fig. 5.2). The
extent of Mellaart's deep excavations are apparent
on the west side of the main southern mound, with
the associated long linear dump at the western edge
and three substantial spoil tips on the southwestern
slope of the mound. The north-south axiality of both
the southern and the subsidiary northern mounds is
well defined. The low plateau (1100,1040) to the east
of the main mound appears to comprise of a later
smaller phase superimposed on a larger low area
extending a further 50 m to the east. The cutting
down of the surface between the summits by the
track running northwest to southeast is clearly vis-
ible, as also is the line of the track on the east side of
the mound running southwards from by the water
tower and pumping plant (1120,1280). The site of a
small irregular excavation with a dump to the north
side is revealed at (990,1230) on the northwest slope
of the north mound. A more detailed study of the
micro-topography and the evidence for the
weathering of the mound are discussed separately
below.
The west mound (1995)
The west mound is very different from the east,
being a low spread structure. The site is unfenced,
but is nevertheless clearly delimited by modern fea-
tures; the northwest side is curtailed by a road, while
the northeast side is truncated by a large modern
drainage channel. The mound clearly extends into
 Tom Pollard, Colin A. Shell & David R. Twigg

130

125

1200

1150

1100

1050

100

950

850 900 950 1000 1050 1100 1150 1200

Figure 5.2. Plan of the east mound contoured at 0.5 m intervals. Scale in metres.
 Topographic Survey of the <;atalhoyiik Mounds
adjacent fields at its southern end, where consider-
able quantities of Chalcolithic pottery were found
during the surface collection, and similarly to the
northwest beyond the modern road. Like the main
east mound its margins are almost certainly covered
to some degree by later alluvium, masking its full
extent. Although much lower than the east mound
(the summit is only 6 m above the plain), the west
mound is still in excess of 300 m in length and
breadth.
The site has suffered significant damage from
recent farming practice. A deep trackway cuts across
the middle of it, effectively dividing it in half. The
site has been used for many years for the storage of
straw for fodder and mud-brick manufacture, which
is kept in large rectangular-based piles 2 m or more
in height. Frequently, shallow trenches are dug
around these piles to channel winter rain away from
them, and the excavated soil mixed with water and
applied over the heap to form a waterproof coating.
The result of all this activity is that much of the
mound is deeply rutted, and in places covered by up
to 0.5 m of decaying straw.
It was not intended that the west mound would
be subject to the same degree of archaeological scru-
tiny as the east mound. However, it was initially felt
that both mounds should be recorded to the same
level of accuracy, as a vital part of our role as archi-
vists. In the event it seemed, given the already sig-
nificant alteration of the surface, that an accurate
survey would probably require, if anything, a much
higher, and prohibitive, density of readings than was
necessary for the east mound. It was decided that
such a level of detail, of what is effectively an en-
tirely modern surface, was somewhat superfluous,
and that for the present, an outline topography would
be obtained which could be elaborated in the future
if required. As an outline, it was felt that measure-
ments based on the 20 m site grid already in place,
with significant breaks of slope recorded, would give
an adequate picture of the general form of the mound.
As the total station was fully occupied in the
recording of the excavations on the east mound, the
survey was conducted using the Global Positioning
System (GPS) receivers. The equipment consists of
two antennae linked to dataloggers, one at a fixed
location, the other recording the detail of the site.
The receivers monitor a series of satellites which
transmit radio signals modulated with precise time
and position data, allowing the relative positions of
the two receivers to be calculated to within 2 em (see
Twigg in press). The fixed receiver was placed on
the top of the east mound at the origin of the site
63
grid to provide a reference point for the portable
receiver with which readings were made by the 20m
grid pegs, at significant surface features and along
the bounds of the site. The data from the two receiv-
ers were then processed at the excavation labora-
tory, and further upon return to the UK. The result
was a generalized record of the centre of the 9 ha site
from about 400 readings. The GPS survey also estab-
lished the orientation of the site grid on the west
mound with respect to UTM north. The local grid is
oriented 5°35' west of UTM north - allowing the cor-
rect positioning of the east mound plan in Figure 5.1.
In the plan of the west mound contoured at 0.5
m intervals (Fig. 5.3), the severe dissection of the
mound by the north-south track is seen, with the
surface cut down by at least 0.5 m. The axis of the
mound appears to have been more in an east-west
orientation, and as on the east mound, there is evi-
dence for a specific construction phase where there
was an extension of the mud-brick settlement in a
particular direction, in this case to the south, creat-
ing a low plateau.
Micro-relief and surface taphonomy of the east
mound
When first visiting <;atalhOyiik in 1958, Mellaart
(1967, 27) noticed that the remains of burnt build-
ings were exposed by surface erosion on the south-
west side of the east mound. Elsewhere the mound
was covered and stabilized by vegetation. The sub-
sequent fencing of the site has maintained the veg-
etation cover. The evidence for the survival of houses
near the surface of unexplored parts of the mound,
and in particular their form and shape, was a princi-
pal concern at the beginning of the new study.
The detailed topographic survey was under-
taken to discover if the surface relief, itself, pre-
served any evidence for structures and their form in
the unexcavated areas of the site. To seek such evi-
dence, the topographic survey data were examined
with software able to visualize the finer features
present. The data were gridded using a quintic inter-
polation at a 0.5 m interval from the triangular ir-
regular network (TIN) defined by the array of points,
and a lattice constructed that could be viewed in the
GIS software, Arc/Info. Fine detail may be extracted
and enhanced from a dataset by high-pass filtering
techniques (Lillesand & Kiefer 1994, 553). Alterna-
tively, using appropriate software, a model surface
of the mound can be viewed and illuminated from
any direction, so that features may be revealed by
low oblique lighting digitally equivalent to that
 Tom Pollard, Colin A. Shell & David R. Twigg
~'.6Q100
~....
4168050
Figure 5.3. Generalized plan of the west mound at c;atalhoyuk with contours at 0.5 m intervals. UTM coordinates in
metres.
successfully used in aerial photography to discover
sites of low relief. Figure 5.4 is a plan view of the east
mound shaded by low illumination from the north-
east, and Figure 5.5 is an image illuminated from the
northeast with contours and grid superimposed. Fig-
ure 5.6 is a view of the shaded surface from the east.
In addition to the major features defined in the
contour plan (Fig. 5.2) the shading shows a number
of modern elements which confirm the sensitivity of
the technique. A 10m square from the scraping exer-
cise is clearly visible at (1040,1240). On its north side
is a narrow cutting, associated with the water sup-
ply, running west southwest across the site from the
water tower. Visible also are the barrow runs from
the 1960s' trenches to the three spoil tips on the
southwest side of the mound. A further 10m scraped
square is visible at (1075,1175), immediately to the
north of which is a fox-hole. The irregular hollows
from collapsed similar burrows, are probably the
most common feature across the site, but they may
64
41691~0
UUI lone J6N Ccxrd IMtoa
CrotOU""a ot o. Sm Intorvo le
All levola rolatlvo to QOOI....Ind level
at bOlO crt p II I Qf' en Eoet Mou'ld
with oaaUIT»d revel ot t020 . Jm
include the vestiges of pits dug for brick making, as
recorded by Mellaart (1967, 32), though those of the
Hellenistic and earlier periods could be expected to
have largely silted up in the intervening years. The
numerous slight mounds and hollows from colonies
of burrowing European suslik (citellus citellus) are
not resolved. Finally, the remaining most obvious
features are aligned on the survey grid and repre-
sent artefacts of the survey method where smaller-
rors of a few centimetres in the transfer of the level
from one surveyed area to the next have introduced
step edges aligned north-south and east-west. Within
these areas there is further smaller striping associ-
ated with slight alignment errors in the holding of
the detail pole. These artefacts verify the high sensi-
tivity of this mode of displaying the data, and con-
firm that there is no obvious fine-scale detail visible
on the mound that relates to the immediately sub-
surface structures- a conclusion not entirely unex-
pected given the material similarity of the room fills
 Topographic Survey of the <;atalhoyiik Mounds

Figure 5.4. Surface of the east mound digitally shaded from the northeast by a point source at 30° elevation. Scale 1:2500.

65
 Tom Pollard, Colin A. Shell & David R. Twigg

Figure 5.5. Northeast shaded surface of the east mound with 0.5 m contours superimposed. Scale 1:2500.

66
 >-l
0
'1j
0
OQ
...,
tll
'1j
::;'
;:;·
if...,
<
ro
'<
0
......
....,.
::;'
ro
..()
tll
....,.
tll
s:o:
'<
C:
:>;""'

3:
0
c
::l
0.
ffl

Figure 5.6. Northeast shaded surface of the east mound viewed from the east.
 Tom Pollard, Colin A. Shell & David R. Twigg

Figure 5.7. Approximately north-south profile of the east mound at c;atalhoyiik across the summits.

68
 Topographic Survey of the <:;:atalhoyuk Mounds

Figure 5.8. West-east profile across the main summit of the east mound at (atalhoyiik .

69
 Tom Pollard, Colin A. Shell & David R. Twigg

Figure 5.9. West-east profile across the northern subsidiary summit of the east mound.

70
 Topographic Survey of the <;atalhoyiik Mounds
and the mud-brick walls themselves.
On the macro-scale, however, there may be one
aspect of the shape of the main mound that relates to
the mud-brick buildings. The general orientation of
the structures so far excavated is north-south/ east-
west. On the southeast side of the mound there is a
change in the general curvature of the contours at
the position of a line running southeastward from
the summit towards (1040,950). This could represent
the slightly higher resistance of the mound to ero-
sion associated with the aligned corners of mud-
brick walls in this area. There is, though, a slight
concavity in the contours to the west of this line,
confirmed by the shading, which may be the re-
mains of a past surface mud slide in this region,
which, itself, may be the reason for the slight ridge
to the east. A similar slight hollow is also apparent
on the northwest slope of the mound at (960,1110).
Erosion and long-term stability
The present form of a prehistoric tell represents a
combination of the original structural development
of the mound from the successive building and re-
placement of mud-brick houses, and the subsequent
erosional processes. The erosion will depend not only
on the climate and vegetation cover, but is mediated
also by both the original form of the buildings and
nature of their materials- stone footings to walls
may for example add stability to a mound. On present
evidence the east mound at <;atalhoyiik appears to be
entirely constructed of mud brick derived from local
alluvium, with the surface virtually free of stone of any
size except for quem fragments, and its consequent
shape is, as expected, generally smooth and uniform.
The erosion processes on tells are a well estab-
lished interest (Davidson 1976; Rosen 1986), which
draws on the extensive studies of agricultural and
natural soil erosion. The formulation of a Universal
Soil Loss Equation by Wischmeier & Smith (1978)
was a first step in general model quantification. The
predicted long-term form of a uniformly eroded
mound of essentially homogeneous alluvium is
Gaussian in profile (Rosen 1986, 28), with eroded
soil collecting in extending surfaces around the
mound. From the present survey, detailed profiles
across the summit of the east mound and its north-
ern hump (Figs. 5.7-5.9) show that it is close to this
state and is likely to survive without significant
change other than slow deflation if the present veg-
etation cover is maintained. There are no deep con-
cavities in the surface of the mound where significant
rainwater erosion gullies can be expected to form
and threaten its long-term stability.
71
Area and volume of the mounds
An accurate estimate can be made of the areas and
volumes of the mounds from the present surveys.
The west mound has a surface area of 6.59 ha within
the bounds of the surveyed area, and a volume of
157,000 m 3 above the 1004.00 m level of the sur-
rounding landscape. However, if the dense spread
of artefacts in the surrounding level alluvium is in-
cluded, the area of the west mound is 8.5 ha. The
east mound has a calculated surface area of 13.56 ha
within the boundary fence, and an estimated vol-
ume of 677,700 m 3 above the 1004.00 m level.
Conclusion
Whilst the detailed topographic survey of the main
east mound at <;atalhoyiik failed to reveal evidence
for the underlying structures, it has provide a com-
plete frame of reference for not only the ongoing
investigation of the site, but also is a digital founda-
tion for the study of the site and its environs. The
survey contributes also a valuable conservation
record of the state of the mounds at the beginning of
the new major programme of research at this inter-
nationally important site.
Acknowledgements
We would like to take this opportunity to thank
those people who suffered so long at the other end
of the survey operation, in particular to Mehmet
Uluceviz and Ali Tiirkcan. Also to Tom Strasser,
Naomi Hamilton, Nurcan Yalman, Bekir Giirdil,
Ibrahim Oziinoglu, James Conolly and Murat Asian.
Many thanks are due to Chris Burgess and the De-
partment of Archaeology, University of Edinburgh,
for the loan of the Wild TC1000 total station in the
1993 season.
Appendix 1
Survey equipment and data processing
1993 Wild TC1000 total station with datalogger.
Data processed through Gif 12 and Microsoft
Excel, then Surfer and Autocad.
1994 Geodimeter 420 with Psion Organiser II as
datalogger, running Geolog datalogging pro-
gram. Data processed in Map400, then Surfer
for Windows, Autocad and Arc/Info.
 Tom Pollard, Colin A. Shell & David R. Twigg
1995 Sokkia SET SE, with Psion Organiser II, run-
ning Toposet datalogging program. Thereaf-
ter Surfer (Win32), Autocad, Arc/Info, AVS.
Wild System 200 single frequency GPS, with
data processed with SKI software, thereafter
LISCAD, Microstation, Autocad and Arc/Info.
References
Davidson, D.A., 1976. Processes of tell formation and ero-
sion, in Geoarchaeology: Earth Science and the Past,
eds. D.A. Davidson & M.L. Shakley. London:
Duckworth, 255-75.
Lillesand, T.W. & R.W. Kiefer, 1994. Remote Sensing and
72
Image Interpretation. 3rd edition. New York (NY):
John Wiley.
Mellaart, J., 1967. Catal Huyuk: a Neolithic Town in Anatolia.
London: Thames & Hudson.
Rosen, A.M., 1986. Cities of Clay: the Geoarcheology of Tells.
Chicago (IL): University of Chicago Press.
Twigg, D.R., in press. GPS and its use for terrain mapping
and monitoring, in Landform Monitoring, Modelling
and Analysis, eds. S.N. Lane, K.S. Richards & J.H. Chan-
dler. (BGRG Symposium Series.) Chichester: Wiley.
Wischmeier, W.H. & D.D. Smith, 1978. Predicting Rainfall
Erosion Losses: a Guide to Conservation Planning. (U.S.
Department of Agriculture, Agriculture Handbook
no. 537.) Washington (DC): U.S. Government Print
Office.
 Chapter6
Systematic Surface Collection
Roger Matthews
Introduction and methodology
A programme of collection of surface artefacts from
2 x 2 m squares at 20 m intervals was executed
across both the east and the west mounds. A uni-
formly dense coverage of vegetation across the
mounds rendered surface collection difficult and
unreliable, so that the technique was devised of clear-
ing vegetation from each 2 x 2m square before tak-
ing from that square a set volume, 36litres, of surface
earth to be passed through a 5 mm mesh from which
all artefacts were retrieved. Initial experiments with
a 2 mm mesh soon established that its use was pro-
hibitively time consuming and that no significant
improvements in artefact recovery were thereby
achieved. Artefacts recovered from each 2 x 2 m
square were recorded on set forms under the head-
ings of pottery, bone, building materials (divided
into daub, tile and plaster), obsidian, flint, ground
stone, shell, and other materials. Each category of
object was divided into two size classes: below 2 em
(largest dimension) and above 2 em. Within these
classes each artefact category was then counted and
weighed. For the obsidian and flint, the use of three
size classes - below 1 em, 1-2 em, and above 2 em -
provided finer resolution. All pottery sherds were
further divided into wheelmade or handmade cat-
egories.
The aims underlying these fairly labour inten-
sive procedures are manifold, but have in common a
quest for significant patterning in the nature of sur-
face artefacts. Firstly, we are looking for absolute
densities of artefacts, in total and divided into cat-
egories, across the mound and, secondly, for the
relative frequency with which one or more types of
artefact occur in association with other types. Pat-
terns of obsidian distribution or of handmade sherd
distribution, for example, may thus be detected, and
correlations between bone and pottery, for example,
73
may be established. Thirdly, degrees of fragmenta-
tion of all categories of artefact, in absolute and rela-
tive terms, can be established and examined across
the mound. Fourthly, we hope to establish the extent
to which patterning of artefacts on the surface of the
mound relates to the distribution and nature of sub-
surface artefacts and features. These patterns are
looked for in the full knowledge that they are certain
to be the result of a complex web of cultural,
depositional and post-depositional factors which are
unlikely fully to be apprehended in our interpreta-
tions.
Surface and subsurface work at a number of
Near Eastern sites and elsewhere, however, has dem-
onstrated that surface artefact patterns may signifi-
cantly relate to patterns of occupation in deposits
immediately underlying the mound's surface and,
in a more general sense, have demonstrated the va-
lidity of employing a systematic approach to the
collection and analysis of surface material. The first
explicitly systematic attempt to deal with surface
artefacts was made in the 1960s by Binford at the
Native American site of Hatchery West, where clus-
ters of classes of artefacts were interpreted as traces
of specific occupations or activity loci. Subsequent
excavation of the site, however, detected no signifi-
cant correlations between surface and subsurface
materials and features (Binford 1972).
The prehistoric site of Ayngerm in southeast-
ern Anatolia was treated in a similar manner by
Whallon, again in the 1960s, with artefacts being
collected from 10 per cent of the site's surface. Mate-
rial was collected and analyzed from a total of 99
squares, each measuring 5 x 5 m. The results were
presented in a series of contour maps, showing den-
sities of different types of artefact across the mound's
surface, with the aims of indicating chronological
variations in occupation, the differential distribution
of artefact types and the correlation between various
 Roger Matthews

1300

1200

.£i 1100
8
~
s
1000

900

800

900 1000 1100 1200

metres east

0 50 100 150 200 250

number
Figure 6.1. Enst mound: surfnce distribution of n/1 nrtefncts.

74
 Systematic Surface Collection

artefact categories, all with the intention of provid- mound of 19.79 artefacts per m 2 • At the Neolithic site
ing information upon which to design an excavation of ~ayonii 15,000 artefacts were retrieved from 2100
strategy (Whallon 1980). The sites of ~ayonii and m 2 (84 squares, each 5 x 5 m), an average density of
Girikihaciyan, both in southeastern Anatolia, were 7.14 artefacts per m 2, while at the Halaf period site of
also subjected to systematic surface treatment, this Girikihaciyan 15,000 artefacts were recovered from
time by Redman and Watson, in the 1960s. In both 2725 m 2 (109 squares, each 5 x 5 m), an average
cases 10 per cent of the mounds, in 5 x 5 m squares, density of 5.5 artefacts per m 2 • The higher density of
was collected. Contour maps of artefact densities artefacts at ~atalhoyiik may be at least partly ac-
show ratios between artefact categories. Test trenches counted for by the use of sieves in the recovery
at both sites established a very strong correlation procedure.
between the nature of surface and subsurface arte- The surface distribution of all artefacts is de-
fact assemblages, to a depth of up to 0.5 m (Redman picted in Figure 6.1, showing a fairly even spread
& Watson 1970; Watson & Leblanc 1990). across much of the mound, with notably higher oc-
The programme of surface collection at ~atal­ currences on and around the three eminences. The
hoyiik is designed as an integral element of a tripar- most consistently high densities occur on the south-
tite strategy involving surface work, subsurface eastern slopes of the mound, while the lowest fre-
scraping and excavation. To some extent, each ele- quencies are to the west, north and east of the
ment is regarded as informative and significant on northern end of the mound. These distinctions are
its own terms while at the same time providing data largely the result of the distributional pattern of pot-
which will shape the wider strategy. Thus, surface tery, generally wheelmade pottery, which reflects a
studies have provided important information which high concentration of post-Neolithic occupation in
can stand by itself, but which also has relevance for the southeastern area of the mound.
subsurface scraping and for full-scale excavation.
West mound surface collection
East mound surface collection
Artefacts were collected from a total of 213 sample
In all, a total of 298 squares, each measuring 2 x 2 m, squares on the surface of the west mound, at 852 m 2
were collected from the east mound. This represents representing 1.00 per cent of the 8.5 ha of the mound.
a total area of 1192 m 2, or 0.88 per cent of the total Recovered objects have the following make-up:
surface area of the mound if calculated at 13.5 ha.
The fact that the sampled proportion is not 1.00 per Item Number recovered %age of total Density per m 2
cent (each 2 x 2m square being 1.00 per cent of the 20 Pottery 17,124 81.73 20.10
Bone 2356 11.24 2.77
x 20 m squares which comprise the sample grid) is Clay I daub/tile/plaster 413 1.97 0.48
due to the fact that collection was not carried out on Obsidian
Flint
922
82
4.40
0.39
1.08
0.10
squares in the area of Mellaart's excavations, where Ground stone 20 0.10 0.02
Other (metal, slag, shell, glass) 36 0.17 0.03
large spoil heaps and upcast material would not
Total 20,953 100.00 24.59
have provided accurate indications of surface at-
tributes. Although not in absolute terms a large pro-
portion, we are confident in the validity of the Artefact density across the west mound, de-
conclusions given the relatively close spacing, at picted in Figure 6.2, is thus notably higher than for
20 m intervals, of collection squares and the system- the east mound, and is largely accounted for by the
atic use of 5 mm sieves throughout. The overall arte- greater quantities of pottery, sherds being almost
fact category make-up is as follows: twice as dense per m 2 on the west mound. This dif-
ference indicates the increased use of pottery during
Item Number recovered o/vage of total Density per m 2 the Chalcolithic period. Were it not for the Classical
Pottery 12,834 54.42 10.77 occupation on the Neolithic east mound, the density
Bone 7055 29.91 5.92
Clay I daub/tile/plaster 1851 7.85 1.55 of pottery there would be much lower still. The sec-
Obsidian 1547 6.56
Charred remains 120 0.51
1.30
0.10
ond major distinction is the greater density of bone
Flint 61 0.26 0.05 per m 2 on the east mound, where bone is more than
Ground stone 50 0.21 0.04
Other (metal, slag, shell, glass) 67 0.28 0.06 twice as common per m 2 than on the later west
Total 23,585 100.00 19.79 mound. Explanations for this clear distinction are
not immediately obvious, but it may be that the
Thus, a total of 23,585 artefacts was recovered extent of agricultural activity across the west mound
from 1192 m 2, giving an average density across the has led to increased disintegration of bone. It may
75
 Roger Matthews

1100

1000

900

800

400 500 600 700

metres east

0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400

number

Figure 6.2. West mound: surface distribution of all artefacts.

also be that the high density of bone on the east Chalcolithic inhabitants of the west mound may have
mound is a result of dumping kitchen refuse in open taken their refuse off-site to areas now buried by
areas within the Neolithic settlement, while the recent alluviation.

76
 Systematic Surface Collection
References
Binford, L.R., 1972. Hatchery West: site definition- sur-
face distribution of cultural items, in An Archaeologi-
cal Perspective, by L.R. Binford. New York (NY):
Seminar Press, 163-81.
Redman, C.L. & P.J. Watson, 1970. Systematic, intensive
surface collection. American Antiquity 35, 279-91.
Watson, P.J. & S. Leblanc, 1990. Girikihaciyan: a Halafian
77
Site in Southeastern Turkey. (UCLA, Institute of Ar-
chaeology Monograph 33.) Los Angeles (CA): UCLA,
Institute of Archaeology.
Whallon, R., 1980. The systematic collection and analysis
of surface materials from a prehistoric site in south-
eastern Anatolia, in The Joint Istanbul Chicago Uni-
versities' Prehistoric Research in Southeastern Anatolia,
eds. H. <;:ambel & R.J. Braidwood. Istanbul: Istanbul
University Faculty of Letters, 207-19.
 Chapter 7
Surface Scraping and Planning
Roger Matthews
Introduction and methodology
During the 1993-1995 seasons an extensive pro-
gramme of surface scraping was conducted at
<;atalhoyiik. As with surface collection, this pro-
gramme is very much an integral part of the total
strategy, while at the same time providing signifi-
cant results in its own right. In overall terms, surface
scraping in the 1993-1995 seasons has greatly en-
hanced our knowledge of occupation at <;atalhoyiik,
yielding new and important data as well as indica-
tors for future work. The main aim of scraping is to
investigate and establish patterns of architectural and
occupational activity across the site, upon which
chronological and functional distinctions can be
based. This information, often extremely detailed,
may then be used as a prelude to full excavation in
selected areas.
The technique of subsurface scraping is one
that has long been employed by Near Eastern ar-
chaeologists, often purely as a prelude to excava-
tion. Its use as a full-blown technique in its own
right, in order to provide detailed information with-
out excavation, took its most coherent and explicitly
strategic shape at the Sumerian city of Abu Salabikh
in southern Iraq, where a substantial proportion of
the surface architecture was planned in this way
(Matthews & Postgate 1987; Postgate 1983).
At <;atalhOyiik, the density of surface vegeta-
tion and possible soil build-up initially raised some
doubts about the applicability of the scraping tech-
nique. Once in use, however, it was soon established
that, on the whole, the site is greatly suited to scrap-
ing, with architecture and features clearly visible at
depths varying from 0.05 to 0.3 m below the surface.
In general, greater amounts of soil had to be re-
moved as scraping progressed further down the
mound's slopes (Figs. 7.22-7.25). In several areas, how-
ever, extremely clear architecture could be traced
79
only a few centimetres below the modern surface of
the mound.
In essence, there are three stages in the tech-
nique of scraping. Firstly, after removal of vegeta-
tion all surface artefacts are collected and kept for
study. Secondly, a spit of surface earth is removed
using pick-axes, shovels and baskets. All artefacts
from this earth are again kept separately. Thirdly,
the resulting surface, which is generally some 0.1 m
below the modern surface, is scraped clean with
wide-bladed hoes. These hoes are not available in
the region of <;atalhoyiik, but the local blacksmith
was able to manufacture some first class tools for
our use. The blades are wide and very sharp, in
order to cut the mound's surface and scrape back all
loose earth which is then removed by shovels and
baskets. If after this scrape no architecture or soil
changes are visible it may be necessary to remove a
further spit of earth before rescraping. Again, all
artefacts from the scraping itself are kept separately.
In general, visibility of surface architecture is excel-
lent at <;atalhoyiik after removal of surface earth
and scraping. Detectable features include walls,
which are frequently defined by white plaster faces
and often with internal brick edges and mortar lines
clearly visible, while interior features such as fire
installations and platforms are regularly discernible.
Pits and rubbish spreads are also common.
Once the square has been scraped clean, all
architecture and features are planned and recorded
in detail using standard forms and soil description
methods. In this volume the results of the scraping
operation are presented in descriptive form with as-
sociated plans of scraped areas. The very detailed
deposit descriptions, carried out using standard soil
science methods, are not included here but are held
in the <;atalhoyiik Research Trust archive of field
records.
The original intention had been to scrape
 Roger Matthews

850 900 950 1000 1050 1100 1150 1200

Figure 7.1. Plan of east mound showing location of all scraped squares.

80
 Surface Scraping and Planning

sample areas measuring 20 x 20 m within a 100 m Neolithic buildings were exposed immediately un-
grid across the site. Several factors persuaded us to derlying the mound's surface. In essence, surface
change the sample area to 10 x 10m within a 50 m scraping strongly supports the conclusion of sys-
grid . Firstly, the size of the east mound, 13.5 ha tematic surface collection that the east mound of
visible above the modern plain, meant that the sepa- C::atalhoyuk is almost entirely a Neolithic mound
ration of sample squares from each other by 100m in with a scattering of Hellenistic, Roman and Byzan-
each direction suggested we might end up completely tine occupation in restricted localities. The following
missing vital areas of the mound. Secondly, sub- discussion presents the salient results of scraping in
stantial soil build-up on the lower slopes of the all the investigated areas, commencing with the most
mound would have meant a large investment in productive area at the north of the east mound.
time and labour in order to clear 400m 2 (20 x 20m),
whereas an area of 100 m 2 (10 x 10 m) could be North Area
cleared and scraped in one or two days, an impor-
tant consideration given the relatively short dura- Investigation of the North Area began with the clear-
tion of each season. ance of sample square 1040,1190 in the 1993 season.
The policy from the start was to expand those It was immediately clear that the Neolithic architec-
scraped sample areas which appeared worthy of fur- ture in this part of the mound had not suffered any
ther investment in time and labour. Thus, two ex- considerable post-Neolithic disturbance and that the
tended areas were uncovered on the east mound, architecture was readily accessible only a few centi-
one at the north end and the other near the centre. metres below the modern mound surface. Accord-
The former of these proved to be, by some way, the ingly in 1993 the scraped area was expanded to a 20
most informative and significant of all the areas in- x 20m square with its southwest corner at 1030,1180.
vestigated. In total33 squares, each covering 10 x 10 In 1994 a further twelve 10 x 10 m squares were
m, were scraped and planned on the east mound, cleared, expanding the North Area into a 40 x 40 m
giving a total of 3300 m 2 or 0.33 ha of planned sur- area with its southwest corner at 1020,1170. Finally,
face architecture and features. This total represents in 1995 three further squares were scraped to the
2.44 per cent of the mound's visible surface area. The south of the 1994 area, giving a total of nineteen 10 x
distribution of these scraped squares is shown in 10m squares cleared and planned in the North Area.
Figure 7.1. In addition, three 10 x 10m squares were By these means we have recovered a detailed and
scraped and planned on the west mound, where largely coherent plan of over thirty Neolithic struc-
special problems were encountered, as detailed be- tures over an area of 1900 m 2 .
low.
In general terms, sub-
surface scraping at C::atal-
hoyiik in 1993-1995 es-
tablished that Neolithic
dwellings and occupation
debris occur at almost all
points of the east mound
so far investigated, but also
that in some areas these lev-
els have been substantially
disturbed by much later oc-
cupation, rendering the
Neolithic occupation not
comprehensible without
full-scale removal of the
overlying features and de-
posits, which date to the
Hellenistic, Roman and
Byzantine periods. At other
points, however, more or
less completely undisturbed Figure 7.2. Scrape areas on (atalhdyiik East in 1993 as seen from the northeast of the site.

81
 Roger Matthews

I
r
....
' -

~
m

0 5 10

Figure 7.3. North Area . Plan of entire area; historic phase walls in south are indicated by lighter shading.
82
 Surface Scraping and Planning

The plan of these structures is illustrated in Secondly, the density of artefacts recovered from
Figure 7.3, showing relatively little in the way of the scraped area does not necessitate the existence of
later disturbance of the Neolithic deposits. One re- an overlying phase from which such artefacts might
cent feature is a pair of arcs of ditch in the north- have originated. It might be argued that some types
western quadrant of the cleared area, which also of artefact, especially the rather fragile handmade
showed up well in the magnetometer survey. Ex- Neolithic pottery, may have eroded and disappeared
amination of a 1960s' photograph of <:::a talhoyuk, from the archaeological record at the same pace as
taken from the northwest, reveals that these ditches their architectural contexts, but this argument could
were almost certainly dug around a tent pitched on not apply to more durable categories such as obsid-
that part of the mound during Mellaart's excava- ian and polished stone. All types of artefact are scarce
tions (Mellaart 1967, pl. 1). Otherwise, post-Neolithic across the North Area, and excavation of spaces 70-
features are restricted to a few scoops and shallow 72 in 1995 supported the interpretation that most
pits of uncertain date. At the southern limit of the objects are contained within collapsed room fill and
scraped area, however, traces of a substantial late within and between walls rather than in primary
period building with associated burials were de- contexts on floors. In sum, there is no evidence for a
tected, as supported by finds of Classical pottery density of artefacts in the North Area which might
and extensive spreads of post-Neolithic rubbish in indicate the existence of a now-deflated overlying
large pits cutting the Neolithic architecture. occupation level.
The clearance and planning of the Neolithic Thirdly, the evidence points to a strong posi-
buildings, when considered in concert with the pre- tive correlation between pottery collected from the
liminary results of the 1995 excavation of one of surface of the North Area, before scraping, and that
these structures (spaces 70-72 in Fig. 7.5), throw new recovered during both scraping and excavation, with
light on the complex issue of erosion and site forma- all lines of evidence indicating a dating to around
tion processes at C::atalhoyuk. In sum, the weight of level V in Mellaart's terms and only small amounts
the evidence suggests that the architectural level as of material from later levels.
planned by us immediately underlying the modern Both scraping and recent excavation in the
surface of the mound may well represent the very North Area have demonstrated that many of the
latest level of occupation in this part of the mound, rooms planned in this area are now very close to
and therefore that the degree of post-abandonment floor level. Plastered floors have been detected on
erosion may be considerably less than anticipated. the mound's surface at several points within the
There are several threads to this line of evidence. complex of buildings, and excavation of spaces 70-72
Firstly, the general lack of
intrusive features cutting
through the planned archi-
tecture suggests that little
activity took place in this
part of the mound after the
abandonment of the visible
Neolithic buildings. It is
known from Mellaart's ex-
cavations that the business
of living, and dying, in the
Neolithic levels at C::atal-
hoyuk involved a consid-
erable amount of digging
beneath occupied houses,
particularly in order to
bury the dead. Yet in the
North Area there is so far
no solid evidence of pits or
more especially graves cut
from a now-eroded occu-
pation level overlying the Figure 7.4. Examples of d.etail observed after scraping on the northern eminence of
level planned by us. c;atalhoyiik East.
83
 Roger Ma tthews

42

0 lOrn

1020,1160

Hellenistic/
Byzantine walls N

Figure 7.5. Nor th Area . Genera l plan showing walls, recons tructed wa lls, burnt areas and space numbers.
84
 Surface Scraping and Planning
in 1995 established that floors here were no more
than 0.5 m below the modern surface. Not surpris-
ingly, much or all of the surviving room fill consists
of mud-brick rubble and debris originating from the
upper destroyed parts of the building. If buildings
originally stood to a height of 2 m or more, based on
evidence from Mellaart's excavations, and if at their
abandonment the roof and upper parts of the walls
were tipped into the empty building, as suggested
by the room fill in spaces 70-72, then the Neolithic
buildings of the North Area may have had an imme-
diately post-abandonment standing height of around
1 m. These tentative interpretations suggest that, at
least in the North Area of the east mound, no more
than 0.5-1.5 m of archaeological deposits have been
eroded from the surface of the mound since its aban-
donment in the Neolithic period. The variability in
slope and microclimates across the mound may mean
differing rates of erosion at other points.
A discussion of the extent of erosion has rel-
evance also for the consideration of the movement of
settlement around the mound at <::atalhoyiik. Both
the pottery and the lithic evidence from the recently
excavated building in spaces 70-72 in the North Area
point to a date comparable to Mellaart' s level V or
VI. If no upper levels ever existed over the North
Area as revealed by surface scraping, the indication
is of a substantial shrinkage of settlement through
the course of the Neolithic period on the east mound,
with occupation dwindling to a small outpost on the
eastern skirts of the mound before complete aban-
donment at some time late in the Neolithic period.
The spatial organization of the Neolithic build-
ings in the North Area is most readily comprehended
in Figure 7.5, where walls have been depicted in
solid black with additional walls, indicated in out-
line only, which have been provisionally recon-
structed in order to make sense of walls which, for a
variety of post-construction reasons, are only par-
tially visible. Areas of burning are indicated by stip-
pling and space numbers are designated. The
complex of Neolithic buildings planned in this part
of the mound is of great significance and is now
considered in more detail.
The general alignment of these buildings is of
note, with a gentle but distinctive radial sweep. In
the central strip of the cleared area walls are aligned
approximately north-south and east-west, while to
either side there is a marked swing in the major
alignments. The cause of this radial effect is unknown,
but may relate to the presence of streets or passage-
ways into the centre of the settlement. One such
street passes through the scraped area (spaces 1, 20,
43 & 58-60), forming a clear western boundary to a
85
large complex of buildings. Continuity of walls and
deposits across most of the scraped area suggests a
strong degree of contemporaneity of these build-
ings, with the possible exception of spaces 19, 42 and
44-50, which may belong to an earlier level exposed
by erosion of the western slopes of this part of the
mound.
In general terms, and in many of the details,
these structures bear close comparison to the
Neolithic levels excavated on the southwestern slopes
of C::a talhOyiik in the 1960s. All walls are constructed
of unbaked mud brick, usually of large dimensions
(up to and over 1m in length), and there is an aver-
sion to the use of party walls between buildings.
This frequent use of double, occasionally triple, walls
is also matched in the Aceramic Neolithic and
Chalcolithic architecture of Can Hasan III and I
(French 1962). There are almost no true right angles
and the feeling is of an organic, cellular agglomera-
tion of buildings over time rather than a unified
planned layout. Frequent use is made of white wall
plaster, generally with multiple applications visible
in plan. Lavishly plastered features or niches also
occur, and there is every indication that many of
these rooms have qualities typical of the so-called
'shrines' of the 1960s levels, including a grand pair
of in situ cattle horns in space 89.
Buildings appear to consist of one large room,
often approximately square in plan, with or without
additional smaller rooms, but the lack of evident
doorways between rooms renders difficult a precise
division of all rooms into discrete house units. Brick
and plaster platforms are detectable in some of the
large rooms, such as spaces 53, 63, 66, 71 and 82.
Room sizes also compare well to the 1960s' build-
ings. A provisional analysis of the sizes of large rooms
in the North Area and from successive levels of the
1960s' excavations shows an overall compatibility:
Level Large room average area Sample size
1990s' North Area 22.00 m' 17
1960s' III 17.93m2 3
1960s' IV 24.26 m' 9
1960s' V 21.16 m' 6
1960s' VI A 19.22m' 26
1960s' VI B 19.31 m' 30
1960s' VII 20.28 m' 17
1960s' VIII 24.40 m' 8
1960s' III-VIII 20.94 m' 99
Discrete areas of burning were detected across
the scraped area, as indicated on Figure 7.5. In some
cases entire or almost entire rooms, such as spaces
38, 63, 82 and 89, are filled with heavily burnt mate-
rial, while elsewhere more restricted patches of burn-
ing occur, sometimes in association with ovens or
hearths, as in spaces 17,32 and 95. In some instances
it may be feasible to associate burning with the
 Roger Matthews
deposition of rubbish in open areas, such as spaces
30, 32-3 and 60, but in other cases there is the possi-
bility of destruction of particular rooms, perhaps
deliberately, prior to rebuilding or abandonment.
There is, in any case, no convincing evidence here
for any extensive destruction by fire across the whole
building complex, but rather the impression of strictly
controlled use of fire within coherent and discrete
architectural contexts. A comparison of burnt areas
in the scraped area with the results of the magnet-
ometer survey shows a high degree of correlation.
Artefacts from these buildings were very sparse,
agreeing with the interpretation that the complex
did not suffer from a mass destruction, by fire or
otherwise, but was routinely and carefully cleaned
prior to rebuilding. Pottery, bone and lithics were
not found in great quantities. There was a steady
representation of burnt clay balls, usually in frag-
ments (for the interpretation of these see Chapter
12). A total of ten figurines, or fragments thereof,
was found in the scraped area, including humans,
animals and birds. The relative dearth of artefacts
from this dense area of buildings can be contrasted
with the very high frequencies of Neolithic artefacts
found in other areas of the site where architecture is
not visible but where rich burnt rubbish deposits
occur, such as squares 1045,1125 or 1040,1040. Al-
though strict contemporaneity between houses and
rubbish remains to be established, the impression is
that the Neolithic residents of ~atalhoyiik carefully
and regularly cleaned their buildings, depositing their
rubbish in discrete areas of the mound.
The existence of this practice has several impli-
cations. Firstly, it is clear that excavation of these
clean buildings will have to contend with a signifi-
cant lack of in situ artefacts upon which to base
interpretations of room function and social and eco-
nomic issues, thus underlining the importance of a
rigorous sampling and micromorphological pro-
gramme for the recovery of minute traces of activi-
ties within rooms. Other areas of the site, however,
may yield extensively destroyed Neolithic levels,
such as Mellaart's level VI A (Mellaart 1964, 40), in
which many in situ artefacts may occur. Secondly, it
is hoped that careful excavation of Neolithic rubbish
dumps, again involving micromorphology, will pro-
vide detailed and extensive information concerning
the range and types of activities conducted within
built-up areas, and give some diachronic understand-
ing, even at the seasonal level, of the rhythms of
domestic and agricultural life at the site.
Thirdly, the presence of large open areas of
burnt rubbish within the Neolithic settlement has
86
important implications for any attempt to under-
stand the overall structure and layout of the site.
Although these issues require much future work, a
tentative first impression is that at any one time the
settlement at ~atalhoyiik did not consist solely of
densely packed agglomerated buildings with every
available part of the mound occupied, but that large
open spaces existed between built-up areas. Parts of
these open areas may have been encroached upon in
times of high population density, but generally they
were used for rubbish disposal, the rubbish always
burnt in order to reduce smell and keep away dogs.
Perhaps most significantly, the presence of ex-
tensive open areas has important bearings on future
demographic study of the site, pertaining to issues
of population size and density. Large-scale burnt
rubbish deposits of probable Neolithic date occur in
areas 1040,1040; 1045,1125; and parts of 980,1080.
Current attempts to address demographic issues at
~atalhoyiik are likely to be greatly assisted by future
work at the site, but some initial ideas can here be
explored, despite the evidently simplistic nature of
the process at this stage. Let us firstly assume that
during a given time of the Neolithic period the east
mound was in its entirety as densely and uniformly
occupied by buildings as the North Area. At a mini-
mum of 30 buildings in 1600 m 2 (the approximate
density in the northern scraped area), each hectare
would contain 187 buildings, giving a total of at least
2530 buildings for the 13.5 ha mound. Leaving aside
for now all question of variety in building function,
we may further assume that each structure repre-
sents the living space of, as a purely speculative
figure, 4 persons, giving a population total of over
10,000. The presence of large open areas, however,
strongly suggests that at any given time the mound
was not universally densely occupied. If we assume
that 33 per cent of the settlement was given over to
open areas, then we may estimate a total of 1687
buildings housing 6748 people. 50 per cent of open
area gives 1265 buildings and 5060 persons. In addi-
tion, not all the buildings need have been occupied
at the same time, and some buildings may not have
been houses. Settlement density is also likely to have
been considerably reduced during the later Neolithic
when surface evidence suggests that only the east-
ern part of the east mound was occupied.
No evidence has yet been detected for large-
scale public facilities at ~atalhoyiik, such as temples,
palaces or communal storage areas (see, however,
'central area' below). The evidence hitherto suggests
that at the gross scale the Neolithic settlement
comprised only two elements: houses and open
 Surface Scraping and Planning
spaces, these latter generally filled with extensive
spreads of rubbish. This simple settlement constitu-
tion, with scope for a restricted range of social func-
tions, supports an interpretation of the site as an
elaborate village rather than an urban or proto-ur-
ban settlement. Future work at the site will certainly
yield data to facilitate a more substantive approach
to these important issues.
Central Area
A 20 x 20 m area was cleared and planned near the
centre of the east mound, at the point where the main
southern eminence dips down to the north (Fig. 7.6).
The southwest corner of this area was at point
980,1080. A largely coherent plan of a building, on a
north- south alignment, was revealed after the removal
- 0
0
a
0 •.
980, 1080
Figure 7.6. Central Area (980,1080).
87
of 0.15 m of earth. All walls were built of the same
fine-textured pale orange bricks, with a maximum
measurement of over 0.6 m, but with little detectable
wall plaster. At least two stretches take the form of
double walls. The alignment and construction of all
walls in this area strongly suggest a Neolithic date.
Large spreads of burnt debris, probably largely
Neolithic in date, have obscured much of the surface
architecture. An unusual feature is the series of six
parallel walls spanning squares 980,1080 and
980,1090. These are all Neolithic in date, as attested
by their brick sizes and their attachment to the series
of Neolithic rooms to the east. The finding of a fine
clay stamp seal fragment in square 990,1080 further
supports a Neolithic date for these structures. These
unusual walls are difficult to interpret but they
suggest that we cannot preclude the notion of
~
I
/
0 4m
 Roger Matthews
substantial non-domestic buildings in the central part
of the mound. The extensive spread of burnt rubbish
in the southeastern part of square 990,1080 corre-
lates well with a large area of burning detected in
magnetometer survey.
The architecture of the Central Area is much
less susceptible to description and interpretation than
that of the North Area. There is little use of wall
plaster and the walls are more poorly preserved.
Without excavation in the Central Area it is not pos-
sible unequivocally to state that these buildings rep-
resent a standard or mode of Neolithic living differing
in some substantive way from that betokened by the
buildings exposed in the North Area and those exca-
vated by Mellaart in the 1960s.
Sample areas on the east mound
In addition to the North and Central Areas discussed
above, a total of ten sample squares, each 10 x 10m
in dimensions, were scraped and planned with vary-
ing results. The following discussion treats each
square in turn, starting at the north end of the mound
and giving the co-ordinates of the southwest corner
of each square.
Features and walls in 1040,1240 (Fig. 7.7), lo-
cated towards the northern limits of the east mound,
did not show clearly even after the removal of 0.4 m
of earth. Deposits were partly covered in wash mate-
rial from higher up the mound and partly disturbed
by modern trenching. The dating of the few visible
remains is uncertain, but post-Neolithic material was
well in evidence.
In square 1040,1140 (Fig. 7.8), close to the north-
ern eminence of the east mound, some walls and
features were visible. The clear wall in the north-
western corner, of bricks 0.4x 0.25 m, is of probable
Classical date, but other walls, all unclear in detail,
may be earlier. Just to the southeast, magnetometer
survey had revealed a series of rectilinear alignments
suggestive of a large structure immediately under
the mound's surface. Clearance of square 1045,1125
showed that the entire square was covered by rub-
bish deposits (Fig. 7.9), all Neolithic and yielding
much in the way of pottery, animal bone and obsid-
ian. It seems that the magnetometer had detected
strips of rubbish burnt to varying degrees, rather
than mud-brick walls.
After the removal of 0.2 m of earth from square
1040,1090 (Fig. 7.10), no clear features were revealed,
so that a further 0.1 m was removed from the
southern half of the square. The wall running to the
northwest from the southeastern corner is built of
88
large bricks, maximum dimension 0.8 m, of probable
Neolithic date. Other features, including pits and
part of a circular structure are of uncertain date.
In square 940,1040 (Fig. 7.11),located only 20m:
to the north of the northern edge of the 1960s' trenches
on the western slopes of the mound, considerable
amounts of earth had to be removed before the ap-
pearance of any features. Even after the removal of
some 0.45 m of homogeneous earth across the square
only extremely fragmentary remains could be de-
tected, including one short stretch of wall, constructed
of large silty bricks, running east-west along the
southern edge of the trench. The size of these bricks,
at least 0.6 x 0.25 m, suggests a Neolithic date. Apart
from faint bricky patches elsewhere in the square,
the bulk of the deposits here were clearly affected by
severe Classical disturbance, as indicated by large
quantities of Hellenistic and later pottery.
Square 990,1040 (Fig. 7.12), just to the north of
the summit of the east mound, yielded some coher-
ent features after the removal of 0.15 m of surface
earth. A further 0.05 m was removed, as an experi-
ment, in the northwest quadrant of the square. Sev-
eral pits, at least two of which are brick-lined, and
most of which may be graves, dot the square. The
series of walls in the southeastern corner form at
least three sides of a heavily burnt room, with singed
wall plaster and burnt room fill. Parts of in situ pots,
all wheelmade, and the size of the bricks, here and in
all walls in this square, with a maximum dimension
of less than 0.45 m, indicate that all visible architec-
ture in this square belongs to the Classical periods,
although their precise dating is uncertain.
In square 1040,1040 (Figs. 7.13-7.14), features
were firstly planned after removal of some 0.25-0.3
m of earth (Fig. 7.13), and a second plan was made
after the removal of a further 0.1 m of earth (Fig.
7.14). Apart from an extensive series of pits and
scattered heavily burnt deposits, rich in animal bone,
the main features are two east-west walls constructed
of large, fine textured, pale orange bricks, some over
1m in length, of Neolithic type. A semicircle of laid
bricks was also found in the southwestern corner.
Little coherent architecture was revealed in
square 1090,1040 (Fig. 7.15), immediately to the west
of the eastern eminence of the east mound. Most
features took the form of pits, some of which are
likely to have been burials. One definite burial, in
the northwestern quadrant of the square was ex-
posed and fully excavated (Fig. 7.16). The burial was
capped by two terracotta tiles, each with diagonal
finger-marks, which covered the burial of a small
infant without grave goods. The body was aligned
 Surface Scraping and Planning

/
/
/

/ /
/ /
/
/

/ /
/
/
/
/ '\
/

/
/
") \ I

d
CJ
I /

/ N

~
/
I

0 2m

1040,1240

Figure 7.7. 1040,1240 plan.

~
0 2m

1040,1140

Figure 7.8. 1040,1140 plan.

89
 Roger Matthews

L_ N

\
~
_ __,-~2m
0

"J~
N

CJ CJ
Oo
Q
~
D
~
c,
' '
'
',,

0 2m

1040,1090

Figure 7.10. 1040,1090 plan.

90
 Surface Scraping and Planning

I
I
I
I
I I
L _ _ _ _I
,-~ - -- _, ----,
:
' '
:
·-------·-·--"

'
--- .1..

---
~
0 2m

940,1040

Figure 7.11. 940,1040 plan.

8
I/

0 2m

990,1040

Figure 7.12. 990,1040 plan.

91
 Roger Matthews

0 2m

1040,1040

Figure 7.13. 1040,1040 upper plan.

~
(J 0 2m

B
CJ
D
1040,1040

Figure 7.14. 1040,1040 lower plan.

92
 Surface Scraping and Pl annmg
.

2m

Figure 7.15. 1090 ' 1040 pan.

I

N
a b

0 20crn

Figure 7 ·16 · 109 0,1040 excava ted buna

· 1 plan.

93
 Roger Matthews
.

,--,~~> ~
, __
--·
~- --

(
/

\_-- I
\
~
D
990,990

Figure 7.17. 990 ' 990 plan.

~----t /

~
480,1040
I
Figure 7.19. 480 ' 1040 plan.
94
 Surface Scraping and Planning

1100

1000

l
900

400 500 600 700

Figure 7.18. Plan of west mound showing location of scraped areas.

east-west, with the head to the east. The nature of
th e tiles suggests a Byzantine date for this burial.
Two squares near the summit and southern
slopes of the main eminence of the east mound
yielded little in the way of prehistoric results. In
square 990,990, immediately to the southwest of the
mound's summit, again no architecture was detected.
A series of non-overlapping pits, almost certainly
Byzantine graves with an east-west alignment, was
cleared and planned in the eastern half of the square
(Fig. 7.17). Some of these pits were lined with mud
bricks. The small size of many of the pits suggests a
high incidence of child burial here. In square 1000,950
no architectural features at all were detected after
the removal of up to 0.2 m of surface soil. Some
alignments of stones and faint traces of pits may
indicate the presence of Byzantine graves. Pottery
recovered from this square supports our previous
interpretation, based on collection of surface arte-
facts, that the entire southern reaches of the east
mound are extensively overlain and disturbed by
Classical and Byzantine deposits.

95
 - -
---- Roger Ma tthews

0 0 N

()
)
580,1020

.
Ftgure 7 ·20. 580,1020 plan.

0
640,960

Figure 7.21. 640 ' 960 pian .

96
 Surface Scraping and Planning

()

1300

1250

1200

1150

1100

1050

1000

950 N

900

850

850 900 950 1000 1050 1100 1150 1200

contours at lm intervals

Figure 7.22. Location of transects of scraped squares used in Figures 7.23 to 7.25.

97
 Roger Matthews

Soil depths at 1000mE

1023 25

20
1018 6
~
;; 15
~

E
1013
10
=""
"'
1008 ·s"'
"'
1003
0 0 ,..,
0 0 0 0 0 ,..,
0
,..,,..,
0
"'
00 "
00
"' "'"' "'"' "',..,
0 ",..,
0 "',..,,..,
northing

Figure 7.23. Soil depths in scraped areas at 1000 m E.

Approximate soil depths at 1040mE

1018 50
45
40
1013 35 ]
30 ..c
25 Q.
20 .,"'
1008 15 ·c;
10
5
"'
1003 0
... ... "'..... ........ "'..... "'..... "'.......... ............. "'.......... "'.......... ...
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

"' "'"' "' "'"' "'"' "' "'"' "' "'"' "'"' "'..... "'"'..... "'..... "'"'..... "'"'..... "'.....
0 0 0 0 0 0
0
..... 0 0 0 0 .....
.....
northing

Figure 7.24. Soil depths at 1040 m E.

Approximate soil depths at 1040mN

40
1023 35

1018
30 a
~

.6
"iii
1013
25
20
.;::
p.
01
15 '1::1

1008 10 ·s
5 "'
1003 0
0 0
0
0
....
0 0 0 0
0
0
....
0 0 0 0
0
0
.........
0 0 0 0
0
"""" 0\
"'
0\ 0\
"'
0\
""
0\ 0
..... "'.....
0 0
..... "'.....
0 "".....
0 .....
..... "'.......... ..... "'.......... "".......... "'.....
easting

Figure 7.25. Soil depths at 1040 m N.

98
 Surface Scraping and Planning
The west mound
Brief investigations of the west mound in the 1960s
(Mellaart 1965) demonstrated the almost exclusively
Chalcolithic date of the mound, and also suggested
that prehistoric architecture might be difficult to de-
tect here. Our three 10 x 10 m squares (Fig. 7.18)
indeed confirmed that subsurface architecture is ex-
tremely difficult to detect on the west mound, the
main reason almost certainly being the extent and
intensity of ploughing and agricultural use of the
mound in the millennia since its abandonment. The
west mound is lower and more level than the east
mound and therefore much more suited to agricul-
tural exploitation. Even today much of the mound's
surface, while not actually ploughed, is disturbed by
activities involving the production and storage of
chaff.
In the westernmost sample square on the west
mound, 480,1040, the clearest features were brick-
lined graves with alignments not far from east-west
(Fig. 7.19). These graves, like those on the east mound,
are almost certainly Byzantine in date. Other fea-
tures include plough marks which are certainly later
in date than the brick-lined graves which they cut.
Such plough marks have never been detected by us
99
on the east mound. The graves are dug into a homo-
geneous soil with few or no clear features, and the
interpretation must be that by far the greater part of
the disturbance to the upper levels of the west mound
was caused by agricultural activities in the centuries
preceding the digging of the graves, perhaps during
Hellenistic or Roman times. Clearance of two other
squares on the west mound, 580,1020 and 640,960,
also revealed no architecture, but several linear
plough marks and series of pits, some of which are
probably graves (Figs. 7.20-7.21).
References
French, D.H., 1962. Excavations at Can Hasan, first pre-
liminary report, 1961. Anatolian Studies 12, 27-40.
Matthews, R.J. & J.N. Postgate, 1987. Excavations at Abu
Salabikh, 1985-86. Iraq 49,91-119.
Mellaart, J., 1964. Excavations at C::atal Hiiyiik, third pre-
liminary report, 1963. Anatolian Studies 14,39-119.
Mellaart, J., 1965. C::atal Hiiyiik West. Anatolian Studies 15,
135-56.
Mellaart, J., 1967. (:a tal Hiiyiik: a Neolithic Town in Anatolia.
London: Thames & Hudson.
Postgate, J.N., 1983. The West Mound Surface Clearance.
(Abu Salabikh Excavations 1.) London: British School
of Archaeology in Iraq.
 ChapterS
The Magnetometric Survey at ~atalhoyiik East
Colin A. Shell
The pioneering excavations of James Mellaart (1967)
revealed a continuous sequence of succeeding struc-
tures in the west side of the east mound at C::atal-
hoyiik, investigating an area where originally,
through soil erosion, the tops of mud-brick walls
and evidence for burning had been visible at the
surface. The nearness of features to the surface sug-
gested that not only could the top level of archaeol-
ogy be investigated by shallow scraping of the topsoil
in other areas of the mound, but that structures might
also be detected by geophysical survey. Whereas the
investigation of the surface levels is possible by scrap-
ing in small areas (10m square) systematically across
the mound, it was clear that if geophysical tech-
niques could detect the signal from the differing fills
of the rooms, and ideally resolve mud-brick walls
themselves, it might be possible to undertake a sur-
vey that would assist in understanding the nature of
buildings over a large area of the mound. In plan-
ning the progamme for the new study at C::atalhoyiik,
it would be a distinct advantage to know whether or
not there are changing patterns in the type of build-
ing in different parts of the mound, that might indi-
cate differing use of the area or a later phase of
construction. The opportunity arose to integrate a
geophysical investigation into the initial reconnais-
sance phase of the new project and for geophysics to
possibly contribute to the overall project design, a
still relatively rare occurrence (Shell 1996). It was
particularly advantageous that the scrape survey also
commenced in the first season in 1993, providing an
immediate and direct comparison for the geophysi-
cal results and aid in their interpretation.
Technique and method
The material of the mounds at C::atalhoyiik is almost
entirely derived from the alluvium of the immediate
neighbourhood, though modified by the activities of
101
human occupation. The plain alluvium is of varying
iron content and consequent colour: nearby to
C::atalhoyiik the soil is yellow-buff, indicating crudely
some presence of iron and possibly higher organic
content, whilst several hundred metres to the north
it is a very white, low in iron, sediment, strikingly
visible from the mound in the spoil heaps of the
large irrigation canals currently under construction.
Often the mud brick was not manufactured from
raw alluvium, but in preference partly made from
occupation sediments (cf. courtyard material), possi-
bly for its improved properties and not merely its
more convenient proximity. In these circumstances
some mud-brick walls may have a significantly
higher iron as well as organic content than some of
the cleaner fills of the rooms. Alternatively, the rooms
fills may include burnt features, such as ovens and
fire settings or burnt fills from a destruction phase,
that will be more magnetically enhanced than the
walls themselves. In either case, in optimal condi-
tions a sensitive magnetic survey could be expected
to define divisions between rooms and buildings,
even if the mud brick itself may not be differenti-
ated. In contrast, ground resistivity measurement,
the other common geophysical technique, was ex-
pected to have difficulty in defining structures, given
that the matrix material, the altered alluvium, is very
uniform in structure. Resistively, the walls and fills
are likely to be very similar, though the variation in
organic content might affect the moisture retention
properties. On this basis, it was decided that resis-
tivity surveying would be of limited application on
the site, especially as the survey would be under-
taken during the excavation season in late summer
when the surface of the mound is very dry and con-
tact resistance would be particularly high.
Following the initial indications in 1993 that a
Geoscan Research FM36 fluxgate vertical gradiometer
could detect consistent variation in signal on the
 Colin A. Shell

850 900 950 1000 1050 1100 1150 1200

Figure 8.1. a) Plan of the c;atalhoyiik east mound showing in outline the area geomagnetically surveyed in the 1993-
95 seasons and its relationship to the scrape areas; b) view of the east mound from the southwest showing the topo-
graph ic position of the magnetic su rvey area.

102
 Magnetometric Survey at <::atalhoyiik East

103
 Colin A. Shell
site, a sytematic survey of the north side of the main
mound was commenced extending northwards over
the subsidiary summit (Fig. 8.1). The fluxgate
gradiometer is a common instrument (Clark 1990,
69-82), which has the advantage of both data log-
ging and an automatic trigger. The trigger allows the
continuous recording of readings whilst the opera-
tor is walking along the grid lines. It is necessary to
ensure that an audible signal from the trigger is
heard to coincide with the metre positions on each
line. Given the expected width of the mud-brick walls
on the site, the reading interval was 0.25 m along the
grid lines oriented on magnetic north, with an east-
west separation between the lines of 0.5 m. For con-
venience, the survey was carried out in a sequence
of 20 metre squares.
One of the concerns with the survey was the
ability of the instrument to consistently differentiate
between materials with small differences in mag-
netic properties. Although the instrument records to
the nearest 0.05nT, the expected accuracy is limited
by the electronic noise in the measuring circuitry,
and the tendency of the zero to drift. The latter is
corrected at intervals by reference to a fixed zeroing
point. The stability of the FM36 is discussed more
fully in Appendix 1, where the results of a static test
show not only high frequency noise and long-term
drift, but also a short-term fluctuation in the signal
(Fig. 8.2). The precision of the readings is not better
than 0.2nT. This in combination with the reading
interval defines the magnetic and spatial detection
limits of the survey.
The principal contribution to the fluxgate meas-
urement is from the first half metre or so of the
ground. Being designed as a differential device to
compensate for the diurnal variation in the Earth's
field, but with a detector separation of only 0.5 m, a
contribution to the gradient from a deep feature can
only be expected if it is an anomaly with a strong
signal. Mellaart's sections showed that the topsoil
graded to a deeper thickness at the perimeter of the
mound, and it was expected that this would limit
the value of surveying the margins of the mound,
once the topsoil thickness exceeded 0.4 m. As the
thickness of the uniform topsoil increases there is a
gradual loss and diffusion of the signal from the
underlying features. A further problem can be the
presence of highly magnetic metallic iron, but the
<::atalhoyiik east mound is fortunately very clean in
this regard. The principal interference in the meas-
urements tended to come from the stray nails left in
the field by the systematic surface pick-up survey.
The data from each day's survey were dumped
104
and processed in the evening on a portable micro-
computer, and paper output produced to monitor
progress. The initial processing was by PC-based
software of Jan Hartmann (1988). The data were later
analyzed and displayed using other data visualiza-
tion and image-processing software. With the low
signal range often encountered in a square, typically
no more than 10nT, when there was no significant
contribution from burning of the sediments, the in-
strument noise and particularly the longer term drift
created problems in matching the output from adja-
cent 20 m squares, even when employing an edge
matching procedure as proposed by Haigh (1992).
This limited the building up of an overall magnetic
picture of the site, but was mitigated by separate
histogram equalization of the data in each square
and median filtering where appropriate to reduce
noise. The filtering has also the tendency to remove
the contribution from small, effectively point, fea-
tures in the survey record, and gives more emphasis
on the deeper, larger features. In consequence there
is also a smoothing of the signal, tending to reduce
the sharpness of edges. More subtle aspects of the
data are apparent when viewing the data un-
equalized, but the principal features of the survey
are best revealed by the equalized plots. Figure 8.3 is
an overview of the magnetic survey at the end of the
1995 season, by which time 2.3 hectares had been
surveyed, involving some 90 kilometres of walking
with the instrument.
Analysis and comparison
Whilst the detail in Figure 8.3 is such that only the
major features are visible, all aspects of the survey
are represented. Figure 8.4 is a summary plan to
illustrate this, and the features represent also the
three components that contribute to the overall mag-
netic measurement. Principally, the signal represents
changing values in the magnetic susceptibility of the
sediments, enhancing the field where the suscepti-
bility is higher. The large amorphous areas (e.g. in
square 1000,1080) have a consistently higher signal
from what proved to be extensive areas of later ashy
tip extending across much of the north slope of the
main mound. Also apparent in the background are
rectilinear features that almost certainly correspond
to the lines of mud-brick walls, either revealed di-
rectly, where the contrast with the adjacent material
may show the walls to be of either lower or higher
magnetic susceptibilty, or where there are clear rec-
tilinear areas that correspond to fills confined to
rooms of which the walls themselves are not visible.
 Magnetometric Survey at <;atalhoyuk East

2 .5

1 .5

0.5

~ ~ ~

0 0 0
C\J
"
reading number "'

10 interval moving average

2.5

1.5
f;:

0 .5

0
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~

0 0 0 0 0 0 0
C\J cry 1'-
"
reading number
LO
"'

50 interval moving average

1 .5

f;:

0 .5

0
~

0
~

0
~

0
~

0
~

0
~

0 ;; ~

0
cry 1'- <Xl
C\J
"
reading number
LO
"'

Figure 8.2. Analysis of a static test on site of the FM36 fluxgate gradiometer, showing the noise and longer term
trends in the recording of data . Readings were made at a rate of about 4 per second.

This is discussed further below in the comparison well defined.

between the magnetic data and the detail revealed in
the scrape areas. A large oval feature is defined in
the northwest corner of the survey at (1015,1215).
With the dimensions of some 20 x 12m this appears
to be a later enclosure superimposed on the underly-
ing Neolithic. The line of the track running southeast
between the main and subsidiary mounds is also
Just to the northwest of the oval enclosure is
the line of a narrow trench for the modern water
supply, which was also recorded in the topographic
survey. The signal of a low reading to the south of a
higher one is characteristic of the signal produced
when the fluxgate gradiometer is carried over a hol-
low in the ground so that the lower detector is

105
 Colin A. Shell

1040 1080
1240

~
1200

1140

' 1100

980 1000

Figure 8.3. Composite plot of the fluxgate gradiometer survey, with the data histogram-equalized to emphasize the
principal features of the survey. The rectangles of uniform contrast are unsurveyed areas of modern tip material. Dot
density plot with high readings dark, and low lighter in colour.
 Mag ne tome tric Survey a t <:;a talhoyiik Eas t

1000 1040 1080

1240 1240

I I
II ,_B _ _I
N
~I

~ 1200 1200

A Ashy tip
B Burnt J F- I --
_j I I
S Scrape
U Unsurveyed
/'
,,
It- .'

1140980
r--------1' ~ [ill 1140

'\.\ -=;L=-
-
-I _,
1
I::- , II
940
/' ' :J
B . - --
1120r----------'- - [
J

.····.
··· .. :
1100
~n
ULJ A

.. ..
.... ,.• ····· ····
A
·······
1060

/ B >
:
" ~
A
:
·.:
/' -
1020 I 1020
920 960 0 1050

980 1000

Figure 8.4. Pla n showing the principle features visible in the magnetic su rvey, Figure 8.3.

107
 Colin A. Shell

momentarily further from the surface of the soil. In
consequence, its measurement is lower and the mag-
netic gradient reduced at the point over the trench,
and the reading recovers beyond it. The sensitivity
of the instrument to step changes in the surface is
also clear where the survey was made over area
(940,1040) at the beginning of the scraping exercise
there. A clear east-west line defines a 15-20 em step
in the trench . The overall smooth surface of the
mound precluded these step features from occur-
ring elsewhere, except occasionally as a few point
readings over the entrance to an active fox set.
The third and most distinct component of the
magnetic image is the thermo-remanent magnetiza-
tion of the sediments where the ancient burning in
situ has remained undisturbed and the sediment has
retained the enhanced magnetization that it received
on cooling through the Curie Point of the iron-con-
taining materials following the firing. Repeatedly
refired structures such as hearths and ovens can ac-
cumulate a particularly high remanent field. Thermo-
remanent magnetic features have a characteristic
central high reading where the magnetization rein-
forces the current Earth's field, and a trough in the
reading to the side of the feature that corresponds to
the ancient direction of magnetic north. Where the
installation is repeatedly used, and also when it be-
comes quite large the signal may resemble more a
peak with a surrounding halo of lower readings. At
(1040,1080) are adjacent areas of high signal from
extensive burning which are divided by lines which
suggest the presence of intervening walls. In a
number of places, such as at (1032,1168), are pairs of
adjacent high thermo-remanent signals which can
be equated with the pairs of ovens found by Mellaart
to be set in the walls of certain rooms. The example
mentioned here is just at the south edge of a set of
rectilinear lines that probably correspond to the walls
of the Neolithic houses with which they are associ-
ated.
The scrape area (1040,1140) when compared
with the magnetic image (Fig. 8.5.) shows a direct
relationship between the major mud-brick walls to
the middle and north of the square and dark, high
susceptibilty, linears in the magnetic survey. In con-
trast, the mud-brick wall in the southeast corner has
a lower reading than the adjacent material to the
north, as predicted might be the case given the na-
ture of the materials from which the mud bricks
were made. Although the magnetic features have
necessarily diffuse edges, the intervening spaces are
well defined and the magnetic plot suggests the con-
tinuation of walls that were not revealed in the sur-
face scraping. In the centre of the lower left space is a
region of higher magnetic signal where the fill mate-
rial of the room may have been subject to some
burning, possibly by a small hearth at a lower depth
in the space.
Similarly, direct correspondences between the
scrape plan and the magnetic survey are found in
1155
,::;
0
~ 1150
£;
"'
E
1145

Comparison with scrape areas

Much of the above interpretation would have been
the subject of some uncertainty but for the opportu- 1042.5 1047.5
nity to directly compare the magnetic results with metres cast
the plans of the 10m square and larger areas subse-
quently investigated by scraping. The ability to make ~-,:,}$r,
a direct and almost immediate comparison with the I I I I I I I I
-5.0 -3.R -2.5 -1.2 0.0 1.2 2.5 3.8 5.0
scrape plans enhanced not only the interpretation of
nT
the magnetic surveys but in some cases also allowed
from the magnetic data an understanding of the im-
mediately surrounding features adjacent to the scrape Figure 8.5. Comparison between the magnetic results
areas. for scrape area (1040,1140) and its plan. Scale 1:200.

108
 Magnetometric Survey at C::atalhoyuk East

1080
980 985 990 995
metres cast

1- '
-15
r
-10
I
-5
~,:.
I
0
I
5
I
10
I
15
nT

Figure 8.6. Comparison between the magnetic results for scrape area (980,1080) and its plan. Scale 1:200.

109
 Colin A. Shell
scrape area (980,1080). Figure 8.6 shows the outline
plan overlayed on the magnetic survey, with the
interpreted walling outlined below. The group of
parallel walls equates to a region of high magnetic
field. The relationships with the walls are not quite
as clear as in scrape area (1040,1040), but again de-
fine spaces within which localized burning has oc-
curred. Few features were recorded in scrape area
(940,1040) but the lower susceptibilty mud-brick wall
running along the east end of the south edge of the
square is clearly visible in the magnetic survey. The
adjacent scrape area (990,1040) also shows the corre-
sponding relationships between walls, spaces and
magnetic features.
The confirming evidence for the direct relation-
ship between the magnetic survey and the features
immediately below the topsoil is provided in the
large scrape area on the northern mound (Fig. 8.7a-
c). As in the above examples, the alignment of
walls and the filling of certain spaces with the high
magnetic signal from burnt material are apparent
throughout the scrape area. Two significant features
should be noticed. Firstly, the path or street running
down the west side of the scraped area appears in
the plan to be wider at the north than the south,
where it becomes restricted between the walls of
adjacent houses. The magnetic survey, however,
shows that at the northern end there is a line of
higher magnetic signal that corresponds to the south-
ern width of the path continuing, with the space to
the west defined by an area of lower signal, and one
can assume that some form of boundary wall would
be found at a slightly lower depth. Secondly, to the
west of the path are some slight walls which align
directly with features extending into the magnetic
survey in the squares to west, especially if the plan is
registered slightly further to the south. Continuity is
also evident to the north and east. The confinement
of the higher magnetization from burning to a par-
ticular space is well demonstrated in the adjacent
spaces 66 and 67 (1032,1185).
Sometimes the burnt areas were recorded in
the plans if a particularly dark, ashy, deposit was
found. This often is the result of incomplete reduced
firing with some surviving charred organic material,
which has a lower magnetic signal that the fully
oxidized firing that produces, in low iron sediments,
a paler yellow to red colour. Consequently, there are
areas of high magnetic burnt signal that are not re-
corded in the plan. Although the magnetic survey's
resolution is such that the interpetation of structural
feature on the mound is using the survey at its limit,
110
the direct comparison with the scrape areas shows
that the variation in the survey, in the great majority
of cases, directly relates to buried archaeological fea-
tures at <::atalhoyiik . In combination with the scrape
plans it provides the means for a fuller interpreta-
tion of the use of the space and its differentiation.
Conclusion
The large survey is capable of further detailed analy-
sis, but the point must ultimately be reached where
the interpretation is limited by the survey's spatial
and magnetic resolution: the rectilinear relationship
between short segments in the magnetic image, es-
pecially where there is smoothing of the data, cannot
always repesent the corner of a mud-brick room.
The survey has shown, however, that there are areas
of clear trend in the orientation of such segments
that they must represent the locations of similarly
aligned buildings. The orientation of these areas
changes between different parts of the mound but is
generally following the line of the slope.
Further geophysical approaches at <::atalhoyi.ik
may be rewarding in the light of this survey.It would
provide a useful test site to study the varying effect
of the magnetic properties of a uniform sediment on
measurements with ground-sounding radar, an ap-
proach which, if it were successful, would make a
considerable contribution to the excavation of the
rooms themselves.
Acknowledgements
The surveys were assisted in the heat of the day by a
number of students and colleagues from Turkey and
the UK, who probably would prefer to remain anony-
mous. The surveys would not have been possible
without their support.
Appendixl
Stability and precision of the FM36 fluxgate gradiometer
800 points were read continuously at a fixed posi-
tion on the north mound, at the normal recording
rate of rate of approximately 4 readings per second,
to monitor both the short-term fluctuation and long-
term drift of the Geoscan Research FM36 fluxgate
gradiometer. The raw data are plotted in Figure 8.2,
and also with narrow and broad moving average
smoothing to show the nature of the medium-term
variation in the measurement and the longer-term
drift. The basic descriptive statistics are as follows:
 Magnetometric Survey at <:;atalhoyiik East

1210

1200

..!:
t:
0
~
(f)
<lJ
1190
""'
'a)
E

1180

1170

1160
1000 1010 1020 1030 1040 1050 1060 1070
metres east

-10 -8 -5 -2 0 2 5 8 10
nT

Figure 8.7. Comparison between the magnetic results for northern scrape area 2 on the northern mound and its plan:
a) magnetic survey with plan overlayed; b) key to the scrape plan; c) magnetic survey. Scale 1:200.

Mean 1.136 Mean 0.607

Median 1.10 Median 0.60
Mode 1.05 Mode 1.00
Standard Deviation 0.427 Standard Deviation 0.285
Minimum 0.10 Minimum 0.10
Maximum 2.40 Maximum 1.40

In the short term, for 80 readings taken over 20 sec- The analysis confirms that, although the instrument
onds, the time for a single line to be walked, the high readings are recorded to the nearest 0.05nT, there is
frequency variation and noise has the following de- at least 0.2nT uncertainty in the value and that signal
scriptive statistics: differences must be greater than 1.0nT for significant

111
 Colin A. Shell

42

~
m

0 5 10

112
 Magnetometric Survey at C::atalhi:iyiik East

1210

1200

-=...,
0
t::
'Jl 1190
...,
~

Q)
s

1180

1170

1010 1020 1030 1040 1050 1060 1070

metres east

-10 -8 -5 -2 0 2 5 8 10
nT

features to be defined. At C::atalhi:iyiik the signal can
vary of the order of 2nT over short distances (1-5m)
in areas where there has not been extensive burning
of the sediments, and so the FM36 fluxgate
gradiometer is able to differentiate features mag-
netically, but has been used throughout at close to
its measurement limits.
References
Clark, A.J., 1990. Seeing Beneath the Soil: Prospecting Meth-
ods in Archaeology. London: Batsford.
Haigh, J.G.B., 1992. Automatic grid balancing in geophysical
survey, in Computer and Quantitative Methods in Archae-
ologJ; 1991, eds. G. Lock & J. Moffett. (BAR Interna-
tional Series 577.) Oxford: Tempus Reparatum, 191-6.
Hartmann, J.L.H., 1988. Interpreting earth measurements
in image enhancement techniques, in Computer and
Quantitative Methods in Archaeology 1988, ed. S.P.Q.
Rahtz. (BAR International Series 446.) Oxford: BAR,
223-47.
Mellaart, J., 1967. (:a tal HUyilk: a Neolithic Town in Anatolia.
London: Thames & Hudson.
Scollar, I., A. Tabbagh, A. Hesse & I. Herzog, 1990. Ar-
chaeological Prospecting and Remote Sensing. Cam-
bridge: Cambridge University Press.
Shell, C.A., 1996. Appropriate geophysics and excavation
strategy: from mud brick to masonry in the east
Mediterranean region, in Archaeological Sciences 1995:
Proceedings of a Conference on the Application of Scien-
tific Methods to Archaeology, eds. A.J. Sinclair, E.A.
Slater & J. Gowlett. (Monographs in Archaeology
64.) Oxford: Oxbow, 333-42.

113
 Chapter9
Surface Pottery at ~atalhoyiik
Jonathan Last
Chronology of the Neolithic pottery
Summary of published information
The published reports on James Mellaart's excava-
tions at the Neolithic site of c;atalhoyiik provide
little more than a general discussion of the ceramic
material found (Mellaart 1962; 1963; 1964; 1966: the
information scattered through these reports has been
summarized by Stucki (1984)). It may be supposed
that the main interests of the excavators lay else-
where, and indeed Mellaart (1963, 101) states that 'if
one single category of finds at c;atal Hiiyiik might be
described as relatively rare and unimportant, then it
is pottery', although he did recognize the signifi-
cance of the ceramic material from the lower levels
of the site, dating to the later seventh millennium BC,
which is still among the earliest known in the Near
East (Moore 1995, 40).
In comparison to Late Neolithic/Early Chalco-
lithic sites like Hacllar (Mellaart 1970), and indeed
c;atalhOyiik West (Mellaart 1965; and seep. 152 be-
low), pottery is not abundant at c;atalhoyiik. A thin,
dark-faced pottery appears in small quantities in
level VIII and increases through the upper levels.
Forms are simple with holemouth jars (Fig. 9.1: note
that illustrated pots are all from 1993-1995 investi-
gations) and open bowls (Fig. 9.3) predominating.
The pottery is generally not fired to a high tempera-
ture and often has grey cores. Inclusions are mineral;
there is never any organic temper. The prevailing
surface colour is brownish-black and many vessels
are finely burnished. In addition some red slip is
found in the upper levels, but painted decoration is
virtually absent, and only a handful of pots have
incised decoration below the rim (Fig. 9.2:8). Ac-
cording to Mellaart (1962), light-coloured pottery
(cream, orange and pinkish) appears in level V and
increases in quantity up to level I. The prevailing lug
form also changes, from perforated knobs to ledge
115
handles. In level II more developed forms like disc
bases and tubular lugs appear.
Deeper soundings subsequently revealed ear-
lier pottery, continuing down as far as level XII, the
lowest reached (Mellaart 1964; 1965). This ware is
more primitive in character: less well fired with thick
black cores and usually vegetable tempered. The ear-
liest pottery is a heavy buff, cream or light grey
ware, already burnished and frequently having mot-
tled surfaces. Shapes are not dissimilar to the later
forms, but deep bowls are more common than
holemouth jars.
Few vessels were illustrated by Mellaart; putting
together these drawings by building level (Adnan
Baysal pers. comm.), one can see how the thick-
walled squat bowls of the early levels give way to
more globular and closed forms in level VIII, fol-
lowed by the re-emergence of open forms and new
features like footed bases (Fig. 9.5:12) in the upper-
most levels. However, one of the priorities for the
renewed investigations at c;atalhoyiik was an as-
sessment of chronological variation within the sur-
face assemblages, a task for which the published
pottery was inadequate. Further typological and
chronological information, particularly of a quanti-
tative nature, was only available by returning to the
finds excavated by Mellaart.
The archive pottery
The sherd material is stored in Konya Museum; com-
plete and restorable vessels were taken to Ankara
after excavation, although many were subsequently
returned to Konya. These proved to be of little value
because of 27 Neolithic vessels only 17 were recorded
by level, and just two of those were assigned to a
particular structure (both in level III). The initial
problem with the extant sherd material, on the other
hand, was to assess how representative it is of the
total excavated assemblage. Mellaart (1966) reports
 Jonathan Last
that some 300 sherds were found in the 1965 sound-
ing from levels Vlb to XII. The sherd bags yielded
312 items from these levels, including a few not from
that sounding. Therefore it appears that all sherds
recovered from level Vlb and below are present in
Konya. The upper levels are more problematic: IV to
VIa are represented by numerous body sherds as
well as diagnostics so may be more or less entire
assemblages, minus some complete or restorable ves-
sels; for levels II and III there are no bodies and far
fewer sherds overall, so these clearly represent only
a selection from the excavated assemblage. No finds
at all from levels 0 and I were deposited in Konya
Museum.
The complete vessels provide a little chrono-
logical information on specific forms: for instance,
one bowl from level V had a lug shaped as an animal
(probably cattle) head. A similar feature was found
on a sherd, also from level V. It is notable that these
are the only naturalistic decorations on any of the
Neolithic pottery. Two other such lugs, also on open-
mouthed vessels, were not assigned to a building
level. One of these probably depicts a ram. Oval and
oblong pots come from levels II and IV; an unusual
cuboid vessel, probably a pot stand, is assigned to
level IV. There is an early four-footed base from
level V, a vessel with a footring from level II and a
deep red burnished bowl with vertically placed lugs
from level VI.
Rim forms
The lack of contextual information about the com-
plete vessels, however, compels us to focus on the
sherd assemblages. Despite the variation in the quan-
tity of finds through levels XII to II, many general
trends in the ceramic material can be traced. At-
tributes of the rim sherds show varying degrees of
change over time (Table 9.1a). The first two columns
chart mean sherd thickness, both of the vessel wall
and the rim itself. The former shows that walls are
thickest at the start of the sequence in level XII and
decrease slightly in size through levels XI and X and
again, more sharply, in VIII and VII. This no doubt
relates to improving ceramic manufacturing and fir-
ing technologies. From level Vlb onwards - which
accounts for the majority of the sherds- wall thick-
ness is constant. Rim thickness follows a similar pat-
tern, with a general decrease through the early levels
and stability after level VII, although rims become
narrower again from level III, which ties in with
other typological changes at this time. The propor-
tion of flat or squared-off rims reflects this too, with
a lower figure for levels III and II compared to that
116
for VIa to IV. Hence relatively narrow, more pointed
rims are found at the end of the sequence. The high-
est proportion of flat rims occurs between levels X
and Vlb, indicating a clear morphological difference
between the earlier and later levels. However, levels
XI and XII have lower values again so changing rim
shape is not merely a reflection of decreasing wall
thickness.
Rim diameter is less variable, despite Mellaart's
statement that vessel size increases from level V. In
fact there seems to be a greater range of sizes in the
upper levels, including miniature vessels. Many of
the diameter measurements are estimates from rather
small sherds and should be treated with caution,
especially as the repertoire includes oval forms and
the complete pots show that mouths are often rather
irregular in shape. However, it does appear that- if
anything - mean rim diameter decreases between
levels XII-IX and VI-III, with levels VIII and VII
more variable, and a further decline in level II indi-
cating a greater proportion of small vessels at the
end of the sequence.
Changes in vessel form may also be significant
in terms of chronological sequence. A simple dis-
tinction, based on rim angle, is that between closed
forms (mouth diameter less than maximum vessel
diameter) and open forms (maximum vessel diam-
eter at mouth). Neutral shapes (i.e. straight-sided
vessels) are included in the latter category; most of
the bowls fall into this group since flared profiles are
rare. In general terms this classification distinguishes
plain bowls from holemouth jars, although there is
no necessary correlation between mouth form and
vessel shape. Bowls and jars are typically defined by
the ratio of diameter to depth. At ~atalhoyiik
holemouth bowls and open-mouthed jars are also
known, particularly from the lower levels. Hence
the shorthand used here, distinguishing 'bowls'
(open) and 'holemouths' (closed), should not be taken
as an indication that vessel forms fall into just two
categories; rather it reflects an attempt to use the
information from rim sherds to distinguish broad
vessel families which might reflect different sets of
practices, perhaps relating to storage on the one hand
and cooking or serving on the other. The lack of
complete profiles precludes a more detailed analysis
of vessel form although rim angles, particularly of
holemouths, do show some variation.
Just over 50 per cent of vessels in levels XII and
XI are open forms, and the proportion increases in
levels X and IX. The early levels have small samples
and the two lowest are focused on a single room,
so these may not be representative assemblages.
 Surface Pottery

Subsequently there is a gradual increase in the West (Mellaart 1965). These everted bowls (Fig. 9.4:3)
number of holemouths from level VIII, peaking in increase steadily after level V as well, while slightly
level V at around 70 per cent, before the proportion inturned rims (Fig. 9.3:2) are more stable in their
of open forms increases again up to level II. The representation.
open:closed vessel ratio may therefore be a useful
chronological indicator for the surface assemblages. Base forms
Rim angles of holemouth forms vary from The base sherds also show metrical and morphologi-
nearly vertical to about 45°; some have straight pro- cal variation (Table 9.2). The proportion of bases to
files, others have inturned rims or a slight neck (Fig. rims is variable, but generally high until level VIII,
9.1). A sample of rims from levels VII to II was low in levels VII and VI, and moderate thereafter.
considered in more detail (Table 9.1b), which shows This may reflect the preferential selection of diag-
that the necked forms (Fig. 9.1:5-6) only become nostic rim sherds in the later assemblages, although
common from level III while inturned forms (Fig. this was probably not the case for levels VII and Vlb.
9.1:2) are most common in levels IV and III. This It could therefore represent a real difference in the
variation indicates differences between the assem- relationship of base diameter and rim diameter, and
blages of levels VI-IV, III and II, which are con- hence reflect a change in vessel shape from squarer
firmed by measurements showing an overall increase forms in the early levels to smaller, more rounded
in mean rim angle from level V. bases later. The mean angle between wall and base
The open vessels (Table 9.1c) vary from simple certainly appears steeper in levels XII to IX than
hemibowls to more angular profiles in the later lev- thereafter, and the widest bases are found in levels X
els (Figs. 9.3 & 9.4), which prefigure the Early to VII. However, it is also clear that better defined
Chalcolithic carinated shapes found at C::atalhoyuk bases (with an angular rather than a rounded june-
tion) increase proportionately in the later levels. In
Table 9.1. Neolithic rim characteristics by building level. addition, more pronounced bases (Fig. 9.5:10) and
footed vessels (Fig. 9.5:12) are not found before level
a: Rim morphology
VI and are only common from level III. Small foot-
Level Total Rims Wall Rim Diameter %Open %Flat
sherds thickness thickness (mm) forms rims
rings appear in level III as well. Base thickness fol-
(mm) (mm) lows a similar pattern to rim thickness with the
II 82 61 5.5 4.2 122 83.6 44.8 chunky early forms (levels XII to VIII) giving way to
Ill 48 34 5.3 3.9 149 58.8 46.9
IV 334 125 5.5 4.8 155 44.7 60.0 thinner vessels later, via a transitional phase per-
v 741 207 5.4 4.9 144 30.7 55.1
haps covering levels VII to Vlb (although this is a
VIa 359 110 5.6 5.1 137 35.8 55.0
Vlb 36 28 5.1 4.7 152 32.1 74.1 very small sample).
VII 41 16 7.6 5.3 168 53.3 60.0
VIII 80 29 9.3 6.5 146 62.1 74.1
IX 30 13 12.1 6.9 170 75.0 66.7
X 59 20 11.8 8.0 176 68.4 78.9
Lug forms and decoration
XI 31 10 13.1 7.7 175 55.5 50.0 Lugs are more restricted chronologically but still
XII 35 12 14.6 10.5 197 54.5 58.3
show some variation (Table 9.3). They are found
b: Holemouth forms only very rarely before level VI and no definite lugs
Level Hole- Necked Straight In turned Angle Angle Angle
are known below level IX. The proportion of lugs to
mouths (%) (%) (%) <60 60-75 >75 rims is low until Vlb, peaks in VIa and V and de-
(%) (%) (%)
clines again from level IV. This reflects the changing
11 22 31.8 40.9 36.3 18.2 45.4 36.4
III 12 25.0 8.3 66.7 25.0 66.6 8.3
IV 54 7.4 38.9 53.7 40.8 57.4 1.9
v 43 2.3 48.8 48.8 55.9 41.9 2.3 Table 9.2. Neolithic base characteristics by building level.
VIa 71 12.6 40.8 46.5 10.6 86.3 4.5
Vlb 20 0.0 70.0 30.0 15.0 80.0 5.0 Level Bases: Bases %Angular % Rounded % with Thickness Angle Diameter
Vll 5 20.0 60.0 20.0 20.0 60.0 20.0 rims junction junction feet (mm) (degrees) (mm)
(%)
c: Bowl forms II 32.8 20 44.4 11.1 38.9 6.3 40 67
III 26.5 9 12.5 12.5 75.0 4.4 30 25
Level Bowls lnturned Straight Everted Flaring IV 40.0 50 49.0 24.5 22.5 6.6 37 77
(%) (%) (%) (%) v 30.0 62 72.2 20.4 7.4 7.4 35 81
VIa 15.5 17 25.0 62.5 6.3 4.3 0 0
II 33 18.2 39.4 27.3 15.1
Vlb 7.1 2 50.0 0.0 50.0 7.5 30 65
III 25 20.0 52.0 28.0 0.0 8.0
VII 25.0 4 2.0 2.0 0.0 38 110
IV 16 18.8 68.8 6.3 6.3
VIII 79.3 23 44.4 55.6 0.0 12.2 35 117
v 8 0.0 75.0 0.0 25.0 IX 61.5 8 33.3 66.7 0.0 13.4 47 110
Via 26 34.6 53.8 3.8 7.6 X 70.0 14 38.5 53.9 7.7 12.8 57 115
Vlb 6 33.3 33.3 16.7 16.7 XI 40.0 4 25.0 50.0 0.0 11.0 60 55
VII 8 12.5 87.5 0.0 0.0 XII 58.3 7 40.0 40.0 0.0 10.6 65 71

117
 Jonathan Last

Table 9.3. Neolithic lug characteristics by building level. Table 9.4. Neolithic body sherd characteristics by building level.
Level Lugs: Lugs % Width Height Pointed Flaring Straight Level Bodies %Dark %Light Thickness Size
rims Perforated (mm) (mm) (%) (%) ('Yo) surfaces surfaces (mm) (mm)
(%)
II 0
II 0 Ill 0
III 14.7 5 80.0 42.0 14.2 50.0 50.0 0.0 IV 112 55.0 11.0 5.7 61.3
IV 16.0 22 90.0 56.2 22.9 32.0 60.0 8.0 v 403 60.2 19.3 5.3 52.5
v 26.1 54 83.8 55.6 19.9 30.0 40.0 30.0 VIa 105 63.8 11.4 5.1 43.3
VIa 24.5 27 87.5 45.9 17.2 52.6 5.3 42.1 Vlb 2 59.4 3.1 5.0 59.5
Vlb 14.3 4 100.0 29.3 22.8 VII 21 68.4 15.8 6.2 45.1
VII 6.3 1 VIII 28 14.3 82.9 8.6 44.0
VIII 0.0 0 IX 7 19.2 80.8 11.9 48.7
IX 3.3 1 0.0 30.0 25.0 X 18 31.4 62.7 12.3 61.5
X 0 XI 17 8.7 82.6 11.4 50.5
XI 0 XII 16 28.6 45.7 11.7 52.8
XII 0
Note: surface colour percentages for levels Vlb to XII refer to all sherds, not only
bodies.

popularity of holemouth forms on which lugs are

mainly but not exclusively found. The complete ab-
sence of lugs in level II probably reflects the selec-
tion policy, since at least one of the restored vessels
from this level is lugged. From levels VI to III the
proportion of perforated lugs is consistently between
80 per cent and 90 per cent, so the change to ledge
handles and unperforated forms reported by Mellaart
(1962) must occur in level II. The size of lugs appears
to increase somewhat between levels VIa and IV but
there is little consistent variation in other attributes
like the diameter of the perforation or the distance of
the lug below the vessel rim. The prevailing form of
lugs and handles also serves as a chronological indi-
cator. The three main lug shapes (in profile) may be
summarized as pointed (Fig. 9.5:4), flaring (Fig. 9.5:5)
and straight (Fig. 9.5:2). The pointed form is found
in all levels but the flaring lugs are generally later
than the straight ones, with an overlap in level V. Of
the rarer forms, vertically placed lugs (i.e. width less
than height) and basket handles (Fig. 9.5:6) show no
consistent pattern while double perforations (Fig.
9.5:4) are not found after level V.
The only provenanced animal head lugs come,
as mentioned, from level V; these two examples (and
two with no provenance) represent the only plastic
decoration found on C::atalhoyiik Neolithic pottery.
Incised decoration is also rare: sherds with between
three and five parallel horizontal incisions below the
rim (Fig. 9.2:8) occur in levels V, IV and III. Part of a
unique small vessel with three incised lines just above
the base was found in an unstratified context in
1995.
Body sherds
The body sherds may also furnish some quantitative
information, particularly in terms of colour and wall
thickness (Table 9.4). Colour groups were picked out
visually (without using Munsell charts) and are based
on external surface colour only, so they are to some
Figure 9.1
1. 854/16 Handmade jar rim, slightly pointed; diam.
c. 260 mm, thickness 5-8 mm; ext. burnished and
striated, dark grey brown; int. burnished dark grey;
fabric grey, moderate mineral. Unit 854, area 5;
Neolithic.
2. 853/1 Handmade jar rim; diam. 110 mm, thickness
4-5 mm; ext. and int. burnished dark brown; fabric grey,
moderate mineral. Unit 853, area 5; Neolithic.
3. 854/21 Handmade jar rim, thickened and slightly
flattened; diam. c. 110 mm, thickness 4-6 mm; ext.
burnished dark grey brown; int. burnished dark brown;
fabric brown/grey, moderate med.flarge mineral. Unit
854, area 5; Neolithic.
4. 601/4 Handmade jar rim, thickened; diam. 100
mm, thickness 3-5 mm; ext. burnished dark brown; int.
burnished dark greyish brown; fabric dark grey, sparse
small mineral inc. mica. Unit 601, area 7; Neolithic.
5. 527/12 Handmade jar rim, necked; diam. c. 140
mm, thickness 3-6 mm; ext. burnished red with darker
mottles; int. burnished mid brown by rim, darker lower
down; fabric grey, moderate mineral. Unit 527, area 7;
Neolithic.
6. 818/7 Handmade jar rim with slight neck; diam.
220 mm, thickness 6-8 mm; ext. burnished reddish
brown with darker mottles; int. burnished light pinkish
brown; fabric grey, moderate med.flarge mineral inc.
mica. Unit 818, area 2; Neolithic.
7. 504/3 Handmade jar rim, flattened and with slight
neck; diam. 260 mm, thickness 5 mm; ext. burnished
light brown; int. burnished reddish brown; fabric grey,
sparse small mineral. Unit 504, area 7; Neolithic.

118
 Surface Pottery

/ 2

4
5

'
6

Figure 9.1. Neolithic holemouth vessel rim forms from c;atalhoyiik East. Scale 1:2.

119
 Jonathan Last
extent subjective. Nevertheless, the proportion of
'dark' (dark grey or dark brownish grey, rarely a
true black) sherds shows a clear change between
levels VIII and VII when they increase greatly in
number. This point also marks a change from pot-
tery with at least some organic temper (93 per cent of
rims in level VIII) to a purely mineral-gritted fabric
(75 per cent of rims in level VII; 96 per cent in Vlb).
The lack of bodies from levels III and II prevents a
quantitative analysis of later surface colours.
Mean body thickness more or less mirrors the
measurements from the rim sherds although the
gradual decline in size from levels XII to IX is not
apparent in the former, so seemingly indicative of
changes in rim form within this early phase (p. 116).
Analysis of sherd size is more problematic since col-
lection and selection policies have not been made
explicit. It is of more use when comparing assem-
blages within a level; nevertheless there is an overall
pattern, with levels IX-VIa generally having smaller
sherds than earlier or later phases. This may be re-
lated to changes in wall thickness and firing tem-
peratures which would affect the susceptibility of
vessel fragments to further breakage. The very thick
walls before level IX and the better fired fabrics after
level VI may have been more resistant to processes
such as trampling. One of the principal aims relating
to pottery recovered from excavation in future sea-
sons will be an analysis of patterns of vessel break-
age and deposition.
Surface assemblages
The chronology derived from the museum assem-
blages may be compared against the material from
surface collection and scraping in order to assess
variation within and between different areas of the
site. The 2 x 2 m surface collection (see Chapter 6)
provided few diagnostic pieces but the small number
of holemouth and open bowl rims do show different
patterns, with the former evenly distributed across
the main mound and northern eminence but the
latter concentrated on the eastern slope of the main
mound and the eastern plateau (Fig. 9.6). Given that
bowl forms increase proportionally towards the end
of the sequence, this small sample suggests that oc-
cupation in the eastern part of the site may well
endure rather later than on the rest of the site. No
distinct patterning of other attributes of the rim
sherds, such as thickness or Munsell value (distin-
guishing dark and light shades) was evident.
The larger assemblages from the 10 x 10 m
scraped squares provide more detailed 'windows'
within this distribution (Fig. 9.7). The scraped material
120
Figure 9.2
1. 504/2 Handmade jar rim, slightly pointed, with
remains of lug; diam. 300 mm, thickness 9-11 mm; ext.
burnished reddish grey to black; int. mottled black to
light pinkish brown; moderate smallfmed. mineral inc.
mica. Unit 504, area 7; Neolithic.
2. 854/7 Handmade jar rim with remains of lug;
diam. 200 mm, thickness 5-6 mm; ext. burnished grey;
int. burnished. Unit 854, area 5; Neolithic.
3. 854/13 Handmade jar rim, slightly thickened, with
remains of lug; diam. 190 mm, thickness 5-6 mm; ext.
burnished dark grey brown/dark brown; int. dark brown,
mottled; fabric grey, sparse small mineral. Unit 854,
area 5; Neolithic.
4. 269/1 Handmade jar rim with pierced lug handle;
diam. 160 mm, thickness 6-8 mm; ext. and int. bur-
nished light brown greyish brown; fabric grey, moderate
mineral inc. mica; lug square, 20 x 18 x 13 mm; perf.
diam. 2 mm. Unit 269, area 10; Neolithic.
5. 808/1 Handmade jar rim, slightly flattened, with
pierced lug handle; diam. 210 mm; thickness 5-6 mm;
ext. burnished red to light reddish brown; int. burnished
pinkish brown to pink; fabric red, sparse small mineral
inc. mica; lug vertically placed 25 x 45 x 18 mm, perf.
diam. c. 10 mm. Unit 808, area 2; Neolithic.
6. 67/6 Handmade jar rim, pointed, with 'vestigial'
lug; diam. 200 mm, thickness 5-7 mm; ext. and int.
burnished pinkish grey; fabric pinkish grey, moderate
mineral inc. mica; lug pointed, 40 x 12 x 6 mm. Unit 67,
area 10; Neolithic.
7. 506/2 Handmade jar rim, flattened, with lug handle;
diam. 120 mm; thickness 3-4 mm; ext. burnished dark
reddish brown; int. grey; fabric grey, sparse small mineral;
lug flaring, 32 x 11 x 8 mm, with cavity in upper surface
but not pierced through. Unit 506, area 7; Neolithic.
8. 504/1 Handmade jar rim; diam. 80 mm, thickness
3-4 mm; ext. burnished, mottled black and light reddish
brown, with 3 parallel horizontal incised lines below rim,
1-1.5 mm wide; int. burnished light reddish brown;
fabric grey, sparse small mineral inc. mica. Unit 504,
area 7; Neolithic.
9. 196/28 Handmade jar rim, everted with internal,
pierced ledge for lid; diam. 100 mm, thickness 4 mm; ext.
burnished light brown; int. pinkish grey; fabric light
brown, sparse mineral. Unit 196, area 11; Late Neolithic.
 Surface Pottery

)I

2
3

4 5

t 7

'
Figure 9.2. Decorated Neolithic rims and lugs from (atalhOyiik East.
121
 Jonathan Last

was divided into thirteen spatially distinct assem- Figure 9.3

blages. For the typological analysis the adjacent ar- 1. 601/19 Handmade bowl rim, slightly everted; diam.
eas 3 and 4 were combined, as were 8 and 9, because 150 mm, thickness 4-6 mm; ext. and int. burnished red
of the similarity of the assemblages. Area 13 gener- brown; fabric light reddish brown with grey core,
ally lacks diagnostic pieces. The areas compared here moderate mineral. Unit 601, area 7; Neolithic.
are therefore:
2. 506/1 Handmade bowl rim, slightly inturned;
1. downslope to north of northern eminence (100 diam. 150 mm, thickness 5-6 mm; ext. and int. bur-
sq.m.); nished dark brown; fabric dark grey, sparse smallfmed.
2. upper part of north slope of northern eminence mineral. Unit 506, area 7; Neolithic.
(1600 sq.m.);
3 I 4. top of northern eminence (400 sq.m.); 3. 601/15 Handmade carinated bowl rim; diam. 130
5. southeast slope of northern eminence (100 sq.m.); mm, thickness 5-9 mm; ext. light brown, dark grey
6. top of gully between main mound and north- brown by rim; int. mid brown; fabric grey, sparse small
ern eminence (100 sq.m.); mineral. Unit 601, area 7; Late Neolithic.
7. northern slope of main mound (400 sq.m.);
8/9. western slope and upper part of main mound 4. 710/3 Handmade bowl rim; diam. 200 mm, thick-
(200 sq.m.); ness 7 mm; ext. burnished light brown to dark brown;
10. eastern slope of main mound (100 sq.m.); int. light pinkish brown; fabric light brown with grey
11. eastern plateau (100 sq.m.); core, moderate med. mineral and numerous small voids
12. summit of main mound (100 sq.m); probably from calcareous inclusions. Unit 710, area 2;
13. south slope of main mound (100 sq.m.). Neolithic.

Details of the assemblages from these areas are given 5. 501/1 Handmade bowl rim, rounded and slightly
in Table 9.5. As a whole the pottery adds no new everted; diam. 180 mm, thickness 4-5 mm; ext. bur-
features to those exemplified by Mellaart's pottery, nished dark reddish brown; int. burnished pale pinkish
with the possible exception of a bowl rim with di- brown; fabric probably grey, but encrusted; sparse small
agonal incised lines from unit 12 in area 9 (Fig. 9.4:9). mineral inclusions. Unit 501, area 7; Neolithic.
Most of the pottery is burnished to a greater or lesser
degree: of rim sherds from the 1994 contexts 62 per 6. 504/4 Handmade bowl rim, flattened; diam. 310
cent were burnished inside and out, and a further 12 mm, thickness 8 mm; ext. burnished dark greyish brown;
per cent had a light burnish; 12 per cent were bur- int. dark greyish brown; fabric grey, moderate small/
nished on the exterior only (most holemouth vessels med. mineral inc. mica. Unit 504, area 7; Neolithic.
had at least some bur- .-------------------------------....,
Table 9.5. c;atalhOyak East surface scraping- typological characteristics of the Neolithic rims.
nishing inside the rim)
and 5 per cent on the a: Rim morphology
interior alone; 10 per cent
Area Rims Thickness Rim thickness Rim shape Diameter
lacked evidence of bur- (mm) (mm) %rounded %flat %pointed (mm)
nishing, but these sur- 1 7 6.6 5.4 33.3 50.0 16.7 190
2 68 5.9 5.0 31.1 55.7 13.1 151
faces were also smooth. 3/4 66 6.0 4.9 39.7 41.3 19.0 150
Some of the non-bur- 5 65 6.3 4.6 53.3 36.7 10.0 152
6 58 6.7 5.5 58.9 26.8 14.3 172
nished internal faces 7 155 6.5 5.4 53.7 32.9 13.4 161
8/9 41 7.3 5.7 61.0 14.6 24.4 163
showed evidence for 10 145 6.1 4.9 40.6 44.9 14.5 159
scraping. The burnish- 11 142 6.6 5.5 48.2 29.2 22.6 166
12 15 7.4 6.5 46.7 53.3 0.0 138
ing was sometimes done 13 0
with a narrow tool which
has produced a non-uni- b: Vessel forms
form lustre. For the 1994 Area Holemouths Holemouths Bowls
(%of rims) %necked %straight % intumed Rim angle % intumed %straight %everted
contexts, of those rim
1 71.4 0.0 40.0 60.0 57 0.0 50.0 50.0
sherds where burnish- 2 45.6 13.3 46.7 40.0 58 9.1 66.7 24.3
3/4 67.7 12.2 41.5 46.3 57 23.8 47.6 28.6
ing lines could be seen, 5 60.0 13.9 47.2 38.9 60 17.4 69.6 13.0
70 per cent showed a 6 54.4 64.5 35.5 0.0 60 0.0 30.8 69.3
7 61.4 25.8 49.4 24.7 60 14.0 66.0 20.0
horizontal pattern, 19 8/9 68.3 54.2 41.7 4.2 62 16.7 25.0 58.4
10 69.2 15.1 46.5 38.4 64 0.0 67.5 32.5
per cent vertical and 11 11 49.6 79.4 20.6 0.0 69 0.0 16.2 83.8
per cent diagonal. 12 73.3 27.2 63.6 9.1 57 0.0 33.3 66.6
 Surface Pottery

'
. ~-

....
1 2

..·;

4
3

' I 5

Figure 9.3. Neolithic open bowl rim forms from c;atalhoyiik East .

123
 Jonathan Last
Surface colour was also assessed on the basis of
the 1993 assemblages. Within this sample 17 per cent
of rims are dark grey or dark grey-brown (Munsell
N41 to 10YR 312), 12 per cent are dark brown (7.5YR
312 to 10YR 313), 24 per cent mid-brown (lOYR 413
to 7.5YR 5 I 4), 14 per cent light brown (around lOYR
614), 20 per cent red or red-brown (5YR 514 and
redder) and 14 per cent of mixed or mottled colour.
Only about 1 I 3 of vessels therefore fit Mellaart's
'brownish-black' description.
Rim sherds
Early, organic tempered sherds were not found on
the surface, implying all this material is the equiva-
lent of level VI or later, but some typological differ-
ences between the assemblages are immediately
apparent. Taking the rim sherds first: a high propor-
tion of holemouth forms is found in areas 1 and 3 I 4
(on the northern eminence) and areas 819, 10 and 12
(around the summit of the main mound); intermedi-
ate numbers occur in the squares around the gully
between the two main parts of the mound (areas 5, 6
and 7); and low proportions are found in areas 2 and
11. Area 13 produced no rim sherds. Hence on the
main mound (areas 6 to 12), the eastern and north-
ern areas appear, perhaps surprisingly, to have a
later assemblage than the summit. However, the large
number of open forms from area 11 does confirm the
pattern detected in the 2 x 2m surface collection. On
the northern eminence there is a similar decline in
the number of holemouths away from the summit,
with the exception of the small assemblage in area 1.
Overall, the contexts on the main mound (areas
7, 819, 10 & 12) include 65.9 per cent closed vessel
forms; those on the northern eminence (areas 1 to 5)
have 58.0 per cent; and the eastern slopes (areas 6 &
11) only 51.0 per cent. This may reflect chronological
differences between the latest occupation of the dif-
ferent regions of the site but the mixed nature of the
assemblages should induce a degree of caution.
In fact other details of the rim sherds serve to
modify this pattern somewhat. Holemouth rim an-
gles, which gradually increase from level V to II (i.e.
the vessels become more open) show a rather similar
pattern in terms of the difference between the slope
and summit assemblages but do not distinguish the
northern eminence and main mound as a whole.
Mean angle is greatest for area 11, while areas 5 to 10
on the slopes of the main mound and the south side
of the northern eminence all have generally steep
rims. The northern eminence and main summit as-
semblages have more inturned forms. The propor-
tion of necked holemouths (Fig. 9.1:5-6), which should
124
Figure 9.4
1. 854/14 Handmade carinated bowl rim, pointed; diam.
c. 140 mm, thickness 3-6 mm; ext. encrusted, probably
burnished red brown; int. probably mid brown; fabric
grey, moderate mineral. Unit 854, area 5; Late Neolithic.
2. 812/1 Handmade bowl rim, pointed and slightly
everted; diam. 100 mm, thickness 4-7 mm; ext. bur-
nished dark brown; int. burnished mid brown to dark
greyish brown; fabric grey, moderate small mineral inc.
mica. Unit 812, area 2; Neolithic.
3. 196/7 Handmade bowl rim, everted, pointed; diam.
180 mm, thickness 4-6 mm; ext. and int. burnished red;
fabric pinkish grey, sparse mineral. Unit 196, area 11;
Late Neolithic.
4. 196/10 Handmade carinated bowl rim, everted,
pointed; diam. 100 mm, thickness 5-7 mm; ext. and int.
burnished light pinkish brown; fabric reddish brown;
moderate mineral. Unit 196, area 11; Late Neolithic.
5. 196/30 Handmade carinated bowl rim, slightly
everted, pointed; diam. 140 mm, thickness 4-8 mm; ext.
and int. burnished mid brown; fabric light brown,
moderate mineral. Unit 196, area 11; late Neolithic.
6. 501/2 Handmade bowl; rim slightly pointed, diam.
100 mm, thickness 4-7 mm; base flat, rounded junction,
diam. 30 mm, thickness 15 mm; vessel height 41 mm;
ext. and int. burnished light brown with some charring
around ext. of base; fabric grey, sparse small mineral inc.
mica. Unit 501, area 7; Neolithic.
7. 269/7 Handmade miniature bowl; rim diam. 50
mm, thickness 5-7 mm; base flat, angular junction,
diam. 30 mm, thickness 8 mm; vessel height 28 mm; ext.
and int. light pinkish grey; fabric grey, moderate mineral
inc. mica. Unit 296, area 10; Neolithic.
8. 904/12 Handmade bowl rim, pointed, with pierced
lug handle; diam. 70 mm, thickness 2-6 mm; ext. very
lightly burnished medium brown; int. dark brown,
smoothed; fabric grey, moderate small mineral; lug
vertically placed, rounded rectangular, perf. diam. 4 mm.
Unit 904, area 3; Neolithic.
9. 12/13 Handmade bowl rim, slightly pointed; diam.
100 mm, thickness 6 mm; ext. burnished light greyish
brown, incised with horizontal line below rim and 4
parallel diagonal lines; int. burnished light greyish
brown; fabric grey, moderate mineral inc. mica. Unit 12,
area 9; ?Neolithic.
 Surface Pottery

2
1

4
5

7
6

\ l ~l 9
8

Figure 9.4. Other Neolithic bowl forms from (:atalhoyiik East. Scale 1:2.

125
 Jonathan Last
Figure 9.5
1. 527/2 Handmade body sherd with lug handle;
thickness 7 mm; ext. burnished dark greyish brown; int.
burnished dark greyish brown; fabric dark grey, sparse
small mineral inc. mica; lug flaring, 50 x c. 30 x 17 mm,
unperf. Unit 527, area 7; Neolithic.
2. 504/6 Handmade body sherd with pierced lug
handle; thickness 5-7 mm; ext. burnished dark greyish
brown; int. burnished reddish brown; fabric grey, sparse
small mineral; lug straight, 30 x c. 12 x 13 mm; perf.
diam. 5-9 mm. Unit 504, area 7; Neolithic.
3. 51/2 Handmade body sherd with pierced lug
handle; body thickness 6 mm; ext. burnished light
greyish brown; int. light greyish brown; core light
greyish brown, sparse mineral inc. mica; lug straight, c.
45 x 27 x 20 mm; perf. diam. 9 mm. Section no. 1;
Neolithic.
4. 263/1 Handmade body sherd with double pierced
lug handle; body thickness 6-7 mm; ext. and int. bur-
nished dark greyish brown; fabric dark greyish brown,
sparse mineral; lug pointed, 45 x 24 x 16 mm; perf.
diams. 7, 7 mm. Unit 263, area 2; Neolithic.
5. 295/14 Handmade body sherd with pierced lug
handle; body thickness 5-7 mm; ext. burnished mid
brown; int. dark reddish brown; fabric light pinkish
brown, moderate mineral; lug flaring, 90 x 20 x 27 mm;
perf. diam. 14 x 11 mm. Unit 295, area 1; Neolithic.
6. 1020/5 Handmade jar rim with basket handle;
orientation and diam. uncertain, thickness 6mm; ext.
burnished light yellowish brown; int. burnished light
yellowish-brown with darker mottles; fabric mid brown
with grey core, moderate small mineral; handle elliptical
section, ext. surface flattened, 40 x 14 mm. Unit 1020,
unstratified; Neolithic.
7. 906/3 Handmade base sherd, flat, rounded junc-
tion; diam. 70 mm, thickness 5-7 mm; ext. burnished
mid brown, paler under base; int. smoothed, dark grey
brown; fabric light brown/grey, moderate small mineral.
126
Unit 906, area 3; Neolithic.
8. 906/4 Handmade base sherd, flat, angular junction;
diam. 60 mm, thickness 4-8 mm; ext. smoothed mid/dark
brown, lighter under base; int. burnished dark brown;
fabric light brown/grey, moderate med.flarge mineral.
Unit 906, area 3; Neolithic.
9. 818/6 Handmade base sherd, slightly concave,
angular junction; diam. 60 mm, thickness 4-10 mm; ext.
mottled pale brown to dark grey; int. black; fabric grey,
frequent small to large (3-4 mm) mineral inc. mica.
Unit 818, area 2; Neolithic.
10. 808/2 Handmade base sherd, flat, pronounced
junction; diam. 80 mm, thickness c. 8 mm; ext. and int.
burnished pinkish brown; fabric orange, moderate med./
large mineral inc. mica. Unit 808, area 2; Neolithic.
11. 603/3 Handmade base sherd, flat, pronounced
junction; diam. 120 mm, thickness 5-8 mm; ext. bur-
nished mottled black to reddish brown; int. light brown;
fabric buff with grey core; moderate med. mineral. Unit
603, area 12; Neolithic.
12. 601/3 Handmade base sherd, footed; diam. c. 90
mm, thickness 7 mm; foot curved, length 53 mm, height
8 mm; width at base 7 mm; ext. burnished light red to
light brown, abraded in places to pinkish grey surface;
int. encrusted, probably light brown; fabric grey, moder-
ate small to large mineral. Unit 601, area 7; Neolithic.
13. 504/8 Handmade base sherd, footed; diam. 60 mm,
thickness 6 mm; foot curved, length 35 mm, height 8
mm, width at base 6 mm; ext. and foot burnished red
with black mottles; int. burnished mid brown; fabric
grey, sparse smallfmed. mineral inc. mica. Unit 504,
area 7; Neolithic.
14. 124/sf38 Handmade oval bowl; rim slightly
flattened, diam. c. 80 x 40 mm, thickness 3-4 mm; base
flat, angular junction, diam. uncertain, thickness 3 mm;
ext. and int. grey; fabric grey, frequent mixed mineral
inc. mica. Unit 124, area 10; Neolithic.
 Surface Pottery

. ........... . . ....__,
· <itr; :,~;;(,;,\•:i!iM?{.~ · -·· ~ceo
'· · --~ - -c ...;,:>;J.:~;(~;JJj)~;~C.~

4
5

~LJ
'-...L_/. \__ I

6
9
co 14

-----'------~
~r
11

13

12

Figure 9.5. Neolithic lugs, handles and base forms from c;atalhoyiik East. Scale 1:2.

127
 Jonathan Last
increase over time, is lowest on the northern emi-
nence, rather higher on the main mound, and great-
est in areas 6 and 11 downslope to the east. So in
terms of this index, the northern eminence is earlier
in date than the main mound, while the late position
of the eastern plateau is confirmed. Among the open
vessels, the later (everted) forms (Fig. 9.4:3) again
predominate in areas 6, 819 and 12 on the main mound,
and particularly in area 11 (the eastern plateau).
The rim shape indices therefore suggest, a little
ambiguously, two main chronological differences:
that the slopes of both the northern eminence and
main mound have later material than the summits;
and that the northern eminence assemblage as a
whole is earlier than the main mound, while the
eastern plateau is consistently late. So simple
open:closed ratios do not tell the whole typological
story. It is highly probable that this index reflects a
degree of functional variation, while the more subtle
differences in form and angle, which have no neces-
sary bearing on the properties of the containers, are
of greater chronological significance. I prefer there-
fore, to conclude that the northern eminence has the
earliest assemblage, followed by the main mound,
while the eastern plateau is latest.
Other indices may reflect functional as much as
chronological differences: mean rim diameter and
wall thickness provide information on the size of
vessels and in Mellaart' s collection show little con-
sistent variation over time after level VII. Among the
scraped assemblages, however, there are some dif-
ferences. Thicker-walled vessels occur in areas 819
and 12 on the top of the main mound, while thin
vessels are found on the northern eminence and in
area 10. Rim diameter is, with the exception of the
small assemblages in areas 1 and 12, greater on the
main mound than on the northern eminence. Hence
on both scales, the pots from the northern eminence
are somewhat smaller.
Base sherds
Looking at the base sherds, the most significant vari-
ation concerns the proportion of footed (Fig. 9.5:12)
and pronounced (Fig. 9.5:11) bases. These appear to
increase over time from level V. Here they are most
common in areas 314 and 6, moderate in 7, 10 and
11, and scarce in 2, 5, 819 and 12. On the main
mound therefore, the more recent assemblages are
again further from the summit - as with the pro-
portion of holemouth rims- but the eastern plateau
is less distinct. On the northern eminence there is
greater variability with, conversely, more feet on the
top of the eminence than downslope. Overall, footed
128
bases represent a similar proportion of the total of
the northern eminence and main mound assemblages
(around 6 per cent).
The ratio between angular (Fig. 9.5:8) and
rounded (Fig. 9.5:7) base junctions should also have
chronological significance, with a higher figure ex-
pected for later assemblages. In this case areas 819
and 12 lack rounded bases altogether, 7 and 11 have
very high figures, and area 3 I 4 has the lowest ratio.
Rounded bases represent 28 per cent of the northern
eminence assemblage but only 9 per cent on the
main mound. As with rim shapes, therefore, there is
some evidence that the main mound assemblages
are more recent than those on the northern emi-
nence.
Base thickness and diameter appear to have
less chronological value after level VII and may, as
with rim sherds, reflect functional differentiation.
Here the thickest bases occur in areas 819, 5, 6 and
11; thinner ones in 2, 10, 314, 12 and 7. Smaller
diameters are found in 8 I 9, 3 I 4 and 2; larger ones in
12, 11 and 7. Hence the patterns are less clear than
with the rims, but the smallest pots again seem to
occur on the northern eminence (areas 2 & 3 I 4) and
the largest ones on the eastern plateau (area 11).
Clear differences are apparent, however, between
adjacent areas such as 819 and 12, or 314 and 5. It is
possible that base size and thickness were controlled
less strictly by potters than were rim thickness and
mouth diameter- but variability in all these indices
is relatively high, and no doubt largely reflects the
mixed nature of the assemblages.
Lugs and handles
A further area of difference concerns the lugs and
handles, both in terms of numbers and types. From
Mellaart's assemblage it seems that the proportion
of lugs to rims decreases from level V, as the number
of holemouth vessels on which they principally oc-
cur declines. Among the scraped square assemblages
the proportion of lugs is highest - by some way -
in area 5; and higher on the northern eminence as a
whole than on the main mound, consonant with the
suggestion that this pottery is typologically earlier.
However, the lugs give a less consistent result for
the eastern plateau. Straight lugs (Fig. 9.5:2), which
are rare in Mellaart's assemblage after level V, are
most common in areas 3 I 4 and 11 but absent from 5
and 6 and scarce in area 10. Flared lugs (Fig. 9.5:5),
which may increase over time, are rarest in 2, 6 and
11 but more common in areas 5 and 10. This con-
firms the earlier position of the northern eminence but
area 11, strangely, also looks like an early assemblage,
 Surface Pottery

Table 9.6. (atalhoyiik East surface scraping- typological Table 9.8. (atalhoyiik East surface scraping- typological
characteristics of the Neolithic bases. characteristics of the Neolithic body sherds.

Area Bases % % % % Thickness Diameter Area Body sherds %Dark %Light %Red Thi<kness
Straight Rounded Defined Feel (mm) (mm) (mm)

1 0 I 51 56.9 43.1 0.0 6.1

2 23 47.8 47.8 4.3 0.0 7.0 76 2 484 51.0 45.5 3.5 5.8
3/4 28 39.3 42.9 7.1 10.7 7.7 72 3/4 502 47.0 48.4 4.6 5.9
5 36 66.7 27.8 0.0 5.6 8.8 87 5 229 58.5 34.5 7.0 6.7
6 17 35.3 35.3 23.5 5.9 8.6 87 6 462 40.3 53.5 6.3 7.2
7 57 68.4 17.5 0.0 14.0 8.1 99 7 859 51.3 38.2 10.5 6.9
8/9 14 76.9 15.4 7.7 0.0 9.2 69 8/9 281 48.4 37.0 14.6 7.2
10 55 43.6 41.8 10.9 3.6 7.6 88 10 472 61.7 26.7 11.7 6.4
11 86 59.3 22.1 10.5 8.1 8.4 109 11 492 46.5 41.3 12.2 7.1
12 10 90.0 0.0 10.0 0.0 7.8 123 12 86 44.2 44.2 11.6 7.2
13 2 50.0 50.0 0 0.0 6.5 80 13 14 28.6 57.1 14.3 7.9

Table 9.7. c;atalhOyiik East surface scraping- typological characteristics of the Neolithic lugs.

Area Lugs Lugs: Rims % % % % Perforated Width Height Protrusion Below rim
(%) Straight Pointed Flaring Handle (%) (mm) (mm) (mm) (mm)
I 2 28.6 0.0 0.0 100.0 0.0 100.0 90 22 23 0
2 10 14.7 12.5 62.5 0.0 12.5 100.0 44 21 14 20
3/4 21 31.8 30.0 40.0 25.0 0.0 70.0 43 18 15 28
5 16 55.4 0.0 31.3 43.8 18.8 41.7 49 22 21 27
6 11 19.0 0.0 54.5 9.1 18.2 11.1 37 18 10 21
7 30 19.4 20.0 40.0 33.3 6.7 56.0 47 19 14 18
8/9 7 17.1 14.3 14.3 28.6 28.6 0.0 57 20 16 0
10 14 9.7 7.1 50.0 42.9 0.0 76.9 57 20 13 24
11 22 15.5 27.2 9.1 4.5 54.5 45.5 30 22 11 30
12 3 20.0 33.3 33.3 33.3 0.0 0.0 100 5 59 16
13 0

while areas 5 and 10, relatively close to it, appear to
be the latest. However, the lack of lugs in the level II
assemblage (p. 118) and the small number from level
III means there is no comparative material for an
assemblage as late as that from area 11 appears (on
the basis of rim forms) to be, and it is therefore
possible that lug morphology changes in a different
manner in the uppermost layers.
This may be confirmed by the high proportion
of unperforated forms on the eastern plateau, which
is probably a late feature. However, area 6 and the
small assemblage from area 8/9 consist almost en-
tirely of unperforated lugs (Fig. 9.5:1), and area 5
also has large numbers. None of this reflects the
sequence derived from Mellaart's material and implies
either that these are also late assemblages or that the
west part of the main mound where Mellaart exca-
vated is not representative of the site as a whole- at
least in terms of certain aspects of the ceramics. In a
relatively simple ceramic repertoire, lugs and han-
dles could represent an important way of signalling
social or functional differences.
Of the rarer types, basket handles (Fig. 9.5:6)
are twice as common in area 11 as anywhere else,
reaffirming the difference of the eastern plateau from
all other assemblages. Similarly, the only vertically-
placed lugs come from the northern eminence, as
do the only examples from the surface of a double
perforation (Fig. 9.5:4) and an animal head, both
considered early forms.
Size indices also show some interesting
patterning: area 11 has very small lugs, as does area
6; the other areas on the main mound have generally
larger lugs than the northern eminence- which is
consistent with the vessel size information. Lug
height varies little, indicating that the largest exam-
ples are also more elongated; protrusion (i.e. maxi-
mum distance above vessel surface) is more variable
and generally proportionate to size. The area 11 lugs
show another difference in that they are generally
set farther below the rim of the vessel than are those
from the other areas.
Hence the lug data are rather complex but seem
to show a distinct assemblage on the eastern pla-
teau, which in some respects looks early but need
not be so. The northern eminence is rather different,
also appearing relatively early but with some dis-
tinctive features. Another distinctive assemblage oc-
curs in area 6 (rather small lugs, very few perforated,
nearly all pointed) while areas 5 (despite the large
number of lugs) and 10 appear latest in terms of the
typology derived from Mellaart's data. All the
squares on the eastern side of the site therefore have
late or idiosyncratic assemblages. Chronological trends
seem to be more complex than the quantifications
from Mellaart's area (Tables 9.1-9.4) would imply.

129
 Jonathan Last

1300

1200

1100
£....
2
~
s

1000

900

800

900 1000 1100 1200

metres east

grey = bowl rim, black = holemouth rims

Figure 9.6. (atalhdyiik East surface collection- distribution of Neolithic ho/emouth and bowl rims.

130
 Surface Pottery

1300

1250

1200

1150

1100

1050

1000

950

900

850

800 L-,_-----,-------,------------~~~~~--,------,------~
850 900 950 1000 1050 1100 1150 1200
contours at 1 metre intervals

Figure 9.7. c;ata/h oyiik East surface scraping -location of different areas.

131
 Jonathan Last
Body sherds
Analysis of trends in the surface colour of body
sherds was handicapped by the lack of evidence for
levels II and III (p. 120). However, there is some
suggestion that the proportion of dark coloured
sherds declines somewhat after level VI. For the
scraped squares the lowest proportion of dark col-
ours (by some way) is in area 13, while area 6 has
relatively low numbers. The highest proportions of
dark sherds are in areas 1, 5 and 10. A more detailed
analysis of rim sherds from the 1993 squares (areas
4, 6, 7, 8/9, 10 & 11) generally confirms this picture
of more dark vessels on the northern eminence,
lighter colours on the north part of the main mound
(areas 6 & 7) and more red vessels on the rest of the
mound and the eastern plateau. Since Mellaart sug-
gests red slipped (or burnished) vessels are more
common in the latest levels this pattern appears to
support a broad chronological distinction between
the northern eminence (early) and the eastern pla-
teau (late), with a more mixed (intermediate) assem-
blage on the main mound. Such broad spatial
differentiation may also imply local differences in
ceramic production or post-depositional factors such
as the frequency of secondary burning.
Body sherd thickness confirms the pattern indi-
cated by the rims with the northern eminence hav-
ing thinner-walled vessels (mean 6.0 mm) than the
main mound (6.9 mm) or eastern plateau (7.1 mm).
Within the northern eminence the thickest sherds
come from area 5, while on the main mound the
summit, south and west (areas 8/9, 12 & 13) have
thicker sherds than the north and east (6, 7 & 10).
Conclusions
The ceramic material from the scraped squares shows
a number of differences across the site, and certain
distinct assemblages can be recognized. The eastern
plateau stands out in particular in terms of vessel
shapes (more sinuous profiles, steep rim angles), a
high proportion of open forms, and a large number
of basket handles. At least the first two of these
imply a relatively late date for activity in this area. In
terms of rim form the other late assemblages come
from areas 6 and 8/9, which also share a low propor-
tion of perforated lugs. Areas 7 and 10, lying be-
tween these squares, have slightly smaller vessels
but in other respects are rather mixed: 7 looks later
in terms of bases, 10 in terms of lugs. A rough chrono-
logical order of 7-10-8/9-6 makes little spatial sense
and implies again that the slope assemblages are
generally very mixed.
Area 5 looks later than the rest of the northern
132
eminence, in terms of rim, base and lug form, al-
though the extremely high proportion of rim sherds
with lugs is indicative of a specialized assemblage.
Post-depositional disturbance here is probably less
than elsewhere on the site (p. 140), and this material
may consequently be less mixed. Areas 2 and 3/4
are distinct from everywhere else in terms of
holemouth rim shapes and angles, vessel thickness
and diameter, and ratios of rounded to angular bases,
but lug proportions are rather different. Clearly some
typological features are more chronologically con-
sistent than others. The proportions of footed bases
across the site, for instance, does not fit a purely
temporal patterning, at least not that derived from
Mellaart' s assemblage.
The overall picture suggests that the final occu-
pation of the northern eminence occurs earlier than
that on the main mound, for which the latest assem-
blage derives from the eastern plateau. Despite the
ambiguity due to the mixed nature of all these as-
semblages and the problems associated with
Mellaart' s archive, this broad chronological pattern
is relatively consistent. Only the proportion of
open:closed forms (due to the relatively large number
of bowls in area 2) would put the northern eminence
later, but the relatively early date of the archaeology
here has to some extent been confirmed by initial
excavation in 1995 within area 2, which produced a
small assemblage probably equivalent to level V or
VI (Last n.d.). In key indices, however, such as the
proportion of holemouths (80 per cent), this also
appears earlier than the surface assemblage. It is
quite possible that the topsoil material represents in
part the erosion of a later level of occupation in this
area of the site, but equally it is inconceivable that
given continuing occupation 100m to the south some
of this material was not deposited on the northern
eminence. Further understanding of the site forma-
tion processes in operation at <;atalhoyiik, the de-
gree to which material has moved downslope or is
representative of the underlying building levels, can
be gained only by considering a further set of at-
tributes of the surface assemblages relating to the
density and preservation of potsherds of all periods.
Future work
The study of the surface pottery and the re-analysis
of Mellaart' s assemblage has also helped to set re-
search questions and priorities for the coming sea-
sons. Clearly the major task is to test the devised
ceramic chronology, and its lacunae, against
stratigraphically closed assemblages from contexts
on different parts of the site. Questions include:
 Surface Pottery
Which features of the pottery have chronological
significance across the mound as a whole? Do differ-
ent parts of the site have distinct features reflecting
social or functional variation? The recovery of com-
plete pots or restorable profiles is also essential in
order to link the different morphologies (rim, base,
lug, body) within a more holistic vessel typology.
A further element of the pottery assemblage
which requires more detailed study is fabric. Be-
yond the broad change in inclusion type mentioned
above (p. 120) fabrics appear visually very similar,
in colour and inclusions (usually sparse to moderate
mixed small or medium mineral). Some sherds, how-
ever, clearly contain more mica or calcareous parti-
cles, which could relate to different clay sources.
Fabric analysis based on more detailed visual and
thin-section studies is essential in order to recognize
distinct fabric groups and to address questions of
technological development and clay provenience.
Formation processes
Method and theory
The above discussion (pp. 120-32) is premised on
the assumption that assemblages from the topsoil
are direct reflections of the underlying archaeology.
The distinct differences between the pottery from
different parts of the site shows that typological vari-
ation is indeed recognizable. But the mixed nature of
many of these assemblages is equally noticeable, even
when considering only their Neolithic components,
let alone the Classical material with which they are
mixed. It is vital to recognize that a set of dynamic
processes has operated across the site since the end
of the Neolithic occupation, serving to muddle and
blur any chronologically or functionally related
patterning originally present.
These processes are of two main causative types:
a) organic
b) inorganic
and can have four kinds of effect on ceramic material:
1) horizontal movement (that is across the mound,
primarily downslope);
2) vertical movement (that is within the plough-
zone or topsoil);
3) breakage;
4) abrasion.
The first set involves living organisms, whether hu-
mans, animals or plants. They are generally high
energy processes. The passage of animals across a
surface produces primarily horizontal movement
(from kicking) and breakage (from trampling), al-
though vertical movement is also possible in a soft
133
matrix as objects are trodden into the ground, and
abrasion is a side effect of all these activities. The
actions of burrowing animals, including earthworms,
and plant roots within the soil can produce horizon-
tal and vertical movement (up or down) as well as a
degree of abrasion and breakage. Finally there are
the major processes of post-occupational human
modification of the site, involving the movement of
soil and artefacts by excavation (of pits, graves, etc.)
or ploughing.
The second set of processes is natural in origin.
These are generally of low energy and primarily
climatic or topographic. The former include: rain-
wash, producing horizontal movement downslope
and abrasion of exposed material; wind, with simi-
lar effects; and freeze-thaw which can produce abra-
sion and vertical movement through cracks, etc .. The
latter include related processes of soil creep or ero-
sion which are basically gravity effects and produce
horizontal or vertical movement.
Further complexities can be imagined: for in-
stance, dense vegetation moving objects vertically
within the topsoil can also impede downslope move-
ment and mitigate against trampling effects; slopes
and prevailing winds will mean artefacts in some
locations will be more vulnerable to natural proc-
esses. In addition, different artefact types or size
categories will be more susceptible to different fac-
tors. It is the smaller pieces that are more likely to be
moved by soil animals or roots, but the bulkier ones
(especially pieces such as handles which do not lie
flat) that are more likely to be kicked.
Here is not the place for a comprehensive dis-
cussion of all the processes and combinations of proc-
esses that can alter the surfaces of mounds like
<;atalhoyiik. The gross morphology of mound al-
teration has been discussed by Rosen (1986). Here I
wish merely to note that all these processes could
have operated to some extent on different parts of
the site, and that patterning in potsherd densities
and size distributions will be to some degree the
result of these post-depositional effects. On the other
hand, such patterning may also be diagnostic of some
of these processes and aid our understanding of how
the mound surface has developed and altered. Dif-
ferential effects of gravity, prevailing winds and later
anthropogenic activity may all produce characteris-
tic signatures. This section of the text is an attempt at
understanding something of the degree and nature
of the post-depositional effects which have operated
at <;atalhOyiik and is offered as a preliminary dis-
cussion of the patterns rather than a comprehensive
explanation. It is hoped that comparison with finds
 Jonathan Last

900 1000 1100 1200

metres east

0 25 50 75 100 125 150 175 200 225 250

number

Figure 9.8. (ata lhoyiik East surface collection - total slrerd numbers.

134
 Surface Pottery
from less disturbed underlying contexts, and sec-
tions through topsoil deposits in different places on
the site will in the coming seasons of work enhance
our understanding and provide more general con-
clusions that may be of use to projects undertaking
similar mound surveys in the future.
Surface collection
The relatively low number of diagnostic pieces from
the surface collection means these assemblages are
of only limited value in the reconstruction of occu-
pation sequences, but the controlled method of re-
covery (sieving a measured volume of soil from a 2 x
2m square) provides invaluable information on sherd
densities and weights which is of use in elucidating
aspects of site formation processes.
Total sherd numbers (Fig. 9.8) show a clear fo-
cus of material around the summit of the main mound
and on the southern slopes from the southwest to
the southeast. The northern side of the main mound
and the northern eminence yielded relatively few
sherds while the shallow slopes lower down on the
northern and eastern sides of the site have moderate
densities. But this pattern reflects almost entirely the
distribution of the numerically predominant wheel-
made pottery on the mound surface, masking the
Neolithic assemblages. Only in a band across the
northern slopes and northern eminence, and in a
small area south of the eastern plateau, do Neolithic
sherds comprise about half the assemblage. If the
wheelmade sherds are removed from the plot en-
tirely then the picture is rather different and the
patterning much less distinct (Fig. 9.9). The Neolithic
pottery is relatively dense on the southern part of
the northern eminence, the eastern plateau and a
number of squares on the slopes of the main mound,
but is not focused on one side.
A possible interpretation would be as follows.
Classical activity concentrated on the summit of the
main mound. Erosion over the last 1500 years or so
has led to the movement of much of this material
downslope but prevailing winds from the north or
northwest and the associated rain water run-off have
caused this movement to be primarily in a southerly
direction. Only in a narrow band approximately be-
tween two and five metres below the summit does
there appear to be a lower density of material. This
may represent a gap between the exposed but in situ
material near the eroded summit and the 'fan' of
accumulated soil on the lower slopes, in effect a
place where the processes of erosion and accumula-
tion cancel each other out. There is a similar though
less distinct pattern around the northern and eastern
135
parts of the mound with relatively fewer sherds on
the steeper parts of the slope. Perhaps the basic ef-
fect of gravity means that material moving down-
slope is less likely to come to rest here.
It seems, therefore, as if the original distribu-
tion of Classical material on the main mound has
been heavily modified by processes of erosion and
slopewash. There appears to be a similar pattern
around the northern eminence as well, although in-
volving smaller quantities of material and with less
directional movement.
The handmade sherds lack such a clear focus
on a single area of the site - unsurprisingly given
that the whole mound is a Neolithic feature, what-
ever its subsequent modifications. In other respects,
however, the pattern is rather similar. On the main
mound the squares with large numbers of hand-
made sherds tend to have a lot of wheelmade pot-
tery too, and the reduced densities of material on the
middle slopes compared with the upper and lower
parts is still visible. Presumably, therefore, a certain
amount of Neolithic pottery has moved downslope
with the later sherds. On the other hand the pre-
dominance of finds to the south and southeast is
lacking, while regions of high density in the north
and east of the site are not mirrored in the wheelmade
distributions. The overall density of Neolithic mate-
rial is neither any greater nor any less in those parts
of the site with significant concentrations of Classi-
cal material, which seems to imply that, in general,
later activity has neither brought to the surface nor
masked a substantial Neolithic assemblage. An ex-
ception is the southeastern slope of the main mound
where Neolithic densities fall off rather sharply, im-
plying that earlier artefacts may have been masked
by the fan of Classical material here. This pattern
seems even more pronounced for the animal bone
(see Chapter 11).
Further local concentrations are visible within
the Neolithic sherd distribution. One lies southwest
of the top of the northern eminence at the head of a
pronounced gully which runs off to the northwest.
The erosion processes which formed this feature may
have brought material to the surface here. Towards
the base of the gully there is a slightly higher density
in those squares aligned with it than in the adjacent
ones, indicating a limited amount of downslope
movement as well. The wheelmade pottery shows a
similar, although less marked, pattern, and the same
can be recognized in the distribution of animal bone.
The second concentration of Neolithic sherds is
on the flatter ground of the eastern plateau; again
there is a less distinct but similar pattern in the bone
 Jonathan Las t

1300

1200

-5 1100
g
~
s
1000

900

800

900 1000 1100 1200

metres east

0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35
number

Figure 9.9. c;atalhoyiik East surface collection - Neo lithic sherd numbers.

136
 Surface Pottery
distribution. This would be a region where material
moving downslope might be expected to accumu-
late, although it lies away from the prevailing direc-
tion of movement of the wheelmade pottery.
Typological analysis indicated this area has the lat-
est Neolithic material (p. 132), and the distinctive-
ness of the assemblage does suggest that it is not
merely the product of downslope movement of ma-
terial from the summit of the mound. However, a
third, less pronounced concentration of handmade
sherds at the base of the northern eminence may
indicate that the primary direction of downslope
movement for the Neolithic material has indeed been
northeasterly rather than southerly. Perhaps this re-
flects changes in prevailing winds over the last 7000
years.
A further source of information is from sherd
size, which was measured in two ways. Firstly the
proportion of small sherds less than 2 em long (Fig.
9.10) is clearly much greater in the northern half of
the site, but this may largely be due to the lower
numbers of (generally larger) wheelmade sherds
here. A band around the base of the steeper slopes in
the north of the site also appears to have larger sherds,
corresponding with a relatively higher proportion of
Classical pottery here. Perhaps more significantly
there are also generally more small sherds on the
lower than the upper slopes of the main mound.
This supports the picture of significant downslope
movement: both because smaller (lighter) sherds are
more likely to move and because weathering proc-
esses will tend to abrade sherds as well as move
them. However, a similar pattern is not visible in the
faunal remains.
It seems, therefore, that the major differences in
sherd density are related to a combination of the
differential focus of late (Classical) activity and
mound formation processes, particularly involving
downslope movement of material. Any spatial dif-
ferences identified in typological terms may not there-
fore accurately reflect the exact location of different
phases or types of activity.
Scraped squares
Despite the reduced control of recovery rates the 10 x
10m scraped square assemblages shed further light
on these patterns because of: the much greater quan-
tities of material; the investigation of the whole depth
of topsoil, not just the very surface; and the chance
to correlate these assemblages with architectural re-
mains revealed underneath.
The scraped square material was collected in a
series of spits, though not of uniform depth and
137
without sieving. I divided all contexts into four cat-
egories: surface collection (level 0), topsoil removal
(level 1), second spit or cleaning (level2) and further
scraping (level3). Not all squares include level2 and
3 assemblages since building plans often showed up
at a higher level, but some patterning is evident
(Table 9.9). The percentage of Neolithic sherds is
approximately the same in levels 0-2 (i.e. these are
all equally disturbed by later activity) but much
higher in level 3, which usually starts some 20 em
below the surface. Where there is a deep deposit of
topsoil, therefore, there is less Classical material lower
down. The sherds are also size-sorted by depth, with
the mean weight of Neolithic sherds (as with animal
bone) increasing steadily through the four levels.
The sherds from level 0 are particularly small in
comparison, indicative of the long-term effects of
weathering and trampling as well as the likelihood
that animal activity would tend to bring smaller
sherds to the surface. That much of this patterning
by depth is comparatively recent in origin is shown
by similar figures for the wheelmade sherds, although
their mean weight declines slightly in the lowest
level, which relates in part to variability within the
small number of level 3 assemblages. Two contexts
in particular (269 & 277) provided most of the level3
wheelmade pottery: in one case mean size is smaller
than for the layer above and in the other it is
greater.
This patterning relative to depth confirms that
post-depositional factors have had at least some
effect on the distribution and condition of sherd ma-
terial but perhaps also demonstrates that the sub-
surface assemblages (levels 1-3) are less affected by
erosion than the material from level 0 or the 2 x 2m
surface collection discussed above (p. 135). As with
the typological data, the larger assemblages from the
scraped squares provide a more detailed gloss on
the patterns revealed by the surface collection. I used
the same areas as above (p. 122; Fig. 9.7) but sepa-
rated areas 8 (west slope of main mound) and 9 (top
of northern slope) because of the difference in eleva-
tion and gradient of these squares (Table 9.10).
Table 9.9. c;atalhoyiik East surface scraping- assemblage
characteristics by depth.
Level Total sherds % Neolithic Mean weight Mean weight Mean sherds
Neolithic (g) wheelmade (g) per square
0 2350 28.6 8.8 11.2 81.0
I 11,257 29.8 15.4 18.1 331.1
2 3744 25.1 17.4 27.4 249.6
3 1158 60.5 18.1 22.9 144.8
 Jonathan Last

900 1000 1100 1200

metres east

0 20 40 60 80 100
percentage
Figure 9.10. c;atalhoyiik East surface collection- percentage of sherds <2 cm.

138
 Surface Pottery

Sherd numbers reflect the better preservation of Neolithic architec-

Beginning from the overall density of ceramic mate-
rial (i.e. the approximate number of sherds per cubic
metre of soil), there is a much greater concentration
of pottery on the summit of the mound than any-
where else on the site. The next highest densities
(but only about 15-20 per cent of this figure) occur in
areas 8, 10 and 11 on or below the steep eastern and
western slopes of the main mound. Moderate densi-
ties occur in areas 1, 6, 7, 9 and 13 on the shallower
northern and southern slopes of both the main
mound and the northern eminence. This vague cor-
relation with degree of slope (r = 0.45) may indicate
the effects of slopewash over a lengthy period, with
material from the eroded top of the mound moving
more rapidly down the steeper slopes. The numbers
more or less match the surface distributions although
it should be noted that no scraping was carried out
lower down on the southern slope where surface
densities are highest. In addition, the figures for the
steepest areas (8 & 10) appear rather higher than
might be expected from the density of finds in the
relevant 2 x 2 m squares. This may reflect a tendency
for material brought to the surface here to subse-
quently be carried further downslope.
Neolithic densities are highest on the eastern
plateau (area 11), relatively high on the eastern slope
(6 & 10) and the summit, moderate on the northern
and western slopes (7 & 8) and very low on the
southern slope (area 13). This patterning may be
influenced by the intensity and nature of Classical
activity in different areas. In areas 11 and 12 the
digging of later graves has probably brought a lot of
Neolithic material to the surface, while the Classical
architecture in 9 and the depth of topsoil in squares
8 and 13 may have masked Neolithic material. The
other squares with high densities revealed both
Neolithic and Classical features, indicating a range
of processes, while the intermediate values in area 7
ture here. It seems that whereas the surface distribu-
tions reveal a general pattern which is largely the
result of mound erosion, individual squares have
undergone a variety of processes contributing to the
visibility or otherwise of Neolithic artefacts. It is
noticeable that on the northern eminence Neolithic
densities are lower both where there is good archi-
tectural preservation (area 2) and where there is a
great depth of disturbed topsoil (area 1). Across the
site as a whole, the correlation between numbers of
Neolithic sherds and numbers of animal bone frag-
ments per square is r = 0.60, so a slight relationship
is evidenced.
In contrast to the east-sided distribution of
Neolithic pottery on the main mound, wheelmade
sherd densities show a clear fall-off with distance
from the summit: the nearer assemblages (8, 10 & 13)
have higher densities than those further away (6, 7 &
11), irrespective of elevation (since area 7 is higher
than 8 or 10). This suggests that erosion and weath-
ering have been responsible for some movement of
material away from the focus of Classical activity on
the top of the mound. The extent of erosion here is
shown by the high density of graves in area 12, the
skeletons now apparently close to the ground sur-
face. Undoubtedly downslope movement to the
south, not investigated by scraping, has been greater.
Lower densities of pottery are found on the
northern eminence as a whole, but particularly in
area 2. This is probably related to the good preserva-
tion of building plans in this part of the site: the sorts
of post-depositional processes which have disturbed
the soil matrix and brought material to the surface
elsewhere did not occur to such a degree here. In
addition, as excavation may be starting to confirm,
the building fills of the relatively early phase repre-
sented on the top of the northern eminence may not
have contained large quantities of pottery. I also

Table 9.10. t;atalhiiyuk East surface scraping- assemblage characteristics by area.

Area Total sherds %Neolithic Mean weight Mean weight Volume (m 3 ) Total sherd Neolithic Wheelmade Mean
Neolithic (g) wheelmade (g) density sherd density sherd density slope

I 883 7.9 11.1 14.1 20.0 44.2 3.5 40.7

2 1048 57.3 9.6 11.3 147.7 7.1 4.1 3.0 1.1
3/4 1382 46.7 10.0 12.7 48.3 28.6 13.4 15.2 1.0
5 404 87.6 21.6 21.7 20.0 20.2 17.7 2.5
988 56.2 13.7 15.7 20.3 48.7 27.3 21.4 1.1
2898 40.5 15.9 19.0 67.2 43.1 17.5 25.6 0.9
2359 11.8 12.8 24.8 19.9 118.5 14.0 104.5 1.6
713 16.3 15.5 43.6 13.2 54.0 8.8 45.2 0.5
10 2414 33.1 16.7 21.6 27.5 87.8 29.1 58.7 2.1
II 1535 59.3 18.9 25.6 19.0 80.8 47.9 32.9 0.1
12 2766 4.6 9.1 11.2 5.3 521.9 24.0 497.9 0.7
13 1115 1.4 18.1 24.1 20.6 54.1 0.8 53.3

Note: slope figure is difference in metres between height of highest and lowest corner of square, averaged over area.

139
 Jonathan Last
suggested that the topsoil assemblages contain some
elements which are later than the underlying con-
texts (p. 132), so limited movement of material
downslope from the top of the eminence may have
occurred. The squares in area 314 certainly appear
more disturbed by later pitting. Whatever the proc-
esses involved, the scraped square pattern again tal-
lies with the surface collection data.
Both wheelmade and handmade sherds are
more frequent on the top of the eminence (area 3 I 4)
than on the slope (area 2). Perhaps the greater Clas-
sical activity in the former area has brought more
Neolithic material to the surface here. Limited
amounts of each type have then moved downslope.
This hypothesis is strengthened by the more detailed
patterning within area 2 (p. 141). On the other hand
area 1 has a much higher density of Classical pot-
tery, implying a focus of later activity further down
the northern slope, and one that may be extremely
localized since it does not appear to be reflected in
the surface distributions. The lack of a surface con-
centration implies this is not a slopewash deposit.
The relative proportions of handmade and
wheelmade pottery within the assemblages sum up
the nature of Classical activity. This confirms the
focus of Classical activity on the top of the main
mound and its southern and western flanks, with an
unexpected secondary focus in the very north of the
site (area 1). Otherwise there is a fall-off in the pro-
portion of wheelmade sherds with increasing dis-
tance north and east of the summit of the main
mound. In fact a graph of the proportion of Neolithic
sherds against the northing value of the square shows
the regularity of the increase, with the only excep-
tions in areas 1, 5 (a relatively pure prehistoric as-
semblage from the probable midden) and 11 (Fig.
90
80
70
60
50
• I
%
40
30 • •
20
••
10
0 •
940 980 1020 1060
Figure 9.11. (.atalhoyiik East surface scraping- proportions of Neolithic sherds.
9.11). It is noticeable that this general trend is mir-
rored locally within those areas consisting of more
than one 10 x 10 m square- in areas 2, 3 I 4 and 7 the
northern squares in the group have proportionately
more Neolithic material than those to the south, so
the fall-off in numbers of Classical sherds is indeed a
consistent one.
Sherd weights
Mean sherd weight for an assemblage may reflect a
number of processes: the intensity of trampling of an
area while the site was occupied, the degree to which
an assemblage has been eroded by natural proc-
esses, or the extent to which movement and sorting
of material has occurred due to animal/root action,
wind, water or gravity.
As with the sherd densities, the mean sherd
size for the Neolithic material relates in part to the
intensity of Classical activity in that part of the site.
Consequently, the largest Neolithic sherds are found
in those areas with the highest proportions of
Neolithic pottery: area 5 on the northern eminence
and area 11 on the eastern plateau. These assem-
blages have been less broken by later action. But
area 13, with the lowest proportions of Neolithic,
also has a high mean weight; and the Byzantine
graves in areas 11 and 12 have not had the same
effects on the prehistoric material, since the summit
has very small sherds. In general on the main mound
mean sherd size increases downslope, which is the
opposite of the pattern observed for the 2 x 2 m
surface collection material. While the surface mate-
rial probably indicates the effects of slopewash, the
figures from the scraping may relate more to the
intensity of later activity. Slight disjunctures between
the two assemblages were also noted in terms of
•
••
• • I•
• I • • ••
• •
I
•
1100 1140 1180 1220 1260
northing
140
 Surface Pottery
sherd size relative to depth and densities in the steep-
est squares, implying that although the deposits are
well-sorted extensive vertical mixing may no longer
be ongoing.
In addition, Neolithic sherds from the western
side of the mound are smaller than those from the
east, perhaps because the density of Classical sherds
is greater to the west. However, the northern emi-
nence also has small sherds, which indicates that
erosion of the prehistoric material is not related di-
rectly to the extent of later activity. The wheelmade
sherds are also smaller here, so post-depositional
processes are probably responsible. On the main
mound Classical sherds from the southern and west-
ern slopes are larger than those from the north and
east, not quite consistent with the Neolithic pottery,
though the north/ south difference is similar. In fact
there is a moderate correlation between the mean
weight of prehistoric and wheelmade sherds across
the site as a whole (r = 0.54), which implies a fair
amount of erosion and movement occurring since
the Classical occupation of the site.
As with the surface distributions, therefore, we
can recognize two broad sets of processes in opera-
tion: one is the effect of differing intensities of Clas-
sical activity on the Neolithic assemblages, the other
is erosional processes affecting the mound as a whole
since the Byzantine occupation.
The direction of erosion and accumulation de-
pends on prevailing winds over a long period but
the high proportion of Classical material downslope
on the southern side of the mound might indicate
major accumulation of material moving downslope.
Rosen (1986) suggests the steepest face of the mound
would be the windward side where erosion has cut
back the tell, while soil creep would cause a shal-
lower slope to develop on the leeward side. On the
main mound at <;atalhoyi.ik the contours are indeed
wider on the side where the bulk of the surface
pottery is found, although the upper part of the
north slope (area 7) is also less steep. This side of the
mound is convex in profile while the south side is
slightly concave, which probably fits the hypoth-
esized direction of weathering. The steepness of the
western side of the mound and the relative lack of
run-off deposits around the west and south sides of
the mound reflect the presence of the river channel
as well as more recent tracks and drainage ditches.
In close-up
The formation processes in individual areas are bet-
ter understood in the light of specific details con-
cerning their topography and archaeology. This
141
aspect of the study focuses especially on the block of
sixteen 10 x 10m squares excavated on the northern
eminence in 1993 and 1994 (area 2). At this relatively
small-scale patterns are less distinct. The density of
all sherds (Fig. 9.12a) shows this apparent random-
ness, with small clusters of high density adjacent to
groups of squares with a much lower density, rather
than any clear gradation. It is, however, notable that
with the exception of 1030,1190, the highest densi-
ties are on the east and west sides of the area where
gradients are steeper. There is also a higher overall
density in the northern half of the area, and this too
is further downslope. The distributions appear there-
fore to be slope-related. The three adjacent squares
of area 3/4 to the south on relatively flatter ground
also have high densities but that area was rather
more disturbed by later pitting, which could explain
the difference.
In accordance with the focus of later activity,
the proportion of Neolithic material within the as-
semblage increases towards the north (Fig. 9.12b).
However, the density of Neolithic sherds in this area
effectively mirrors the overall totals, which is not the
case across the site as a whole. Indeed the coefficient
of correlation between numbers of handmade and
wheelmade sherds is r = 0.77, and for the squares
south of 1190 the value rises to r = 0.93. This sup-
ports the idea that post-Classical formation proc-
esses are responsible for much of the patterning.
Activity on the top of the northern eminence left
wheelmade and handmade sherds together on the
surface. Some of this material then eroded down-
slope, hence the high correlation between the two
categories, with the strength of that relationship de-
creasing further downslope.
The hypothesis is strengthened by the detailed
results for the square 1020,1170 which was excavated
in 25 2 x 2m sub-squares (Fig. 9.13). The northern half
of the square had far fewer sherds than the south,
fitting the pronounced difference between the squares
immediately north and south, and the correlation be-
tween Neolithic and wheelmade sherd counts on this
fine scale is still high (r = 0.79). The number of obsidian
pieces is also moderately correlated with the pottery
(r = 0.68) but clay balls and animal bone show com-
pletely different patterns and may therefore reflect
rather different formation processes.
Mean sherd weights are also patterned rather
differently for the two assemblages. Again, for the
northern eminence as a whole there is a high degree
of variation between adjacent squares, but the mean
weight of Neolithic sherds for all squares at northing
1150 and 1160 (area 3: 14.0 g) is greater than in those
 Jonathan Last

0 5 10 15 20 25
sherds I cubic metre

Figure 9.12a. c;nta/lioyiik Enst surfnce scraping- northern eminence: density of n/1 sl1erds.

142
 Surface Pottery

20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90
percentage

Figure 9.12b. c;atnlhoyiik East surface scraping- northern eminence: proportion of Neolithic sherds.

143
 Jonathan Last

0 2 4 6 8 10 12
number

0 5 10 15 20
number

Figure 9.13. (:atalhoyiik East surface scraping- square 1020,1 170: sherd distributions.

144
 Surface Pottery
at 1170 and 1180 (10.1 g), and the value declines
again at 1190 and 1200 (8.4 g). This supports the idea
of slope-related patterning but values for the
wheelmade pottery do not show as strong a correla-
tion with northing, so some of the patterning may
relate to pre-Classical formation processes or (more
likely, given the high correlation in counts) the Clas-
sical sherds have a greater range of fabric types which
are generally harder fired and therefore more resist-
ant to abrasion than the fairly uniform Neolithic
pastes. Similarly, within 1020,1170 the correlation
coefficient for mean weights of handmade and
wheelmade sherds is only r = 0.31. It is likely that
abrasion processes at (atalhoyiik have been rela-
tively slow and more liable to affect the softer fabrics.
Given the great influence of post-depositional
processes on the patterning of the Neolithic sherds
there is little sense of any correlation between sherd
numbers and aspects of the underlying archaeology,
although it is possible that those squares with high
densities of pottery (1020,1170, 1020,1190, 1020,1200)
are associated with larger spaces or fewer visible
walls (Fig. 9.12). But 1030,1190 is again an exception
(with many walls) and it is likely, moreover, that
visibility of walls is itself an effect of post-depositional
disturbance.
Conclusions
The end result of the taphonomic processes described
above is a lateral movement of material downslope
from the top of the mound. The fate of sherds and
other items brought to the surface by processes of
vertical mixing and erosion will largely depend on
slope angle, and secondarily on the size, shape and
density of the objects. At (atalhoyiik, many parts of
the mound have sufficiently steep slopes for lateral
movement, primarily a gravity effect, to be a signifi-
cant factor. The skirt of material seen around the
mound, with a high proportion of small sherds,
largely confirms this, although it remains to be es-
tablished how far the prevailing direction of move-
ment from the upper part of the main mound is
related to climatic factors.
Only on the relatively flat eminences might hori-
zontal movement be unimportant, and even this to-
pography may be comparatively recent. The 'halo'
of sherds around the base of the northern eminence
perhaps indicates deeper erosion of the surface than
on the main mound, to the extent that Neolithic
levels have now been exposed on the eminence, wit-
nessed by the success of the surface scraping there
(Neil Roberts pers. comm.).
Post-Classical erosion of the site seems, therefore,
145
to be the major contributary factor to the patterning
visible at a global level. At a finer scale, surface
artefact patterning may still to some extent reflect
underlying activity, but conclusions about this will
be retrospective rather than predictive, once suffi-
cient in situ material has been excavated that it can
be related back to the surface distributions. The sur-
face work at (atalhbyiik will probably, therefore,
prove more productive as an exercise in understand-
ing mound formation processes than as a means of
identifying any more than just the coarsest activity-
related patterning. It is hoped that ongoing archaeo-
logical and geomorphological work will in coming
seasons add to these superficial conclusions.
The Classical material
Here is not the place for a full discussion of the
wheelmade assemblage. The general terminology of
'Classical' covers material of the Late Iron Age/Hel-
lenistic, Roman, Byzantine and (probably) medieval/
Seljuk periods. Despite this broad range of data the
nature of Classical occupation and activity at (atal-
hoyiik is not fully understood and the central
Anatolian typology remains generally understudied
and unpublished. Coastal sites in Anatolia such as
Anemurium (Williams 1989) provide few clear par-
allels. Priorities for future work on the later occupa-
tion of the site should include the recovery of closed
assemblages from stratified contexts and compari-
son with material from other sites in the region in-
cluding Amorium (Harrison 1990) and Sagalassos
(Waelkens et al. 1992, 91-8).
A limited amount of permanent occupation on
the site would not be inconsistent with the evidence
of a much larger Classical site a few hundred metres
south and east of the site, discovered during non-
systematic field-walking in 1994. The finds from this
site include Late Roman red slip wares, Byzantine
tiles and coarse wares with incised 'wavy line' deco-
ration, as well as occasional green glazed pieces.
Hellenistic sherds appeared to be rare, so occupa-
tion in this phase may have been focused elsewhere,
perhaps on the mound itself, which seems otherwise
to have been primarily reserved for activities such as
quarrying clay and burying the dead. On the other
hand, the quantities of pottery found, particularly
coarse wares, imply that storage and consumption
activities also occurred on the mound.
Surface collection
The distribution of the surface material has already
been commented upon (p. 120), indicating a major
 Jonathan Last
focus of wheelmade pottery on the main mound and
much more limited evidence from the northern emi-
nence where, consequently, the surface scraping was
concentrated. Hellenistic slipped wares, principally
characterized by buff or orange paste and an uneven
('streaky') slip applied on the wheel (Fig. 9.15:6),
occur across the main mound and in a secondary
concentration on the shallow slopes north and west
of the northern eminence (Fig. 9.16). Roman red
sigillata-type fabrics (Fig. 9.14:6) are similarly dis-
tributed. On the other hand, none of the few late
Byzantine or medieval green-glazed pieces derived
from the major concentration of wheelmade mate-
rial on the southern slope of the main mound (Fig.
9.17). The vast majority of the Classical pottery, how-
ever, is coarse wares. I attempted to look for possible
functional variation across the mound by plotting
attributes like ring bases, handles and the wall thick-
ness of all rim sherds. But apart from the general
increase in all types on the southern half of the main
mound the only evident patterning was a tendency
for thinner-walled vessels in the northwest part of
the site. This may be merely a reflection of the chrono-
logical differences discussed below.
Scraped squares
The scraped squares provide more clues to the types
of activity evidenced. Mellaart reports Hellenistic
pits in the area of his excavations on the west side of
the main mound, and some decorated pieces pre-
sumably from these features are now in Konya Mu-
seum. Similar pits, other indeterminate features and
a late wall were also observed on the top of the
northern eminence (area 3/4) but the best evidence
for actual occupation (Classical architecture and in
situ pots (Fig. 9.15): see Chapter 7) comes from area 9
below the summit of the main mound, while areas
11, 12 and 13 revealed definite or possible graves
(one Byzantine child burial was excavated in area 11
in 1993). The largest Classical sherds, therefore, come
from area 9, but denser concentrations of pottery
were found on the summit (area 12) and the slopes
(areas 8, 10 & 13).
A detailed description of the individual con-
texts is not attempted here but the material from
unit 67 in area 10 is typical of the larger wheelmade
assemblages (cf. Fig. 9.15:10). The rim sherds from
this unit fall into a number of groups. Genuine
finewares are rare, consisting of three slipped sim-
ple bowls, one of Hellenistic 'streaky' slip type, and
one late dark green-glazed bowl. 'Semi-fine' wares,
presumably of local manufacture, fall into three
groups: a dark 'streaky' slip on buff, brown or grey
146
Figure 9.14
1. 191/3 Wheelmade bowl rim, flanged; diam. c. 450
mm, thickness 11-15 mm; ext.light grey, painted red on
flange; int. painted red, impressed twisted cord decora-
tion; fabric light pinkish brown, moderate med. mineral.
Unit 191, area 8; Roman.
2. 294/1 Wheelmade bowl; rim slightly inturned and
thickened with external bevel, diam. c. 320 mm, thick-
ness 10 mm; base flat, pronounced junction, diam. 70
mm, thickness 10 mm; vessel height 80 mm; ext. and int.
pinkish brown; fabric light reddish brown, moderate
mineral. Unit 294, area 1; ?Roman.
3. 24/31 Wheelmade bowl rim, slightly inturned;
diam. 140 mm, thickness 4 mm; ext. slipped light reddish
brown and burnished with zigzag stripes, horizontal
grooves below rim; int. slipped light reddish brown and
burnished with vertical stripes; fabric light grey, sparse
small mineral. Unit 24, area 9; Hellenistic.
4. 191/2 Wheelmade bowl; rim slightly inturned, diam.
200 mm, thickness 7 mm; base footring, diam. 75 mm,
thickness 7 mm, height c. 8 mm, width at base 7 mm; vessel
height 66 mm; ext. and int. light grey; fabric light grey,
sparse small mineral. Unit 191, area 8; Hellenistic/Roman.
5. 156/4 Wheelmade bowl rim, rather pointed; diam.
150 mm, thickness 5-7 mm; ext. pinkish brown, rim
horizontally grooved and slipped dark reddish brown;
int. pinkish brown, rim and upper body slipped dark
reddish brown with thin horizontal bands of slip around
base; fabric light brown, moderate brown and cream
mineral. Unit 156, area 8; ?Roman.
6. 124/sf3 Wheelmade bowl, complete; rim pointed,
diam. 120 mm, thickness 2-4 mm; base foot-ring, diam. 45
mm, thickness 5 mm, height of ring 3-5 mm, width at base
2 mm; vessel height 58 mm; ext. pink, painted red in band
below rim; int. painted red; fabric pink, moderate small
mineral, inc. mica. Unit 124, area 10; Hellenistic/Roman.
7. Wheelmade body sherd with moulded decoration of
male crouching over reclining female on a bench; body
diam. 140 mm, thickness 3-7 mm; ext. and int. glossy
red slip; fabric light red, no visible inclusions. Unit 278,
area 6; Roman.
8. Wheelmade bowl body sherd with moulded decora-
tion on exterior of ithyphallic ?satyr and other figures
below a narrow frieze; body diam. 80 mm, thickness 4-6
mm; ext. mottled dark reddish brown to pinkish grey;
int. weak red; core weak red, very sparse fine mineral.
Unit 191, area 8; Roman.
 Surface Pottery

---- -

( 3

{ -I
J
7
{ 8

Figure 9.14. Whee/made rim forms from (ata /hoy iik East.

147
 Jonathan Last
Figure 9.15
1. 156/27 Wheelmade bowl rim, flat-topped and
externally thickened with high, thickened shoulder; diam.
310 mm, thickness 10-12 mm; ext. cream with double
twisted cord impression below shoulder; int. slipped light
pinkish grey; fabric light reddish brown, moderate small/
med. mineral. Unit 156, area 8; ?Roman.
2. 12/6 Wheelmade carinated bowl body; diam. 260
mm at carination, thickness 7-9 mm; ext. light brown
paste, generally bowls with simple or flat rims; a
reddish-brown 'streaky' slip on buff or pink paste,
generally bowls with inturned rims; a more even
matt red slip on pink paste, all simple bowls. Coarse
wares fall into a wider range of fabric groups, gener-
ally with sparse or moderate mixed mineral inclusions:
1. Plain red surfaces on a grey paste - jars; bowls
with simple or developed rims; occasional cord-
impressed decoration;
2. red or pink paste with overall or partial red slip -
jars; bowls with thickened or flanged rims; occa-
sional cord-impressed decoration;
3. red or pink paste with light-coloured surfaces
and some red paint - large jars; large bowls
with developed rims;
4. pink paste with cream slip - bowls with flat,
rolled or simple rims;
5. grey pastes with dark slip or burnish- mainly
jars;
6. unslipped brown or grey pastes, some bur-
nished -jars; bowls with simple or rolled rims,
occasional cord-impressed decoration.
Handles occur in all the coarse ware fabrics, and are
generally oval or elongated in cross-section. About
20 per cent of the bases are footrings, generally but
not always in the finer fabrics. Amphora and pedes-
tal bases are rare.
Area 10 is fairly typical of the site as a whole,
although it does include a relatively large number of
cord-impressed sherds (Fig. 9.15:1), as does area 11
nearby. The chronological significance of this fea-
ture is uncertain but it occurs on some flange-rimmed
bowls of Roman type. It is more common on the
main mound than the northern eminence.
It is clear that all the wheelmade assemblages
are very mixed, most including examples of every-
thing from Hellenistic slipped wares to medieval
glazes, but some chronological variation across the
site may be apparent (Table 9.8). The highest pro-
portions of 'streaky' slipped vessels occur in area 9,
while the lowest proportions occur at the north end
of the site (area 1), on the main summit (area 12) and
148
painted dark reddish brown above carination; int. light
brown painted dark reddish brown in bands including
stylized floral(?) decoration; fabric light greyish brown,
moderate mineral. Unit 12, area 9; Hellenistic.
3. 12/7 Wheelmade jar rim with flat top and upturned
flange forming internal ledge for lid; diam. 190 mm,
thickness 6-8 mm; ext. dark grey with horizontal ridges
and shallow grooved wavy line; int. dark grey; fabric
dark grey; moderate mineral inc. mica. Unit 12, area 9;
Byzantine.
4. 278/sf2 Wheelmade amphora neck, externally
thickened and pointed, with loop handle; mouth diam. 55
mm, thickness 7-9 mm; ext. painted streaky red/reddish
brown; int. light red; fabric light red, sparse mineral.
Unit 278, area 6; ?Hellenistic.
5. 24/20 Wheelmade carinated bowl rim, inturned
with flat top and upturned flange forming internal ledge
for lid; diam. 280 mm, thickness 6-9 mm; ext. and int.
mid brown, fire-blackened in places; ext. decorated on
shoulder with horizontal grooves framing shallow
grooved wavy line; fabric light grey, moderate small
black and white mineral. Unit 24, area 9; Byzantine.
6. 603/8 Wheelmade bowl rim; diam. 140 mm,
thickness 2-4 mm; ext. and int. 'streaky' slipped light
pinkish brown; fabric light orange brown, sparse small
white mineral. Unit 603, area 12; Hellenistic.
7. 191/sf35 Wheelmade handled jar; rim everted,
diam. 30 mm, thickness 5 mm; base flat, angular junc-
tion, diam. 28 mm, thickness 5 mm; vessel height 64
mm; ext. and int. light pinkish grey; fabric orange,
sparse small mineral; handle rectangular section 9 x 4
mm. Unit 191, area 8; ?Roman.
8. 191/sf36 Wheelmade handled lamp(?); rim
inturned with internal bevel, diam. 39 mm, thickness 4-
5 mm; base flat, pronounced junction, diam. 60 mm,
thickness 1 mm; ext. and int. light pinkish grey; fabric
pink, sparse small mineral. Unit 191, area 8; ?Roman.
9. 295/13 Wheelmade jug rim with pinched spout;
diam. 40 mm, thickness 3 mm; ext. 'streaky' slipped dark
reddish brown; fabric light orange brown, very sparse
mineral. Unit 295, area 1; Hellenistic.
10. 67fsf30 Wheelmade base sherd, flat, pronounced
junction; diam. 85 mm, thickness 8 mm; ext. light grey,
incised geometric design; fabric mid brown. Unit 67,
area 10; ?Classical.
 Surface Pottery

6
5

-- ·- \7
I
I

~
8
7 ··-··

10
9

Figure 9.15. Other whee/made rim form s from (atalhoyiik East.

149
 Jonathan Last

1300

1200

1100
.s....
g
~
.b
6

1000

900

800

900 1000 1100 1200

metres east

Figure 9.16. c;ata/hoyiik East surface collection - distribution of Hellenistic slipped wares.

150
 Surface Pottery

1300

1200

.s 1100
....
g
~
s
1000

900

800

900 1000 1100 1200

metres east

Figure 9.17. Cata/hoyr:ik East surface collection - distribution of green-glazed wares.

151
 Jonathan Last
on the north and east sides of the main mound (areas
6, 7, 10 & 11). This refines the pattern observed for
the surface material. Wavy line grooved or incised
decoration typical of the Byzantine period (Fig. 9.15:5)
is more or less ubiquitous (though absent in areas 6
& 12), while glazed wares show a pronounced focus
in the northern part of the site (areas 2, 3/4 & 7) and
are absent from areas 8, 9, 11 and 13, confirming the
picture from the 2 x 2 m surface collection. There
may therefore be a late but less intensive occupation
in the north.
Differences between the assemblages may also
reflect functional variation across the site: the ratio
of jar to bowl rims varies somewhat, with the high-
est proportion of storage vessels in areas 8, 9 and 1,
and the lowest in area 2. The large number of jars
and fineware bowls in area 9 suggests a broad range
of activities associated with the coherent architec-
ture in this area. A probable handled oil-lamp (Fig.
9.15:8) also came from this area. Around this possi-
ble occupation focus, the nearest assemblages (6, 7,
10 & 12) have fewer jars and lower numbers of
fineware and decorated vessels. The summit, for in-
stance, is characterized by simple bowls (Fig. 9.14:6)
and ring bases, with relatively few handles or large
pots; the eastern eminence (area 11) is similar. Both
these squares contain late graves. However, area 6
has some elements which may be linked to the nearby
occupation, such as a well-preserved amphora neck
and handle (Fig. 9.15:4) and a fragment of a moulded
samian-type bowl, the only other example of which
comes from area 8 (Fig. 9.14:7-8).
The southern slope of the main mound (area
13) also has relatively few jar rims, but a large number
of handles and thick (> 10 mm) body sherds suggest
many big storage vessels there. To the north, area 2
again has an overwhelming predominance of open
bowl forms with few jars or handles, while area 1
has a distinctive assemblage with many jars and jugs
(Fig. 9.15:9) but relatively few fineware or decorated
pots, underlining the separateness of this part of the
site (p. 140).
Conclusions
More detailed understanding of the patterns dis-
cussed here and of the meaning of the variation
between assemblages depends on further typologi-
cal analysis as well as systematic investigation of
some of the Classical features. At the moment a
number of different areas may be recognized: that
focused on 9 with some early features but the assem-
blage becoming less distinctive in the surrounding
squares; that on the east of the main mound which
152
has more cord impressed sherds and less painted
decoration, and which may therefore be a little later;
and that on the northern eminence with more glazed
wares and cream-slipped coarse wares, which is prob-
ably later again.
The west mound and the Early Chalcolithic
Introduction
The west mound is a rather different phenomenon
from <;atalhoyiik East. Smaller and lower, it has suf-
fered more from ploughing. Hence when Mellaart
(1965) excavated two small trial trenches in the 1960s
he found no coherent architecture, and the surface
scraping in 1994 was equally fruitless in this respect
(Chapter 7). Nevertheless both Mellaart's work and
the recent investigations recovered a large ceramic
assemblage, demonstrating the ubiquity of pottery
in the Early Chalcolithic compared with the Neolithic.
In three squares some 3800 sherds were recovered,
about 20 per cent of the amount that came from 33
squares on the east mound. Moreover, the amount
of Classical material on the west mound is much
less: fewer than 7 per cent of the sherds are wheel-
made, so about 39 per cent of all the prehistoric
pottery comes from the small investigation on
<;atalhoyiik West.
The defining element of the Early Chalcolithic
pottery is its characteristic red-painted decoration,
comprising a limited range of linear geometric mo-
tifs. 38 per cent of rim sherds found in 1994 had such
decoration (cf. Fig. 9.18); a further 21 per cent had a
red wash. The main design elements on the painted
pottery may be divided into three broad groups:
parallel lines (Fig. 9.18:5), chevrons or zigzags (Fig.
9.18:2), and lattices (Fig. 9.24:3). The designs repro-
duced by Mellaart (1965) suggest that in general
zigzags are more common in the early phase (EChal
I) and lattices later (EChal II). Mellaart also reports
that while fabric and paint colours overlap between
the two phases EChal I paint is never dark brown or
black while in EChal II these shades are common.
The vast majority of the pottery recovered in 1994
can be assigned to his EChal I. In one of the larger
contexts 11 per cent of the decorated sherds had
brown or black paint; a few of these had appar-
ently been burnt.
As well as the introduction of painted decora-
tion, clear differences from the Neolithic pottery of
the east mound can be seen in forms and fabrics.
However, the new forms may be derived from ear-
lier prototypes: the late Neolithic S-profiled bowls
(Fig. 9.4:3) and holemouths with incipient necks (Fig.
 Surface Pottery

9.1:5 & 6) could have given rise to the Chalcolithic is evidenced here. Further investigation would be re-
carinated bowls (Fig. 9.18:3) and jars with everted quired to assess the significance of this, since none of
necks (Fig. 9.18:9) respectively. The generally well- the scrape squares was located on this side of the site.
fired fine buff or pink pastes are indicative of further Wheelmade fine wares are rarer than on the
technological advances in pottery manufacture. As east mound and it appears that the focus of occupa-
well as painted decoration, new surface treatments tion was later than on the other site. Hellenistic
include slips and washes as well as fine scraping of slipped wares are not common, and are restricted to
interiors, which on small fragments can resemble the top and east side of the mound. There are also a
wheel marks. Burnishing continues, although fine few green-glazed sherds, concentrated in a small
polishes comparable to the best of the Neolithic ves- area in the southeast.
sels are rare.
Scraped squares
Surface collection The three scraped assemblages largely confirm the
As at <;atalhoyiik East, the entire surface of the above picture: the western square (480,1040: see Fig.
mound was investigated by the collection of all finds 7.19) had by far the lowest proportion of wheelmade
within 2 x 2m squares at 20m intervals. The hand- pottery (1 per cent compared to about 10 per cent in
made pottery is fairly evenly distributed, with den- the other squares) which supports the distribution
sities falling off around the fringes of the site and indicated by the surface data. These sherds are also
perhaps rather fewer sherds on the north part of the very small (12.9 g on average compared to 26.6 g and
mound (Fig. 9.19). This contrasts with a focus of 30.2 gin the other squares), implying they may be
animal bone finds to the northwest. The wheelmade residual. The density of Chalcolithic material in this
pottery, although a very small assemblage, is heav- area is rather higher than in the central (580,1020)
ily concentrated on the eastern half of the site (Fig. and eastern (640,960) squares, although mean sherd
9.20), suggesting that these sherds derived ultimately weight for the Chalcolithic material also falls off
from the areas of more intensive activity on the other from south and east to north and west.
mound. This may reflect the general fall-off of mate- Without any contextual information in either
rial in the fields around a Classical site related to case the 1994 material can add little to the fairly
processes of middening and manuring. There is some
indication that mean sherd size is greatest on the top Table 9.11. c;atalhoyuk West surface scraping- Chalcolithic
of the mound and generally smaller to the north and assemblages.
west of the site.
a: Preservation
The distributions of the different painted de-
sign elements show little significant patterning. Square Sherds ')', Chal. Mean weight Mean weight Volume Chal. sherds
Chal. (g) Wheelmade (g) density
Mellaart suggests that the later (EChal II) pottery is 480,1040 1296 98.9 24.3 12.9 18.8 68.2
concentrated on the southern slope of the mound 580,1020 1519 89.7 25.5 30.2 24.5 55.6
640,960 991 90.7 31.6 26.7 19.3 46.6
(and placed his second trench to investigate this).
But the surface collection indicates dark paint is more b: Rims and bases
common on the east side of the site, with a smaller Square 7(J Plain
%Hole· <f" Jars % Carinated % Foot-rings
concentration in the west (Fig. 9.21). Pot stands with mouths bowls bowls
incised decoration are also more common in EChal 480,1040 I 1.3 5.2 60.0 23.5 19.8
580,1020 19.7 38.2 29.6 13.3 10.4
II, but these were rare on the surface; the only frag- 640,960 11.1 16.0 48.1 24.7 12.2
ment was found in the west at 380,1020.
Possible functional differentiation was consid- c: Lugs
ered in terms of a number of features. The presence Square % Lugs %Basket 7() Plain % Perforated % Crescent % Vestigial
& handles handles lugs lugs lug handles lugs
of handles and large lugs may reflect storage, since
480,1040 3.0 33.3 17.9 10.3 12.8 25.6
the bowls and open vessel forms of this period gen- 580,1020 2.9 65.0 10.0 2.5 17.5 5.0
erally lack such features. However, the only signifi- 640,960 3.0 51.9 I 1.1 11.1 14.8 11.1

cant pattern within the surface material is that basket d: Decoration

handles were generally absent from the northeast-
Square Rims ')',Straight %Zig-zag %Lattices
ern slope (Fig. 9.22), while other lug types concen- %painted %wash %burnish lines
trated in the centre and north of the mound. 480,1040 18.3 31.3 50.4 30.1 34.5 14.2
Thick-walled pots (>8 mm) were also rare in the 580,1020 42.1 5.3 52.6 20.6 50.3 18.7
640,960 61.7 21.0 17.3 25.5 50.3 15.3
northeast so perhaps a greater proportion of fineware

153
 Jonathan Last
detailed typological and decorative element analysis
carried out by Mellaart (1965). One unusual form
(not illustrated) is a large (c. 300 mm rim diameter)
simple jar with red-painted decoration similar to
that on the body of a jar illustrated by Mellaart (1965,
fig. 3, no. 1), but lacking the developed neck of that
vessel. Other points of emphasis include the relative
frequency (particularly in the west) of small ('ves-
tigial') lugs or knobs, usually on the carinations of
painted bowls (Fig. 9.23:3 & 4: cf. Mellaart 1965, fig.
5, no. 7). Sometimes these features occur below han-
dles (Fig. 9.23:5) where Mellaart considers them
skeuomorphs of metal rivets. It is notable that those
handles painted with chevrons reminiscent of bas-
ketry patterns (Fig. 9.23:6) are not associated with
such features. A further point regarding lugs is that
on the larger plain ware vessels simple round lugs
(Fig. 9.23:5) appear to be almost as common as the
crescent lug handles (Fig. 9.23:1) emphasized by
Mellaart.
Painted elements include a few decorative forms
not previously illustrated, such as a ring of parallel
wavy lines (Fig. 9.24:4), and concentric stars (Fig.
9.24:8). Simple incised decoration was found on the
underside of one small base (Fig. 9.23:9). The record-
ing of Munsell colours allows a more precise de-
scription of paint and fabric colours. The fabrics of
the painted ceramics concentrate around 5YR 6/6-
7 I 6, although many were less red and more buff in
colour (to 5Y 8/2). Paint colours were generally red,
distributed around lOR 4/6. 'Red wash' colours were
more variable, possibly because the thickness of the
application of the paint varies. There were two main
groups, one which ranged from lOR 4/6 to 5YR 7/6
and another smaller group around 2.5Y 8/2-4. Dark
brown paint of EChal II type was rare.
Unusual finds include a further example of the
dark grey burnished ware with white-filled incisions
which Mellaart (1965) describes (Fig. 9.18:6), and two
unparalleled fine burnished sherds decorated with
deep grooves in curvilinear motifs (Fig. 9.24:9). All
these items come from the western square.
Although the nature of settlement on the west
mound remains unknown, there are distinct differ-
ences between the three scraped square assemblages
which may relate to a mixture of chronological and
functional factors (Table 9.9). Mean rim thickness is
virtually the same in all three areas, although per-
haps fractionally greater in the centre, which has a
larger number of plain (coarse) wares. The eastern
square has most painted rim sherds; the western
square has least, but proportionally more red wash
rims. Including body sherds, this square also has
154
Figure 9.18
1. 860/6 Handmade bowl rim, slightly everted; diam.
165 mm, thickness 6-7 mm; ext. slipped orange-red and
painted pinkish brown, diverging lines. Unit 860, square
640,960; Early Chalcolithic I.
2. 858/13 Handmade carinated bowl rim, everted;
diam. 130 mm, thickness 4-5 mm; ext. slipped and
painted red, parallel chevrons; int. slipped and painted
red, diagonal lines. Unit 858, square 580,1020; Early
Chalcolithic I.
3. 860/1 Handmade carinated bowl rim, slightly
everted; diam. 170 mm, thickness 4-6 mm; ext. slipped
and painted red, parallel chevrons. Unit 860, square
640,960; Early Chalcolithic I.
4. 857/4 Handmade jar rim; thickness 6-8 mm; ext.
slipped very light brown and painted light reddish
brown, parallel chevrons; fabric pink with grey core.
Unit 857, square 580,1020; Early Chalcolithic.
5. 858/15 Handmade bowl rim, inturned; diam. 160
mm, thickness 5-6 mm; ext. slipped very light brown
and painted mid brown, parallel lines. Unit 858, square
580,1020; ?Early Chalcolithic II.
6. 856/18 Handmade jar rim; diam. 160 mm, thick-
ness 4-5 mm; ext. dark brown, incised white-filled
horizontal and vertical lines of small strokes; int. dark
brown; fabric grey. Unit 856, square 480,1040; ?Early
Chalcolithic II.
7. 858/3 Handmade bowl rim with anti-splash rim;
diam. 180 mm, thickness 4 mm; ext. slipped mottled
light brown to grey and rim painted dark red, parallel
chevrons; fabric reddish brown, sparse med. mineral.
Unit 858, square 580,1020; Early Chalcolithic I.
8. 855/2 Handmade carinated bowl rim, slightly
everted and pointed, with 'vestigial' lug; diam. 180 mm,
thickness 3--4 mm; ext. slipped very light brown to
orange and painted dark red, parallel chevrons; int.
streaky red wash; fabric pink; lug c. 6 x 5 x 1-2 mm.
Unit 855, area 480,1040; Early Chalcolithic I.
9. 855/13 Handmade jar rim, slight internal bevel;
diam. 150 mm, thickness 5 mm; ext. and int. pink. Unit
855, square 480,1040; Early Chalcolithic.
 Surface Pottery

\ /Qf 1

l 2
3

lCD
t7 ~, "

J
,o_
,
d .
'
,.-

_:.
\ · .·.· · ·..,
'
..

(
7
~- - - - - - - - - - , - - - - -- - -- ,.,.

Figure 9.18. Chalcolithic painted rim forms from c;atalhoyiik West.

155
 Jonathan Last

1100

1000

900

800

400 500 600 700

metres east

0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350

number

Figure 9.19. (:atalhdyiik West surface collection- Chalcolithic sherd numbers.

156
 Surface Pottery

1100

1000

900

800

400 500 600 700

metres east

0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
number

Figure 9.20. c;nta/hoyfik Wes t surface collection - wheelnwde sherd numbers.

157
 Jonathan Last

1100

1000

...c::
.....

-;
....
0
c::
(fJ
~
.b
~

900

800

400 500 600 700

metres east

Figure 9.21. (ata lhoyiik West surface collection- distribution of dark painted wares.

158
 Surface Pottery

1100

1000

.£j
.....

-;
0
c::
(fJ
(j)
b(j)
s
900

800

400 500 600 700

metres east

Figure 9.22. (:atnlhoyiik West surface collection- distribution of lugs and handles .

159
 Jonathan Last
Figure 9.23
1. 858/9 Handmade jar rim, pointed, with lug handle;
diam. 270 mm, thickness 8-10 mm; ext. orange;
crescentic lug 58 x 35 x 21 mm. Unit 858, square
580,1020; Early Chalcolithic.
2. 856/21 Handmade body sherd with 'vestigial' lug;
thickness 7 mm; ext. and int. orange; fabric orange; lug
more straight line ornamentation and fewer zigzags
than the other squares. Whether this reflects chrono-
logical differences is unclear since lattice motifs,
which might indicate a later date, are roughly equal
in numbers across all squares. The difference may
therefore relate to variation in vessel form, or merely
to the smaller average size of sherds in this context,
meaning more pieces have only single lines pre-
served.
Mellaart indicates that particular decorative
schemes are found on different vessel types. For in-
stance, vertical zigzag patterns are characteristic of
everted jar rims. Despite having fewer zigzag motifs
overall, these forms are more common in the west
(30 per cent of painted rims compared with 20 per
cent in the east and none evident in the centre). This
fits the impression from rim shapes that jars (Fig.
9.18:4) are most common in the west, although it is
often difficult to distinguish jar and bowl forms from
small rim sherds. Carinated bowls (Fig. 9.18:8) ap-
pear roughly equal in the west and the east, but are
less common in the central square, which- in accord-
ance with the larger number of plain ware sherds-
seems to be dominated by simpler forms like open
bowls (Fig. 9.18:5) and holemouth jars (Fig. 9.23:1).
There are also differences in base types, with
the central square having more angular base junc-
tions (Fig. 9.23:8) and the west more rounded bases:
this may reflect the difference between open and
carinated bowl forms (cf. Mellaart 1965, figs. 4 & 5).
The western square has more footrings (Fig. 9.23:11),
but the significance of this is again unclear: carinated
bowls may have either flat or ring bases.
Lugs and handles come in a greater variety of
forms than in the Neolithic. Across the scraped
squares they consistently represent some 3 per cent
of all sherds. However, there is variation between
contexts in the proportions of different forms. The
central square, with more of the simple jar forms
associated with basket handles (Fig. 9.23:6), accord-
ingly has more of these. It also has rather more cres-
cent lug handles (Fig. 9.23:1) than the other contexts,
which have simple round and perforated lugs. The
purely decorative or skeuomorphic 'vestigial' lugs
160
V-shaped, c. 35 x 12 x 2 mm. Unit 856, square
480,1040; Early Chalcolithic.
3. 856/1 Handmade carinated bowl body/base sherd
with 'vestigial' lug; thickness 5-6 mm; ext. slipped very
light brown and painted reddish brown, parallel chev-
rons; int. pink with red wash; fabric light brown, sparse
small mineral; lug 8 x 4 x 2 mm. Unit 856, square
480,1040; Early Chalcolithic.
4. 858/23 Handmade body sherd of carinated bowl
with 'vestigial' lug; thickness 4-6 mm; ext. slipped light
yellowish brown and painted dark red, chevrons; lug c. 5
x 2 x 1.5 mm. Unit 858, square 580,1020; Early
Chalcolithic I.
5. 858/7 Handmade strap handle with lug; elliptical
section 54 x 24 mm; ext. and int. slipped yellow; base
shows 'tenon' for joining to body; lug on ext. angle,
round, 19 x 18 x 15 mm. Unit 858, square 580,1020;
Chalcolithic.
6. 856/15 Handmade basket handle with part of vessel
rim; oval section, ext. flattened, 29 x 16 mm; ext.
painted red, parallel chevrons; fabric orange. Unit 856,
square 480,1040; Early Chalcolithic I.
7. 858/20 Handmade body sherd of carinated bowl;
thickness 9-12 mm; ext. slipped light orange brown and
painted dark red to dark reddish brown, parallel chev-
rons. Unit 858, square 580,1020; Early Chalcolithic I.
8. 855/12 Handmade base sherd, flat, angular junc-
tion; diam. uncertain, thickness 10 mm; ext. light orange
brown, painted reddish brown; fabric pink. Unit 855,
square 480,1040; Early Chalcolithic.
9. 855/8 Handmade base sherd, flat, pronounced
junction; diam. 60 mm, thickness 5-6 mm; ext. very
light brown, painted pinkish brown and incised with
parallel linear strokes around edge of base. Unit 855,
square 480,1040; Early Chalcolithic.
10. 860/5 Handmade base sherd, foot-ring; diam. c. 80
x 55 mm, thickness 5 mm, height of ring c. 8 mm, width
at base 3 mm; ext. slipped and painted red. Unit 860,
square 640,960; Early Chalcolithic.
11. 855/5 Handmade base sherd, foot-ring; diam. 70
mm, thickness 4 mm, height of ring 12 mm, width at
base 4 mm; ext. light orange brown painted pinkish
brown; int. orange, painted pinkish brown. Unit 855,
square 480,1040; Early Chalcolithic.
 Surface Pottery

2 3

11
Figure 9.23. Chalcolithic lug forms from <:;atalhoyiik West.

161
 Jonathan Last
are least frequent here and most common in the
west, which has more painted sherds. The feature of
this type illustrated by Mellaart occurs on a bowl
with pedestal base, so the high number of footrings
in the western square may be a related feature.
The small wheelmade assemblage from these
squares probably dates to the Byzantine period, al-
though diagnostic pieces are lacking. Despite the
correlation in densities with the 2 x 2 m surface
collection, the scraped square assemblage appears
rather different typologically. Coarse wares are of-
ten plain, relatively thin-walled jars in dark, mica-
ceous fabrics, presumably of a different provenance
from the east mound pottery. There are some painted
wares (Fig. 9.25:4) but no Hellenistic pieces. Whereas
the surface scatter of mixed date may derive from
Classical agriculture, this small assemblage indicates
a distinctive but limited occupation, sited away from
the possible brick-lined graves revealed in the western-
most square.
Future work
The major task for future seasons' work on the west
mound at C::atalhoyiik is the recovery of closed as-
semblages from different excavated features, in or-
der to put the ceramic typology into chronological
and spatial context. Given the amount of topsoil
disturbance to which Mellaart' s soundings and the
scraped squares bear witness, fairly major trenching
will probably be necessary in order to expose undis-
turbed layers over a meaningful area. Such an in-
vestment of effort would be justifiable for many
reasons, but from the point of view of the ceramics it
is essential in order to understand post-Neolithic
developments in pottery manufacture and use, par-
ticularly relating to the increased consumption of
ceramics and the origin of painted decoration in the
Early Chalcolithic, as well as possible continuity be-
tween the occupation of the two mounds, which is
more visible in some aspects of the pottery than in
others.
Spatial analysis
Rooms and shrines
The second aspect of the re-analysis of Mellaart's
ceramic material, after an examination of typology,
considers differences between assemblages from dif-
ferent contexts. The majority of sherds from each
level, with the exception of Vlb, are assigned to a
particular space, either an enclosed room or an open
area. In combination with the plans and descriptions
published in the preliminary reports it is possible to
162
locate many of these rooms and discover the interior
fixtures and decorations which led Mellaart to label
them as either 'shrines' or 'houses'. This ritual/do-
mestic distinction based on the degree of elaboration
of the room must, however, be called into question.
The general similarity of the architecture of so-called
shrines (the criteria for which are never adequately
defined) and houses suggests that no clear dichotomy
Figure 9.24
1. 855/23 Handmade body sherd, probably of
carinated bowl; thickness 8 mm; ext. slipped very light
brown and painted orange/yellow, parallel lines. Unit
855, square 480,1040; Early Chalcolithic I.
2. 857/10 Handmade body sherd; thickness 7-9 mm;
ext. slipped very light brown and painted light reddish
brown, parallel vertical lines; grey core. Unit 857,
square 580,1020; Early Chalcolithic II.
3. 858/24 Handmade body sherd; thickness 7 mm; ext.
slipped very light brown and painted dark reddish-
brown, lattice. Unit 858, square 580,1020; Early
Chalcolithic II.
4. 858/6 Handmade body sherd; thickness 9-10 mm;
ext. slipped light pink and painted dark brown, parallel
curvilinear lines; int. orange. Unit 858, square
580,1020; Early Chalcolithic.
5. 857/7 Handmade body sherd; thickness 6-8 mm;
ext. slipped light reddish brown and painted red, parallel
chevrons. Unit 857, square 580,1020; Early Chalcolithic I.
6. 858/22 Handmade body sherd; thickness 4 mm; ext.
slipped light pink and painted dark red, parallel chev-
rons. Unit 858, square 580,1020; ?Early Chalcolithic II.
7. 860/10 Handmade body sherd; thickness 5 mm; ext.
slipped orange and painted dark reddish brown, concen-
tric diamonds. Unit 860, square 640,960; Early
Chalcolithic.
8. 860/12 Handmade body sherd; thickness 6-7 mm;
ext. slipped very light brown and painted dark reddish
brown, concentric 'stars'. Unit 860, square 640,960;
Early Chalcolithic.
9. 856/3 Handmade body sherd, probably of necked
jar; thickness 5-7 mm; ext. burnished dark brown with
grooved concentric curvilinear lines; int. dark brown;
fabric orange with grey core. Unit 856, square 480,1040;
?Chalcolithic.
 Surface Pottery

2
1

3
I• "lnm'inm
.! l~Jm.L:.:&
.:=:··:.:···:::.··.·..··:···· .• . :.' · • .

6
5

I 7
9

Figure 9.24. Cha/co/ithic painted and incised decoration from (.atalhoyiik West. Scale 1:2.

163
 Jonathan Last
of this type can be maintained. Nor is there any
reason to presume a priori the separation of secular
and sacred in the Neolithic; that is probably an anach-
ronism. With these labels jettisoned we are left with
a series of formally similar architectural spaces which
show a continuum of elaboration from the simple
and relatively plain to the extremely decorative and
symbolically complex (Figs. 1.3-1.7). Whether along
this continuum we can recognize qualitatively dif-
ferent functions, or temporal stages in the life-cycles
of structures depends upon a better contextual un-
derstanding and comparison of the room contents,
both the parietal and structural decorations and the
assemblages of portable artefacts. Mellaart' s nomen-
clature of 'courts' for the open areas should also be
questioned. While these probably do represent
unroofed spaces between structures, they should not
be assumed to be areas of activity and circulation;
many seem to have been used primarily for discard
of refuse and lack evidence for surfaces.
The nature of the evidence
The aim of this analysis is to take the first step to-
wards a reconsideration of room use at <;atalhoyiik.
However, there are many problems with this sort of
contextual study of the areas excavated in the 1960s.
Particularly noticeable is the fact that for most rooms
there are very few finds, and for most levels only a
very few of the rooms have any sherds preserved at
all. It is unclear whether this reflects a genuine ab-
sence of ceramic material from the majority of the
site or merely the excavation techniques employed,
but Mellaart (1962) mentions an average of about six
pots per house from the lower levels and more later,
which suggests that the ceramic assemblage dis-
cussed here is not fully representative. Collection
strategies and recovery rates may be presumed not
to have been very intensive, not least given the sheer
number of rooms excavated in only four seasons by
a minimal team of trained archaeologists. In addi-
tion the location of finds within the rooms is not
recorded, nor even whether they derive from fill or
floor contexts. This question is clearly relevant to
how far we may interpret an assemblage as reflect-
ing the original function of that room. In only two
cases (VII.44 and 45) are some sherds marked 'fill';
but does this mean that the majority of the finds,
which are not so labelled, are all from floors? In
addition, many of the rooms described in detail in
the reports have no finds, while some of the contexts
with sherds are given only cursory descriptions or
cannot even be located on plan. Nevertheless, de-
spite these caveats, variation between assemblages
164
from different contexts in many levels may reflect
genuine differences in the use or meaning of these
rooms.
Levels XII-VIII
I will begin with the earliest layers. From levels XII
up to VIII excavation was restricted to a small area,
investigated by the sounding dug in 1965. These
rooms are generally less elaborate than those of the
upper levels and Mellaart (1966) also suggests that
preservation was not as good lower down in the
mound. In level XII (Fig. 1.17) the majority of sherds
come from the large room 29 but there are also some
Figure 9.25
1. 860/18 Handmade jar rim; diam. c. 400 mm,
thickness 11 mm; ext. and int. streaky red wash (int.
encrusted); fabric pinky-orange, moderate small mineral,
principally white, calcareous grits. Unit 860, square
640,960; Early Chalcolithic.
2. 860/20 Handmade jar rim with remains of lug;
diam. c. 280 mm, thickness 8-9 mm; ext. burnished pale
brown; int. smoothed orangey-brown; fabric dark grey,
moderate small mineral, principally white, calcareous
grits. Unit 860, square 640,960; Early Chalcolithic.
3. 860/19 Handmade everted jar rim; diam. c. 300
mm, thickness 6-9 mm; ext. and int. slipped pale orange-
brown, streaky red wash around rim; fabric pink,
moderate small mineral, principally white, calcareous
grits. Unit 860, square 640,960; Early Chalcolithic.
4. 858/26 Wheelmade jar rim, everted; diam. c. 200
mm, thickness 8-10 mm; ext. slipped orange and painted
dull purple-brown, short vertical bands on rim, horizon-
tal band above wavy line(?) on shoulder; int. smoothed,
orange-brown; fabric red, frequent med./large mineral
inc. many white, calcareous grits. Unit 858, square
580,1020; Roman/Byzantine.
5. 858/25 Wheelmade jar rim, externally thickened;
diam. 130 mm, thickness 6-7 mm; ext. and int. smoothed
dark brown to dark grey brown; fabric grey, moderate
med.flarge mineral inc. mica. Unit 858, square
580,1020; Roman/Byzantine.
6. 860/15 Wheelmade bowl rim, internally thickened;
diam. 280 mm, thickness 5-6 mm; ext. smoothed dark
brown to dark greyish brown; int. smoothed mid-brown
with dark brown mottles; fabric reddish brown, moderate
small mineral inc. mica. Unit 860, square 640,960,
Roman/Byzantine.
 Surface Pottery

{ - -~ ) 6

Figure 9.25. Handmade and whee/made forms fro m (:a talhoyiik Wes t.

165
 Jonathan Last

from 25. The latter has only open rims while 29 has
closed forms as well; room 29 has rounded base
junctions, 25 has more angular forms. Hence there is
some indication that differences in room assemblages
can be traced back to the earliest excavated level -
without having any sense here of the meaning of this
difference.
Ceramic finds by room:
XII.25- 21 sherds: holemouth / bowl rims (flat and
rounded); T4 (rounded) bases; 1 potdisc.
XII.29- 12 sherds: bowl rims (flat); T1 (angular)
bases.
In the succeeding level XI (Fig. 1.17) the western part
of the area is occupied by an open 'court' but all the
finds come from room 29. Deposition in the open
areas, of ceramics at least, does not appear to begin
until level X. While there is a single bowl rim from
the earliest so-called 'shrine', X.1 (see level VIII plan),
most of the finds come from the area of rooms 29, 25
and 28, described as 'one large courtyard' (Mellaart
1966). Here the main distinction is between the west
part of the 'court', contexts 25 and 28, which have
mainly open forms with rounded bases and large
body sherds (mean size 66.2 mm), and context 29 to
the east which has fewer and smaller sherds (55.5
mm) as well as more holemouth forms and angular
bases. Hence there are evident functional or de-
positional differences within the open area; and it is
noticeable that 29 (whether a roofed or an open space)
has somewhat smaller sherds throughout levels XII
to IX. This may represent a more trampled assem-
blage here and implies an ongoing focus of activity
in this space.
XI.29- 27 sherds: bowl/holemouth rims
(rounded, flat, pointed); T4/5 (rounded)
bases; 2 potdiscs.
X.1- 13 sherds, including 8 from 1 vessel (form
unknown).
X.25- 9 sherds: bowl rims.
X.28- 22 sherds: mainly bowl rims (flat,
rounded); T4 bases; 1 potdisc, mean size
66.9 mm.
X.29- 11 sherds: holemouth/bowl rims (flat,
rounded); Tl/2 (angular) bases; 1 potdisc,
mean size 55.5 mm.
In level IX (Fig. 1.17) there are no large assemblages:
finds come from rooms 1, 8, 29, 29A and 31 as well as
open area 25/28. The first two of these contain only
dark-faced bowl rims; the remaining areas have
lighter wares, while holemouths are restricted to
'court' 25 and room 29A. The most complete vessel,
about one third of a bowl, comes from the 'large
storeroom' 31. But on what basis is it a storeroom? It
appears considerably more complex than room 29.
And is this open form a storage vessel? The closed
vessel rims occur in extra-mural areas and a possible
annex, not in the larger rooms. The distinct (though
tiny) dark-faced assemblage in rooms 1 and 8 may
be significant, because
these are called shrines by
Mellaart, both containing
bull' s- head decorations.
Room 8 also contained a
unique lug.

IX.1- 2 sherds: 1 bowl

rim.
IX.8 - 3 sherds: bowl
rims.
IX.25- 6 sherds: mainly
holemouth rims.
IX.28- 3 sherds: 1 bowl
rim.
IX.29- 7 sherds: bowl
rims; T1 base.
IX.29A- 4 sherds: 1
holemouth rim;
T1 base.
IX.31- 3 sherds: bowl
Figure 9.26. Neolithic pottery from c;atalhoyiik East. rims.

166
 Surface Pottery

ln level VIII (Fig. 1.16) finds come from a number of
buildings in the area of the 1965 sounding, discussed
in some detail by Mellaart (1966). In addition there
are a few body sherds from room 45 (a 'shrine' with
animal reliefs) on the other side of the site (see level
VII plan). For the southern area there are two clear
groups on the complexity graph: the less elaborate
rooms (3, 12, 18 & 24) generally lack potsherds al-
though the largest assemblage (mainly bowl rims
and angular bases) comes from VIII.28, which is prob-
ably the room labelled on the plan as 24. With the
exception of 'shrines' 1 and 8 (the former missing
from the graph) the more elaborate rooms all pro-
duced sherds, although there are some noticeable
differences: bowl rims and rounded bases come from
the two least complex, 10 and 29 (called a 'meeting
room', because of the long bench); dark holemouths
from 14 (with textile and net patterns on the walls)
and 27 (also with net or textile motifs as well as a
leopard relief); light-coloured holemouths from 31
(the 'red shrine'). The most elaborate contexts have
primarily closed vessel forms, therefore, while the
less elaborate rooms which have finds (10, 28 & 29)
contain mainly open-mouthed pots. The complex
group as a whole has slightly larger (45.8 : 42.8 mm)
but thinner (7.7: 9.0 mm) body sherds than the other
rooms, perhaps indicating less trampled assemblages.
Room 27 is also differentiated by a number of
fineware sherds without organic temper. Hence there
is some indication of patterned differences between
assemblages from the less and more elaborate
buildings, in terms of
both vessel types and
formation processes. Stor-
age and restricted access
seem to characterize the
most complex rooms (all
'shrines') in this level;
bowls come from 'moder-
ately complex' contexts;
while the non-complex
rooms lack ceramics.
coloured bodies, mean 40.0 mm.
VIII.29- 16 sherds: mainly bowl rims (all types); T4
bases; 2 potdiscs, darker bodies, mean
45.3 mm.
VIII.31 - 6 sherds: holemouth rims.
Levels VII-IV
In level VII (Fig. 1.15) a much larger excavated area
is available, but there are few sherds. Pottery comes
from 'court' 15 and rooms 25, 43, 44, 45 and 71,
which do not form any sort of cluster on the com-
plexity scale. Room 45, the 'boar's head shrine', had
only two small body sherds from the building fill,
while room 44, the 'leopard shrine', contained the
smashed remains of at least one dark burnished ves-
sel- which tallies with Mellaart's report that two
dark cooking pots were found there. There is no
significant difference between the assemblages from
43 and 44, which from their room numbers may well
be related (although the precise location of 43 is
uncertain): a majority of these vessels are bowls while
the three rim sherds from 25 and 71 are of
holemouths. In the absence of information on con-
text 43 few conclusions can be drawn; VII.25 con-
tains more closed forms than 44, which would reverse
the level VIII pattern relating to complexity, but the
latter assemblage derives mainly from the building
fill. The open area yielded only a single body sherd,
but excavation in 1995 in the area of 'court' VII.15
does not indicate an absence of potsherds in such
contexts during this phase.

VIII.2 - 3 sherds.
VULlO- 7 sherds: bowl
rims.
VIII.14- 1 sherd .
VIII.25 - 3 sherds.
VIII.27- 7 sherds:
holemouth rims.
VIII.28 - 28 sherds: mainly
bowl rims (flat);
T1 bases; light- Figure 9.27. Cha/colithic pottery from c;.atalhoyiik West.

167
 Jonathan Last
VII.15 - 1 sherd.
VII.25 - 2 sherds: holemouth rims.
VII.43- 27 sherds: mainly bowl rims (all types); T4
bases; dark bodies.
VII.44 - 6 sherds: 1 lug.
VII.45 - 2 sherds.
In level VIB (Fig. 1.14) only seven rim sherds are
located to particular rooms. 'Storeroom' 32 had a
single bowl rim: this is considered to be the store of
'shrine' 70 (not plotted on the complexity graph),
which also had one bowl rim. It was this room which
yielded the single polychrome painted sherd dis-
cussed by Mellaart (1966) and now displayed in An-
kara. Room 49, on the other hand, adjacent to 'shrine'
50 (with kilim paintings), has more closed forms.
Little else can be said about this phase since the
remaining finds have no context, although we may
reasonably assume most of them derive from the
1965 sounding. Red wares are more common among
these unlabelled finds, which may be indicative of
some broader spatial differences between different
areas of the site.
VIB.32 - 1 sherd.
VIB.49 - 6 sherds.
VIB.SO - 1 sherd.
In level VIA (Fig. 1.13) finds come from E.71-75 (in
the southern part of the excavated area for which no
plan was published but forming part of the 'tenta-
tive reconstruction' in the 1965 report (Mellaart 1966,
175)), classed as 'houses' without special decoration,
and F.1, which may be the context written up as
'shrine' E.VI.80. All three rims from this building are
of holemouths, and lugs are particularly common;
elsewhere only the largest house, E.75 (4 rims), lacks
open forms. This is similar to the pattern observed in
level VIII, where the more elaborate rooms contained
more closed forms. One of the pots in F.1 comprises
six sherds; about half of the rim is preserved. Large
portions of individual vessels were also found in 71
and particularly 74, which is considered to be the
'storeroom' of 75. These rooms also have larger body
sherds on average, which may indicate a difference
between 'primary' and 'secondary' refuse assem-
blages in different contexts - although nothing is
known of the exact provenance of these finds within
the rooms. There is also some evidence that dark-
coloured vessels are more common in 74 and 75 than
in the other rooms.
E.VI.70- 3 sherds.
168
E.VI.71- 56 sherds: mainly holemouth rims (flat,
rounded); 1 T2 (angular) base; 3 lugs; dark
bodies, mean 45.5 mm.
E.VI.72- 8 sherds: mainly holemouth rims; 2lugs.
E.VI.73- 10 sherds: holemouth and bowl rims; 1
lug; dark bodies, mean 37.6 mm.
E.VI.74- 17 sherds (+74 of single vessel): mainly
holemouth rims (most flattened); 2lugs;
dark bodies, mean 42.6 mm (not including
smashed vessel).
E.VI.75- 10 sherds (+22 probably of same vessel):
holemouth rims (flat, rounded); 1 T4 base;
dark bodies, mean 44.3 mm (not including
smashed vessel).
F.VI.l- 10 sherds: holemouth rims (rounded, flat);
1 T4 base; 4lugs, 1 basket handle.
In level V (Fig. 1.12) the house complexity graphs
become relevant again: there is a fourfold division of
contexts in Mellaart's terms, between 'shrines' (E.3,
E.4 and F.1, which had a large painting of a red bull;
28 rims mainly in F.1), 'houses' (E.7,75; F.3-5, 7, 8
[probably]; 36 rims), 'courts' (E, F, F.2, 5c, 6; 64 rims)
and one 'storeroom' (E.3 store; 1 rim). The first group
includes the three most elaborate rooms in this level
while the three 'houses' on the graph can be de-
scribed as complex (F.7), moderately complex (E.75)
or non-complex (E.7). In fact F.V.7 is more elaborate
than any other 'non-shrine' in this level. While many
of the remaining contexts cannot be located on plan
the majority of the finds clearly come from midden
deposits in the open areas.
There is little overall variation in the propor-
tion of different vessel forms, with the open:closed
ratio remarkably consistent. The elaborate rooms lack
distinctive pottery: bowls are most common in the
small assemblages of E.3 and E.4, and frequent in
F.7, but F.1 has the lowest proportion of open ves-
sels. Lugs are common in the 'houses' but less so in
the 'courts' and F.l. The storeroom contained only a
single bowl rim (like IX.31 and E.VIb.32). There are
no other consistent differences, although rarer fea-
tures suggest possible locations of specialized vessel
types: two of the three lugs with double perforations
were found in F.1, and two of the three basket han-
dles in the nearby room E.7. An animal head lug
came from F.7. The body sherds show some differ-
ences too, with more dark wares in F.S and F.6 than
in F.1-4. In terms of preservation, the F.S courtyard
has the largest sherds (61.7 mm average); F.1, 6 and 8
have relatively well-preserved sherds (54.1-54.8 mm);
while the other spaces and rooms, especially F.3 and
F.S (43.2 and 45.7 mm), have smaller sherds. This
 Surface Pottery
may reflect specific patterns of activity or discard in
this region (without location plans it is impossible to
say more) but does not reveal general differences
between Mellaart's structural categories.
E.V.3 - 2 sherds: bowl rims.
E.V.3.St -1 sherd: bowl rim.
E.V.4- 1 sherd: bowl rim.
E.V.7- 5 sherds: T4 bases.
E.V.75- 2 sherds: holemouth rims.
E.V.Ct- 59 sherds: holemouth/bowl rims (most
flat); T1 bases; 3 lugs; mean 51.0 mm.
F.V.1 - 55 sherds: mainly holemouth rims
(rounded, flat), 1 decorated bowl; T1
bases; 9 lugs; mean 54.1 mm.
F.V.2- 54 sherds: mainly holemouth rims
(rounded, flat); T1 bases; 4lugs, 1 basket
handle; mean 50.3 mm.
F.V.3 - 30 sherds: mainly holemouth rims (flat,
rounded); T1 and T4 bases; 5 lugs; mean
45.7mm.
F.V.4- 1 sherd.
F.V.5- 24 sherds: 1 holemouth rim; T4 bases;
dark bodies, mean 43.2 mm.
F.V.S.Ct -36 sherds: mainly holemouth rims
(rounded, flat); T1 bases; 3 lugs; dark
bodies, mean 61.7 mm.
F.V.6- 19 sherds: mainly holemouth rims; T1
bases; no lugs; dark bodies, mean 54.7
mm.
F.V.7- 27 sherds: mainly bowl rims (flat); T1
bases; 4 lugs including 1 animal head;
mean 50.5 mm.
F.V.8- 86 sherds: mainly holemouth rims
(rounded, flat); T1 and T4 bases; 7lugs;
mean 54.8 mm.
F.V.Ct- 77 sherds: mainly holemouth rims (flat,
rounded); mainly T1 bases; 1lug; 1
potdisc, mean 51.5 mm.
In level IV (Fig. 1.11) a three-way division can be
made between a 'shrine' (E.4; 10 rims), four 'houses'
(E.5, 11-12, F.6; 30 rims) and a 'courtyard' in area F
(60 rims). Cross-cutting Mellaart's classification, E.4
and E.11 both show a relatively high level of com-
plexity, while E.S and E.12 are less elaborate. Unfor-
tunately the finds from contexts 11 and 12 were not
separated. E.4 has most open vessel forms (80 per
cent), followed by E.S (70 per cent) and F.6 (75 per
cent). The latter context is presumed to be a room
although it was not located on a plan (however, the
underlying F.V.6 is an open area). F.IV.Ct (69 per
cent) and rooms E.11-12 (67 per cent) have most
169
holemouths. Reflecting this distinction, nearly all the
lugs come from the 'court', and while E.4 and E.S
have mainly light coloured and red vessels, the sherds
from E.11-12 and the open area are predominantly
dark wares. Footed bases are absent from the 'court-
yard' and E.11-12 but more common in E.4 and E.S.
Two rims with rare incised decoration come from
E.5. Hence the assemblage from E.4 more closely re-
sembles that from the least elaborate but nearby room
E.S than the more distant E.11-12. Decorated pottery is
not associated with the more complex architecture.
Preservation appears to be less good in E.4
(mean VE of 8 per cent) than in the other rooms (13
per cent) but there are no body sherds from the
'shrine'. The finds from area F do include body
sherds: among these the open area has a higher pro-
portion of dark coloured vessels than room F.6, and
the sherds from the latter are generally smaller (41.7
mm compared to 49.8 mm), apparently reflecting
rather different formation processes. Given the rela-
tive quantities of material, it seems to indicate that
dumping of 'fresh' (less trampled) refuse was con-
centrated in the open area.
E.IV.4- 12 sherds: mainly bowl rims (most
flat); T1 and T3 (footed) bases; no lugs.
E.IV.5 - 10 sherds: mainly bowl rims (all types),
2 decorated bowls; mainly T3 bases; no
lugs.
E.IV.11-12- 21 sherds: mainly holemouth rims (flat,
rounded); T1 and T4 bases; 2 lugs;
mean size 70.7 mm.
F.IV.6- 31 sherds: mainly bowl rims (flat,
pointed); mainly T1 bases; 1lug; mean
41.7 mm.
F.IV.Ct- 181 sherds: mainly holemouth rims
(flat, rounded); mainly T1 bases; 16
lugs; mean 49.8 mm.
Levels III and II
In level III (Fig. 1.10) the excavated area is again
more restricted and the assemblage is much smaller
(20 rims with contextual information). No body sherds
were kept. Here the finds derive from two elaborate
rooms ('shrine' 1, with wall-paintings of a deer hunt,
and adjacent room 7), three of moderate complexity
(2, 4 & 13), and one lacking elaboration (room 12).
While not recorded on the graph, the reconstruction
drawing indicates that room 4 also contained a 'bull
pillar' (Mellaart 1963, 47). Room 1 yielded a very
small assemblage (4 rims) with open and closed
forms, but 7 and 4 contained predominantly bowls
while holemouths are more common in the less
 Jonathan Last
complex rooms 2 and 13 (12lacked rims). Four of the
five preserved lugs (which are always more com-
mon on holemouths) come from room 13. The less
elaborate contexts also contain mainly dark wares
while 7 has mottled colours and 1, as with 'shrine'
E.IV.4 in the level below, has more light-coloured
wares. Room 4, in a separate block of houses, has
rather smaller and thinner vessels than the other
rooms.
A.III.1 - 5 sherds.
A.III.2 - 3 sherds.
A.III.4 - 4 sherds.
A.III.7- 6 sherds: bowl rims.
A.III.12 - 1 sherd.
A.III.13 - 12 sherds: bowl and holemouth rims; 4lugs.
B.III.2 - 2 sherds: 1 lug.
Finally in level II (Fig. 1.9), where wall-paintings
were not apparent and the ceramic assemblage is
rather different, finds come from the three most elabo-
rate rooms: A.1 (termed a shrine because of a bull
pillar, elaborate hearth and a group of figurines), B.1
and B.2, as well as their associated 'storerooms'. The
largest assemblage is that from B.2. Some differences
are apparent, although there are very few sherds
from A.1 (4 rims) which had entirely open vessel
forms. Holemouths are more common in the store-
rooms (44 per cent) which fits the functional inter-
pretation (but which is not the case for equivalent
rooms in the lower levels). On the other hand, the
storerooms have smaller pots than the larger rooms.
All spaces have a variety of surface colours although
the 'shrine' again lacks dark wares. A.1 also includes
a miniature vessel and seems to have rather larger
sherds, although again body fragments are missing.
A.II.1 - 8 sherds: bowl rims.
B.II.l - 18 sherds: mainly bowl rims (flattened,
rounded); all base types.
B.II.1.St - 4 sherds.
B.ll.2 - 38 sherds: mainly bowl rims (rounded,
flattened); mainly T1 bases.
B.II.2.St - 6 sherds.
Conclusions
While there are sufficient differences between rooms
to suggest that variability in room use and formation
processes can be discerned in the excavated material,
there is no clear distinction between assemblages
from more and less elaborate rooms that is valid for
all phases. While in many levels it does seem that
assemblage composition varies with architectural
170
complexity, the nature of that difference is itself vari-
able. In levels VIII and VI the most complex rooms
may have more closed forms, while in levels IV, III
and II they have more open vessels. However, it is
notable that levels VIII and VI lie within a phase
when holemouth forms are increasing in popularity,
but in levels IV to II bowls are becoming more com-
mon. The 'shrine' assemblages therefore appear more
'progressive'. An association of elaborate rooms with
innovative or unusual ceramic forms may also be
seen in levels IX (rare dark colours; early lug), VIII
(fineware sherds), VII (early lug), VIB (polychrome
sherd), VIA (lugs and handles), V (double lugs, ani-
mal head) and II (miniature vessel). Similarly, light-
coloured wares increase proportionately from level
V up and are more common in 'shrines' than in other
rooms during these phases. But the pattern should
not be overstated, as the occurrence of unusual forms
in a non-elaborate room in level IV shows. These less
elaborate spaces themselves show a great deal of
variation. 'Storerooms', for instance, generally pro-
vided few finds: in levels II and III these are pre-
dominantly holemouths, but in the earlier levels open
forms are found. The pottery does not support un-
equivocally this functional label.
Variation in sherd size, which may indicate dif-
fering patterns of access and movement in contexts
of different type, is less clear: in level VIII the com-
plex rooms contain relatively large sherds, while
those from E.IV.4 are apparently rather smaller than
the average for the level. In levels V and IV, which
have the largest assemblages, the open areas contain
most of the ceramic refuse. It is likely that discard (of
hearth and oven residues as well as pottery and
other artefacts) was concentrated in such 'dead'
spaces throughout the sequence at ~atalhoyiik, al-
though it appears from the preserved assemblages
that they were consistently used for deposition of
potsherds only in levels X, IX, V and IV. They may
also have distinctive assemblages: for instance, the
predominance of holemouths in the levels IX and IV
'courts'. However, variation between the open areas
in level V, and within different areas of the level X
'courtyard' point to significant small-scale patterning
in depositional practice across these contexts.
Variation between different building levels is
marked but continuity within a single structure may
occasionally be seen: from level XII to VIII the focus
for deposition of ceramics within the excavated
area is clearly room 29, which is also marked by the
consistent occurrence of potdiscs in levels XII, XI, X
(when part of a larger open area) and VIII, while the
only other potdisc from these levels comes from
 Surface Pottery
'courtyard' X.28. Issues of change and continuity, as
well as considerations of how discarded material
may relate to patterns of activity, can be further
explored only within a better understanding of proc-
esses of abandonment or 'decommissioning' of
rooms. Without this information the patterns out-
lined here are difficult to explain in terms of social
practices of ceramic use and discard, which can be
further elucidated only on the basis of more detailed
contextual recording. It may then be possible to de-
velop a deeper understanding of the degree of
routinization of activities within the context of a
domestic space that, whatever labels we apply to dif-
ferent rooms, was clearly structured by ritual practice.
Acknowledgements
I am grateful to all on the C::atalhoytik team for so
many fruitful discussions; to staff at the Konya mu-
seum for allowing me access to the 1960s material; to
Neil Roberts for his comments on the second section
of this text; and to Tom Pollard for labouring so
diligently on the figures.
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1992. The excavations at Sagalassos 1991. Anatolian
Studies 42, 79-98.
Williams, C., 1989. Anemurium: the Roman and Early Byzan-
tine Pottery. Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medi-
eval Studies.
 Chapter 10
The Knapped-Stone
James Conolly
Methodology
Introduction
This section of the <::atalhoyiik lithic report presents
some initial ideas for a contextual approach that
emphasizes the interpretation of typological and tech-
nological data. Although many of the objectives
raised here cannot be met in this report because the
type of contextual information required is absent, an
attempt will be made to apply the analytical ap-
proach described below to the forthcoming exca-
vated data.
Towards a contextual methodology
Traditionally, analyses of knapped-stone assemblages
have been approached from three perspectives: (i)
typological studies, which attempt to establish mor-
phologically defined types of tools, or interpret the
results of typological classification; (ii) technological
studies which deal with manufacturing methods and
techniques and; (iii) functional studies, which in-
volve the study of how stone tools were used
(Nishiaki 1992, 39). In isolation none of these lend
themselves particularly well to a study of context.
However, technological analyses that follow the
methodology offered by the chafne operatoire could in
a broad sense be called contextual, rooted as it is in
the French school of cultural technology, which rests
on the premise that technical actions are social and
cultural phenomena (Inizan et al. 1992, 12; Pelegrin
1990). The significance of this has been succinctly
outlined by Edmonds (1995, 11):
Like the routines that shape most of our lives to-
day, the tasks undertaken by people in the past
would have provided a frame through which they
might have come to recognize aspects of their world
and themselves. The tools and waste that we re-
cover would have been entangled in that world of
social practice, providing cues for this process of
173
recognition and interpretation. As such, the ideas
that shaped their production and use would have
stretched beyond problems of procedure to encom-
pass concepts of the self and society.
In other words, the tools and waste that form the
objects of our analyses have meaning beyond their
material boundaries: their form and patterning may
reflect social abstractions such as domestication, gen-
der, death, ascetics and so on. The claim that a tech-
nological reading of knapped-stone industries can
be made independent of archaeological context
(Inizan et al. 1992, 13) may be to some degree correct,
but little information concerning socio-economic or
symbolic meaning can be otherwise gained. So one
possible way to discover and explore the social con-
text of technical actions and products is to place
context as a peremptory and defining force in the
methodological, analytical and interpretative proc-
ess. A step towards this could involve questioning
the conventional categorization of knapped-stone
data, using 'context' to challenge our assumptions. I
shall illustrate with three examples.
The distinction between blades and bladelets is
often defined arbitrarily. However, if the categories
'blade' and 'bladelet' are to have any real social or
technical meaning, they need to be contextually
grounded in some manner. Tixier's advice not to use
his metric division of blades and bladelets devised
solely for the Epipalaeolithic of the Maghreb, but to
use context-specific criteria based on production tech-
niques (Tixier 1974, 7; Inizan et al. 1992, 59) is a good
example of this. The social context of the production
and use of large and blades may also suggest alter-
native classifications: functional differences between
blade sizes (such as large blades produced as blanks
for non-hafted 'stand-alone' tools and small
'bladelets' for microlithic composite tools), or social
differences (such as large blades intended for use
primarily by women, bladelets primarily by men)
 James Conolly
are two additional examples where 'context' may
aid in the definition of categories of data and make it
less arbitrary.
The categories 'blade' and 'flake' may also be
contingent on context. At a general level, experi-
mental research has demonstrated that blade debitage
is a structured process requiring considerable pre-
planning enabling the mass production of blanks
from a single core. It has also been show that in
certain instances such production has social, politi-
cal and economic associations (e.g. Clark 1987). Yet
convention dictates that any flake that has a 2:1length
to width ratio is called a blade (lnizan et al. 1992, 58).
Given the complexity and significant of true blade
debitage, this cannot be a effective means of charac-
terization. A method of analysis based on technical
and productive differences avoids such problems,
and context may also be a valuable clue to identify-
ing knapping techniques. Contextually-aware analy-
ses of blades in the Aegean Early Bronze Age has,
for instance, shown that the products of some reduc-
tion techniques only occur in particular contexts and
appear to have considerable social prestige and mean-
ing (Carter 1994).
The categorization of tools provides a final ex-
ample. Unmodified edges are often functional, so
the term 'tool' itself is not particularly useful if, as is
the custom, the presence of retouch is used as the
defining characteristic. Clarifying this by using the
term 'retouched piece' does not entirely solve the
problem: Gero (1991) has questioned the distinction
made between intentionally retouched and non-re-
touched but utilized tools, arguing that this implic-
itly biases our interpretations of activities towards
those performed by men with their assumed prefer-
ence for highly modified tools (such as projectiles,
axes, etc.). Even so, the issue extends beyond this:
objects are made, used and discarded in a variety of
different contexts, effectively furnishing them with a
variety of different meanings. Fixed categories, such
as 'arrowheads', 'scrapers', 'blades', and so on, do
not necessarily reflect this fluidity. For instance, the
smallest pieces of debitage - chips and shatter -
conventionally considered as the waste by-products
of core reduction or tool manufacture may be a re-
quired component for the temper of mud bricks or
mortar. Similarly, projectile points are not purely
functional objects used for killing animals - explor-
ing the context of their use and deposition opens up
a world of symbolic associations where their use and
meaning becomes as much ritual as functional.
Context becomes central to both analysis and in-
terpretation.
174
In all of the above, I have ignored one impor-
tant aspect of the use of traditional type-categories:
the value of commonly agreed terms for the sharing
of information about the characteristics of any par-
ticular assemblage. In some instances this is a moot
point; describing a lithic assemblage as possessing a
particular percentage of bladelets to blades when
there is no reason for dividing the debitage into
blade and bladelets serves no useful purpose when
the size characteristics of all blades can be described
by a histogram of lengths. In other respects it is
useful to know how many Byblos points are in an
assemblage, or Naviform cores, or sickle-blades. Yet
is should be recognized that the interpretative value
of any lithic classification comes from its relation-
ship to both a technological and social context.
Practical application
Putting theory into practice is more problematic, and
there are severe limits to what can be done with
surface derived artefacts. The main application of
the above ideas must therefore await the excavation
phase of the renewed <;atalhOyiik project. Yet I did
want to begin a critical consideration of the catego-
ries being used and pinpoint areas where more in-
depth analysis would be profitable. The discussion
below reflects this to some degree.
Fieldwork in 1993, 1994 and 1995 resulted in
two discrete samples of material obtained by differ-
ent collection procedures. The first sample is de-
rived from a systematic 2 x 2 surface collection, with
all material being sieved through a 5 mm mesh (see
Chapter 6). The second sample is derived from top-
scraping activities where all visible artefacts were
collected (Chapter 7). As the 2 x 2 data consisted
primarily of small samples of non-diagnostic micro-
debris and shatter it was recorded in less detail than
the many times larger (although unsieved) top-scrape
samples. Accordingly, these results place more em-
phasis on the latter.
Technological analysis
A technological analysis of all lithic artefacts was
conducted. This involved classification by raw mate-
rial in order provide a breakdown of the relative
contribution of obsidian, flint and other siliceous
rocks to the total industry. Basic metric characteris-
tics (length, width, thickness) were recorded. Allar-
tefacts (including those that exhibited retouch or
utilisation characteristics) were placed into one of a
number of debitage categories defined by a combi-
nation of morphological and technological charac-
teristics reflecting different manufacturing processes
 Knapped-Stone Report
and/ or stages. Qualitative attributes such as scar
patterns, edge morphology and profile formed the
basis for categorization, and categories were con-
tinually assessed in order to justify their existence.
The term flake was used to describe debitage
which exhibits either a clear ventral surface, rem-
nant striking platform, or bulb of percussion. No
standardized morphology is implied by the use of
the term flake and pieces of debitage which are lack-
ing the proximal end but can still be confidently
identified as flakes, were termed flake fragments.
The term broken flake was used to describe flakes
with intact proximal ends, but incomplete margins.
The term regular blade was used to refer to pieces of
the <::atalhOyiik debitage which exhibited regular,
parallel, and almost exclusively unidirectional dor-
sal scars, and generally had parallel lateral margins.
If the blade in question was a fragment lacking ei-
ther a proximal or distal end, yet still exhibits the
characteristics which define a regular blade, then the
term regular blade fragment was used. Similarly,
regular proximal blade fragment describes those
blade fragments where only the proximal end was
present, and regular distal blade fragment those
pieces with only the distal end present. If a piece of
debitage deviated in some way from the defining
characteristics of a regular blade, such as having an
irregular scar pattern instead of a unidirectional pat-
tern, or irregular lateral margins, but is still morpho-
logically more akin to the blade group than the flake
group, it is referred to as a non-regular blade. Por-
tions thereof follow the same definitions for regular
blades. A plunging blade or plunging blade frag-
ment is a blade that 'plunged' into the core on re-
moval and thus exhibits the distal end (or portion
thereof) of the core from which it was struck. Debitage
which exhibit a crest produced by crossed dorsal
scarring are termed crested blades or crested blade
fragments. Very small (usually <1 cm2) and non-
diagnostic fragments of raw material which do not
exhibit the attributes of a flake are referred to as
chips. Occasionally pieces under 1 cm2 are encoun-
tered which possess a clear ventral surface and/ or a
butt are classified under terms used for flakes. Larger
irregular angular fragments with no clear single ven-
tral surface and not cores, are referred to as shatter.
Analysis of retouched pieces
Those artefacts that exhibited (macroscopic) charac-
teristics consistent with use or intentional retouch
were then subjected to one of two possible analytical
processes dependent on whether they derived from
the 2 x 2 surface sample, or from the 10 x 10 top-scrape
175
sample. In the case of the surface sample, the tools
were classified by traditional type-categories similar
to those used previously at <::atalhoyiik and Can
Hasan III (Bialor 1962; Mellaart 1964; Ataman 1989).
I found quite quickly, however, that this did not
work particularly well as the majority of the re-
touched pieces could not be described by a simplis-
tic term such as 'flake scraper' or the like. While such
an approach provided frequencies for a type list of
tools that was broadly comparable to other prehis-
toric sites in the region, the system was ill equipped
to deal with the morphological variability of the re-
touched tools. It was very difficult to keep the type
categories mutually exclusive, particularly when
dealing with tools with more than one modified edge
and assumed function - such as a flake with a
scraper-like edge and a piercing edge. Most impor-
tant, the approach either ignored or attempted to
compress the most potentially interesting aspect of
the non-standardised tool assemblage - the varia-
tion in tool morphology and retouch characteristics.
In order to obtain more extensive information con-
cerning the this variation an attribute analysis was
conducted on a sample of retouched pieces from the
1993 and the total sample of the 1994 and 1995
scraped areas. The variables were adopted from
Inizan et al. (1992) and comprise the description of
various retouch attributes such as location, position,
angle, etc .. Recently, Baird et al. (1995) have pub-
lished a comparable analytical method (The
Wembach Module). 1 When at all possible, these at-
tributes were recorded on all tools, including the
more formalized bifaces/projectiles. In this manner
all modified edges could be described in a standard-
ized manner. A functional classification of the edge
use was also made. Although there are obvious diffi-
culties in assigning functions on the basis of macro-
scopic morphology alone, it would appear that gross
classifications (such as cutting edge, scraping edge,
piercing edge) appear to be less problematic
(Hurcombe 1992; Grace 1989). With the exception of
pieces esquillees2 and biface/projectiles,3 the classi-
fication of retouched pieces was therewith derived
from their edge class(es). If a blank possessed two or
more different classes of working edges, then it was
recorded as a 'combination tool'. In sum, the objec-
tive was to establish a system that was flexible and
permitted the exploration and identification of rela-
tionships between edge characteristics, blank mor-
phology, and suspected function. Ultimately I hoped
eventually to be able to explore these relationships
between different contexts of recovery (i.e. tool, edge
and blank variations between contexts). At this
 James Conolly
point it is worth noting that the functional classifica-
tion 'sickle blade' is absent despite the fact that it has
been mentioned as a tool form at <::atalhoyiik in the
past. Sickle gloss is absent on obsidian thus prevent-
ing the identification of any sickle elements and dis-
tinguishing them from other blade cutting tools.
Consequently, the term 'knife/cutting tool' includes
blade segments that were likely used as sickle ele-
ments but cannot at this point be identified as such.
The analysis
Sample size and context
The total sample of knapped-stone analyzed thus far
from the surface of both the east and west mounds at
<::atalhoyiik is 6133. Of this total amount,2603 pieces
are from 2 x 2 m surface collection squares, of which
1594 are from the east mound and 1009 are from the
west mound. 3530 pieces were recovered from the
top-scrape samples, of which 3283 are from the east
mound, and 247 are from the west mound. Thus, the
total sample from the east mound is 4877, and from
the west, 1256. Although the west mound data are
briefly described, the following discussion is largely
concerned with the east mound, as that is where
current investigations are most closely focused.
Where illustrations of specific debitage or tool types
are provided, examples were chosen to depict the
range of forms possible within any category.
Raw material
In both samples, a dark-grey to black translucent
obsidian forms the vast majority of the raw material.
Of the 2603 pieces from controlled surface collection
contexts, 2439 are obsidian (93.7 per cent), and 159
(6.1 per cent) are fine grained crypo-crystalline
siliceous rock (chert or flint, although the term flint
will be used). Five other pieces which look as if they
had been struck in a manner consistent with other
chipped stone cannot be confidently identified, al-
though three are almost certainly basalt and two
appear to be quartzite. One large flake of clear, white,
glass-like obsidian found on the west mound does
not correspond to any descriptions of known obsid-
ian raw material in Anatolia. Similar proportions of
obsidian are found in the top-scrape sample where
95.7 per cent is obsidian. There is some variation in
the proportion of obsidian between the east and west
mounds; 96.3 per cent of the east mound sample is
obsidian, whereas only 89.7 per cent of the west
mound sample is obsidian. It would appear that the
majority of the primary core shaping of obsidian
was conducted off site as only 12 pieces of obsidian
176
from the top-scrape sample on the east mound dis-
play any evidence of cortex on their dorsal surface.
On the other hand, 26 pieces of flint from the same
sample possess cortical surfaces, suggesting that the
organization of the acquisition and reduction of un-
modified flint and obsidian differed.
The first two tables provide a breakdown of
debitage categories by raw material for the east and
west mounds for the surface and top-scrape collec-
tions. All soil from surface collection units was sieved
through a 5 mm mesh according good recovery of
smaller pieces of debitage. Differences in the pro-
portions of chips between the two sample assem-
blages suggest that smaller debitage was not well
recovered by visual pickup. In general, debitage from
the two mounds is dominated by blade fragments,
flake fragments and chips and shatter. Although ob-
sidian dominates all debitage categories, the distri-
bution of raw material suggests that flint was used
preferentially for flake production. A chi-square sta-
tistic of the distribution of flint and obsidian for total
blades, flakes and other debitage for both mounds
shows a significant difference at the 1 per cent level.
The largest contribution to the chi-square statistic is
derived from the high number of flint flakes on the
west mound. The differences observed could be at-
tributed to the local availability of flint material which
may not have been as suitable as obsidian for blade
debitage.
Cores and core-derived pieces
A range of different cores is present at <::atalhoyiik,
and analysis is currently ongoing. To provide an
example of the variation, there are 36 cores and core-
derived pieces from the top-scrape sample, consist-
ing of 23 cores and core-fragments and 13 core tablets.
The core tablets are all from the east mound, to-
gether with 17 of the cores and core fragments. Of
the 17 cores from the east mound, there are 10 frag-
ments of uni-directional single platform blade cores
(9 on obsidian and 1 on flint), 1 opposed platform
flake core (on obsidian) and 4 multi-directional amor-
phous flake cores (1 on obsidian, 1 on quartzite, and
2 on flint). Two further obsidian cores were too bat-
tered to identify to any degree of certainty. Eight of
these 17 cores had been reworked or used as wedge
or chisel-like tools, with corresponding crushing on
one or more edges. The 13 core tablets exhibit a total
of 6 faceted platforms and 3 plain platforms, with 4
indeterminable examples because of their fragmen-
tary nature. The 6 cores from the west mound con-
sist of a single-platform uni-directional obsidian
blade core, re-used as a chisel or wedge, a single-
 Knapped-Stone Report

platform flint flake core, and 4 amorphous flint flake of waste materials have been found.
cores. Illustration of a small sample of cores and The obsidian blades from both the east and
core-derived products is provided in Figure 10.1. An west mounds are typically characterized by uni-di-
impression of other blade cores from Mellaart's ex- rectional scar patterns, straight and parallel ridges
cavations can be gained from the original report and lateral edges and trapezoidal cross-sections (Fig.
(Bialor 1962, 74), of which only five complete cores 10.2). Much less common are blades with triangular
(four from level V and one from level VIII) were cross-sections and sub-parallel lateral margins. The
reported after the first season. The cores from level V frequency of the different butts seen on both blades
are typical prismatic blade cores, and the fragment and flakes from the east mound top-scrape sample
from level VIII is probably also a fragment of blade demonstrates that the blades are characterized over-
core. whelmingly by small punctiform or linear butts with
There are only four crested-blade fragments in faceted or ground dorsal lips and small bulbar scars
the two samples, all exhibiting the characteristic (Table 10.3). Neither the punctiform nor linear butts
crossed scarring associated with this form of debitage. are isolated from the blade body. These characteris-
There are two plunging blades in the east mound tics combined with the regularity of the obsidian
sample, both from uni-directional blade cores. blades provisionally suggest their removal was from
pressure, as opposed to percussion or punch, tech-
Debitage niques (cf. Tixier 1984,58,66; Wilke & Quintero 1994,
In contrast to flint where flakes are in the majority, 41). The following table provides a breakdown of
the manufacturing of obsidian blades appears to be butt types found on blades and flakes from the east
the primary focus of obsidian production on both mound top-scrape sample.
the east and west mounds. Obsidian
blades comprise 36.5 per cent of ob- Table 10.1. Debitage categories by raw material: east and west mound 2 x 2 sample.
sidian debitage from the controlled 2 x
Debitage category Flint Obsidian Quartzite Other
2 sample from the east mound, while west east west east west east west east
flint blades contribute 10.2 per cent to Flake 3 3 18 90
Broken flakes & flake fragments 67 23 303 312
flint debitage. They are as common Regular blade 1 4
on the west mound, contributing 41.7 Regular blade fragment 1 5 326 544
Regular proximal blade fragment 2 45 7
per cent to obsidian debitage, al- Regular distal blade fragment 6 1
Non-regular blade 1
though flint blades are less common, Non-regular proximal blade fragment 2
contributing 3 per cent to flint Crested blade fragment 1
Core 1
debitage. As well as the variation seen Core fragment 1
Core tablet 2
in flint and obsidian, there is a sig- Chip 4 12 131 435
nificant discrepancy between the Shatter 22 13 69 117
Indeterminable 2 4 19
number of obsidian blade fragments
Total 100 59 905 1535 3 0
and proximal or distal blade frag-
ments. Where sufficiently detailed re-
Table 10.2. Debitage categories by raw material: east and west mound top-scrape sample.
cording permits comparison, this
appears to be a phenomenon noted Debitage category Flint Obsidian Quartzite Other
west east west east west east west east
elsewhere on Neolithic sites in
Flake 2 12 10 191 1
Anatolia and Syria such as Abu Broken flake 2 8 20 277 1
Hureyra (Nishiaki 1992; Conolly 1994) Flake fragment 9 46 41 828 3 3
Regular blade 1 2 1
and Can Hasan III (Ataman 1989). The Regular blade fragment 7 80 1028
Regular proximal blade fragment 2 26 271 2
reasons for this are unclear, although Regular distal blade fragment 4 69
it may be that the fragile distal ends Non-regular blade 1 3
Non-regular blade fragment 2 48
of blades are being mis-identified as Non-regular proximal blade fragment 1 11
Non-regular distal blade fragment 3
chips or flake fragments. An impor- Crested blade fragment 3
tant observation is that both obsidian Plunging blade 2
Core 4 2 2
and flint waste products are present Core fragment 11
Core tablet 13
in quantity, suggesting that core re- Chip 1 3 89 3
duction and tool manufacture were Shatter 4 18 21 216 5
Indeterminable 6 3 89
occurring on both the east and west total 23 108 212 3155 1 15
mounds, although no large deposits

177
 James Conolly

1
3
2

4
5 6

---

Figure 10.1. Cores and core tablets - east mound: 1) obsidian blade core; 2) obsidian core tablet; 3) obsidian crested
blade fragment; 4-7) obsidian cores and core fragments; 8) flint core.
178
 M ~ ~ V
l1 rn o-o ~
~ .r7Tl -- ""<~
28

9
m~ -rru ~ ~
10
noo i'- ~
11 12
~
6
~
7
~
8
-&-~
.....
30

29 I'\
::I
~
"d
31 "d
= [ -::1 1 (1)
- - . ·-
- -
0...
...... -
-
- -
o
-~ .- -
I
[J)
'I .. ·:: -
....,.
\0 0
::I
---· (1)
15 16 ---
13
14
~U -~-o
- _:~>- - - ___-
--- ---
:;;:l
(1)
"d
0
~ 33
....
....,.

~-[) ~-U ~fj R_~ 32

U ~H~ ~~ U
20
1-U-U
35

34
I

~
21 22

Figure 10.2. Blades, retouched blades, retouched flints - east mound: 1-8) obsidian blades; 13-23) retouched obsidian blades; 24-8) obsidian burins;
29) obsidian grinding/polishing tool; 30-31) obsidian drilling/piercing tools; 32) flint scraper; 33-4) obsidian scrapers; 35) obsidian chisel/wedge; 36) flint
drilling/piercing tool.
 James Conolly

Table 10.3. Blade and flake 350 - - • - - east

butt types: east mound top-
scra pe sample. 300

j'·"· ---D-west

"'.". .
Butt type Blade Flake
250
Cortical 3

1 200

.
.I
Crus hed 19 175
Dihedra l 10 150
En chapea u
Faceted 41 100
Flat 24 140 ............
50
Lin ear
Punc tiform
45
156
19
53
/
Winged 1 15 0
-.o -.o -.o 00 0 N
In dete rminable 38 67 0 N
""' 00 0
......
N
...... ""'
......
00
...... 0
N
N
N ""'N N N ('() ('()
""'
('()

mm

Figure 10.3. Histogram of blade widths: east and west mound top-scrape sample.

Table 10.4. Blade dorsal scar patterning: east mound top-scrape Table 10.5. Mean and standard deviation of
sam ple. obsidian blade widths: east and west mounds
top-scra pe sample.
Dorsal scar pattern 4 5+ Indeterminabl e
Mean width Atandard deviation
Bi-directional 2
Crossed 4 East 13.10mm 3.71 mm 1373
Mu lti -direct ional 1 6 West 15.27 mm 4.09 mm 122
Uni -di rection al 195 698 65 J3
Indeterminable 436

Table 10.6. Flake dorsal scar pattern: east mound top-scrape

There are, in addition to the more regular blades, sample.
a number of non-regular blades in the assemblage
Dorsal sca r pattern 5+ Indeterminable
which are characterized by irregular cross-sections
Bi-directional 14 18 10 15
and sub-parallel margins. These seem to be a result C rossed 19 54 23 19
Multi-directional 5 28 52 133 22
of a less refined reduction strategy which does not Uni-directiona l 62 90 11 5 50 26 14
result in the standardized products seen in the regu- Ind eterminable 10 22 32 14 9 494

lar examples. Samples of this blade type are rela-

tively small, however, and it is not yet entirely clear
whether this represents a distinctly different pro-
duction strategy or whether it is simply a stage in
the production process of the more regular exam-
ples. Table 10.4 shows the distribution of the dorsal
scar patterns on obsidian blades from the east mound
top-scrape sample. Clearly dominating the distribu-
tion is the occurrence of three uni-directional dorsal
scars. The high number of indeterminables is a re-
sult of the difficulties of identifying both scar direc-
tion and total number of scars on fragmentary pieces.
There are too few examples of complete blades
to examine distributions of lengths, although histo-
grams of obsidian blade widths from both the east and
west mound top-scrape samples exhibit a normal
distribution and therefore no clear technical basis
for distinguishing between small and large blades
by blade width alone (Fig. 10.3). The mean and stand-
ard-deviations of obsidian blade widths from the
east and west mounds top-scrape sample show a
slight but statistically insignificant increase in size
between the two mounds.
Flakes are the other major debitage class at
C::atalhoyuk. On the east mound, flakes (including
flake fragments and broken flakes) most commonly
exhibit a general uni-directional scar pattern, al-
though multi-direction scarring occurs nearly as fre-
quently (Table 10.6). Bi-directional and crossed scar
patterns, while not uncommon, are not nearly as
prevalent. Larger flakes and flake tools preferen-
tially exhibit crossed and multi-directional scar pat-
terns which are the patterns one would expect from
non-standardized debitage and amorphous cores,
with smaller flakes more commonly exhibiting a uni-
directional pattern.
As with obsidian blade debitage, the mean and
standard deviation of obsidian flakes from the east
and west mounds show a small but statistically in-
significant increase in flake size between the two
mounds.
General characteristics of retouched pieces
The following discussion provides an overview of
the basic characteristics of the retouch and use-
modified pieces. A variety of different tool forms were
recovered from the surface collection, all of which
correspond to the categories of tools described by
both Mellaart and Bialor, such as various retouched

180
 Knapped-Stone Report

and worn blades and flakes, scrapers, bifaces, pro- and obsidian exploitation any further, it is perhaps
jectile points, burins, drills and piercing tools. Ex- sufficient to note the differences in the manner these
amples of the varieties of forms are illustrated in two materials were used.
Figures 10.2 to 10.6. As noted, surface collection tools
were classified in a manner similar to other Neolithic Edge attribute analysis
sites in the Near East; the distribution of these basic More detailed recording was undertaken on tools
types by raw material is given in Table 10.8. By far (and debitage) from the east and west mounds
the most frequent tools from both the east and west
mounds are retouched and utilized blades, which Table 10.7. Mean and standard deviation of obsidian flake
may have retouch on one or both lateral margins, widths: east and west mound top-scrape sample.
either directly or inversely. Mean width Standard deviation n=
Judging by the controlled surface collection sam- East 17.80mm 7.31 mm 1250
ple listed above, approximately 7 per cent of all ob- West 20.39mm 8.85mm 71

sidian and 18 per cent of all flint on the eas t moun d

exhibits signs of use or retouch, suggesting that flint Table 10.8. Tools by raw material: east and west mound 2 x 2
may have been more intensively worke d. This phe- sample.
nomenon has been noted from oth er Central East mound West mound
Anatolian early Neolithic sites, most notably Can Tool type-category obsidian flint obsidian flint

Hasan III, where Ataman (1989, 74) a ttributes the Burin

End-scraper
4
2 2
differences to either flint being conservedandmore Flake-scraper 7 I I 2
Notched blade 8 9
intensively worked than obsidian, flin t being im- Notched flake 4 5 I
ported in a finished or near-finished form, or that Piece esquillte I 7
Piercer I I 4
the debitage process of obsidian and flin t differs in a Retouched blade 37 3 68 2
Retouched flake 7 3 20 8
manner that results in greater quantities of obsidian Retouched fragment 8 2 I
waste products. I would provisionally suggest that Utilized blade 10 15
Biface I I
the first and last explanations are the mo re prevalent Biface fragment 8 I
Projectile point 4
reasons for the observed differences between the
two materials, although some flint obJ"ects such as Totals 102 10 134 13

the fine-grained dagger-like pieces

Table 10.9. Modified edge delineation by blank type: east mound top-scrape sample.
may have been imported in a finished
or near-finished state. The alluvial Edge delineation Flake Blade Shatter Core/core-derived Indeterminable/unclassified Total
Konya plain is not an area in which Burin edge 6 13 2 I 22
Concave edge 13 15 2 30
flint can be readily found (Baird pers. Convex edge 46 19 3 3 71
comm.), although Balkan-Alti (1994, Cran 3 I 4
Denticulated edge 22 91 2 2 117
37) suggests that central and south- Irregular edge 224 298 19 10 31 582
Tang 2 9 2 13
western flint sources are located near Long narrow tang 2 5 I 2 10
Ankara, the southwestern Taurus and Nosed edge I 2 3
47
Notched edge 14 32 I
possibly around Beysehir. Whether Piercing edge 17 8 I 26
Rectilinear edge 5 5 10
these areas contain tabular sources Regular edge 18 48 2 9 77
suitable for the production of large Shouldered edge
2
I 1
7
Tongued edge 5
blade cores is unknown. Large flint Unclassified 41 137 3 5 48 234
blades do occur at <::atalhoyiik, found Totals 419 685 32 19 99 1254
both in the 1993 surface sample and
from the excavations in the 1960s, and Table 10.10. Modified edge delineation by blank type: west mound top-scrape sample.
it is possible that these too were im- Edge delineation Flake Blade Shatter Core/core-derived Indeterminable/unclassified Total
ported as ready made items. The small Burin edge I 2
irregular flint flakes that are common Convex edge I 2
Denticulated edge 7 23 30
in the surface sample were likely pro- Irregular edge 19 49 2 2 73
duced on amorphous flint flake cores Notched edge
Piercing edge
I
4
5
2
from flint cobbles, some of which may Rectilinear edge I
Regular edge
have been obtained from the local Tang
area. While it is difficult at this point Totals 34 81 3 3 122
to define the differences between flint

181
 11 12
rnln r~t~
~ 2

1
~-W-tl ~-~-t~j
13 14
t

\f?-V
I
()-W-8 15
tJ-~ 16
... 4
'-<
~
3
(!)
3 (f)
.......
00 t (J
N 0
~
17 2.
~
•-o• 5 18

mJf\\(:~
6 v·u · ~
20

-·-~ JS~8 &l&J 19

• ()-Q
'
7 . . . 10

Figure 10.4. Retouched/utilized pieces- east mound: 1) obsidian retouched non-regular blade; 2) obsidian scraper/scraping tool; 3) obsidian knife/cutting
tool; 4. indeterminable obsidian retouched/utilized piece; 5) obsidian scraper/scraping tool; 6) indeterminable obsidian retouched/utilized piece; 7) flint
knife/cutting tool; 8) flint drilling/piercing tool; 9) obsidian notched tool; 10) obsidian scraper/scraping tool; 11-20) obsidian pieces esquillees.
 Knapped-Stone Report

top-scrape sample and the following discussion is function of the high numbers of pieces esquillees and
based primarily on these data. 35.7 per cent of the wedges and chisels. There is also a fairly high fre-
3283 lithic artefacts from the east mound and 47 per quency of alternate retouch on left and right lateral
cent of the 247 pieces from the west mound exhib- edges.
ited signs of retouch and/ or use. This is a high per- The functional classification of these retouched
centage of tools, which is likely a function of the pieces was based on an assessment of edge charac-
recovery method which missed the small, unre- teristics. If two areas of retouch perform the same
touched, chips and smaller flakes that make up a suspected function, then the artefact was classified
significant portion of a controlled sample. The 1178 by the common function. If, on the other hand, the
tools from the east mound display 1254 recorded
areas of modification, while 122 areas of modifica- Table 10.11. Edge delineation and angle types: east mound top-
tion were recorded on the 116 tools from the west scrape sample.
mound. The following two tables provide break- Edge delineation Crossed Abrupt Semi- Low Acute Indeter- Total
abrupt abrupt single minate
downs of edge delineation by blank type for the east blow
and west mounds. Sample sizes are too low to exam- Burin edge 22 22
ine the patterning in a statistical manner, although Concave edge 6 18 5 1 30
Convex edge 21 43 5 2 71
there is a prevalence of irregularly delineated edges Cran 2 2 4
Denticulated edge 7 56 50 4 117
on both blades and flakes with minor variation in all Irregular edge 3 73 338 167 1 582
edge forms between blades and flakes and the east Long-narrow tang 2 7 10
Nosed edge 1 1 1 3
and west mounds. Notched edge 10 27 5 5 47
Piercing edge 6 16 3 26
Included in the attribute analysis was the re- Rectilinear edge 3 2 4 10
cording of the delineation and angle of the modified Regular edge 21 38 17 77
Shouldered edge 1 1
edge. In all cases, semi-abrupt edges outnumber other Tang 2 8 13
Tongued edge 1 5 1 7
edge angle classes although here too there are smaller Indeterminate 15 23 16 177 234
variances in the distributions (Tables 10.11 & 10.12). Total 170 585 274 23 194 1254
For instance, on the east mound, proportions of
abrupt angles are preferentially larger on convex Table 10.12. Edge delineation and angle types: west mound top-
and regular edges, which could be directly attrib- scrape sample.
uted to functionally derived attributes, such as scrap-
Edge delineation Abrupt Semi- Low Acute Total
ing edges. A chi-square test of the distribution of abrupt single blow
abrupt and semi-abrupt angles on the east mound, Burin edge 2 2
ignoring unclassified delineations and delineations Convex edge
Denticulated edge 2
2
20 8
2
30
with a total of less than five abrupt or semi-abrupt Irregular edge 6 48 19 73
Piercing edge 6 6
examples, shows a significant difference at the 5 per Rectilinear edge 1
cent level. Regular edge
Notched edge
1
5
1
6
Further evidence of attribute patterning is sug- Tang
gested by the larger east mound sample, particularly Total 8 82 29 2 122
regarding the distribution of the location of the 1254
modified areas by blank type (Table 10.13). This dem- Table 10.13. Location of modification on blades and flake blanks:
onstrates the overwhelming prevalence of lateral east mound top-scrape sample.
edge retouch on blades and flakes, although flakes Location of modification Blade Flake Other/unclassified Total
display far more proximal and distal retouch than All edges 13 19 14 46
blades. There appears to be a slight tendency for Distal and proximal edge 12 66 33 111
Distal or proximal edge 6 23 13 42
single lateral edge retouch to be located on the left Distal edge 18 62 9 89
side on both flakes and blades. The distributions for Distal left edge
Distal right edge
7
12
6
10 1
13
23
blade and flake modification position are signifi- Proximal edge 15 14 3 32
Proximal left edge 11 6 17
cantly different at the 1 per cent level. Proximal right edge 12 7 19
A similar break-down of the location of modifi- Left and right lateral edge
Left or right lateral edge
353
18
81
41
21
18
455
77
cation shows the prevalence of direct modification Left lateral edge 79 38 117
Right lateral edge 72 27 100
on the left and right lateral edges of blanks - a Left medial edge 11 7 18
function of the high number of blades with modifi- Right medial edge
Indeterminable
8
39
4
7 37
12
83
cations in this area. Bifacial retouch occurs most com- Total 686 418 150 1254
monly on the distal and proximal edges of pieces, a

183
 I

5 6

Figure 10.5. Bifaces/projectiles- east mound: 1-9) obsidian bifaces/projectiles; 10) possible flint 'dagger hilt'.
•
 Knapped-Stone Report
functions of the two or more retouched areas dif-
fered, the implement was recorded as a combination
tool. The following table provides the raw material
types for the gross functional classification of the
1178 classified tools from the east mound and 116
from the west mound top-scrape samples.
In all categories, obsidian implements outnum-
ber their flint counterparts. However, flint exhibits
both a preference for tools that require more robust
edges, perhaps because of its different physical char-
acteristics. For instance the ratio of flint to obsidian
drilling/ piercing and scraper I scraping tools (1 :6.3
and 1:11.4) from the east mound differs from the
ratio of flint to obsidian knife/cutting tools (1:51.7).
A breakdown of all classified tools by flake and
blade blanks for the east mound sample clearly dem-
onstrates that blades are favoured for tool blanks,
yet there are significant differences in the type of
blank selected for specific functions. The most nota-
ble difference concerns scraper I scraping tools and
pieces esquillees, both of which have significantly more
flake based forms than blade based forms. Similarly
flakes and other types of debitage (such as cores,
core tablets and shatter) are also more commonly
used for piercing and drilling tools than blades.
The 36 bifaces/projectiles and fragments from
the eastern mound top-scrape sample are mostly
fragments and thus it is often impossible to deter-
mine original tool morphology. Some near com-
plete examples suggest, however, that considerable
Figure 10.6. Large retouched flakes from cache on northern eminence: 1-3) obsidian flakes from cache.
185
morphological variation exists in this tool class, rang-
ing from small bifacial, tanged, shouldered points to
double-tipped bifaces. No typological scheme has
yet been devised, and likely will not be until such
time that a substantial sample from secure excavated
contexts has been obtained. Drawings of a sample of
bifaces/projectiles from the east mound serve toil-
lustrate the variation encountered (Fig. 10.5).
One additional tool class which deserves men-
tion is that of the large flakes that display varying
degrees of marginal retouch, appearing in several of
the room contexts excavated by Mellaart in the 1960s.
Four similar artefacts were found in a deposit on the
top of the northern eminence in the 1993 season (Fig.
10.6) . Although the deposit may represent a raw-
material cache, the objects have modified edges and
could be large cutting or butchery tools. The four
that were found in 1993 all have either faceted butts
and/ or evidence of platform preparation and are
fairly regular in shape suggesting some effort went
into removing a very large, regular, flake blank.
Spatial patterning
Some differences between the west and east mounds
of <:;atalhoyi.ik have already been mentioned; of con-
cern here are differences in the distribution of arte-
facts across the surfaces of the individual west and
east mounds.
On the west mound, low densities of ma terial
hinder identification of distribution patterning. Mean
 James Conolly

counts of artefacts by east-west transects suggest a
slight increase in density at the northern end of the
west mound, possibly relating to prehistoric surface
disturbance and cover by modern land-use (Fig. 10.7).
There is no significant patterning in the percentage
of blades in transects across the mound (Fig. 10.8).
Turning to the surface of the east mound of
<::atalhoyiik, there are some minor variations in
density which can be correlated to distributions of
ceramic and bone densities. For example, the south-
ern part of the mound, particularly the southern
slope of the main eminence, displays a reduced den-
sity of flint and obsidian artefacts (Fig. 10.9). Evi-
dence from the ceramics suggests that this may be
the focus of classical occupation deposits, which thus
mask earlier, Neolithic, deposits resulting in the lower
densities of knapped-stone. Lower overall densities
of lithic material are also seen at the northwest cor-
ner of the mound. The distributions of various
debitage categories were also examined for any spa-
tial variation, although because of the extremely low
overall densities, patterns are difficult to identify.
For instance, the distribution of blades over the sur-
face is very uniform, varying in density only be-
tween zero and three blades per 2 x 2 unit (Fig.
10.10). The distribution of the smallest pieces of lithic
artefacts recovered from the surface collection- the
small chips of obsidian - was also examined for
patterning. Here too there is a low density on the
southern slope of the larger eminence, possibly be-
cause of classical masking (Fig. 10.11). Generally
higher densities of obsidian chips are found extend-
ing onto the lower slopes, presumably as the result
of selective downslope movement of smaller items.
Because of suspected differences between the
northern and southern parts of the mound in the
proportion of blades and flakes, north/ south vari-
ability was examined by the calculation of the per-
centage of blades in the total east-west transect
sample. These data hint at a difference as one moves
from south to north, showing a minor decrease in
the percentage of blades in the northern area (Fig. 10.12).

0
0 '"'
.....
\D II
OM
o II
OM
'<!< II o§
00 II 0~ oG OLO
0 .....
0~
'<!< .....
00\
oo II
ol()
N II
l'-.5 oo5 oo5 005
N II \D II
s:: 0
..... 5 II o II
..... 5 ~5 :::5
"'5 0\
.......,
northing
Figure 10.7. Mean count of lithic artefacts in each west mound 2 x 2 unit, by northing.
80

(!)
70
60 .\ . I
.
./\ ;·'/.\__ ·-·,_ _.,_I
bO 50
....s::
ra
(!) 40 ./ ........................................
...(!) 30
u
0..
20
•
10
0 11!1

0~
~ ......., g oPl
oo II N
'"'
oO.:
II
0~II
\D
0~
o:::
oO\
'<!<ll'l
0 II
000
00'<1'
0 II
0~
NN
,..... II
005 "'5 "'5 0 II
..... 5 ..... .......,
s:: ..... 5 ..... 5
northing
Figure 10.8. Percentage of blades in each west mound northing.

186
 Knapped-Stone Report

1300

1200

1100

1
~
s
1000

900

800

900 1000 1100 1200

metres east

0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35
number
Figure 10.9. Distribution of lithic artefacts: east mound.

187
 James Conolly

900 1000 1100 1200

metres east

0 1 2 3
number

Figure 10.10. Distribution of blades: east mound.

188
 Knapped-Stone Report

1300

1200

1100

1
~
e

1000

900

800

900 1000 1100 1200

metres east

0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12
number

Figure 10.11. Distribution of chips: east mound.

189
 James Conolly

As analyses of Mellaart's data by myself and others These can be used to discuss the two major
do suggest chronological variation in the proportion sources of surface patterning; variation in the
of blades to flakes, with blades replacing flakes ap- Neolithic occupation and post-Neolithic occupation
proximately midway through the occupation (see and erosion. For the purposes of discussion of varia-
below), the pattern observed in the surface data is tion in the top-scrape sample, the mound can be
thought to relate to temporal variation in the occu- divided into thirteen separate areas:
pation of the mound. Although sample sizes are • 100 m 2 towards the base of the northern eminence
very low, this remains the clearest example of [area 1];
patterning in the 2 x 2 sample. • 1600 m 2 on the north slope of the northern emi-
In contrast to the surface sample where low nence [area 2];
overall volumes of artefacts limit detailed discussion • 300 m 2 on the top of the northern eminence, join-
of surface patterning the top-scrape sample, despite ing with area 2 [area 3];
the reduced control over recovery, affords more de- • 100 m 2 just southeast of the top of the northern
tailed discussion. There are four aspects of the top- eminence [area 4];
scrape sample which display spatial patterning • 100 m 2 on southeast slope of the northern emi-
between different areas of the mound: nence [area 5];
• differences in the density of lithic artefacts; • 100m2 towards the top of the gully between the
• differences in the percentage of blades by area; northern eminence and the main mound [area 6];
• differences in percentage of retouched pieces by • 400 m 2 on the northern slope of the main mound
area; [area 7];
• differences in the percentage of chips and shatter • 100 m 2 on the western slope of the main mound
by area. [area 8];
• 100 m 2 just north of the
summit of the main
mound [area 9];
• 100 m 2 on the eastern
slope of the main
mound [area 10];
• 100 m 2 on the eastern
plateau [area 11];
• 100 m 2 on the summit
OMII 0~ or;:; oU) 0~ o
~ ~

8 0 8 ON 0~ 00\ NOO oi'O oG o 0 8

...... of the main mound
N
oo3 003 ~II o II "" II 00 II NOOo II ~~ 0~ ..,.;:::: 00~ N II N ~""II <'"l II
o II ,..... II ,..... II ,..... II
a-3 a-3 a-3 ...... 3 . . . 3 . . . 3 . . . 3 . . . 3 ...... 3 ...... 3 ...... 3 [area 12];
northing
• 100 m 2 on the south
slope of main mound
Figure 10.12. Percentage of blades in each east mound northing. [area 13].
The density of knapped-
35 stone artefacts per cubic
380 metre has some bearing
30 on the post-Neolithic
25 processes affecting the
east mound (Fig. 10.13).
>,
.-:::: 20 The area with the highest
"'QJ~ 15 density is area 4 with over
'"0 30 pieces per cubic metre
10 .followed by areas 10 and
12, both with 13.5 pieces
5
per cubic metre. Thus the
0 steep eastern slope of the
...... C'l Cr"J -.t' t-.. ...... main mound, the area just
"' 00 0
1.1") 0\ C'l Cr"J
ro ro ro ro ro ro ro ro ro
...... ...... ...... ......
QJ
1-<
QJ
1-<
QJ
1-<
QJ
1-<
QJ QJ QJ QJ QJ ro ro ro ro to the south of the top of
1-< 1-< 1-< 1-< 1-< QJ QJ QJ QJ
ro ro ro ro ro «l ro «l «l 1-< 1-< 1-< 1-<
«l «l «l «l northern eminence and
Figure 10.13. Density of lithic artefacts by area: east mound. the area near the summit

190
 Knapped-Stone Report

of the main mound have Table 10.14. Location of modification by modification position: east mound top-scrape sample.
the highest densities,
while the gentler slopes Location of modification Alternate Alternating Bifacial Direct Inverse Natural edge Burin blow Unclassified

(areas 2, 3, 5, 7, 8, 9 & All edges

Distal and proximal edge
1
2
29
93
16
7 7 2
13) and the lower slope Distal or proximal edge 24 8 4 4 2
Distal edge 5 64 18 1
of the northern emi- Distal left edge 2 5 4 2
nence (area 1) and the Distal right edge
Proximal edge
1
5
15
22
2
3
2
2
eastern plateau (area 11) Proximal left edge 12 1 3
Proximal right edge 2 7 6 3
have lower densities. Left and right lateral edge 40 5 66 303 34 1
This pattern may result Left or right lateral edge
Left Ia teral edge 1
14
10
50
87
8
18
from the exposure of Right lateral edge 2 7 73 18
Left medial edge 1 11 6
new deposits as erosion Right medial edge 7 4
proceeds from the tops Unclassified 3 8 72

of the mounds. Totals 45 262 695 133 2 17 92

One aspect of patt-

10.15. Functional classifications by raw material: east and west
erning in the lithic artefacts which is a function of Table mound top-scrape sample.
use of space in the Neolithic period concerns the
differences between the northern and southern areas East mound West mound
Gross functional classification flint obsidian other flint obsidian
of the east mound. The differences in this case are
Burin 15
largely connected with significant differences in the Carving/polishing/grinding tool 4
4
debitage, particularly in the proportions of blades, Chisel/wedge Combination tool
1
4
13
45 5
flakes and other debitage by area. For instance, the Drilling/piercing tool 6 38 4
Knife/cutting tool 10 517 78
samples collected from the northern eminence, par- Notched tool 44 4
Piece esquillie 1 166 7
ticularly on the top and north slope, display lower Biface/ projectile 2 34
proportions of blades to flakes and other debitage Scraper I scraping tool 17 80
Unclassified/indeterminable 9 171
than samples derived from the other areas of the
Totals 50 1127 109
mound (Table 10.17). A chi-square statistic estab-
lishes that the patterning is significant at the 1 per Table 10.16. Functional classifications by blank type: east mound top-
cent level. The largest contributions to the statistic scrape sample.
come from the distribution of blades where, given the
Gross functional classification Flake Blade Other Total
overall distribution, there are far fewer than expected.
Burin 2 10 3 15
As already noted in relation to the 2 x 2 Carving/polishing/grinding tool 1 3 0 4
0 9 14
patterning, it would seem reasonable to assume that Chisel/wedge Combination tool
5
23 23 3 49
such differences in debitage have chronological sig- Drilling/piercing tool 20 12 12 44
Knife/ cutting tool 107 417 4 528
nificance. A possible interpretation is that the Notched tool 14 30 0 44
Neolithic surface of at least a portion of the northern Biface/ Piece esquil/ee 96 14 57 167
projectile 1 25 10 36
eminence is earlier than the Neolithic surface of the Scraper I scraping tool 75 11 11 97
Unclassified/indeterminable 45 101 34 180
main eminence. Given that the major change in the
Totals 389 646 143 1178
replacement of flake debitage by blade debitage oc-
curs approximately at level V, this suggests that the Table 10.17. Numbers of blades, flakes and other debitage by area: east
surface of the northern eminence may not be later mound top-scrape sample.
than level VI.
Blades Flakes Other debitage Total
A further aspect of spatial patterning concerns
Northern eminence (areas 1 to 5) 672 886 287 1845
variation in the percentage of tools (Fig. 10.14) and Main mound (areas 6 to 13) 782 486 170 1438
chips and shatter (Fig. 10.15) in individual top-scrape Total 1454 1372 457 3283
sample units. Given that chips and shatter are di-
rectly associated with knapping activities, high pro-
portions of these two debitage categories may in the proportion of chips and shatter by area may
indicate deposits of knapping debris. I should em- have some archaeological significance. In particular,
phasize that no sieving was performed on these area 1, which lies towards the bottom of the slope on
samples, so absolute counts will be much lower the northern eminence contains both the highest ra-
than samples with controlled recovery. Nevertheless, tio of chips and shatter to other debitage and the
assuming consistent recovery procedures, patterning lowest proportion of tools.

191
 James Conolly

58.97435897
60

50

40

30

20

10

0
area area area area area area area area area area area area area
2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

Figure 10.14. Percentage of tools by area: east mound.

25

20
Q)
bJl
15
c"'
Q)

~ 10
Q)
0..
5

0
00 cr-. 0 N M
N M
"""
If)
"' " ..-<
..-<
..-< ..-<

"',_,
Q)
"',_,
Q)
"'~ "',_,
Q)
"',_,
Q)
"'~"' ,_,
Q) "',_,
Q)
"'~ "',_,
Q)
"',_,
Q) "'~ "'~
"' "' "' "' "' "' "' "' "' "' "' "' "'
Figure 10.15. Percentage of chips and shatter: east
mound.

10.17). The main interpretable patterning, therefore,

occurs on a macro-scale, involving variation between,
rather than within, the various sample areas.

The Konya Museum analysis

0 5 10
number
Figure 10.16. 2 x 2 distribution of lithic artefacts in
square 1040,1170.
In order to determine whether there is any
patterning within a 10 x 10 top-scrape unit or any
correlation between artefacts and architectural features,
square number 1020,1170 was excavated in 2 x 2 units.
No clear patterning emerged, however, although den-
sity distributions (Fig. 10.16) are roughly similar to
the plots of ceramic and bone material. Similarly,
there was no clear patterning of lithic material within
the 1610 x 10 squares on the northern eminence (Fig.
1 Introduction
In the summers of 1993, 1994 and 1995, the obsidian
and flint material from <:;:atalhi:iyuk stored in the
Konya Archaeological Museum was examined. The
Museum sample consists of several thousand lithic
artefacts bagged by level and/ or room number
together with any other information concerning
provenance. There is no indication that sieves were
used by Mellaart, thus small debitage, debris and
micro-tools are under-represented. Nevertheless, to-
gether with larger pieces, there are considerable
amounts of debitage, cores and small tools. Gener-
ally, the samples from Mellaart's excavations have a
similar distribution of artefact sizes to the samples
from the 10 x 10 top-scraping sample. The analysis

192
 Knapped-Stone Report

0 5 10 15 20 25
fragments/m3

Figure 10.17. 10 x 10 distribution of lithic artefacts in areas 2 and 3.

193

70 245 559
60
50
t£·~·"" •
39
QJ
- - - - · 426
.sbOr::: 40
QJ
~
QJ
30
0...
20
10
0 ~.--
+-----+-----~----;-----;------r-----r-----r-----+-----+-----+----~
II III IV v VIA
Figure 10.18. Percentage of blades by level.
of the tools and modified pieces is ongoing, but I am
able to offer here some preliminary results concern-
ing temporal variation in debitage technology and
concerning the patterning ofbifaces/projectiles, cores
and thinning flakes in the sample.
I did not, however, enter into the current analy-
sis without the advantage of previously published
synopses of samples of the material. Bialor (1962)
and Mellaart (1963; 1964) are the two primary sources
of information, and they provide some provisional
observations regarding the technological and typo-
logical characteristics of the industry. More recently,
in a comprehensive review of prehistoric Anatolian
knapped-stone industries, Balkan-Atli (1994) pro-
vides a useful synopsis of the main characteristics of
the knapped-stone artefacts at ~atalhOyiik. She has
summarized the knapped-stone assemblage from lev-
els XII to VIII based on a re-analysis of findings of
the first three years of excavation at ~atalhoyiik and
describes a number of different tool forms. The over-
all impression from both Balkan-Atli's re-analysis
and the earlier reports is one of an enormous range
and variety of tool forms, from the simplest utilized
flakes to some of the most elaborately worked piece
of siliceous stone in the Near East, with no clear or
unequivocal temporal patterning.
There are suggestions from these reports, how-
ever, that there are temporal variations in production
technology at ~atalhoyiik. Although the sample size
is small, evidence can be found in Balkan-Atli's sum-
mary of the early phases of the industry (1994, 127)
as well as in Bialor's initial report (1962, 73) that
there is a change from an earlier flake dominated
industry to a blade dominated industry. The num-
bers of blades and flakes by level does suggest that
James Conolly
--·---
77 12 4
•-......_ 31 • 5 • 21
---...::.
VIB VII VIII IX X XI XII
there is a significant shift in production technology
at approximately level V (Fig. 10.18). While this is
an important observation that has significant reper-
cussions concerning changes in the organization of
production at ~atalhoyiik, research is continuing and
interpretations are not yet available.
There are also patterns concerning the contexts
of bifaces/projectiles, cores and thinning-flakes. Be-
cause of difficulties in assigning some of the mu-
seum data to contexts, combined with the fact that a
small proportion of the artefacts are not currently
stored in the Konya Museum, there are occasional
discrepancies between these data and the data reported
in the preliminary reports by Bialor and Mellaart.
These problems have yet to be resolved in their en-
tirety, and correlation of the data described in the
preliminary reports with the museum data is ongo-
ing. Nevertheless, the information collected thus far
does provide some interesting insights into the dis-
tribution of bifaces/projectiles, cores and thinning-
flakes, yet these must remain provisional until the
uncertainties described above are resolved.
The term 'biface/projectile' here refers to those
pieces of obsidian and flint which have been re-
touched in such a manner as to modify the original
blank to a form which resembles pieces commonly
described as projectile-points, arrow-heads, lance-
heads, daggers and their preforms. This does not
include pieces which exhibit modification on both
their ventral and dorsal surfaces unless the retouch
is more than marginal and significantly contributes
to tool morphology. Thus, bifadal knives and other
modified pieces with bifacial retouch are not included
in this discussion. I recognize that this is a provi-
sional and arbitrary division.
194
 Knapped -Stone Report
The term core here refers specifically to all
cores- blade, flake, amorphous or otherwise. Again,
until such tie as a detailed analysis of the distribution
of all debitage type categories has been completed,
this larger division must suffice. The distribution of
a small debitage component, thinning-flakes, is also
discussed. The term refers to flakes which possess a
particular morphology resulting from a removal proc-
ess associated with the 'thinning-out' of bifaces/ pro-
jectiles. Experimental knapping has indicated that
certain morphological characteristics of flakes, largely
connected with the shape and angle of the butt and
lateral edges can be used to identify flakes derived
from biface/projectile thinning and shaping. Al-
though the identification of these pieces is not with-
out contention, I do think that it provides a quick
assessment of quantities of flakes derived from gen-
eral debitage and biface/projectile thinning and
shaping. Once again, however, I do emphasize that
these categories, and thus the results derived from
them, are provisional; the ongoing refinement of the
methodology will no doubt alter some of the data
trends here observed.
The distribution of these three classes of lithic
artefact will be discussed by level, with reference to
buildings that appear in the assessment of complexity
(Figs. 1.3-1.8). Because of the ambiguous contextual
information for some of the lithic artefacts in the Konya
Museum, only 56.8 per cent of bifaces/projectiles and
50.6 per cent of cores can currently be assigned to
contexts. This still represents a sample of 276 bifaces/
projectiles and 40 cores, from which distribution
patterns can be examined. There are currently 90 build-
ings for which lithic data can be examined and, as will
be shown, some interesting distribution patterns have
emerged both within and across levels.
Level XI
Because of a lack of detailed building plans for level
XII, level XI is the earliest phase for which a 'com-
plexity index' can be calculated for any structure,
and then only for one building, Xl.29, which exhibits
11 features. Xl.29 also possess 3 bifaces/projectiles.
As there are no other structures available for com-
parison from level XI, little further can be said about
contemporary distribution patterns.
Level IX
The next phase with available information is level
IX, with two structures that possess lithic data and a
complexity index, IX.29 and IX.31. These buildings
contain 7 and 11 features respectively. Three bifaces/
projectiles occur in IX.29, and none in IX.31. No cores
195
or thinning flakes appear in these two contexts and,
thus, there is no clear patterning.
Level VIII
Unlike earlier levels, level VIII begins to display some
of the patterning that emerges more definitely in
later levels at c;:atalhoyiik. Here, for instance, the
structures with the fewest features, VIII.12, VIII.18,
VIII.3, and VIII.24 possess only 3 bifaces/projectiles
between them. On the other hand, the more complex
structures, particularly VIII.29 and VIII.31, with 10
and 14 features respectively, contain a total of 9
bifaces I projectiles. The only core that could be placed
in a context within level VIII was also found in room
VIII.29. Thinning-flakes also appear in VIII.29, as
well as in VIII.10, VIII.31, VIII.14, and VIII.25- again,
generally the more complex rooms in level VIII.
Level VII
Only 15 of the 44 structures from level VII currently
have available data concerning lithic artefacts. What
is available, however, shows some patterning con-
cerning biface, core, and thinning-flake distribution.
Although the total number of bifaces/projectiles
which could be assigned to level VII is low, 12 of the
276 for which contexts are available, the 12 do never-
theless show relatively clear clustering with the more
complex buildings. It may be the case that some of
the patterning is spurious, having more to do with
the fact that data are not yet available for many of
the level VII buildings. Nevertheless, what data there
are do suggest that bifaces/projectiles are most
closely associated with the more complex buildings
of level VII, particularly those which have been des-
ignated as 'shrines' by James Mellaart. For instance,
bifaces/projectiles are found in 7 structures, out of a
total of 15 for which there is available information.
Of these 7, 5 are shrines- S.VII.8, S.VII.45, S.VII.10,
S.VII.35 and S.VII.21. The only core that can be as-
signed to a level VII context occurs in both a shrine
and a complex room, S.VII.12. Interestingly, how-
ever, thinning-flakes do not cluster with the com-
plex buildings as bifaces/projectiles do, but
nonetheless are restricted almost exclusively to
shrines, save for room VI1.28.
Level VIB
Of the 58 structures included on the complexity scale,
23 have data concerning biface, core and thinning-
flake distributions. There are 78 bifaces/projectiles
which can be placed into level VIB contexts, how-
ever in most cases structures which possess available
data concerning lithic distribution also contain
 James Conolly
bifaces/projectiles; they occur in 19 of the 23 structures
for which lithic data are available. Hence, little can
be said regarding biface/projectile presence or ab-
sence patterning. Despite this, there are some nota-
ble differences in the quantities of bifaces I projectiles
that appear in buildings on this level. For instance,
22 of the 78 bifaces/projectiles occur in one struc-
ture, shrine VIB.lO, which is the second most com-
plex in VIB. There are, however, exceptions as 13
bifaces/projectiles appear in building VIB.32, which
is far less complex - only 2 features compared to
the 30 in VIB.10. Similarly, 9 bifaces/projectiles were
found in structure VIB.17 which only has 4 features.
The other 34 bifaces/projectiles are distributed more
or less evenly among the remaining buildings from
this level, with no more than 5 appearing in any one
structure. There is, therefore, a definite disparity with
regards to quantities ofbifaces/projectiles possessed
between S.VIB.10 and the other structures from level
VIB, although large numbers of bifaces/projectiles
were also found in less complex buildings.
Unlike the bifaces/projectiles, however, the
cores from level VIB are generally exclusively re-
stricted to the more complex structures, although
once again VIB.32 does stand outside the pattern by
exhibiting a single example. However, the majority
of the cores, 6 of the 7, are found in structures with
greater than 15 features. Thinning-flakes occur in
only 2 structures, VIB.13 and VIB.17, neither of which
are particularly complex, although as noted, VIB.17
does possess 9 bifaces/projectiles.
Level VIA
Only 9 of the 44 structures from level VIA found in
the complexity index have associated lithic data. Of
these 9,5 contain bifaces/projectiles and/or cores,4
of which were designated as shrines by Mellaart.
Currently there is no information concerning thin-
ning-flakes from level VIA. Here the more complex
structures do contain significantly more bifaces/
projectiles; S.VIA.1 and S.VIA.31 contain 27 and 15
bifaces/projectiles respectively, out of a total of 49
for this level. While these two structures are not the
most complex in VIA, they both exhibit over 15 fea-
tures each. However, S.VIA.7, with 18 features, has
only 2 bifaces/projectiles and S.VI.30, with 12 fea-
tures, only one biface. On the other hand, VIA.49 has
4 bifaces/projectiles, yet only one feature. So, while
there are exceptions, the general pattern remains
that the building contexts with the largest quantities
of bifaces/ projectiles are also the more complex.
There are also 3 cores from level VIA, 2 of which
are found in shrine VIA.1, and one in VIA.49.
196
Level V
There are 7 structures from level V which possess
lithic data, out of a total of 24 which appear on the
complexity graph. No thinning-flakes can yet be as-
signed to any level V contexts, although 28 bifaces/
projectiles can be assigned to level V structures. The
majority of these bifaces/projectiles occur in the more
complex structures. For example, F.V.1 contains 13
bifaces/projectiles, and is the second most complex
structure on level V with 21 features. F.V.1 also con-
tains 4 of the 5 cores that can be assigned a context
from this level. The structure with the second great-
est number of bifaces/projectiles is S.E.V.8, which
possesses 9 features. Again there is an exception to
this emerging association of bifaces/projectiles and
complex buildings, as E.V.7 contains both one biface/
projectile and one core despite being non-complex.
Nevertheless, the general pattern remains that the
more complex structures from level V do contain
more bifaces/projectiles, and the highest frequency
of cores also occurs in structures with the greatest
number of bifaces/projectiles.
Level IV
Four structures from level IV contain lithic data, 3 of
which possess bifaces/projectiles in their assem-
blages. No contextual information has yet been dis-
covered for cores or thinning-flakes in the current
analysis, although Bialor (1962, 87-9) notes that 15
projectile-points and 2 cores from level IV contexts
were found in the 1961 excavation season. Only 13
bifaces/projectiles from the Konya Museum can cur-
rently be assigned to context, highlighting the provi-
sional nature of this discussion. Five of these bifaces/
projectiles are found in S.E.IV.1, which is also the
most complex structure of level IV, with 25 features.
The second most complex structure, S.E.IV.4, con-
tains 3 bifaces/projectiles; thus the two most com-
plex buildings contain the majority of the bifaces/
projectiles of level IV. This is, however, again an
exception to this pattern, as 5 bifaces/projectiles can
be assigned to E.IV.S, which is low on the complex-
ity scale for level IV with only 4 features.
Level III
It is level III and II which provide the clearest evi-
dence for the clustering of bifaces/projectiles and
cores with complex structures at <;atalhoyiik. In level
III, 10 of the 14 structures which are included in the
complexity index have lithic data and a clear assess-
ment of biface/projectile distribution can be made.
For example, 44 bifaces/projectiles can be assigned
to structural contexts, 20 of which occur in 4 shrines-
 Knapped-Stone Report

S.AIII.13, S.AIII.8, and S.AIII.l. Ten bifaces/projec-
tiles are seen also in AIII.4 which has 9 features, as
well as 4 cores. The shrine AIII.1 is also remarkable
not only because it contains the greatest number of
features on level III and a high number of bifaces/
projectiles, but also because it contains 7 cores- the
second highest number of cores in any structure ex-
amined. Thus the evidence here suggests that bifaces/
projectiles and cores do cluster preferentially in the
more complex buildings of level III.
Level II
The pattern observed above is strengthened by the
data from level II. Here, 6 of the 8 structures possess
relevant data, and bifaces/projectiles are found in 4
structures, cores one. The shrine A.II.1 stands out, for it
contains 24 bifaces/projectiles and 8 cores- the most
cores in any structure examined -as well as being the
most complex structure of level II, with 18 features.
There are no other shrines on level II, and the second
and third highest number of features occur in B.II.1
and B.ll.2, each containing one biface. There are no
other bifaces/projectiles from this level; they are thus
restricted solely to the three most complex buildings.
Summary
To date the lithic assemblages stored in the Konya
Museum from 90 structures in levels XI, IX, VIII, VII,
VIB, VIA, V, IV, III and II have been examined for
evidence of bifaces/projectiles, cores and thinning-
flakes. This is not a total sample, and once the ambi-
guities in contextual information have been resolved,
additional data will become available that may alter
the patterning that has been observed so far. What
patterning there is, however, suggests that bifaces/
projectiles and cores are not evenly distributed, as
there is a slight tendency for bifaces/projectiles and
cores to occur in the more complex buildings on any
particular level. It is the later levels which most clearly
exhibit this patterning, although such trends are
hinted at by level VIII.
If the distribution of bifaces/projectiles and

Table 10.18. Counts of bifacesfprojectiles and cores and presence of thinning-flakes by structure.

Structure Bifaces/projectiles Cores Thinning-flakes? Structure Bifaces/projectiles Cores Thinning-flakes?

Xl.29 S.Vl.B.45
IX.29 S.Vl.B.61
IX.31 S.Vl.B.12 1
VIII.12 2 VI.B.25 3 1
VII1.18 S.VI.B.10 22 2
VIII.3 1 S.VI.B.8 3
VIII.29 4 yes VI.A.49 4
VIII.lO 1 yes VI.A.17
VIII.31 5 yes Vl.A.2
VIII.14 3 S.VI.A.30
VIII.25 2 yes S.VI.A.25
Vlll.27 2 yes S.VI.A.1 27 2
VII.28 yes S.VI.A.7 2
S.VII.29 S.VI.A.31 15
S.VII.31 yes S.VI.A.8
VII.33 E.V.7 1
VII.32 S.E.V.S 9
VII.2 F.V.7 3
S.VII.9 S.E.V.2 1
S.VII.44 yes S.E.V.6 1
S.VII.S S.E.V.3
S.VII.23 F.V.1 13 4
S.VII.45 E.IV.6
S.VII.lO E.IV.5 5
VII.12 S.E.IV.4 3
S.VII.35 2 S.E.IV.1 5
S.VII.14 yes A.III.3 2
S.VII.21 2 yes A.III.5 1
Vl.B.32 13 A.III.9 3
VI.B.13 yes A.III.11 1
Vl.B.27 2 S.A.IIl.13 12
VI.B.39 3 A.III.6 4
Vl.B.17 9 yes A.III.2 2
Vl.B.9 2 A.III.4 10 4
Vl.B.18 1 A.III.7
Vl.B.2 5 S.A.III.8 1
S.Vl.B.20 A.III.10 1
VI.B.3 1 S.AIII.l 7 7
S.VI.B.5 4 B.ll.3
S.VI.B.15 2 A.II.3
S.VI.B.50 2 B.ll.5
VI.B.4 1 B.II.2 1
VI.B.34 B.II.1 1
S.Vl.B.1 2 S.A.II.1 24 8
Vl.B.28
S.VI.B.44 Total 276 40

197
 James Conolly
cores is not sub-divided into levels, and examined
solely with regard to building complexity, there is
also a fairly clear distribution pattern. For instance,
of the 90 structures for which lithic data can cur-
rently be ascertained, 38 are designated by Mellaart
as 'shrines'. These 38 'shrines' contain 155 bifaces/
projectiles - in other words, 42.3 per cent of the
structures contain 56.2 per cent of the bifaces/pro-
jectiles. A similar distribution is seen for cores, as in
this instance, the 'shrines' contain 62.5 per cent of all
the cores included in this analysis. As structures
marked as shrines are often, although not exclu-
sively, the more complex structures on any particu-
lar level, there also appears to be a .correlation
between bifaces/projectiles, cores, and structures
with high numbers of features.
The evidence for patterning in the distribution
of thinning-flakes is more ambiguous, although the
data from levels VIII and VII suggest that they too
may occur more frequently in the more complex
buildings, and thus may be associated with the
bifaces/projectiles from which they are derived.
However, determining whether or not the produc-
tion of bifaces/projectiles occurred in situ is only in
part dependent on the presence of manufacturing
debris - it would, I feel, be necessary to re-fit thin-
ning-flakes to make a convincing argument. It is
anticipated that this form of analysis will be intro-
duced in the near future to explore this possibility.
In any event, the continuing analysis of the other
debitage classes and tools from these and other
contexts will hopefully provide further insight on
both this and other related issues.
Notes
1. This is the product of a sub-group of the larger
organization Southwest Asian Lithics Research,
founded specifically to deal with the issue of non-
formal tools, and I acknowledge the contribu-
tion informal meetings with various members of
that group has made to the following discussion.
2. The term 'piece esquillee' refers to small blades and
flakes that typically exhibit crushing and scarring
on opposed margins. There is debate as to whether
these pieces represent small opposed platform cores
or are chisel or wedge-like tools. Microwear analy-
sis has suggested the latter (Ataman 1989, 208-10)
yet to differentiate these objects from examples
which have less equivocal chisel or wedge like
functions, the term has been retained.
3. The difficulty in distinguishing between true pro-
jectiles and bifaces argues for a common term.
Not included in this class are pieces which
198
exhibit short, discontinuous and/ or partial
bifacial retouch which does not significantly con-
tribute to the overall morphology of the piece in
question.
References
Adams, W. & E. Adams, 1991. Archaeological Typology and Practi-
cal Reality: a Dialectical Approach to Artifact Classification and
Sorting. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Ataman, K., 1989. Lithic Analysis of Can Hasan III. Unpub-
lished Ph.D. Dissertation, University of London.
Baird, D., H.G. Gebel, B. Miiller-Neuhof, K. Schmidt, G.
Rollefson & M. Beile-Bohn, 1995. The Wembach Mod-
ule for non-formal tool analysis. Neo-Lithics: a Newslet-
ter of Southwest Asian Lithics Research 2, 1-4.
Balkan-Atli, N., 1994. Le Neolisisation de l'Anatolie. Paris: De
Boccard.
Bialor, P., 1962. The chipped stone industry of <;atal Hiiyiik.
Anatolian Studies XII, 67-110.
Clark, J.E., 1987. Politics, prismatic blades, and Mesoamerican
civilisation, in The Organisation of Core Technology, eds.
J.K. Johnson & C.A. Morrow. London: Westview Press,
259-84.
Conolly, J., 1994. Obsidian Production at Abu Hureyra. Un-
published M.A. Thesis, University College London.
Edmonds, M., 1995. Stone Tools and Society. London: Batsford.
Grace, R., 1989. Interpreting the Function of Stone Tools: the
Quantification and Computerisation of Microwear Analy-
sis. (BAR International Series 474.) Oxford: BAR.
Hurcombe, L., 1992. Use Wear Analysis and Obsidian: Theory,
Experiments and Results. (Sheffield Archaeological
Monographs 4.) Sheffield: J.R. Collis Publications.
Inizan, M. et al., 1992. Technology of Knapped Stone. Paris:
CNRS.
Gero, J., 1991. Genderlithics, in Engendering Archaeology, eds.
M. Conkey & J. Gero. Oxford: Blackwell.
Mellaart, J., 1963. Excavations at <;atal Hiiyiik, first prelimi-
nary report, 1962. Anatolian Studies 13,43-103.
Mellaart, J., 1964. Excavations at <;atal Hiiyiik, second pre-
liminary report, 1963. Anatolian Studies XIV, 39-119.
Nishiaki, Y., 1992. Lithic Technology of Neolithic Syria: a
Series of Analyses of Flaked Stone Assemblages from
Douara Cave II, Tell Damishilyya, Tell Nebi Mend,
and Tell Kashkashok II. Unpublished Ph.D. disserta-
tion, University College London.
Pelegrin, J., 1990. Prehistoric lithic technology. Archaeological
Review from Cambridge 9(1), 116-25.
Tixier, J., 1974. Glossary for the Description of Stone Tools. Trans.
M. Newcomer. (Newsletter of Lithic Technology, Spe-
cial Publication 1.)
Tixier, J., 1984. Le debitage par pression, in Prenistoire de Ia
Pierre Taillee, 2: Economie du Debitage Laminaire:
Technologie et Experimentation. Paris: CNRS, 57-70.
Wilke, P. & L. Quintero, 1994. Naviform core-and-blade tech-
nology: assemblage character as determined by
replicative experiments, in Neolithic Chipped Stone In-
dustries of the Fertile Crescent, eds. H.G. Gebel & S.K.
Kozlowski. Berlin: Ex Oriente, 33--60.
 Chapter 11
Surface Material: Animal Bone and Worked Bone
Louise Martin & Nerissa Russell
Surface material: animal bone. ~atalhoyiik East
Louise Martin
Animal bone material from surface collections of
archaeological sites has understandably received lit-
tle attention since being a 'natural' category it can-
not provide chronological or typological information.
Although surface bone material is clearly of less value
than pottery or chipped stone artefacts for elucidat-
ing patterning, the <;atalhoyiik assemblages are
briefly described here for the possible information
they yield on site formation processes. An additional
problem with bone is that it is fragile and more
subject to weathering than the other artefact catego-
ries described, and hence more likely to have under-
gone physical change since its deposition.
Methodology
Bone fragments from both the 2 x 2 m surface collec-
tion and the 10 x 10 m sub-surface scraped areas
were counted, weighed and placed into size catego-
ries. The following skeletal elements/zones were re-
corded as identifiable:
• skull: occipital condyles, petrous temporal, horn
cores, maxillary teeth (if >half tooth present);
• mandible: horizontal ramus and condyle, mandibu-
lar teeth (if >half tooth present);
• all long bones;
• scapula: articular end and neck only;
• pelvis: acetabulum only;
• tarsals: astragalus, calcaneum, naviculo-cuboid;
• phalanges;
• vertebrae: atlas and axis only.
Surface collection
The bone from the systematic 2 x 2 m surface collec-
tion was generally extremely fragmented, with most
pieces measuring less than 5 em in length, and the
percentage of identifiables very low (0.02 per cent).
199
Figure 11.1 shows how the total number of bone
fragments are distributed across the 298 squares sam-
pled (distribution by bone weight shows a very simi-
lar picture; hence only counts are discussed).
Relatively higher densities of bone are seen on the
northern eminence, on the southern part of the east-
ern eminence, and on the northern and western slopes
of the main mound. Lower counts are seen in a halo
surrounding the northern eminence and on the south
and southeast slopes of the main mound.
This patterning is extremely difficult to explain
since numerous factors potentially affect variation.
Firstly, the animal bone may be predominantly
Neolithic, with original variation in its spatial and
temporal distribution. In this case, it may either be
eroding out of the mound, representing underlying
deposits, or derived from deposits now eroded away.
Alternatively, bone may be both Neolithic and later,
having been deposited during subsequent periods
of activity also, which are evidenced by the Classical
period sherds covering the site. Bone might also have
been buried or churned-up by post-Neolithic dig-
ging, either for the interring of burials or for the
extraction of brick-material from pits (both witnessed
at the site). Finally, a whole sequence of post-occu-
pational erosional and depositional events may have
influenced any surface patterning. A detailed his-
tory of the bone material therefore appears impossi-
ble to unravel, but comparison with the distribution
of other finds, and consideration alongside site to-
pography allows certain possibilities to be narrowed
down.
Bone patterning does not appear explicable in
terms of erosion and deposition of this material alone:
there is little correlation between bone density, el-
evation (contours) or angle of slope. Also, higher bone
densities are not consistently associated with slopes
of particular orientations, which might be expected
if surface run-off was a prime source of exposing
 Louise Martin & Nerissa Russell

900 1000 1100 1200

metres east

0 50 100 150 200 250 300

number of fragments

Figure 11.1. The number of bone fragments collected from each 2 x 2 m square on the east mound.

200
 Surface Material: Animal Bone and Worked Bone
homogenous underlying deposits. Clearly, factors
beyond erosion, run-off and deposition are at play.
A striking 'negative' pattern is seen between
bone density and the number of wheelmade sherds
(representing Classical period activity) (Fig. 11.2).
Wheelmade sherd counts are high to the south and
southeast of the main mound, and in a halo around
the northern eminence - exactly where bone den-
sity is lowest. This pattern implies that a heavy pres-
ence of Classical sherds either obscures or swamps
bone remains (although it should be noted wheel-
made sherds are relatively abundant all over the
site). If Classical sherds are obscuring bone, it might
be suggested that it overlies it, meaning that much of
the bone would be Neolithic in origin.
These same areas of high Classical sherding
and low bone density also see relatively high pro-
portions of bone fragments <2 em in length, i.e. the
smaller bone fraction (Fig. 11.3). If these areas gener-
ally see both less bone and also smaller pieces, the
high densities of Classical sherds (or high incidence
of Classical period activity) may have had the effect
of abrading or destroying the animal bone which
appears on the surface. Another possibility is that a
high density of Classical sherds may have created a
protective scattering of material over the Neolithic
deposits, meaning that less is eroding out to be col-
lected. Either of these suggestions could explain the
patterning shown.
The distribution of the total number of lithics
over the 2 x 2m squares (Fig. 10.9) shows a similar
pattern to the density of bone fragments, and might
also support the view that the majority of bone re-
mains are Neolithic. Since the lithic pieces (predomi-
nantly obsidian) are assumed to be of Neolithic date,
it is possible that lower counts also represent an
obscuring by later Classical period activity.
If it is accepted that much of the animal bone is
associated with the Neolithic occupation of the site,
then the broad-scale variations in density might ap-
pear to result from later activity. The aim then is to
explain the distribution of Classical period sherds
over the entire site, with a great concentration on the
south and southeast slopes, when it appears that
Classical activity is more restricted (primarily to the
top of the main mound, although there are also fea-
tures on the northern eminence). The pattern repre-
sents a huge dispersal of Classical sherds across the
whole site which might cast doubt on the meaning
of any surface patterning.
Returning to the animal bones, a total of 127
were identified to taxon (see Table 11.1), the major-
ity belonging to sheep I goat (both identified) with
201
the next most common category being the unidenti-
fiable medium-sized herbivores (although consider-
ing the other taxa, these are likely to be sheep I goat
also). The spatial distribution of these identifiables
shows no patterning, but appears to relate to the
overall densities of bone fragments (e.g. Fig. 11.4,
showing the distribution of medium-sized herbivore
bones).
Sub-surface scrape
Finds from the sub-surface scraped areas were col-
lected by hand (i.e. deposits were not sieved) mean-
ing that there was potentially little consistency in
retrieval, and hence results should be treated with
caution.
Table 11.2 shows the animal bone data from all
units in each of the 10 x 10m2 scraped areas, and the
totalled results for each 10 x 10m square. Units have
been divided into four categories, in the same way
as for the pottery analysis: surface collection (spit 0),
topsoil removal (spit 1), second spit of cleaning (spit
2), and further scraping (spit 3). In general, spit num-
bers increase with depth of scraping. Data are shown
for the number of bone fragments collected from
each unit, the total weight of these fragments, the
average weight per bone fragment, the number of
fragments per m 3 excavated, and the proportions of
identifiables in each unit.
A first observation is that the average weight of
bone fragments generally increases with greater
depth from the surface. If weight of bone fragment is
roughly equated with fragment size, then this indi-
cates that bone is better preserved in the lower units-
as are sherds -and that material in the upper units
is more affected by adverse preservational condi-
tions (e.g. weathering, soil movement, trampling).
The total densities of bone collected from each
10 x 10m square (the number of fragments per m 3
excavated) are shown spatially in Figure 11.5. Den-
sity varies greatly across the site, ranging from two
fragments per m 3 in square 1000,950 on the south
slope of the main mound, to 114 fragments per m 3 in
square 1040,1040 on the east slope of the main mound.
Even on the much flatter 1600 m 2 area scraped on the
northern eminence, great differences in bone densi-
ties can be seen between adjacent squares. The pot-
tery from the scraped squares- being consistently a
Table 11.1. The number of animal bone fragments identified to each
taxon/category from the 2 x 2 m surface collection.
Cattle Large herbivore Sheep/goat Medium herbivore Pig/Boar Fox Total
10 5 61 43 5 127
 Louise Martin & Nerissa Russell

Fig 11:2 Number of wheelmade sherds

900 1000 1100 1200

metres east

0 25 50 75 100 125 150 175 200 225

number

Figure 11.2. The number of wheel made sherds collected from each 2 x 2 m square on the east mound.

202
 Surface Material: Animal Bone and Worked Bone

1300

1200

s.... 1100
§
ifj
t;j

1000

900

800

900 1000 1100 1200

metres east

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100
percentage

Figure 11.3. The percentage of bone fragments <2 em length of the total number of fragments in each 2 x 2 m square
on the east mound.
203
 Louise Martin & Nerissa Russell

1300

1200

o£i 1100
g
~
s
1000

900

800

900 1000 1100 1200

metres east

0 1 2 4 5 6 7
number

Figure 11.4. The distribution of identifiable medium-sized herbivore bones (including those identified to sheep/goat)
on the east mound.
204
 Surface Material: Animal Bone and Worked Bone

Table 11.2. (.atalhOyUk East scraped squares, animal bone data (ordered north to south, west to east).

Square Unit Spit No. Weight Av.gl m' Frags./ %id %id Square Unit Spit No. Weight Av.g/ m' Frags./ %id %id
frags. (g) frag. dug m3 (no.) (wt) frags. (g) frag. dug m' (no.) (wt)

294 52 286 5.5 21 30 900 19 66 3.5 5 8

295 58 389 6.7 38 38 901 148 775 5.2 30 39
296 7 64 9.1 43 63 1030,1160 total 167 841 12 13.9
297 7 23 3.3 43 57
298 16 56 3.5 25 55 903 0 21 213 10.1 38 76
1040,1240 total 140 818 5.8 20 904 421 2700 6.4 20 43
1030,1150 total 442 2913 6.6 12 36.8
817 0 44 69 1.6 7
818 428 2350 5.5 29 187 0 56 96 1.7 14 13
1020,1200 total 472 2419 5.1 6 78.7 188 1 341 925 2.7 12 29
189 2 82 194 2.4 11 18
819 0 20 18 0.9 20 39 192 3 28 88 3.1 14 42
820 1 78 525 6.7 14 35 193 3 107 370 3.5 15 32
1030,1200 total 98 543 5.5 16.3 1040,1140 total 614 1673 2.7 12.3 49.9

823 30 74 2.5 10 18 853 212 547 2.6 16 23

824 76 820 10.8 20 51 854 587 5290 9 15 28
1040,1200 total 106 894 8.4 11.8 1040,1120 total 799 5837 7.3 20 40

809 0 28 57 2 7 19 500 118 273 2.3 11 34

810 91 685 7.5 31 47 501 139 1026 7.4 22 21
1050,1200 total 119 742 6.2 7.3 16.3 502 1 487 2530 5.2 10 31
527 2 399 3550 8.9 13 21
821 0 29 179 6.2 17 16 980,1090 total 1143 7379 6.5 11 104
822 396 2670 6.7 17 37
1020,1190 total 425 2849 6.7 8.3 51.2 289 0 24 140 5.8 25 60
290 1 385 3050 7.9 20 40
280 0 38 220 5.8 21 27 291 2 88 700 8 33 56
281 1 599 4350 7.3 18 30 990,1090 total 497 3890 7.8 15.6 32
282 2 9 102 11.3 33 48
1030,1190 total 646 4672 7.2 10.9 59.2 274 0 28 107 3.8 11 25
278 1 243 1235 5.1 9 24
263 112 490 4.4 8 20 279 2 122 875 7.2 15 39
264 841 4220 5 10 31 1040,1090 total 393 2217 5.6 20.3 19.4
265 71 640 9 21 28
1040,1190 total 1024 5350 5.2 10.9 93.9 503 0 5 21 4.2 0
504 226 2860 12.7 17 35
811 0 37 138 3.7 19 38 980,1080 total 231 2881 12.5 18.8 12
812 340 1640 4.8 15 50
1050,1190 total 377 1778 4.7 6.8 55.4 505 2 8 4 0 0
506 27 167 6.2 19 54
825 12 153 12.8 50 56 601 594 4520 7.6 14 37
826 214 2080 9.7 19 48 990,1080 total 623 4695 7.5 21.8 28.6
1020,1180 total 226 2233 9.9 9.5 23.8
155 0 0 0 0 0
286 11 50 4.5 0 0 156 172 1210 7 13 38
287/288 206 2200 10.6 13 85 191 205 1520 7.4 24 47
1030,1180 total 217 2250 10.4 10.9 19.9 940,1040 total 377 2730 7.2 19.9 19

283 53 460 8.7 13 46 12 2 60 232 3.8 22 35

284 209 1340 6.4 12 37 24 2 14 75 5.4 38 28
285 0 0 34 2 8 44 5.5 50 52
1040,1180 total 262 1800 6.9 10.9 24 35 2 16 57 3.6 25 26
990,1040 total 98 408 4.2 13.2
813 0
814 239 1734 7.3 10 65 61 0 71 390 5.5 14 23
1050,1180 total 239 1734 7.3 6.3 37.9 67 1 318 1780 5.6 14 34
124 2 476 2840 6 15 38
827 6 53 8.8 0 0 269 3 2267 14,460 6.4 15 36
828-52 1,2 560 3319 5.9 17 46 1040,1040 total 3132 19,470 6.2 27.5 114
1020,1170 total 566 3372 11.8 48
195 0 16 102 6.4 19 12
708 7 21 0 0 196 1 164 823 5 10 45
709 15 137 9.1 13 21 197 2 26 206 7.9 15 32
710 190 1640 8.6 17 39 277 3 210 890 4.2 10 26
1030,1170 total 212 1798 8.5 14.8 14.3 1090,1040 total 416 2021 4.9 19 22

807 0 0 0 0 0 602 0 10 10 1 0 0
808 59 460 7.8 32 52 603 51 299 5.9 20 73
1040,1170 total 59 460 7.8 11.3 5.2 604 7 50 7.1 43 82
990,990 total 68 359 5.3 5.3 12.8
815 0 23 82 3.6 13 24
816 53 347 6.5 17 16 705 0 0 0 0 0
1050,1170 total 76 429 5.6 10.9 706 1 20 46 2.3 15 80
707 2 11 39 3.5 18 36
905 0 38 126 3.3 7 1000,950 total 31 85 2.7 20.6 1.5
906 137 1170 8.5 27 58
1020,1160 total 175 1296 7.4 12 14.5

205
 Louise Martin & Nerissa Russell

940 950 960 970 980 990 1000 1010 1020 1030 1040 1050 1060 1070 1080 1090 1100
1240

1230
G
1220
1210
1200
79 16 12 16
1190
51 59 94 55
1180
24 20 24 38
1170
48 14 5 11
1160
15 14
1150
37
1140
50
1130
1120

1110
1100
1090
104 32
1080
12 29
1070
1060
1050
1040

1030
Q
1020
1010
1000
990

980
970
960
950

Figure 11.5. (:atalhOyiik East; scraped square animal bones- fragments per m3 •

mixture of Neolithic and Classical period sherds-
shows that few of these deposits are in situ. How-
ever, the great variations in bone densities in adja-
cent squares might be seen as reflecting some
underlying (or previously overlying) spatial varia-
tion of some sort, since perhaps a more even cline of
densities would be expected if surface movement
factors were entirely responsible for the bone
patterning.
In short, while the bone and sherd fragmenta-
tion analyses plus the pottery typologies suggest
great disturbance and mixing in the scraped deposits,

206
 Surface Material: Animal Bone and Worked Bone
it does not seem that the bone patterning is entirely
the creation of post-depositional factors. Material
has very likely moved from its original location, but
its current placement and patterning would not ap-
pear to be solely due to topographic and erosional
factors.
It is interesting to note that, as with the 2 x 2 m
squares, bone densities again do not correlate well
with those of pot (where highest densities are seen
on the summit of the main mound). Neither do they
correlate with the highest proportions of Neolithic
sherds which are seen on the northern eminence.
Test square 1020,1170
In square 1020,1170 an attempt was made to gauge
the relationship between the bones collected and the
architectural plans and deposits which were exposed.
Here, material was collected in 2 x 2 m units, unlike
the other 10 x 10m squares where finds from across
the scraping were collected together (although in
vertical spits). It was therefore possible to relate the
location of the finds more closely to the deposits and
features. Firstly, deposits were recorded as either
intensely burnt, generally ashy or unburnt. The per-
centage of burnt bone fragments within each 2 x 2 m
unit was then calculated, with the expectation being
that high proportions of burnt bone would be found
in the units with intensely burnt deposits.
The most intensely burnt deposits were in the
southeast of the square in the 2 x 2s with x,y co-
ordinates A,B; A,C; B,C (see Fig. 11.6). Figure 11.6
shows that while there are burnt bone fragments in
two of these units- A,B has 11 per cent and A,C has
14 per cent - there are higher proportions in other
units (e.g. E,E with 25 per cent burnt bones) where
deposits are not burnt. In addition, there are no burnt
fragments in unit B,C where deposits were recorded
E 11 0 0 6 25
D 0 0 0 7 0
c 14 0 13 0 0
B 11 18 0 0 0
A 39 11 0 11 7
A B c D E Figure 11.7 shows the distribution of the 1851 bone
Figure 11.6. The percentage of burnt bone fragments for
each 2 x 2m unit in scraped square 1020,1170; the
letters represent x,y coordinates (north faces upwards).
207
as being highly burnt. While accepting that all ar-
chaeological deposits can have complex relationships
with their associated artefacts, these results might
suggest that the bone has been subject to some dif-
ferent processes than the deposits in this square, and
hence may not relate directly to the deposits or ar-
chitectural plans exposed.
Identifiables
The scraped squares have been grouped into 13 broad
areas (see Fig. 9.7), but following the pottery analy-
sis, the identifiable animal bones have been analyzed
as 11 assemblages. Table 11.3a shows the number of
fragments identified to taxon/ category for each of
these assemblages; Table 11.3b shows the same data
as percentages. Sheep I goat bones predominate in
each area, and considering the counts of other taxa,
the majority of bones in the medium-sized herbivore
category probably belong to sheep I goat also. The
ratio of identifiable sheep:goat bones is approxi-
mately 5:1, from a sample of 185 identified bones
(following the criteria of Boessneck 1969 and
Prummel & Frisch 1986). Cattle bones are the next
most frequent in all areas, with the bones of equids,
pig/boar, deer, dog/wolf, fox, small cat, hare and
birds being present in smaller numbers. Percentages
of taxa vary somewhat between areas, but without
fuller understanding of depositional and post-
depositional processes, the picture is impossible to
interpret. Further meaning may be made of the
patterning and variation if these areas are excavated
in future.
As would probably be expected, some bone has
clearly been lost from the record in the scraped de-
posits due to taphonomic factors. A comparison of
counts of proximal and distal ends of humeri for
both cattle and medium-sized herbivores and tibia
for medium-sized herbivores only (Table 11.4) shows
that in each case, the less dense proximal ends (cf.
Lyman 1994, table 7.6, 246-7) are fewer. The most
likely explanation for this is that these proximal ends
(along with other less dense bone parts) suffer more
from a suite of destructive factors including weath-
ering, abrasion and animal gnawing.
c;atalhoyiik West
Surface collection
fragments collected from the surface survey. Higher
bone densities are seen on the northern and eastern
parts of the mound, with low densities on the south-
ern and northeastern slopes. The average number of
 Louise Martin & Nerissa Russell

1100

1000

900

800

400 500 600 700

metres east

il![illililflff~ I
I I I I I I I I I I I I I I
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100
number

Figure 11.7. The number of bone fragments collected from each 2 x 2 m square on the west mound.

208
 Surface Material: Animal Bone and Worked Bone

Table 11.3a. The number of identified fragments per taxon/category for each scraped square assemblage.

Area Cattle Equid Lg. herb. Red deer Fallow Deer Pig Sh./Gt M. herb. Roe Dog/Wolf Fox Cat Hare Bird Total
1 3 1 1 0 0 0 1 6 8 0 0 0 0 0 0 20
2 156 48 94 4 0 8 17 287 101 0 9 3 1 1 1 730
3,4 32 5 8 0 0 2 0 147 33 0 7 1 0 0 1 236
5 34 7 7 0 0 0 1 63 10 0 0 0 0 0 0 122
6 15 1 5 0 0 0 0 18 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 40
7 108 12 28 6 1 3 12 156 55 4 6 2 0 0 0 393
8,9 24 6 1 0 0 0 6 48 10 0 0 0 0 1 0 96
10 114 25 29 5 0 2 9 197 31 2 14 4 0 0 2 434
11 7 3 2 0 0 2 0 16 4 0 0 0 0 0 0 34
12 4 1 1 0 0 0 0 5 4 0 0 0 0 0 0 15
13 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 4 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 7

Total 498 109 176 15 1 17 46 947 259 6 36 10 1 2 4 2127

Table 11.3b. The relative proportions(%) of taxa for each scraped square assemblage.

Area Cattle Equid Lg. herb. Red deer Fallow Deer Pig Sh./Gt M. herb. Roe Dog/Wolf Fox Cat Hare Bird Total

1 15 5 5 0 0 0 5 30 40 0 0 0 0 0 0 100
2 21 7 13 0.5 0 1 2 39 14 0 1 0.5 0 0 0.5 99.5
3,4 14 2 3 0 0 1 0 62 14 0 3 0.5 0 0 0.5 100
5 28 6 6 0 0 0 1 52 8 0 0 0 0 0 0 101
6 38 2.5 12.5 0 0 0 0 45 2.5 0 0 0 0 0 0 100.5
7 27 3 7 2 0 1 3 40 14 1 2 1 0 0 0 101
8,9 25 6 1 0 0 0 6 50 10 0 0 0 0 1 0 99
10 26 6 7 1 0 0.5 2 45 7 0.5 3 1 0 0 0.5 99.5
11 21 9 6 0 0 6 0 47 12 0 0 0 0 0 0 101
12 27 7 7 0 0 0 0 33 27 0 0 0 0 0 0 101
13 14 0 0 0 0 0 0 57 29 0 0 0 0 0 0 100

Table 11.4. Counts of proximal and distal humeri for cattle and Table 11.5. The number of identifiable animal bone fragments per
medium-sized herbivores, and proximal and distal tibiae fragments taxon/category from the west mound 2 x 2 m surface collection.
for medium-sized herbivores only, from all scraped deposits.
Cattle Large Deer Sheep/ • Medium Dog/ Fox Hare Squirrel Bird Total
Bone element Cattle Medium-sized herbivore herbivore Goat herbivore Wolf

Proximal humerus 1 12 2 55 74 2 4 147

Distal humerus 10 96
Proximal tibia 9
Distal tibia 119

Table 11.6. (.atalhoyiik West scraped squares, animal bone data.

fragments collected per 2 x 2 m square is 8.7, as Square Unit No. Weight Av.g/ m' Frags./ %id %id
frags. (g) frag. dug m' (no.) (wt)
opposed to an average of 23.9 fragments per square 855 68 215 3.2 28 60
from the east mound: <;atalhoyiik East, therefore, 856 147 1198 8.1 37 59
480,1040 total 215 1413 6.6 18.8 11.4
has a higher density of animal bone fragments ap-
857 1 11 11 100 100
pearing on the surface. 858 89 933 10.5 43 64
A total of 147 fragments was identified to taxon 580,1020 total 90 944 10.5 24.5 3.7

(Table 11.5). Large herbivore bones (including cattle, 859 11 31 2.8 45 32

69 500 7.2 43 54
equids and deer) constitute 6 per cent of the 860
640,960 total 80 531 6.6 19.3 4.1
identifiables, while on the east mound they make up
12 per cent of the total. If potential taphonomic vari-
ation is discounted, the surface assemblage from the Table 11.7 presents data for the identifiables
east mound has a greater large herbivore component from each unit. As with the east mound, sheep I goat
than that from the west mound. predominate, with cattle the next most common. Sam-
ple sizes are very small, which probably explains the
Sub-surface scrape lower diversity of taxa identified. The difference in
Table 11.6 shows the data for each 10 x 10m scraped the number of identifiables between the west and
unit, and the totals for each of the three scraped east mounds does not allow proper comparison be-
squares. As for the east mound, the average weight tween the two, but a cursory scan does not appear to
of fragment increases in the lower units, perhaps bear out the suggestion of the 2 x 2 m surface
showing the upper units to have suffered more from identifiables - that there is a higher proportion of
destructive factors. large herbivore bones on the east mound than west.

209
 Louise Martin & Nerissa Russell

Surface collections: worked bone The single example from the surface sieving is
Nerissa Russell & Louise Martin an indeterminate point worked on the long bone
shaft of a medium-sized herbivore. It is from unit 3
c;atalhoyiik East on the summit of the main mound.
Of the 41 pieces from the scraped squares, 22
A small collection of worked bone pieces derives are either points or what appear to be base frag-
from the surface collections from <;atalhoyiik East. ments of points; another 14 are ground astragali;
A single piece was found during the systematic and the remaining five are each single examples of
sieving of the surface deposits, and another 41 are other tools or objects (Table 11.8). These pieces are
from the 10 x 10 m sub-surface scraped areas, where of unknown date, and are likely to be from mixed
objects were retrieved by 'hand collection'. deposits.
Table 11.7. The number of identified fragments per taxon/category for each scraped square unit.

Unit Cattle Equid Lg. herb. Red deer Fallow Deer Pig Sh./Gt M.herb. Roe Dog/Wolf Fox Cat Hare Bird Total
855 2 0 3 0 0 I 0 7 6 0 0 0 0 0 0 19
856 14 0 2 0 0 I 0 28 10 0 0 0 0 0 0 55
857 I 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1
858 10 2 0 0 0 I I 16 7 0 0 0 I 0 0 38
859 0 0 0 0 0 0 I 2 I 0 0 0 0 0 0 4
860 4 I 4 0 0 0 I 12 7 0 0 0 0 0 I 30
Total 31 3 9 0 0 3 3 65 31 0 0 0 1 0 1 147

Table 11.8. c;atalhOyiik East scraped squares, worked bone.

Unit Area Type Taxon Element Description

294 I ground astragalus sheep astragalus dorsal facets ground to partially flatten
295 I point- indeterminate med. herbivore long bone split?; lacks base
818 2 point standard
0
sheep/goat metatarsal - proximal split
818 2 point- indeterminate sheep/goat tibia unsplit; lacks base
280 2 point- standard sheep metatarsal -distal unsplit; unmodified base
281 2 point- tibia with ground base sheep tibia · distal unsplit; distal end ground to partially flatten
281 2 point- heavily ground metapodial sheep/goat metapodial distal0
split; base modified on all sides
281 2 point heavily ground metapodial
0
sheep/goat metapodial distal0
split? base modified on all sides
264 2 point- indeterminate med. herbivore metacarpal - shaft split; lacks base
264 2 point standard
0 med. herbivore metapodial - distal split; lacks base
264 2 point- standard sheep/goat metacarpal - proximal unsplit; unmodified base
264 2 burnisher lg. herbivore rib one end ground to rounded bevel
825 2 point - standard sheep metatarsal split; unmodified base
826 2 drilled skull fragment cattle skull · frontal fragment with three evenly spaced drilled holes
709 2 point standard
0 sheep/goat metatarsal - proximal split; unmodified base
816 2 point - standard med. herbivore metapodial split; unmodified base
904 3 point standard
0 sheep metacarpal distal
0 unsplit; unmodified base
904 3 point standard
0
sheep metatarsal- distal split; slightly modified base
853 5 ground astragalus sheep/goat astragalus dorsal facets ground to partially flatten
853 5 point - standard sheep tibia distal
0
unsplit; unmodified base
854 5 figure/spatula? lg. herbivore rib carved to represent human figure? spatula?
854 5 point · heavily ground metapodial sheep/goat metatarsal -distal split; base modified on all sides
854 5 point - standard sheep metatarsal -distal split; unmodified base
854 5 point - standard sheep/goat tibia distal
0 unsplit; unmodified base
854 5 ground astragalus sheep/goat astragalus dorsal facets ground to partially flatten
854 5 ground astragalus sheep astragalus dorsal facets ground to partially flatten
500 7 point heavily ground metapodial
0
sheep/goat metatarsal- distal split? base modified on all sides
501 7 ground astragalus sheep/goat astragalus dorsal facets ground to partially flatten
502 7 ground astragalus sheep/goat astragalus dorsal facets ground to partially flatten
502 7 ground astragalus sheep/goat astragalus dorsal facets ground to partially flatten
290 7 ground astragalus sheep/goat astragalus dorsal facets ground to partially flatten
290 7 ground astragalus sheep astragalus dorsal facets ground to partially flatten
290 7 antler plaque red deer antler split, shaped into flat piece; bitumen on edges
290 7 tool/waste? red deer antler tine tine fragment, cut at one end
291 7 ground astragalus sheep/goat astragalus dorsal facets ground to partially flatten
504 7 point - tibia with ground base sheep/goat tibia distal
0
unsplit; distal end ground to partially flatten
601 7 ground astragalus fallow deer astragalus dorsal facets ground to partially flatten
61 10 ground astragalus sheep astragalus dorsal facets ground to partially flatten
67 10 ground astragalus cattle astragalus dorsal facets ground to partially flatten
124 10 ground astragalus sheep/goat astragalus dorsal facets ground to partially flatten
269 10 point · heavily ground metapodial sheep/goat metatarsal- distal unsplit; base modified on all sides (and shaft)

Table 11.9. c;atalhOyiik West scraped squares, worked bone.

Unit Area Type Taxon Element Description

856 figurine I ornamental? lg.mammal long bone carefully carved and incised shape
856 point · tibia with ground base sheep/goat tibia . distal unsplit; distal end heavily ground to flatten
860 ground astragalus fallow deer astragalus dorsal facets ground to partially flatten

210
 Surface Material: Animal Bone and Worked Bone
Points
As is typical of prehistoric assemblages, points are
the most common bone tool type among the
c;:atalhoyiik surface assemblage. All of the points are
made on medium mammal (sheep-sized) long bones.
Where taxon can be determined, all are sheep I goat,
and in at least seven cases sheep. Most (16) are made
on metapodials, while five are made on tibiae and
one on an indeterminate long bone. The articular
end seems invariably to have been left on the tool to
act as the base. Almost all have fairly slender tips
and thus must have been used in tasks requiring
relatively fine perforations.
Where bone is an important raw material, long
bones are often split longitudinally to achieve two or
even four points from a single bone. The proportion
of splitting among the c;:atalhoyiik surface points (56
per cent) is substantially lower than in certain
Neolithic assemblages studied from the Balkans and
south Asia (e.g. Russell1990; 1995b). Mellaart (1967)
refers to thousands of bone points from the earlier
c;:atalhoyiik excavations, so bone was clearly heavily
utilized. Assuming that the surface tools are repre-
sentative of those in secure contexts, it would appear
that there was little pressure on bone as a raw mate-
rial: sheep/goat metapodials were readily available
to those who needed them.
The c;:atalhoyiik surface bone points do not di-
vide readily into subtypes, reflecting a relatively low
degree of alteration of the shape of the original bone.
Three subtypes, however, may be distinguished on
the basis of the modification of the base (three frag-
mentary specimens lacking bases cannot be classi-
fied):
Standard points
Most points (12) fall into this category, where the
articular end of the bone is unmodified except by
splitting where this occurs. Most are made on
metapodials, proximal (e.g. Fig. 11.8:1) or distal (e.g.
Fig. 11.8:2), but two are on unsplit tibiae.
Tibia points with ground bases
Two points are made on unsplit distal tibiae, where
the distal articular surface has been ground to par-
tially flatten it.
Heavily ground distal metapodial points
Five points have been heavily abraded at the base so
that the anterior, posterior, and often the distal sur-
faces of the articulation are substantially flattened
(e.g. Fig. 11.8:3). Two are split longitudinally, one is
unsplit, and the others are too fragmentary to tell.
211
Ground astragali
Thirteen astragali have been ground to flatten the
dorsal surface slightly; in one case, the ventral and
proximal surfaces are also very slightly ground. Most
of these are sheep I goat astragali (sheep in at least two
cases) (e.g. Fig. 11.8:4), but there is also one cattle and
one fallow deer example. Although a few are ground
quite deeply, most bones are only slightly modified.
Such ground astragali are known from many
sites in both Old and New Worlds from the Upper
Palaeolithic onward, e.g., Remouchamps (Belgium,
Upper Palaeolithic: Dewez 1974), Selevac (Yugosla-
via, Middle-Late Neolithic: Russell 1990), Hacilar
(Turkey, Late Neolithic: Mellaart 1970), Troy III (Tur-
key, Early Bronze Age: Schliemann 1968 [1881]),
Aphrodisias (Turkey, Bronze Age: Joukowsky 1986),
Sibri (Bronze Age, Pakistan: Russell1995b), Gordion
(Turkey, Classical: Sheftel1974). They are generally
considered to be used as 'dice' in gambling games
('knucklebones') or divination. This function is at-
tested ethnographically in a number of regions, in-
cluding Turkey (Brewster 1960; Watson 1979).
Other bone artefacts
In addition to the points and ground astragali, a few
other specimens of worked bone were recovered from
the surface.
One large mammal (cow-sized) rib has one end
ground to a rounded bevel and polish over all of its
surface, especially along one edge (Fig. 11.8:5). The
polish is not derived from contact with ceramics, but
a soft substance. It is likely to have been used as a
burnisher for hides or similar materials. The bevel
appears to postdate much of the tool's use and prob-
ably represents repair after it broke in use. Rib
burnishers are found in most prehistoric bone tool
assemblages, and Mellaart (1967,215) mentions such
tools from the 1960s' excavations at c;:atalhoyiik.
Two enigmatic tool fragments made on red deer
antler were found in the same unit (290 on the main
mound). One is a flat, probably deliberately split,
piece of antler beam that appears to have been shaped
roughly into a rounded rectangle (a piece is miss-
ing). Possible traces of bitumen on the edges raise
the possibility that it was part of a haft. The other is a
piece of a large tine with traces of cutting at one end.
It may be a fragment of a tool, or waste from the cut-
and-break method of removing tines and sectioning
antlers preparatory to tool manufacture.
Another curious artefact is a fragment of cattle
skull from the frontal region with three evenly spaced
perforations drilled along a broken edge. It is possi-
ble that this is a preform for a perforated bone plaque
 Louise Martin & Nerissa Russell

em

,. - I

1 \};,-

3
- 4

,Cf~lll
'-

7
•
Figure 11.8. Worked bone: 1) a standard point made on the proximal end of a sheep/goat metacarpal (unit 264); 2) a
standard point made on the distal end of a sheep metatarsal (unit 825); 3) a heavily ground distal metapodial point
made on the distal end of a sheep/goat metatarsal (unit 269); 4) ground sheep/goat astragalus with dorsal facets ground
partially flat (unit 290); 5) burnisher made on rib of large herbivore (unit 264); 6) worked bone figure/spatula? made
on rib of large herbivore (unit 854); 7) part of carefully worked bone figurine or ornamental piece from (-atalhoyuk
West (unit 856)_

212
 Surface Material: Animal Bone and Worked Bone
such as were found in the earlier excavations at
<;atalhoyi.ik (Mellaart 1967), at Hacilar (Mellaart
1970), and at Selevac (Russell 1990). Mellaart de-
scribes some of these artefacts as archers' wrist guards
or decorative pieces sewn onto leather belts, although
they may have served other functions, as rigid
heddles in weaving for instance, or been ornamental
in different ways.
Finally, a carved piece of large mammal rib
may represent a stylized human figure (Fig. 11.8:6).
It could conceivably be the handle of an ornate
spatula, although it differs in style from those recov-
ered from the earlier excavations at <;atalhoyi.ik
(Mellaart 1967), or from the Late Neolithic and
Chalcolithic levels at Hacilar (Mellaart 1970).
Spatial patterning and chronology (see Fig. 9.7)
The most notable spatial patterning in the bone tool
assemblage is the absence of ground astragali from
the 1900 m 2 scraped area on the northern eminence
(areas 2/3). With the exception of a single specimen
from the northernmost square scraped (area 1), all
the ground astragali from <;atalhoyi.ik East come from
further south (areas 5, 7 & 10). Points, on the other
hand, while found in all areas where worked bone
was present, are common in areas 2/3 on the north-
ern eminence. The ground tibia and metapodial
points are quite evenly distributed across the scraped
areas where worked bone was found, but it interest-
ing to note that - if this distinction between areas
2/3 and the others is maintained- then three-quar-
ters (9 of 12) of the standard points derive from the
former. Moreover, splitting occurs in 10 of the 14
points in areas 2/3, but a lower 4 of 8 points in the
other areas combined. An additional observation is
that points from areas 5, 7 and 10 seem to divide
more clearly into either expedient or carefully worked
categories (two expedient, five carefully worked) than
those from area 2, although the very small sample
size should inspire caution.
These spatial distinctions could be either func-
tional or temporal. Bone tools are notoriously poor
chronological markers, and the types of points and
ground astragali found here have a very wide distri-
bution in time and space. One interpretation might
be that the treatment of bone as a raw material seen
in areas 2/3, with its higher degree of splitting, and
absence of clear categories of expedient and care-
fully worked points, is typically Neolithic; the lower
incidence of splitting and clear separation of expedi-
ent and carefully finished points in the areas to the
south is a pattern usually found in later periods
(Russell 1990; 1995a,b).
213
Alternatively, these distinctions could support
a suggestion that different areas of the site saw dif-
ferent activities. The worked bone from areas 5, 7 and
10 do not reflect a full spectrum of daily subsistence
activities. There are relatively few standard points
(which also explains the differences in treatment of
bone for points from area 2/3), and hence tasks in
which points were used may have differed from the
northern eminence. The concentration of ground
astragali in areas 5, 7 and 10 might suggest that they
were used in divination, as in certain African socie-
ties in the ethnographic present (de Heusch 1985).
The high degree of uniformity as well as the
spatial concentration of the ground astragali strongly
suggests that either they derive from a restricted
time period (given the presence of one on the West
mound (see below) this is likely to be Chalcolithic or
later), or else were used in a well-defined behav-
ioural context that enforced uniformity through time,
as might be the case with divination. Likewise, the
fact that two out of three bone artefacts from
<;atalhoyi.ik West are typologically identical to mul-
tiple specimens from the east mound indicates ei-
ther persistence of these types through considerable
lengths of time (implying substantial continuity of
occupation or at least population between the two
mounds) or the presence of a Chalcolithic or later
occupation in the surface levels of both mounds.
<;atalhoyiik West
Three bone artefacts were recovered from surface
work on the west mound (Table 11.9). There is one
tibia point with a ground base similar to those found
on the east mound. Similar points are also character-
istic of the Chalcolithic component of the Mehrgarh
bone tool assemblage in Pakistan (Russell 1995b),
but this may be coincidental. There is also a fallow
deer astragalus ground on the dorsal side, again
resembling examples from the east mound. Finally,
a fragment of a carefully carved and incised piece of
large mammal long bone (Fig. 11.8:7) may be part of
a figurine or some ornamental piece.
References
Boessneck, J., 1969. Osteological differences between sheep
(Ovies aries Linne) and goat (Capra hircus Linne), in
Science in Archaeology, eds. D.R. Brothwell & E.S.
Higgs. 2nd edition. London: Thames & Hudson,
331-58.
Brewster, P., 1960. A sampling of games from Turkey. East
and West 11, 15-23.
 Louise Martin & Nerissa Russell
de Heusch, L., 1985. Sacrifice in Africa: a Structuralist Ap-
proach. Trans. Linda O'Brien & Alice Morton.
Bloomington (IN): Indiana University Press.
Dewez, M.C., 1974. New hypotheses concerning two en-
graved bones from La Grotte de Remouchamps, Bel-
gium. World Archaeology 5, 337-45.
Joukowsky, M.S., 1986. Prehistoric Aphrodisias: an Account
of the Excavations and Artifact Studies, vol."I: Excava-
tions and Artifact Studies. (Archaeologia Transatlantica
3.) Providence (RI): Brown University, Center for
Old World Archaeology and Art.
Lyman, R., 1994. Vertebrate Taphonomy. Cambridge: Cam-
bridge University Press.
Mellaart, J., 1967. Catal Hiiyiik: a Neolithic Town in Anatolia.
London: Thames & Hudson.
Mellaart, J., 1970. Excavations at Hacilar. Edinburgh: Edin-
burgh University Press.
Prummel, W. & H.-J. Frisch, 1986. A guide for the distinc-
tion of species, sex and body side in bones of sheep
and goat. Journal of Archaeological Science 13, 567-77.
Russell, N., 1990. The Selevac bone tools, in Selevac: a
Neolithic Village in Yugoslavia, eds. R. Tringham & D.
214
Krstic. Los Angeles (CA): UCLA Institute of Ar-
chaeology, 521-48.
Russell, N., 1995a. Neolithic Relations of Production in
Southeast Europe and South Asia: Insights from the
Bone Industry. Unpublished paper presented at the
meetings of the Archaeological Institute of America,
San Diego.
Russell, N., 1995b. The bone tool industry from Mehrgarh
and Sibri, in Mehrgarh: Field Reports 1974-1985, From
Neolithic Times to the Indus Civilization, eds. C. Jarrige,
J.-F. Jarrige, R.H. Meadow & G. Quivron. Karachi:
Department of Culture & Tourism, Government of
Sindh, 583-613.
Schliemann, H., 1968 [1881]. Ilios: the City and Country of
the Trojans. New York (NY): Benjamin Blom.
Sheftel, P.A., 1974. The Ivory, Bone and Shell Objects
from Gordion from the Campaigns of 1950 through
1973. Unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Penn-
sylvania.
Watson, P.J., 1979. Archaeological Ethnography in Western
Iran. (Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology
57.) Tucson (AZ): University of Arizona Press.
 Chapter 12
Figurines, Clay Balls, Small Finds and Burials
Naomi Hamilton
The figurines from Mellaart's excavations
The aim of this section is not to offer definitive inter-
pretations, nor refute those which are current, of the
figurines found during Mellaart's excavations. Some
of the material is extremely well known, and this
territory has been well trodden before me. My inten-
tion is to assess the data in a more complete form
than has been done previously, and put forward a
number of issues and ideas which the figurines sug-
gest to me. When dealing with material from old
excavations at which one was not present, a wide
range of problems can arise in the areas of documen-
tation and context. These difficulties are discussed
briefly below, and will naturally affect the amount
of information that can be drawn from the data, and
the weight of inference and interpretation that they
can bear. Nevertheless, the material is very rich, and
presents interesting challenges.
The data
There are several broad types of figurines which are
described for simplicity as human, schematic, hu-
manoid and animal (Fig. 12.1). However, the term
'schematic' is not used in a strict typological sense,
but rather to stay in touch with Mellaart's usage (see
Typology below). The term humanoid has been used
for one group of schematic forms, a number of which
have been inventoried (incorrectly in my view) as
animals. Although Mellaart does not use the term
humanoid, I use it when referring to those he la-
belled ex-voto, to avoid confusion with large-scale
schematic figures. In addition there are a number of
multiple humans, humans with animals, unclear, and
unfinished figurines.
Mellaart published the majority of the human
and schematic figurines in varying detail, but these
are only a minority of the figurines found during the
215
four seasons of work during the 1960s. A full list of
these is still not available, as it is likely that a number
of others are concealed in boxes and bags of bone,
stone and clay artefacts in the store room of Konya
Museum. So far I have been able to track down 254
figurines and fragments, some of which are known
only from records, others of which there is no written
record. I have been able to examine 181 in some detail,
although a number were behind glass, and a further 47
only briefly. The majority of those I have not recorded
in detail are fragmentary animal and humanoid figu-
rines. Unless prefaced by CHC, record numbers given
in this section all refer to new numbers given by
myself for analytical purposes only. These were nec-
essary partly because some figurines had no record
numbers, and because others shared a group number.
The data base contains details of the original excava-
tion numbers and museum inventory numbers for
each figurine, where they exist. Mellaart also men-
tions three of which I have found no trace and suspect
may be publication errors - in EVI:5, EVI:23 and
?VII:22. They have not been included in the data base.
The information available about the find con-
texts is extremely varied- precise locations are given
for only 5, fairly precise locations for a further 24,
and a couple have contextual information without
location. A greater number can be assigned to par-
ticular buildings, but these are almost exclusively
the human and schematic figurines. The majority of
the others have either just a level, or no record at all
of their context. This information is presented in
Tables 12.1 and 12.2.
Most figurines are made of baked or sun-dried
clay. However, schematic figures are all of stone, as
are the majority of human ones up to and including
level VI. Humanoid and animal figurines are all of
clay with four exceptions. The materials used for sche-
matic and human figurines are shown in Table 12.3.
 Naomi Hamilton

545
544

498

532

527
513

Figure 12.1. Examples of Neolithic figurine types from the 1960s' excavations at (:atalhoyiik East; 544, 545) animals;
532) human; 498) humanoid; 527, 513) schematic human . (Reproduced at 75% of original size.)

216
 Figurines, Clay Balls, Small Finds and Burials

Table 12.1. Figurines by building. Table 12.2. Schematic and human figurines by level.
rubbish disposal; and
pits cut into the depos-
All:!= 9
Alll:l =2
Level II III IV v VI VII VIII X Unstrat. its in courts. Five ani-
AIII:2 =1 Schematic 0 0 1 0 6 0 0 0 2 or 3 mal figures and one
AV!:l =1 Semi-human 0 0 0 0 4 1 0 0 0
Human 13 5 3 1 22 2 2 or 3 1 8 humanoid are recorded
em= 1
Unclear 2 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 0
to come from outside
E!V:l =1
E!V:4 =2 the east wall of EVI:10,
EV :8 =1 (animal)
EV!:JO =14 Table 12.3. Schematic and human figurines by material and level. which means they were
EV!:25 =4 (3 human, 1 bird) also outside the west
EV!A:30 =1
EV!A:31 =1 (animal)
Level II III IV v VI VII VIII X XII Unstrat. walls of one or more of
EV!:44 =9 (1 animal)
EV!:45 =1
Clay
Stone
11
4
2
3
2
2
1
0
9
25
1
3
2 or 3
0
1
0
0
0
7
4
the three ad joining
EVII:21 =1 buildings (EVI:25, 26 &
EVII:24 =1
EVII:28 =1 27) as the walls abut.
EV!!:45 =1 (animal)
EV!ll:l =1
These outside spaces betwe en walls have been found
EV!ll:25 =1 (humanoid) during our surface work t o be full of a variety of
EV!ll:28 =1 (humanoid)
EX:28 =1 artefacts and probable refus e. The deposition of figu-
EX!l:29 =2 (1 animal, 1 humanoid)
rines in these spaces suggests deliberation, although
this is not clear with other types of material. On the
The issues other hand, they could have been thrown away along
Numbers in context with the rubbish. A seventh figurine, a pebble with
254 is a considerable number of figurines to come incised eyes and mouth, is recorded to have come
from a fraction of one site, and indeed it is a substan- from between the west wall of EVI:10 and its adja-
tial group, although prehistoric Anatolian sites gen- cent storeroom. It is not clear whether this last space
erally do appear to be figurine-rich. Mellaart excavated was genuinely - or conceptually - external, or
more than 200 buildings, and in only 21 are there whether it was regarded as part of building EVI:10
records of figurines. He also excavated a number of as it is within one overall complex. No other figu-
open spaces or courts, some of which contained hu- rines are recorded specifically as coming from spaces
manoid and animal figurines although context is between walls, but Mellaart does state that animal
lacking. Of a total 254 known figurines and frag- and sometimes humanoid clay figures were stuck
ments, 120 are representations of animals (of which into the walls of most of the level VIA shrines in area
two are birds). The figurines which were found in E (1967, 78). Other external spaces have less precise
buildings are largely human and schematic - in- records still- Mellaart reports (1967, 78 & 182) that
deed all but 2 schematic figures come from build- animal figurines with wounds or deliberate damage
ings - but the numbers are small. Out of the 58 were found in pits near buildings VIB:12 and IV:4;
figurines known to have been found in buildings (of and 'a rich deposit of crude clay votive figurines of
which four are animals, and two are unclear), 32 wild animals, ritually broken, crushed or wounded
come from only three buildings (AII:1-9; EVIA:10- with arrow or spear points, was found in a pit in
14; EVI:44-9), while 14 buildings had one each. The building level VIII', immediately west of building
numbers must therefore be broken down by context VII:1 (1962, 51). Apart from these, one figurine has a
before any assessments or interpretations can be 'general level VII' context, one came from a court in
made. It is also clear from these numbers that figu- level V and another came from Court X:28. Current
rines are rare finds in buildings, and more common fieldwork has recovered half a dozen humanoid and
finds in external spaces. animal figurines from a courtyard dating probably
to level VII, and it is likely that many of those with-
Context by numbers out recorded context also came from such open spaces.
It is clear from the limited data we have relating to Internal spaces are recorded more precisely, and
context that the number of figurines varies enor- again there is more than one type of space. Almost
mously among buildings and between buildings and all the figurines found in buildings are human or
external spaces. It is unfortunate that the data are schematic. Storerooms account for several - one in
not more precise, but there are several types of open EIV:4 (577), two in AII:1 (639, 711), one in EVI:10 (591);
spaces in which figurines are found - spaces be- one in A VI:1 (569); while number 635 came from the
tween the walls of adjacent buildings; open areas 'narrow room' of EVI:45, and 585 from the anteroom
referred to by Mellaart as courts, which are used for of EVII:21. The differences between storeroom,

217
 Naomi Hamilton
narrow room and anteroom are not explicit. For those
figurines found within the main rooms of buildings,
distinct spaces become apparent- seven were found
in AII:1 'scattered around the hearth', six were found
in EVIA:44 on the floor between the east and west
platforms in a space adjacent to the screen separat-
ing the kitchen area from the main room, but 583 was
found in EVIA:44 on the east platform, and 586 came
from the east central platform of EVI:10. Spaces may
also be related to room fittings and furnishings -
thus 586 was below a niche, above which was a large
sculpted cattle head; 583 was below two sculpted
leopards; four figurines plus four concretions were
found in EVI:25 near a 'coarse flat plaster relief'
which was not further described or illustrated; and
figurine 639, from a storeroom attached to AII:1, was
found in a grainbin, which may also be the case with
577 (reports in Mellaart 1962, 1963, and 1967 are
contradictory both as to its building context and its
precise finds pot). Mellaart also mentions a stone figu-
rine from a granary in EVI:5 of which I have found
no trace, and 585 was in a basket. Several figurines
also have a context of association- 585 was not just
in a basket in an anteroom, but it shared the basket
with a stone pestle and bone scoop; 583 was not just
on a platform below leopards, but lay among grain
and crucifer seeds; 589, which shares a confusion of
building context with 577 but I believe came from
EIV:4, was found in a deposit of peas. Where the
peas were is not described - current work shows
that they could have been in a number of places
including platform, floor, hearth, and probably store-
room.
It is clear from this breakdown of find context
by number that figurines are found in a wide variety
of spaces and associations, although it must be rec-
ognized that the find context may bear little or no
relation to use before deposition.
Contexts of deposition
The range of find context described above suggests
that the context of deposition - the reason, method,
and level of deliberation guiding deposition- would
have been similarly varied. As mentioned already,
the presence of humanoid and animal figures ·be-
tween walls could be regarded either as deliberate -
as Mellaart saw it (he related them to the building he
regarded as a shrine, EVIA:10, although presumably
he could equally have related them to the buildings
providing the other boundary wall) - or as the by-
product of the disposal of refuse into empty spaces
in a confined area. In this particular case, the number
of figurines recovered from the spaces surrounding
218
this building; added to the fact that it contained the
largest number of figurines found in a single build-
ing, does point to deliberate deposition. On the other
hand, the discovery of such a large group of figu-
rines within the building may have led to more care-
ful recording of those found when dismantling the
walls, while others found around 'less important'
buildings were given less attention, and their con-
textual information was lost.
The presence of 'some intact weapons (lance-
heads) and numerous clay balls (sling ammunition)'
in the pits near EVIB:12 and EVI:14, in which figu-
rines portraying wild animals were found (1967, 78),
assists Mellaart in viewing them all as part of a hunt-
ing ritual, at the end of which all these items were
deliberately deposited in the pits. The interpretation
of clay balls is pursued further below.
The context of deposition within buildings may
have been affected by factors beyond control, in par-
ticular the spectacular fires described by Mellaart. It
is to this that he ascribes the recovery of a number a
figurines. Buildings EVIA:10, EVIA:14, EVIA:31 and
AVI:1 (later known as EVI:61) were heavily burnt so
that they could not be emptied, extra fill being added
to collapsed walls. Thus they were 'found intact with
their contents' while other buildings (AIII:1, AIII:8,
EIV:1, EVI:7 and EVI:8) were burnt, cleaned,
replastered, and then filled - they 'had been more
or less cleaned out' (1963, 48). Although many so-
called shrines were burnt, only a few contained figu-
rines. Of those mentioned as being too burnt to
empty, EVIA:10 had a fine collection of figurines,
including a single clay one in the storeroom along-
side some flint and obsidian projectile points and
daggers, one in its leather sheath; EVIA:14 had none;
AVl:1 had a most unusual painted clay figurine in a
storeroom which it shared with a large wooden plat-
ter, two stone maceheads with handles in situ, three
horn cores, two circular baskets, a number of obsid-
ian and flint weapons and some polishing stones, all
lying on marsh grass matting; and EVIA:31 had a
single animal figure. Of those buildings which were
cleaned out before being filled in, AIII:1 contained
two figurines, and a number of flat stone pendants;
EIV:1 contained one figurine; EVI:8 was cleaned out
but 'a group of objects that lay on the floor of the
doorway was carefully left in situ' (1963, 61); and
AIII:8 and EVI:7 had no figurines or reported finds.
AII:1 is reported to have been destroyed by fire, but
was close to the surface of the mound so that little
survived of its walls, and it is not clear whether or
not it had been replastered and then filled in. It
contained a large collection of figurines in three
 Figurines, Clay Balls, Small Finds and Burials
different rooms, four 'stamp seals', a dozen pots, at
least seven small deposits of grain, much obsidian,
some chert and flint, and several hundred palettes,
pounders, querns and polishers. AIII:2, next door to
AIII:1, is not reported as a shrine: it contained one
clay figurine, and a large number of stone tools as
well as raw material. Mellaart suggests it could have
been a stoneworker's shop (1962, 55). These data,
chosen largely from Mellaart' s list of burned 'shrines'
rather than being comprehensive, suggest that the
discovery of figurines in buildings is not solely de-
pendent on them being unobtainable due to fire dam-
age, nor to being within a 'shrine' in the first place.
Furthermore, the position of the figurines within the
buildings is varied. If we look at the hypothesis that
the fires were not accidental but were part of a sys-
tem of deliberate closure (Chapter 19), the position
of the figurines has other implications, particularly
those grouped together as though in use.
Condition at deposition
A considerable number of figurines are damaged,
and this applies also to those found in buildings.
This is relevant to the context of deposition, whether
or not the fires are regarded as accidental. All defi-
nitely schematic figurines are whole, but the major-
ity of human, humanoid and animal figurines are
damaged in some way. Starting with the human
ones, it is clear that figurines could be broken and
remain in use. We have one clear example of a
mended figurine, with holes drilled through for fix-
ing (633). When found, it was incomplete, suggest-
ing that it had been broken again and still remained
in use. It is possible, however, that it had been taken
out of use before being deposited in a building due
for closure. This particular figure formed part of a
distinct group of four, all related to leopards, and
this, together with the complexity of the design, may
account for the mending. Two others of the group of
four were missing their heads, and two more found
in the same building (EVIA:10) were broken, one
consisting only of the upper body and head. It could
be suggested, therefore, that these figurines were
old and were no longer in use but, having a sacred
character, had to be disposed of carefully. Thus they
were placed together in an old building which was
deliberately set on fire, and they were left in the
ruins. Some such explanation could apply to some of
the buildings and figurines, but not all. For instance,
one figure in the group of four containing the mended
item was complete. Here one could suggest that since
these four formed a special group, they were disposed
of together when all but one were old and damaged,
219
but this still involves disposing of one complete and
serviceable figurine even when, as we know, the
others could have been mended. It also involves
depositing or throwing away eight other complete
figurines, of various styles ranging from very sche-
matic to highly complex, all but one of them made of
stone. Similarly the nine figurines in AII:1 included
one complete, one fragmentary, six missing the head
only and one missing the head and one shoulder.
Although the clay ones could have been damaged
by the fire and building closure, the broken stone
figure was almost certainly in that condition at depo-
sition. The alternative, then, is that these figurines
really were actively in use when the fire broke out,
and that broken and fragmentary figurines remained
in use. This would support that idea that they were
sacred objects of some sort. Building EVI:44 con-
tained nine figurines, only one of which was broken
(see below). The positions of the three large groups,
in buildings AII:1, EVIA:10 and EVI:44, on the floor
in areas where they were likely to be in the way of
the occupants, makes it possible that, as Mellaart
suggested, certain buildings were 'shrines' and were
not occupied all year round - except by figurines.
Nevertheless, figurines were not found in all the
burned 'shrines', and their purpose when they are
found is less easy to determine due to the variety of
findspots within, for instance, building EVI:10 which
include a platform, a storeroom, between the walls,
and on the floor. The findspots of the figurines, and
their condition, do therefore pose some difficulties
to anyone trying to offer a single generalized inter-
pretation of the use of figurines, or of the context of
their deposition.
Fragmentation
Of the 181 figurines examined in detail48 are essen-
tially complete (a few were found broken in situ but
with all parts present). Of these, six are truly human,
17 are 'schematic', 13 are humanoid, nine are ani-
mals, and three show a human with an animal. Some
information on fragmentation is shown in Table 12.4.
The implications of these numbers are not entirely
clear. The low number of complete animal figures
may be a result of deliberate mutilation during a
hunting ritual, as Mellaart suggested, or a result of
their deposition in outdoor areas, or their place of
deposition may be a result of their damage. Up to
three complete animal figures were found between
the walls of EVIA:10 and one of its neighbours. Their
preservation may be due to intentional deposition or
an accidental effect of deposition in a relatively pro-
tected space. 50 per cent of complete figurines were
 Naomi Hamilton
Table 12.4. Mellaart' s figurines by fragmentation and context.
Building Court Level Unstratified
Hullwll/!:ichcmatic
Complete 23 I 2
Broken bodies 19 12 6 may be accident - all the headless figures, and the
Head only 4 I 2 one whose head was found, are made of clay, and
Huma11oid
Complete 6 7
Minor damage 7 4
Major damage 5 I
Head only 2 been found by the excavators; they may have been
Auimal
Complete
Minor damage II 6
4 building, and the figurines then either just left there
Major damage 15 2 if it was one of the buildings which was not cleared
Head/horn only 9 16
Note: No information is currently available concerning fragmentation of a further
60 figurines. The majority of these are animal, and almost all of them have level
information only. A small group consisting of unfinished/unidentifiable frag-
ments has also not been included.
Damage levels have been assessed on the basis that minor damage consists of
missing extremities such as horn tips, ends of limbs, headdresses, as well as
similar levels of damage to other parts of the body. Major damage includes the
loss of the head, loss of entire limbs, and more severe damage.
found inside buildings, which may be regarded as
safe and protective areas; on the other hand, at least
29 figurines found in buildings were broken, and of
the other two animal and one humanoid figures de-
posited between the walls of EVIA:10 and its neigh-
bours, two were broken, although the third may
have been complete. The poor survival rate of hu-
man as opposed to schematic figurines is rather sur-
prising, considering the level of work required to
create them. It may simply be that properly sculpted
figures are more vulnerable to damage, even if they
are in a protected environment, or that because of
the effort required to make them, they were kept
even when broken. It cannot just be due to the ease
of making schematic figures by adding a few fea-
tures to a pebble or concretion, as overall the number
of schematic figures is small- parts of 53 human
figures are known, compared to 17 schematic ones.
The use of stone for all schematic figurines may help
explain this, as 23 complete figurines are made of
stone, yet humanoid figures are all clay and have
similar survival rates.
The most commonly missing body part is the
head. This affects all types of figurines except sche-
matic ones, which are all apparently complete (there
is one possible exception). 17 clay and 6 stone hu-
man figurines are missing the head only or head and
one shoulder. While the neck is clearly a vulnerable
area, along with arms and legs, this may not be the
whole answer to the frequent absence of heads. Of
the 9 figurines found apparently in situ in building
AII:1 at least seven had no head (information is not
available about one figure). The one which did have
220
a head was otherwise almost identical to four others,
and was one of the group of seven by the hearth. The
head had in fact broken off, and was found in the
building; the other heads were not recovered. This
perhaps the heads disintegrated after the collapse or
infilling of the building; they may simply not have
destroyed in the same process that destroyed the
out, or placed there headless before intentional fill-
ing-in; or they could have been in use in a fragmen-
tary, headless condition. This situation is echoed
throughout the site - the carefully sculpted and
painted figurine from the storeroom of AVI:1, the
only clay figurine of this type from a level VI build-
ing (which normally contain stone representations
of humans) had no head; similarly the painted figu-
rine from EIV:4 is headless. On the other hand, EVI:44
contained a stone head with no body (643) - the
only broken figurine in the building (Mellaart 1964,
fig. 31b, pl. XVIc). Mellaart suggests that its proxim-
ity to a Hellenistic pit may explain the loss of the
body, but this may not be so- the head has a dowel
hole in its base, for attachment to a body made sepa-
rately or simply for mounting it on a stick. As seen
above, fragmentary figurines appear to have re-
mained in use alongside complete ones, and this
head may well be a remnant of a figurine which was
still useful alone. 643 is not cut regularly along the
base - it appears to have been broken mid-neck,
and the hole may have been made at a later date,
either in order to mend it when it broke from its
original body, or to use it in some other way. Cer-
tainly it would appear that the head of a figurine
was worth saving, yet at the same time many head-
less figurines also seem to have been saved. A rather
similar head was found in the surface survey, also
broken off at the neck, but this has no dowel hole.
The absence of heads could well be related to other
features of the site - the deliberate defacement of
the heads of large-scale sculptures, the presence of
skulls on platforms in two buildings, and heads and
headless bodies depicted on wall-paintings. Several
other figurine heads are known, offering a wide va-
riety of images far beyond the round face with circu-
lar crown of hair used in the reconstruction of the
famous birth figure: One stone figurine head (535:
see Mellaart 1962, pl. IXd) from building CIII ap-
pears to have been deliberately defaced. It was care-
fully sculpted to show ears, chin, hairline and the
 Figurines, Clay Balls, Small Finds and Burials
join of head and neck, and has two holes drilled in
the top for the attachment of hair or a headdress of
some sort, seen frequently on the humanoid figures.
(A similar hole is drilled in the head of a complete
alabaster figurine from building EIV:4.) The only
facial feature is a faint trace of one eye, the rest
seems to have been chipped off. The base of the head
is roughly cut but it can stand unaided. There is no
hole in the base for attaching it to a body. A rather
different head from level II (502) is made of clay. The
upper part is almost conical but the back is flattened.
It has a large modelled nose with nostrils shown,
and squarish eyes of obsidian, only one of which
survives. In the base is a small hole, which could be
for attaching it to a body but is very small to take
such weight. A very strange head from EX:28 (631)
seems never to have been attached to a body. Made
of a ball of clay, - and similar in size to the clay
balls- in profile it has a straight nose, incised mouth
and eye, and curve for an ear. The front view, how-
ever, offers small wide-set slit eyes, a gash for a
mouth, and two large nostrils. Overall it has a pig-
like look, but is also reminiscent of the 'dead man's
head' from the wallpainting in EIV:l. Another strik-
ing clay head (525) has a rather venomous expres-
sion, due to the 45 degree slant of the incised oblong
eyes and upward tilt of the flattened face- similar
in many ways to the stylized heads seen on Chal-
colithic figurines in Cyprus. It is broken through the
thick cylindrical neck. Unfortunately it is unstratified.
Perhaps the most naturalistic head of all is in mini-
ature- only 15.6 mm high including the remains of
the neck where it broke from the body (478). This is
also of clay, and is unstratified. Delicate modelling
of the chin, eyes, eyebrows, nose and ears have cre-
ated a most unusual and striking image, although it
is fairly roughly made due to its size. In some areas
it is polished, possibly from handling. It must have
been joined to a very small body, of the size nor-
mally used for humanoid figures.
The variety of imagery, and degree of attention
to detail, in this small sample of heads detached
from bodies, suggests that heads and faces were not
regarded as sketchy and dispensible items used sim-
ply to finish off a figure. Rather they were used to
portray a range of emotions, attitudes or states of
being, and were treated with great care in some
instances at least. This must be relevant to our inter-
pretation of headless figurines. Several clay figures
have holes for the attachment of heads - two of
them from AII:l.lt is possible that this was not just a
precaution against them breaking off if made in one
piece; it may be that heads on figurines were changed
221
according to the occasion, depending on the circum-
stances of their use (see below Interpretations- Wom-
en's rites or women's rights). Alternatively, extra heads
may have been stuck on broken figurines with sub-
stances which have left no trace, or were not looked
for. Unlike the shortage of heads for human figu-
rines, a considerable number of heads of humanoid
figures has been found. These are also made of clay,
which should give them a similar chance of survival
other things being equal. Possibly we will be fortu-
nate enough to find some more figurines during the
current excavations which will help us to answer
these questions. At present, they must at least be
borne in mind. Fragmentation of animal figures is
addressed below.
Typology
Mellaart referred to human, schematic and animal
figurines. Some of the schematic, and all the animal
figures were called ex-voto, implying function rather
than form. None of these descriptions is unproblem-
atic. The typology used in the data base is concerned
with fragmentation, based on loose types, and is not
a typology based solely on form or function. The
most striking aspect of the figurines from the site is
their enormous variety. Within that variety there are
certain clear types, and others which stand free of
easy classification.
The term schematic has been used very loosely
in this chapter to designate a group of stone figu-
rines which suggest the human body yet range from
pebbles with incised eyes or mouth, to fairly de-
tailed figurines which nevertheless are not naturalis-
tic in form. Because of the enormous variety involved,
I have chosen not to define them more closely, and
see instead a continuum from concretions with hu-
man heads carved on them to the finely worked
human figures shown with leopards. In some ways,
the schematic/human classification is of less use than
a division into those of stone and those of clay. When
viewed in this way, the continuum in the design of
stone figurines shows clearly, although some figures
are hard to place - for instance, some with little
naturalistic human form have more detail of cloth-
ing or facial features, such as 576, than some more
obviously human ones. The majority of stone figu-
rines come from level VI - 28 out of 45. Of the
remainder, level VII has 4, level IV has 2, level III has
4 and level II has 5, with two unstratified. With the
exception of an animal head of pumice in EVI:44 and
a bird of prey (vulture?) in EVI:25 they all represent
humans, sometimes in association with an animal.
Most are standing, a few are seated, sometimes on
 Naomi Hamilton
an animal. None are known from earlier than level
VII. Mellaart pointed out that it would be wrong to
see the concretions and schematic figures as earlier
than the complex ones, as they occur in the same
buildings, along with unmodified concretions and
stalagmites. However, the skill required for the more
detailed ones suggests that stone carving was not
new in level VII, and the wide range of high-quality
stone artefacts from the site proves this. The quality
of stone figurines after level VI seems far lower.
Why there should have been a floruit of stone figu-
rines in an extraordinary range of styles at one time
is not clear, although of course level VI lasted for
perhaps a century. The discovery of many of them in
just two buildings could suggest specialization in
stone manufacture by the occupants of the build-
ings, or that the apparent concentration in certain
levels is an accident of recovery. Alternatively, they
could have been disposed of deliberately as part of a
change taking place in society or the 'household'.
The images portrayed are discussed below under
Sex and gender.
Once separated from the stone figures, the clay
ones can also be seen more clearly, and there is little
hesitation is splitting them into three groups - hu-
man, humanoid and animal. A number seem to cross
these boundaries, but it is only a handful. The hu-
man figures tend to have two basic designs. The first
is the 'fat woman' sitting with legs crossed or tucked
underneath, hands on knees or breasts, with fingers
carefully delineated and a lot of attention to detail.
This type is common in the later levels, occurring
first in level V (593). Five possible precusors in level
VI are all atypical: one (569) has its legs stretched out
in front, and is also painted with a meander design;
another also has traces of red paint (520) and resem-
bles the humanoid figures in form, as does 515, which
is however on a massive scale; 514 shows extraordi-
nary detail of hands and feet, with knees drawn up
in front, similar to the pose of 541 which is a com-
posite figure made of rolls of clay stuck around a
core. The general impression is that the style was
being developed during level VI, at the same time
that the high quality stone figurines reach their peak.
By level II it had become standardized, although
other forms still occurred alongside. The second hu-
man type is a standing figure with divided legs and
arms by the side or near the breast, which occurs
from level IV onwards. It seems to derive more from
the stone inheritance of the level VI figures, and
stone versions do occur, but neither stone nor clay
ones attempt the elaboration of the earlier ones
except for one figurine in level II, clothed in a
222
leopard-skin top and fringed skirt. Both these hu-
man forms seem to exude confidence. The seated
ones are relaxed and comfortable, the standing ones
strong, even commanding. Other types exist along-
side, in a range of attitudes, independent of the main-
stream, from level VIII.
The humanoid figures have sometimes been
regarded as animals or ducks, as a number have few
features to relate them to the human form. However,
there is again a huge range of representations, and
many show clear human aspects. They occur from
level VII onwards, with a possible one also in level
XII. In general terms they are small clay figures
(mainly 35-45 mm high, but a few smaller and the
largest 60 mm), with roughly conical bases, long
necks and schematic heads with pinched noses. Some
have a divided base at the front, representing legs or
possibly arms, which sometimes protrude, but undi-
vided ones are more common. Seen from above, the
head is generally triangular. A marked feature is the
headgear worn - headresses or scarves were cre-
ated by extending the clay at the top of the head,
flattening it and folding it down behind (e.g. 521);
others seem to have pointed hats, or flat caps- one
has three incisions across the top as though showing
sewn fabric (516); one is possibly wearing a cape
depicted in black paint (537). Several humanoid fig-
ures are rather different, with facial features, or
greater attention to detail. The earliest ones are more
human- 557 shows the curve of the stomach on the
seated figure, and 533 sits uneasily in the humanoid
category, having breasts (one pinched, one appli-
que), stub arms (one missing), an elaborate head
arrangement with multiple piercings around the side,
possibly for the attachment of hair or fabric but also
strongly reminiscent of the much later multi-
earringed bronze age figurines in Cyprus, and in
addition it has streaks of red paint on the head and
coming from the nose. Both 557 and 533 are from
level VIII. During the later levels the figures become
more schematic, and the last stratified ones are two
from level V, one again with breasts (477), one with
paint on the head (497), both with slim conical undi-
vided bases. This type of figurine seems therefore to
have a specific time span just as the stone ones and
'fat woman' ones do.
The animal figures, with four exceptions, are
all of clay. These four exceptions are a stone bird of
prey (vulture?), headless (599), a bone vulture beak
(392), a bone animal, uncertain (788), and a pumice
animal head, uncertain (712). Three of these were
found in buildings, the other has no context. The
clay figures offer great variety of size, stance and
 Figurines, Clay Balls, Small Finds and Burials
surface treatment. They represent a range of ani-
mals, the most common of which appear to be cattle
(8 clear, 21 possible) and boar (12 clear, 7 possible).
Other identifiable types are dog (8 probable), leop-
ard/ feline (3), goat (or possibly deer?) (3), and possi-
bly bear (3?) and sheep (1). There are also nine horns,
probably from cattle. In addition to this a considerable
number are impossible to identify, either because
they are of no distinct type other than quadruped, or
because defining features such as the head are miss-
ing. Size ranges from approximately 50 mm head to
tail when complete to 150 mm, although due to the
damaged state of most figures precise measurements
are not possible; the stances depicted are lying, sit-
ting, standing and possibly running; surface treat-
ment may include smoothing, polishing, stabbing,
and indication of bristles or spots. Interestingly, the
species of animal represented does not seem to con-
trol exclusively the method of represention, although
there are patterns- all three goats are shown lying
down, and none has been stabbed. The animal shown
most frequently to have been stabbed is the boar (11
instances), and these are also the most likely to be
whole or nearly so, but boar which have not been
stabbed, or which are fragmentary, occur also. Cattle
show the widest variety - although most are stand-
ing, at least two are lying down, some are stabbed and
some are not, and the degree of fragmentation ranges
from complete to just a horn.
Animal figurines were found almost exclusively
in levels VI and VIII. Besides these, there is one from
level XII, three from level VII, and two from level V.
Certain typological aspects can be approached bet-
ter by looking at them by level. 26 figures are known
from level VIII, 21 of which I have been able to
study. A group of 19, of which I have seen 15, were
inventoried under a single number (CHC318) and
are likely to be those mentioned by Mellaart as com-
ing from a level VIII pit near building VII:l. These
represent two whole ?boar, one stabbed, one not;
one whole ?bear, one whole stylized cattle head;
three damaged hornless quadrupeds (dog or boar);
two rear ends, one stabbed, one not; and six varied
body fragments. Three were stabbed, three had a
possible stab mark, and one had incisions on the
neck. Looking at the level VIII figurines overall, they
tend to be large, although a few medium-sized ones
occur; five were complete, the remainder broken to
various degrees; five were stabbed, four had a possi-
ble stab mark, one had incisions and nine had no
sign of stabbing. This suggests that the figures may
have been used in different ways before their depo-
sition in the same area.
223
The animal figurines from level VI were inven-
toried in two large groups, number CHC319 (18 fig-
ures) and CHC322 (19 figures). I have been able to
examine only a small number of these, which makes
any inferences unreliable, but nevertheless some pat-
terns do emerge which will bear further investiga-
tion. Mellaart reported that large groups of animal
figurines were found in two pits, outside EVI:12 and
EVI:14 (see above), which he interpreted as having
been used in a hunting ritual. Of the seven CHC319
figures examined, six are lying down. They repre-
sent two goats, three cattle, and an unidentifiable
headless quadruped. This last has been stabbed, the
only one in the group which has been. The seventh
figure is standing, and may be a boar. All these
figurines are small, up to about 55 mm long. Two
may be complete, four have minor damage, and one
is only a torso. The nine CHC322 figures examined
are very different - five of them are large or very
large, none has been stabbed, and all are damaged -
four are heads, two are just horns. The animals rep-
resented are four cattle (plus two horns), one boar,
and two unidentified- one of which may be a goat,
deer or possibly boar, and is lying down. The differ-
ences in stance, fragmentation and species dominat-
ing these two groups suggests that they may have
been used in different ways, and should not be
lumped together. It is possible that the figurines
should not be divided in this way - Mellaart also
reports animal and humanoid figurines from pits
outside buildings EVIA/B:61 and EVIB:23, and sug-
gests another occurrence outside EIV:4 (1967, 102-3)
although no artefacts can be tied to this last group.
He himself suggests a division between the largely
sheep, goat and cattle figurines which he says were
found between the walls of buildings, and those
representing mainly wild animals such as boar, cat-
tle and ?deer which have been wounded (1963, 78).
Types in context
I have already mentioned the enormous range of
depictions of humans- and animals- at <::atalhOyiik.
Within this range I have discussed broad types. How-
ever, there are certain groups which are linked not
just by style but also by context, and these require
further investigation. Similarities in the stance of
some animals found in pits has been mentioned
above. Here I would like to look at the figurines
from certain buildings.
Building AII:1 contained nine figurines, eight
of which are known. The ninth figure is described as
being a broken standing figurine made of stone, but
has not been illustrated or located. Of the eight
 Naomi Hamilton
figures known about, all are made of clay, and five
are of one type - the 'fat woman' style of seated
figures with large breasts. The three other figurines
are all different - one is a fat standing figure with
large breasts, one is a fat woman with large breasts
who is (perhaps giving birth) seated on a throne of
felines, and the last is a standing figure with small
breasts, divided legs, and wearing a skirt and leop-
ard-skin top. It has a hole for the attachment of a
head. The five forming the group were found to-
gether, and are remarkably similar. Their differences
are in the position of the hands and feet. The two
smallest have both hands on their legs, which are
crossed, and one has a hole for attaching a head; two
have one hand on one breast and one on one leg,
with their legs tucked underneath to one side; the
largest, which is the only one with a head, has a
hand on each breast and legs tucked underneath.
They are well made and give the impression of be-
ing a deliberate group, and could have been made by
one person. On the other hand, four other figures of the
same style are known from other contexts, the most
similar being 648- also from level II and 593- from a
court in level V; the other two are 590 - a stone ver-
sion from AIII:l; and 589- a clay one with painted
leopard-skin garment from EIV:4.
Building EVIA:lO contained a large number of
figurines, including a group of four related to leop-
ards. Two show a human standing behind a leopard,
one of them wearing a leopard-skin scarf; one shows
a human sitting on or riding a leopard; the fourth
shows a person wearing a leopard-skin hat. The first
two are stylistically very close, although one person
has breasts and the other does not, but similarities
with the other two are not profound, depending
mainly on the presence of spots presumed to be
leopards'. Nevertheless, when this is combined with
their find context, they do make a cohesive group.
Whether or not they all date from the same time, or
were made by the same person, is less certain. Four
buildings were found with reliefs of leopards
moulded onto the walls, one had a feline head cut
into the plaster, and several others had wall-paint-
ings showing people wearing leopard skins, yet the
leopard-related figurines were not found in associa-
tion with any of these - instead the building con-
tained modelled cattle and sheep heads, although
one of Mellaart' s reconstructions does suggest a fe-
line head on the huge human relief on the wall of
EVIA:lO. One of the 'leopard shrines' containing leop-
ards in relief (EVI:44) did contain figurines, but they
did not show leopards - four are schematic, one is a
standing figure, one a bearded figure seated on a
224
non-feline animal, one is a bust, one is a human head
and one is an unknown animal head.
Building EVI:25 contained four figurines, all
quite varied- a person seated on a stool (570), the
lower part of possibly a schematic figure (505), a
kneeling human (574), and a probable vulture (599).
It is notable that the vulture did not occur in a build-
ing in which vultures were depicted in other ways.
Three buildings had wall-paintings depicting vul-
tures, and vulture skulls were moulded into a relief
in another, but these did not contain vulture figurines.
A carved vulture head was found in another building
(EVI:70) but this did not contain vulture paintings.
Interpretations
Three interpretations have been offered for the figu-
rines, each one applying to a different group and all
offered by Mellaart. The human and schematic fig-
ures are seen as deities, with an emphasis on fertility
seen in fat females and an abundance of bull im-
agery. This interpretation has been widely accepted.
The humanoid and animal figures are ex-voto images,
the humanoid ones having perhaps a protective use,
the animal ones used in hunting magic. As the hu-
man figures are the only ones generally known about,
their interpretation is the one which dominates ideas
about ~atalhoyiik.
Function
As noted at the beginning, I am not concerned here
with defining functions clearly, but with raising ques-
tions. However, it seems possible that the function
of figurines varies both according to the type of fig-
ure, and over time. The possible functions of human
and schematic figurines are discussed below (Sex and
gender, Women's rites or women's rights). First I will
look briefly at the humanoid and animal figures.
There are two easy options for the humanoid
figurines - one is that they are votive objects, the
other that they are toys. The toy interpretation de-
pends largely on the denial of their human traits, for
they would not be viewed as dolls - they are too
small- but as gaming pieces or counters. It is possi-
ble that, taking into account their clear human as-
pects, they could fit this category. Their rough and
ready manufacture, the frequent damage, the dis-
posal in rubbish areas, are all consistent with this
idea, but a context of use which could support this
view is lacking so far. It will be interesting to see
what the 'chessman' figures reported from Can Hasan
look like (French 1968, 48 & 52), and what contexts
are available for them. Mellaart's reports of humanoid
figures in the walls of buildings suggest that a votive or
 Figurines, Clay Balls, Small Finds and Burials
protective interpretation is most likely to be correct.
Animal figurines may have had more than one
function. While some were clearly stabbed, and oth-
ers may have been deliberately mutilated, which con-
forms to the hunting ritual interpretation, the
presence in the same contexts of whole figures which
have not been stabbed suggests they may have been
used in another way. The difference in size and stance
may also be relevant. Several animals are shown
lying down - three goats and at least five cattle.
These have not been stabbed, so they may not repre-
sent dead animals, but rather be related to other
activities such as domestication. These are all from
level VI with the exception of two unstratified cattle,
and animal figurines have not been found in strati-
fied contexts in later levels. Further investigation
with a more complete data set may allow some clearer
insights into differences over time.
Fertility
A striking aspect of the human figurine assemblage-
and indeed the assemblage as a whole - is the lack
of symbols usually associated with fertility in dis-
cussions of figurines. Phallic imagery is extremely
rare; there is only one possible birth scene; there are
only two possible babies (including the one in the
birth scene); and although many of the human fig-
ures are fat women, there is no clear reason to view
this as pregnancy rather than the mature female fig-
ure much in evidence in central Anatolia today. As
mentioned above, there are some contextual reasons
for associating a few figurines with crops, but abun-
dance of food and human fertility are not precisely
the same. There are also some relief figures in build-
ings termed shrines which were viewed by Mellaart
as giving birth, as they were placed above animal
heads. This imagery, whatever its meaning, is obvi-
ously rather different to women having babies.
Mellaart thought the goddess was shown giving birth
to a son - as bull or ram - displaying a common
binary and complementary attitude to sex and gen-
der (discussed below). His suggestion that an aurochs
bull or a large ram is a more impressive symbol of
male fertility than men themselves (1967, 181) may
well be true, but does not explain why a woman
should be impressive enough as herself. The dispar-
ity between male and female images both in relief
sculpture and in figurines needs to be examined,
and is discussed below.
Sex and gender
There is a widespread belief that the majority of
prehistoric figurines represent female bodies/
225
women. Female bodies and women are rarely, if
ever, considered separately, although there is by now
ample literature to document the social construction
of gender as sex-based 'complementary' roles, and a
growing body of research on the social construction
of sex itself (see Hamilton 1994 & in press for brief
examples and references).
The definers of sex have been much argued
over in studies of Cypriot and certain Near Eastern
figurines (Hamilton in press; Morris 1985; Ucko 1969)
but little attention has been paid so far to those in
Anatolia. A handful of figurines at <;atalhoyiik have
been interpreted as male (Mellaart 1963, 83-90; 1964,
75-81). Some of these have beards, and are seated on
animals regarded as bulls (e.g. 282, 632, 592), al-
though the absence of horns (a major symbol at the
site) or any clear defining characteristics, when com-
pared to the careful drilling of spots on leopards,
makes them just as likely to be sheep. Several figu-
rines regarded as male have no claim to the ascrip-
tion other than the absence of breasts - 580, the
headless 'youth' riding a leopard; 630, a cloaked
standing figure; 638, a seated figure with leopard-
skin hat and armlets; 570, seated on a stool; 643, a
head very similar to those on the twin 'double-
breasted' figure 572. These all come from two build-
ings, EVIA:10 and EVI:44. One is known from level
VII (585) - beardless, with small breasts, the back
view of the torso shows broad shoulders, and it is
riding a hornless animal. Although I am sceptical
about some of this sexing, and the animals deemed
suitable to accompany men, there are also some figu-
rines generally regarded as female which have no
clear claim to the name - breastless and beardless,
such as one standing behind a leopard in EVIA:10,
or indeed the majority of stone figures and the ma-
jority of figures pre-dating level VI. The figurines
with large heavy breasts start in level VI and domi-
nate in the later levels. Overall, level VI seems to be a
time of change where figurines are concerned- in
terms of materials, styles, and types of representa-
tion. After level VI male-defined figures have not
been found, nor any humans riding animals, and
although breastless figures do continue the domi-
nant form is demonstrably female. The sexless hu-
manoid figures, and the animal figurines (which
never show sex) also cease soon afterwards. The
multiplicity of overtly female representations com-
pared to demonstrably male ones - even when pro-
portions are adjusted - suggests a growing focus
on the female which was less apparent in the figu-
rines from the earlier levels. There are other reasons
for viewing level VI as something of a watershed at
 Naomi Hamilton
<:;atalhOyiik- the change in pottery technology and
knapped-stone tools. It is probable that these were
accompanied by altered social dynamics, which may
have been reflected in the altered representation of
humans -and animals.
The dearth of overt representations of males
has been assumed to have been balanced by a sym-
bolic representation of males in the guise of cattle
and sheep heads, always referred to as bull and ram
heads even though some of the horns are known to
come from females, and sex is rarely depicted on
animals in paintings or reliefs. The interpretation of
the large relief figures with animal heads beneath
them as goddesses giving birth to sons fits beauti-
fully with Western attitudes to virility and its appro-
priate symbols, but less well with the evidence. Most
of the relief figures have no overt sex, and although
this does not mean they are not female, as sex may be
signified in ways other than those widely understood
in the West today, nevertheless it should not be as-
sumed without question. The identification of the
animals with males is more problematic. If we look
not from a viewpoint in which maleness is privi-
leged and virility highly prized, but from the
economy of <:;atalhOyiik, in which cattle meat played
a significant part, the presence of cattle symbolism is
not strange. If we accept that the relief figures are
giving birth to animals, this is then simply the crea-
tion of the economic requirements of humans.
Women's rites or women's rights?
The presence of predominantly female figurines -
or a widespread belief that they are female - has
led to interpretations of their meaning and function
which generally relate to biological roles and either
elevate or downgrade women through that medium,
according to the viewpoint of the scholar concerned.
Such interpretations have been 'acceptable' due to
the dominant Western view of women as 'natural'
birthers and 'natural' mothers, which is part of the
naturalization of the restriction of women to the do-
mestic sphere. The elevation of the role of birther
and mother to a divine one, as in the mother god-
dess interpretation, does not change or challenge
this underlying belief.
While figurines may well have played a role in
women's rites of passage, such as those of birth and
motherhood - and as noted above, the possibility
exists that detachable heads were used to portray
different ages, emotions, rites etc. - it is equally
feasible that they were concerned with sex-based
gender roles and the consequent social conflict this
doubtless created. This may be supported by the
226
new emphasis on femaleness in figurines after level
VI. The production of clay figurines depicting ample
women with large breasts, in which not 'fertility' but
femaleness was emphasized, along with the absence
of maleness, might suggest an increasing concern
with women's roles. Rather than taking the 'accept-
able' view that women tamely embraced a life of
endless childbearing, the figurines may also be dem-
onstrating their challenge to fulfil other roles in soci-
ety - perhaps in debate over lineage, access to
power, etc. (see Chapter 19). The mature bodies de-
picted in the most stylistically unified group accord
with the decision-making role played in some socie-
ties by the longer-lived experienced members. The
relaxed, confident, even commanding pose of many
of these figures is more suggestive of the matrons,
the elders, than of young women's rites of passage.
Shrines and non-shrines
Some buildings have large numbers of figurines in
them- EVIA:10 (14 + 3 between walls), EVI:44 (9),
AII:1 (9). These are regarded by Mellaart as shrines
on other grounds, such as elaborate decoration -
wall paintings or reliefs (EVIA:10 and EVI:44)- or
unusual size and complex architecture (AII:1). A few
more have more than one figurine - EVI:25 (4),
EVII:24 (2), EIV:4 (2), AIII:l (2) and EXII:29 (2). Of
these, only AIII:1 is consistently regarded by Mellaart
as a shrine, while for EIV:4 and EVI:25 reports differ.
Of the buildings containing one figurine, AIII:2,
AIV:1, EVI:28, EVII:28 and EVIII:28 were viewed as
houses, AVI:1, EVI:31(animal figurine), EVI:45,
EVII:21, EVII:45, EVIII:1 and EVIII:25 were called
shrines, and EV:8 was uncertain. The majority of
buildings in which figurines were found -albeit in
small numbers - were not regarded as shrines, nor
were figurines found in the majority of buildings
which were designated shrines. All the buildings with
the largest numbers of figurines are amongst the
most elaborate in the complexity graphs (Figs. 1.1-1.5).
Mellaart pointed out that elaborate buildings
are often built above earlier elaborate buildings, al-
though this is not always the case (see Chapter 19 for
quantitative data). Whether or not these are shrines,
it would not be entirely surprising if the form of
decoration used in one building occurred in the suc-
ceeding one, since it is likely - given the settlement
layout and lack of fresh building areas- that the
new buildings were built by the occupants of the old
ones. It may be for the same reason that figurines are
sometimes found in consecutive buildings, or in the
same vertical column of building but skipping a level
or two- EVIA:31 is below EV:8; EVII:45 is below
 Figurines, Clay Balls, Small Finds and Burials
EVIB:45, EVIII:25 is below EVI:25, with level VII miss-
ing out on figurines, while AVI:1 is below AIII:1,
jumping a huge time-span. However, these build-
ings are not always similar - EVIII:25 was called a
shrine by Mellaart, and had one figurine, while EVI:25
was initially seen as a house, although it contained
four figurines. The designation of EV:8 as a shrine
was left uncertain.
Totemism
One possibility which could be investigated further
is a totemic base to some of the figurative represen-
tations at C::atalhoyiik. Attention has been drawn
above to the dyssynchrony between representations
on wall-paintings and in reliefs and those on the
figurines - in particular the leopards and vultures.
It is feasible that a totemic clan structure existed
which utilized certain animal symbols- the leop-
ard and vulture have already been mentioned, but
deer and boar could be added to the list. The pres-
ence of leopard-based figurines in a building with-
out other leopard symbolism could reflect a different
usage of the same symbol by members of the same
totemic group. Aspects other than figurines and
building 'decor' could have been involved - cos-
tume in particular. Thus people shown on paintings
in leopard-skin clothing could be demonstrating their
clan affiliation, and those shown in plain red skins
could perhaps be wearing deer skin. From this view-
point, the variety of depictions of human skin and
clothing, grouped in the paintings, taken in conjunc-
tion with the lack of killing of animals which was
noted by Mellaart, could lead to an interpretation of
the scenes as contests between totemic groups. The
importance of cattle in some of the scenes, and in
buildings which also have depictions of other ani-
mals, could suggest that cattle were the totem of the
whole society, and that inter-community contests
were played out against a backdrop of cattle im-
agery. The presence in some graves of items made of
antler, and deer teeth necklaces, could also be inves-
tigated within this framework, although at present
the data are poor.
Conclusion
I have not aimed to reach definitive conclusions about
the figurines from Mellaart's excavations, but it is
clear from the afore-going that the figurines from
C::atalhOyiik do not fall into a single category, and
did not all have the same function. There is scope for
a great deal more work in this area- this discussion
has merely brushed the surface, as a re-assess-
ment of the evidence, not a re-interpretation. The
227
outstanding features are the range of find contexts,
the changes in the assemblage over time, the differ-
ent time span for the different groups, and the links
these aspects must have, in some way, to the other
changes at the site. Other aspects of figurines could
give us information both about themselves and the
culture from which they come: use-wear analysis
may shed light on their function, and preliminary
work has shown that this could yield results, as ar-
eas of polish suggest handling, but newly-excavated
artefacts are most likely to offer relevant informa-
tion; a study of which figures can stand unaided is
also helpful in determining function; an investiga-
tion of fingerprints on many of the humanoid fig-
ures could be revealing, but is complex to carry out;
and the iconography offers assistance with clothing,
an area generally difficult to examine. Some of these
directions must wait for the future, but the theoreti-
cal debate has been underway for many years. My
challenges to orthodoxy are not offered as proven,
but as matters to consider. Further discoveries dur-
ing the current excavations may be able to enlighten
us in some of these areas, while others are likely to
remain bones of theoretical contention.
The figurines from the surface
Details of the figurines found during the surface
investigations in 1993-95 can be found in the discus-
sion of small finds below. Here I am concerned with
their presence on the surface of the mound.
Both human and animal figurines were found
during the survey in small numbers - 20 definite
figurine fragments, of which 17 come from the east
mound survey (5 human, 3 humanoid, 9 animal);
one from Mellaart' s sections (animal), and two from
the west mound (1 animal, 1 uncertain); and a fur-
ther nine possible fragments come from the east
mound (3 human, 2 humanoid, 2 animal, 2 indeter-
minate), one of which is from the sections. Only one
is of doubtful date, the rest being clearly Neolithic.
Details can be found in Table 12.5. Although this is
too small a group of artefacts from which to draw
statistical conclusions, it is nevertheless a surpris-
ingly large number when compared with the num-
bers found by Mellaart in large-scale excavations -
around 250 figures, of which about 130 are human or
humanoid. We have perhaps a slightly larger pro-
portion of small fragments than Mellaart, which is to
be expected of purely surface material, but the re-
covery methods used were the same in the case of
the scrape squares- hand-picked by workmen from
shovelled soil.
 Naomi Hamilton
With such limited data, and general find spots,
it is not possible to carry out detailed quantitative
analyses of the type used for the knapped stone,
ceramics and bone. However, there are some points,
largely based on qualitative information, which may
be pertinent to the interpretation of the distribution
of those materials.
Distribution
20 of the total 29 possible figurines came from the
large scraped area on the upper north slope and
northern-most edge of the top of the northern emi-
nence, which could be assumed to have been subject
to considerable erosion. The figurines were discov-
ered in sub-surface units giving good Neolithic ar-
chitectural contexts, and not in the surface units,
suggesting that the figurines found may be basically
in situ, and may not have been subject to a great deal
of movement. The absence of a single recognizable
figurine fragment in the 2 x 2 m survey of the east
mound - in which artefacts were retrieved by
seiving in a 5 mm mesh - must be relevant to the
question of erosion and movement of artefacts, and
supports the suggestion that many of the figurines
which were recovered had not travelled far from the
place of their original deposition.
This contention is supported also by the con-
text of two particular figurines - from unit 821
(CH94:32) and unit 282 (CH93:30). These two arte-
facts are almost identical. They were retrieved from
adjacent 10 x 10 squares. They are the only figurines
of their type, and in my opinion it is possible that
they were made by the same people for use in the
same building. Deposits of lime on the surface of
both also suggest they lay in similar soils.
Fragmentation
The majority of figurines from the survey are bro-
ken. In the light of my suggestion that many have
not travelled far from their place of original deposi-
tion, it is necessary to ask how much this is a prod-
uct of erosion and post-depositional damage. In other
words, would broken figurines have been deposited
in buildings? Here, information derived from the
figurines found in Mellaart's excavations can shed
light on depositional practices. The data is discussed
in detail above, and it is clear that different types of
figurines were deposited in different types of con-
text and in very different states of completeness.
Gross counts in Table 12.4 (p. 222) show that well
over 50 per cent of human and schematic figurines
were deposited in buildings, and as the remainder
have no context the percentage could have been
228
higher. Of the 44 definitely deposited in buildings,
23 were broken or fragmentary, sometimes consist-
ing solely of the head. Humanoid and animal figu-
rines were very rarely deposited in buildings, and
are reported to be found in pits and courts. Of the 47
humanoid figurines with records, 15 are complete
and a further 11 have only minor damage. Of the 76
animal figurines with records, only 8 are complete
with a further 18 having minor damage to horns and
legs. Therefore over 50 per cent of humanoid figures
are in a good state of completeness, a far greater
percentage than the human figures, yet they were
apparently discarded in pits and rubbish dumps
while the human ones were deposited in buildings,
sometimes in a broken or fragmentary condition.
The animal figurines show similar damage rates to
those for human ones, despite very different de-
positional contexts. These data agree well with the
surface material- the humanoid figures are in the
best state of preservation, the animals a mixture of
good and very fragmentary, and the human figures
include nearly complete, head only, and badly dam-
aged fragments. The close find spots of two almost
identical figurines in very different states of frag-
mentation may therefore be a result of deliberate
depositional practices in which broken human figu-
rines are deposited in buildings. It is also possible,
however, that the severely damaged fragment had
been discarded in the adjacent open area/ street.
Dating
The human head CH94:31 is the only stone figurine
fragment found on the surface. It came from the
southeast quarter of sub-surface unit 820, overlying
a Neolithic building. Stone figurines are most com-
mon in the level VI material from Mellaart' s excava-
tions - a total of 43 stone figurines was found,
ranging from levels VII to II, of which 26 were from
level VI and four were unstratified. None were found
in level V. A head rather similar to this one, also of
stone, was found in building VI:44, the 'leopard
shrine'. It is considerably larger than ours, being 54
mm high, and it has a dowel hole in the base for
attaching it to a figurine, whereas ours was clearly
made all in one piece and has broken off above the
shoulder. Much more similar is a large clay head
found in Mellaart's backfill in 1995, unfortunately
unstratified. The humanoid figurines can probably
be dated reasonably by comparison with Mellaart's
material. Two figures with conical bases surmounted
by fairly featureless heads were found in level V
(477 & 497), and compare well with CH95:39 al-
though this is a little smaller, and one of Mellaart's
 Figurines, Clay Balls, Small Finds and Burials

had breasts. This style does not appear in other levels.
CH94:34 and CH94:1 resemble many figures from
levels VII and VI. The two figurines discussed ear-
lier (nos. CH94:32 & CH93:30) as well as CH93:4
have no clear parallels among the excavated mate-
rial. The fragment impressed with small circles
(CH93:31) may however be compared to four stone
figurines from building VI:10 decorated with similar
circles which clearly represent leopard spots- in
three cases the spots are on animals, and in two
cases on clothing. A clay figurine from building AII:1
is also wearing clothing on her upper body deco-
rated with similar spots. This may provide a better
date for this fragment, both in terms of its material
(clay is rare for level VI human figures but common
in level II) and its position on the mound. CH93:31 is
the only clearly human figurine to be found on the
southern eminence, and came from close to Mellaart' s
old trenches. It was found in unit 24, a lower spit at
least 7 em below the surface and possily twice as
deep, in the southwestern quarter of a square not far
from Mellaart's Area A in which AII:1 is situated.
The evidence of the animal figurines is also
largely in agreement with the dates suggested by the
human and humanoid examples. By far the majority
of animal figures found by Mellaart come either from
level VI or level VIII. Only five are known from
other levels - one from level XII, two from level VII
and two from level V. CH94:33 and CH95:42 both
fit happily within the level VI
reportoire. The animal head pot Table 12.5. Figurine fragments from the surface survey.
lug CH94:3 also has parallels. Four
similar lugs were found by Unit Square
missing its head; the other a horn or arm. There is no
comparative material from Mellaart's excavations and
with only two pieces and no sub-surface investigation,
nothing can be said concerning their position on the
mound.
Conclusion
Although the dating evidence is scanty, relying on a
restricted sample, it does suggest overall that the
figurines found on the northern eminence belong to
level VI or V, which is entirely in agreement with the
ceramic and knapped-stone evidence not just for the
surface material but also from the 1995 excavations.
The lack of figurine material washed down to the lower
slopes, when so much is available at the top, does
suggest either very restricted movement of this arte-
fact class or its rapid weathering and deterioration.
Clay balls from the surface survey
(with Mehmet Uluceviz)
Clay balls occur at C::atalhOyiik in two broad size ranges
-small, measuring roughly 1-2 em in diameter; and
large, measuring in general 6-8 em in diameter, oc-
casionally as large as 11 em or in two cases appar-
ently 17 em. Here I shall discuss the large clay balls.
Fragments of clay balls have been found scat-
tered across the surface of the east mound- this at
least is the impression of those working on the survey,
Unit type Figurine type Part present Material Notes

Mellaart and are in the Konya Mu- Definite figurine fragments

818 1020,1200 Sub-surface Humanoid Leg missing Clay Lime?
seum. Two were from level V, the 821 1020,1190 Surface Human Body Clay Lime deposit
282 1030,1190 Scrape Human Lower body Clay Lime deposit
other two unstratified. The item 820 1030,1200 Sub-surface Human Head Limestone Painted
which has no clear parallels is 816 1050,1170 Sub-surface Humanoid Complete Clay Lime
901 1030,1160 Sub-surface Humanoid Complete Clay
CH94:2. It is larger and more care- 820 1030,1200 Sub-surface Animal Complete Clay Stabbed
901 1030,1160 Sub-surface Animal Rear end Clay Stabbed
fully modelled than most, and 824 1040,1200 Sub-surface Animal Head Clay
seems to be either an equid or ovi- 824 1040,1200 Sub-surface Animal Horn Clay
816 1050,1170 Sub-surface Animal Head Clay Pot lug
caprid, neither of which occurs in 826 1020,1180 Sub-surface Animal Horn Clay
822 1020,1190 Sub-surface Animal? Horn? Clay
this size in the excavated material. 822 1020,1190 Sub-surface Animal Horn Clay
It is the most likely candidate for a 279 1040,1090 Lower spit Human Body Clay Incised triangle
24 990,1040 Sub-surface Human Upper body Clay Impressed
post-Neolithic date apart from the 295 1040,1240 Scrape Animal Horn Clay Incised? Lime?
565 Section 6 Animal Neck Clay
possible horn CH94:12 from the 802 460,840 2x2 Animal Body Clay
west mound (not mentioned in Ta- 648 520,940 2x2 Arm? Horn Clay

ble 12.5 but can be found in the Possible figurine fragments

710 1030,1170 Scrape Humanoid Lower body Clay
catalogue). However, its context is 288 1030,1180 Scrape Human Upper body Clay Impressed
a stongly Neolithic sub-surface unit. 841 1020,1170 Sub-surface Humanoid? Lower body Clay
264 1040,1190 Sub-surface Human? Upper body Clay Impressed
Only two certain figurine 196 1090,1040 Sub-surface Human? Lower body Clay Incised
818 1020,1200 Sub-surface Limb? Horn? Clay
fragments were found on the west Section 3 ? Limb? Horn? Clay
mound, both in the 2 x 2 survey. 706
269
1000,950
1040,1040
Sub-surface
Lower spit
Animal?
Animal?
Horn?
Horn?
Clay
Clay
Incised

One is the body of a quadruped,

229
 Naomi Hamilton

by whom clay balls have come to be regarded as surface detail. The surface is generally only roughly
ubiquitous. A closer look at their distribution sug- smoothed, although some are well-smoothed and
gests that this is not quite true. The numbers found one is recorded as almost polished. However, sev-
vary enormously across the site and from unit to eral examples have been 'decorated': a few have a
unit, as will be seen from Table 12.6. dip or dimple, occurring either singly or in threes
Clay balls are generally approximately spheri- arranged as a triangle fairly close together; others
cal in shape as their name suggests, but as all but one bear scratch or chisel marks. However, deliberate
example from the surface are fragmentary (the one surface treatment is very rare (19 examples among
that is complete is broken into two joining pieces), it 361 fragments) and some of these marks may be
is not possible to say with certainty that they were accidental. At least three are probably the imprint of
all spherical although a few complete, spherical ex- matting or textile, a feature found on perhaps a dozen
amples have been found in excavation. Indeed, as balls and fragments found in Mellaart's area in 1995.
mentioned below, a number have one suspiciously
flat surface. All the fragments are burnt, although Distribution
the degree of burning varies considerably. They are The distribution of clay ball fragments on the east
usually quite carelessly made, with little attention to mound is shown by Table 12.6 to be restricted largely
to the large area scraped on top of the north-
Table 12.6. Distribution of clay ball fragments on the surface. ern eminence. No data are available for the
1993 10 x 10 survey. However, all but four
East mound 10 x 10 tmits
Unit Grid No. of balls Level Decoration/Notes
of the fragments found in the 10 x 10 sur-
500 980,1090 Surface fingerprint
vey in 1994 and 1995 derive from this area.
504 990,1080 Sub-surface Of the 5 fragments found in the 2 x 2 sur-
602 990,990 Surface
603 990,990 Sub-surface vey, four also came from this area. Of the
710
808
1030,1170
1040,1170
14
9
Scrape
Sub-surface 1 complete (broken)
remaining five fragments, two come from
809 1050,1200 2 Surface the top of the southern eminence, close to
810 1050,1200 Sub-surface 1 crescent incision
811 1050,1190 Surface Mella art's trench, two from the 20 x 20
812
814
1050,1190
1050,1180
17
37
Sub-surface
Sub-surface
1 wavy lines
3 dots in triangle; 1 circle
scrape on the northern slope of the south-
815 1050,1170 Surface ern eminence, and one from the north end
816 1050,1170 11 Sub-surface
817 1020,1200 Surface of Mellaart's long spoil heap. 43 fragments
818
819
1020,1200
1030,1200
47 + 1 mini
2
Sub-surface
Surface
1 'insect' impression
very small
were found on the surface, in 14 units; the
820 1030,1200 11 Sub-surface 3 small holes in triangle vast majority come from sub-surface units
821 ]()20,1190 Surface
822 1020,1190 53 Sub-surface lime; 1 nail impression; 1 2 lines on the northern eminence overlying good
823
824
1040,1200
1040,1200 26
Surface
Sub-surface
very small
1 semi-circle
Neolithic architecture. They may not, there-
825 1020,1180 8 Surface 1 cut fore, be the ubiquitous artefacts we have
826 1020,1180 14 Sub-surface
827 1020,1170 Surface come to believe them to be.
828-52
854
1020,1170
1045,1125
47
2
Sub-surface
Sub-surface white semi-circle round outside
Due to the methods employed in the
901 Hl30,1160 8 Sub-surface 1 incision +dimple survey, it is not easy to establish precisely
904 1030,1150 7 Sub-surface eye+ ear?
the type of context in which clay balls were
2 x 2 units in scraped area 1020,1170 on northern eminence
Unit Grid No. of balls Decoration/Notes
found. However, we do have some indica-
829 1020,1170
tions. The 10 x 10 area scraped at 1020,1170
830 ]()20,1170 was divided into 25 sub-surface 2 x 2 units
831 1020,1170 3 + 1 mini
832 1020,1170 2 (numbers 828-52). Clay ball fragments oc-
833
834
1020,1170
1020,1170
2
2
include 1 x 11 em
include 1 x 17 em
curred in 21 of these units. According to
835 1020,1170 4 include 1 x 17 em the plan, these units lay almost exclusively
836 1020,1170 3
837 1020,1170 2 1 groove/piercing? over internal areas apparently covering
838
839
1020,1170
1020,1170
1 + large mini
1
1 straight incision parts of 4 buildings. The only external ar-
840 1020,1170 cut marks? eas are in the extreme northeast corner,
841 1020,1170
843 1020,1170 which just clips the street, and possibly the
844
845
1020,1170
1020,1170
extreme southwest corner which has a sin-
846 1020,1170 1 short incision gle wall running across it and may there-
847 1020,1170
849 1020,1170 4 1 chisel mark, 1 'tear' fore adjoin an open area- no investigation
850
852
1020,1170
1020,1170
was made beyond this square to the south
or west. This is one of the four units which

230
 Figurines, Clay Balls, Small Finds and Burials
did not contain clay balls, but since the major part of
it lies within a building anyway, as do the other
three units without clay balls, this does not help us
to narrow down context. However, in other parts of
the northern scraped area the situation appears to be
different- unit 818 is recorded as having clay balls
largely in the western half, which appears to be a
court with dumps. Clay balls are also recorded at the
western edge of unit 814. A note written by the
archaeologist scraping square 1045,1125, down on
the southeast slope of the northern eminence, re-
ports that clay balls are not found there, in what
appears to be a large rubbish dump, but do occur in
houses. Since the scraping did not involve the exca-
vation of closed contexts, the source of all the clay
balls recovered by this method must remain in doubt.
However, clay balls have been found in considerable
numbers in an open area excavated in 1995 in
Mellaart's old trench, several of them complete. They
are common in dumps and room fill in the sections
in Mellaart' s trench. Mellaart reported that they are
found on rooftops, but it is clear from our data that
they are found in several types of context, though
not invariably in each example of each context.
Fragmentation and distribution
So far, no detailed records have been made concern-
ing the fragmentation of clay balls. Only the most
basic information is available, but this does tell us
something - every ball was broken, and those from
two surface units (818 and 823), comprising 8 frag-
ments in all, are described as 'very small'. Although
some of this fragmentation may be a result of post-
depositional factors and proximity to the surface, it
does appear that clay balls were normally broken in
antiquity. It may be that their weight has restricted
their movement, but details of the weights are not
available, and the 'very small' fragments have not
strayed far if at all, although they are on the north-
ern slope and may therefore have moved slightly
downwards. However, considerations of weight and
size would apply also to ceramics, stone and bone,
and these are found all over the surface of the mound.
The gully between the southern and northern
eminences is noticeably full of large Classical sherds
in a deep deposit of water-lain soil. It would appear,
therefore, that the distribution of clay balls is not a
random result of erosion and post-depositional proc-
esses, but that the clay balls are actually approxi-
mately in situ. This is exactly the situation regarding
the figurines from the surface, which also derive
almost exclusively from this part of the site in sub-
surface units.
231
The west mound
17 fragments of clay balls were recovered from the
west mound. Of these, six came from the 2 x 2 sur-
vey, three came from surface 10 x 10 units, and eight
from sub-surface units. No further information is yet
available, so no comparisons can be made with those
from the east mound.
Dating
Following the conclusion above that the clay balls
are approximately in situ, they presumably date from
the same time as other material from the top of the
northern eminence. According to the ceramic,
knapped-stone and figurine typology derived from
Mellaart's excavations, this is level V or VI. This may
actually be the final fling of clay balls. A quantity of
clay balls is stored in Konya Museum, and although
to date these have not been counted or studied in
any way, a list of their contexts was made. It is
possible that these all come from the 1965 season,
although this is not clear. Nevertheless, the list is
informative- clay balls seem to be common both in
buildings and in outside areas in all levels from XII
to VII except XL However, there are only three bags
of clay balls from level VI, although many buildings
of that level were excavated. Taken in conjunction
with Mellaart's reports that they are common in the
lowest levels, and the lack, or extreme scarcity, of
clay balls from the 2 x 2 survey of other areas of the
site which are known to have later occupation (the
eastern and southern eminences, and the west
mound) it may be that the date range for clay balls is
restricted to the earlier phases of the site. The data
may be skewed by the concentration on scraping the
top of the northern eminence, but this area accounted
for 19 (for 15 of which data are available) out of a
total of 35 scrape squares (23 of which have data
available), 32 on the east mound, 3 on the west
mound, a proportion which bears no relation to the
overwhelming proportion of clay balls found there.
Function
Little attention has been paid to clay balls, and this
includes their purpose or function. Mellaart reported
that they were often found on roofs, and suggested
they could have been used as slingstones when
wielded from rooftops or put in leather bags on
sticks to create a 'cheap' version of a macehead (Mellaart
1966, 188), but it would probably be simpler to make
clay maceheads. Similar items have occasionally been
reported from other Neolithic sites in the region, but
not in the quantitities that occur at ~atalhoyiik, and
there is no mention so far of any at Can Hasan, the
 Naomi Hamilton
other major Chalcolithic site in the area.
In attempting to understand the function of clay
balls, the most important features appear to be the
burning, the fragmentation, their discard in dumps,
room fill, and open areas, and their presence appar-
ently in all the lower levels, but not necessarily in the
upper ones. Another important point is that a number
of fragments classified initially as clay balls actually
have one or more flattened surfaces, or are not genu-
inely spherical (see below).
My suggestion is that clay balls functioned pri-
marily - though not necessarily exclusively - as
simple pot stands. While it may initially seem strange
that roughly spherical objects would be used for
balancing a pot on, it makes sense on several levels.
1) they are simple to make; 2) they could be rolled in
hot ashes with ease; 3) once in position in the ash
they should be stable; 4) round-based pots would sit
more easily on three or four spheres than on flat-
topped objects. This function would account for the
burning, the fragmentation - the result of firing
such a solid lump of clay - and their common dis-
card as easily replaceable items. The occasional'deco-
ration' in the form of dips in the surface would have
facilitated adjusting their position in the fire, provid-
ing a grip for sticks. Such a function could also ex-
plain the matting imprints, which suggest that they
were made indoors rather than at a clay source, and
therefore probably destined for use in the settlement
rather than outside it. Presumably they were placed
on mats to dry, probably by the hearth, where they
would be at hand when required. Their reported
presence on roofs, of which no evidence is available
from the surface survey (the 40 x 40 scrape area
appears to be coming down onto floors), is not in-
consistent with a use as pot stands. Roofs must have
been used as living and working spaces much as
they are now, and although clay balls would have
been less stable on a smooth surface than in ashes,
they may have been used nevertheless to support
pots in use on the roof. We are not certain what the
upper surface of the roofs consisted of, whether mat-
ting would have been a normal feature outdoors,
whether there was a superstructure sheltering the
doorways and shafts (Mellaart (1962, 46) felt there
must have been as the shafts had unweathered plas-
ter on their walls), nor whether there were ledges or
low walls delimiting them. Indeed, broken clay balls
would be of use in propping up round-based pots
on any smooth surface such as a floor, platform,
shelf or possibly roof, with fragments being used as
wedges, the broken part gripping the surface on
which it was placed.
232
Furthermore, some items of burnt clay are likely
to have been incorrectly classified as clay balls, as
their fragmentary condition makes their real shape
unclear. They probably belong with a number of
baked clay objects of uncertain shape which have yet
to be studied but are thought to be parts of pot
stands. Frequently they are distinguishable from clay
balls only be having one flattened surface, but some
have squarish or rectangular bases curving towards
the top, and one from Mellaart's backfill looks like
an egg, broken at the base and with incised decora-
tion around the top. These appear to be a develop-
ment from clay balls into recognizable pot stands.
The two fragments recorded as having diameters of
17 em may belong to this group, as they are very
large for clay balls. Mellaart found several examples
of Neolithic pot stands, all of undecorated baked
clay. Three are held in Konya museum- one is a
plain trapezoid vertical block, narrowing at the top
(Inv. no. 1984.14.67); the other two are surmounted
by two 'horns' - one is complete and measures
102H,58W,48D (Inv. no. 1984.14.68), the other, miss-
ing the horn tips, is much smaller- 48H, 36W, 300
(Inv. no. 1984.14.72). Three others are in Ankara mu-
seum, and a further three are in Aksehir. Mellaart
reports that the earliest pot stands on the east mound
come from level III, presumably those mentioned
above. In contrast, large incised pot stands abound
on the Chalcolithic west mound, and also at
Chalcolithic Can Hasan where they are very similar
(Figs. 12.7:1 & 12.7:2). They frequently have holes
cut in the lower part, assumed to be for the insertion
of sticks to aid moving them around and/ or for
cooking on, and to reduce the fire damage likely to
result if they were made of solid blocks of clay .
If pot stands do not occur at <::atalhoyiik East
until level III, what were the inhabitants using in-
stead? While Neolithic pottery is never abundant on
the east mound, it is present in every level, and the
sherds from level XII do not appear to be the earliest
attempts at pot-making. Although clay balls seem to
occur frequently on the top of the northern emi-
nence in level VI or V, a number of these are cer-
tainly not entirely spherical, and other evidence
suggests clay balls may cease to be common after
this time. Perhaps the apparent balls with one flat-
tened surface represent the transition from balls to
what we recognize as pot stands. Certainly the clay
balls need to be looked at more closely in the light of
the information discussed above. At this stage it is
not possible to prove that clay balls were pot stands,
but as excavation proceeds it will be interesting to
discover whether or not fragmented clay balls fade
 Figurines, Clay Balls, Small Finds and Burials
out as fire-proof pot stands arrive on the scene. It is
also possible that the frequent cracking and fragmenta-
tion of the clay balls is the result of their additional
use as pot boilers - the frequent heating and immers-
ing in water leading to cracking. Experimental work is
needed to evaluate the feasibility of this proposal.
The small finds
Bone, ceramic and knapped-stone small finds have
been dealt with separately in this volume. Here I
shall present a number of small finds from the sur-
face investigations which are not covered by special-
ist reports. All measurements are in millimetres. The
notes below on the distribution of small finds ex-
clude bone, ceramic and knapped-stone artefacts.
It is noticeable that very few small finds come
from the surfaces of the mounds, particularly the
east mound. Only 5 were found in the 2 x 2 collec-
tion on the east mound, with a further 9 coming
from the surface of the 10 x 10 scrape squares and 1
from the spoil of mixed surface and sub-surface units.
The majority came from sub-surface units- 32 from
simple sub-surface units, 48 from combined sub-sur-
face and scrape units, 11 from simple scrape units
and 1 from a lower sub-surface unit. On the west
mound the surface has been altered by the recent
and continuing use of the mound for the winter
storage of chaff. This involves digging a broad, shal-
low hollow into the surface of the mound, placing
piles of chaff inside, and covering them with soil
and vegetation obtained from the hollow and its
surrounding area. As a result, much sub-surface soil
is now on the surface of the mound, and this may be
reflected in the finds survey. A total of 23 small finds
was collected, of which 2 are from the western edge
of the mound outside the survey area, 14 were found
in the 2 x 2 survey, and 7 came from the 10 x 10
scrape squares - 1 from a surface unit, 2 sub-sur-
face, and 4 mixed surface/sub-surface. Although 16
of the 23 finds appear to come from the surface, in
contrast to the situation on the east mound, this is
probably a distortion created by disturbance.
Small finds from the east mound
As all these small finds are unstratified, help in iden-
tifying and dating them can be sought from the pre-
viously excavated material at this site, and that of
other sites in the area of similar date.
Figurines
A general discusison of the context of these figurines
can be found earlier in this chapter. This catalogue
233
contains only descriptions and comparative infor-
mation. Because of the difficulties in giving stand-
ardized descriptions of the dimensions of objects of
such varied shape, measurements for figurines are
given asH (height), W (side to side), D (front to back)
regardless of the normal applicability of the terms.
1) Human figurine head. Inv. no. CH94:31, Fig. 12.2:1. Unit 820,
sub-surface, 1030,1200. Beige limestone, 22H, 28W, 190. Munsell
10YR8/2 white (back), 10YR7 /3 very pale brown (top, core),
5Y5/1 gray (paint patches). Weight 15.54 g. Stylized head broken
from body at neck/shoulder junction. Flat top, large hooked
nose, projections for ears, incised rectangular slashes gouged out
for eyes, a similar incision immediately below the nose may
represent a mouth. The face appears to be tilted slightly up-
wards. There are traces of dark brown paint on the face (by nose,
ear, chin), and on top of the head. The whole head is smooth all
over, which may be the result of constant handling which could
account also for the worn paint; however, paint is likely to be
unstable on this surface. This head is similar in style to a large
clay head found in Mellaart's backfill in the 1995 season, and also
resembles one made of alabaster from Mellaart's excavations
(Mellaart 1964, fig. 31b, pl. XVIc).
2) Standing human female figurine. Inv. no. CH94:32, Fig. 12.2:2.
Unit 821, surface, 1020,1190. Pale grey baked clay, fabric fine
with occasional fine mica and black mineral inclusions. 45.5H,
34W, 330. Munsell 5Y6/1 grey /light grey. Weight 38.49 g. This
freestanding figurine is missing its head and one arm, and the
breasts were shattered by a shovel. The base is roughly cylindri-
cal, widening at the middle to form a large stomach and large
protruding, rounded bottom. Above the waist it narrows sharply
into an eliptical upper body with stub arms. Most of the surface
of the figure is smooth as though well handled. There are dark
grey patches on the front, and the back, sides and base have a
whitish deposit, probably lime.
3) Fragment of human standing figurine. Inv. no. CH93:30. Unit
282, sub-surface, 1030,1190. Pale grey very hard baked clay, fab-
ric fine with occasional fine mica and black mineral inclusions.
26.6H, 30W, 230. Munsell5Y6/1-4/1 (core), base 5Y4/1. Weight
13.70 g. Lower part of freestanding figure with cylindrical base,
identical in style and fabric to no. 2 above, with the front missing.
Smooth outer surface, covered with whitish deposit in lower
region, probably lime.
These two figures are practically identical, and were found in
adjacent squares on the northern eminence, overlying Neolithic
architecture (see discussion above).
4) Standing human female figurine. Inv. no. CH93:4, Fig. 12.2:3.
Unit 279, scrape, square 1040,1090. Grey baked clay. 30H, 13W,
150. Munsell 7.5YR7 /2 pinkish gray (exterior), N4/0 dark gray
(interior). Weight 6.33 g. Missing head and left arm/upper body
and chipped on the lower front. Roughly cylindrical base bulg-
ing a little to portray hips and slightly protruding bottom. The
upper body remains thick, showing either a large drooping stom-
ach or breasts, with the surviving short horizontal arm shown to
be bent forward with hand touching breast. Two deeply incised
'lines depict a pubic triangle. There is no close parallel for this
figurine among the surface finds nor among Mellaart's exca-
vated material.
5) Fragment of human figurine with impressed decoration. Inv.
no. CH93:31, Fig. 12.2:4. Unit 24, sub-surface, square 990,1040.
 Naomi Hamilton

Q .
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.

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~ ·~;~: :. -
D .
-
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Figure 12 .2 . F'lgunnes
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from (ata /h oyiik East.. Ford escnptiOns
. . see text.

234
 Figurines, Clay Balls, Small Finds and Burials
Fire blacke ned clay. 38H , 31 W, 170. Munsell 7.5Y R5 / 2 bro w n to
N3 / very d a rk g ray. We ig ht 14.72 g. Badly d a maged fragment of
th e upper pa rt of a hum a n fi gure, mi ss ing th e hea d . Th e a rm s
seem to be dep icted ha ng ing by th e sid e o f th e torso, the shoul-
ders slopin g sha rpl y. Th e fro nt has circular d epress ions in verti-
ca l lines, about 1 mm d eep . Sex is not indi ca ted. The fi gure gives
th e impressio n of being cl oa ked. There is no para ll el a m ong
Mellaa rt's excava ted ma terial, altho ugh cl oa ked fi g urines were
fou nd. A clay frag men t w ith similar d ecora tio n was found in th e
su r face survey a nd may be part of a fi gurin e (no. 14).
6) Hum a noi d figurin e. ln v. no. CH94:34, Fig . 12.2:5 . Unit 816,
su b-surface, 1050,1 170 . Da rk brown ba ked clay . 20H , 11 .3W, 170
Mun sell 7.5YR3 / 0 very d a rk g ray, 2.5Y8/2 w hite (base). Weig ht
2.64 g. Co mpl e te. Frees tanding fi g ure w ith ovo id fl a t base mad e
of two 'a rm s' or 'legs' pinched toge th er, sloping up wa rd s a t a 45
deg ree a ng le to a thi ck neck surmo unted by po inted face w ith
round ed top crea tin g a bird -like hea d. A sli g ht hunch w here the
'legs' jo in th e neck g ives a suggesti on o f a nn s o r bent kn ees.
C ru dely mild e. A s li g h t polis h around the back a nd s id es su g-
ges ts hand li ng. A comparison w ith simila r fi gures from Mell aa rt's
excava ti o ns sugges ts this d a tes to leve l VI, possibl y leve l VII .
Hum a noid figures occur onl y between leve ls VIJI a nd V.
7) H uma no id fi g urine. ln v. n o. CH94:1, Fig. 12.2:6. Unit 818, sub-
surfilce, 1020,1200. Light b rown ba ked clay . 31H, 10.5W, 200.
Mun se ll 10YR6/ 1 li g ht grey I grey (surfa ce), 10YR6/ 4 li g ht yel-
low ish b row n (core). We ig ht 3.94 g. Broken hum a no id fi g ure o f
simila r ty pe to no. 6 but wea rin g a headdress or sca rf w hich
protrud es a t th e back o f th e hea d , slopin g d ow nwa rd s. One
'a rm / leg' is mi ss in g. The remaining one has a fl a t base curv ing
s lightl y u pward s a t its point. This is surmounted by a long thi ck
nec k lea nin g s li g htl y fo rwa rd s, w ith hea ddress form ed a ll in one
by p in chin g th e clay a t th e top o f th e neck upwa rd s th en bendin g
it d ow n. No face is s how n. Roug hl y mad e. A co mpa rison w ith
s imilar figures from Mell aa rt' s excavatio ns sugges ts thi s d a tes to
Figure 12.3. Human figurine from (ata/hoyiik East.
235
level VI, poss ibl y level VII. Humanoid fi gures occur onl y be-
tween levels VIII and V.
8) Hum a noid fi g urine. ln v. no. CH95:39. Unit 901 , sub-surface,
1030,11 60. Pa le beige/grey baked clay. 17H, lOW, 12.50. Com-
pl ete. Sma ll fi gure w ith ovoid base rising with gentl y inwa rd-
slopin g sid es to a neck / hea d fea tureless except for a slig ht nose.
Thi s does no t have di vid ed 'legs' . Roughl y smoothed su rfa ce.
Slig ht chip on base. A simila r fi gure was found by Mella a rt in
level V (Konya Mu s. 1984.14.217) while a second , also from level
V (1 984.14.21 6) has th e sa m e d esig n with the additi on o f breasts.
9) Animal figurine. ln v . no. CH94:33, Fig . 12.2:7. Unit 820, sub-
surface, 1030,1200. Lig ht brown baked cla y. 27H , 21W, 360. Munsell
10YR6/3 pa le brown . Weig ht 13.26 g. Almos t complete - one
front leg broken. Sta nding qu adruped which is genera ll y bov ine
in a ppea rance but lacks horns, possibl y therefore some other
anim a l. Th e fi g ure was w ell mad e, with a ttentio n to d eta il -
eyes, ea rs a nd nose are d epicted , w hi ch m akes the lack o f horns
releva nt. There il re two possible s tilb marks, on e on the rea r, one
und ernea th. These a re generall y found on m od els of ca ttle a nd
boar. Th e surface is fa irl y rough, smoother on the le ft sid e.
10) Fragm entary a nim a l fi g urine. In v. no . CH 95:42. Unit 901 ,
sub-surface, 1030,11 60. G rey-brown lightly baked cla y w ith pur-
pl e a nd ru s ty tinges. 38H , 27W , 300. Badly d a ma ged fra g ment
d epi ctin g th e rea r end o f a s ta nding qu a druped w ith a short
stumpy ta il. Th e fi gure has mu ltipl e d eep stab ma rks whi ch may
have co ntributed to th e heavy dama ge it ha s suffered .
11) H ead o f anim a l fi gurin e. ln v. no. CH94:2, Fig. 12.2:9. Unit 824,
sub-surfa ce, 1040,1200. Beige ba ked cla y with black sand inclu-
sions. 28.5H , 37W, 58.50 . Munsell 2.5Y6/ 2 li g ht bro wni s h grey,
2.5Y5/5 g rey ish brow n (ex te rior), 2.5Y4 / 0 dark grey (interi or).
We ig ht 40.11 g . Ca refull y mod elled hea d o f proba bl y ho rned
animal, bro ken off th e bod y a t the top of th e neck, a nd miss in g
Figure 12.4. Animal figurine from (atalhdyiik East.
 Naomi Hamilton
one horn. The shape of the head is suggestive of an equid, and
the surviving horn could possibly be an ear. Equid has been
found in great quantity at the contemporary site of Pmarba~1, not
far distant at the base of Karadag. Alternatively this could be a
sheep or goat, rather than cow /bull. Despite the careful model-
ling, no eyes or mouth are marked. It is unusually large, al-
though a few figurines of this size were found in Mellaart's
excavations.
12) Animal head lug. Inv. no. CH94:3, Fig. 12.2:10. Unit 816, sub-
surface, 1050,1170. Pinky brown fired clay. 27H, 26W, 29D.
Munsell 5YR7 /4 pink (exterior), 7.5YR7 /4 pink (interior). Care-
fully modelled bovine head with eyes depicted, horns broken off.
Traces of a light burnish to surface. A similar lug was found by
Mellart in level V and is in the Konya museum (lnv. no. 1985-14-
113).
13) Fragment of animal head. Inv. no. CH94:4. Unit 565, section 6.
Dark grey baked clay. 36H, 25W, 17D. Munsell N4/- dark grey.
Weight 8.93 g. Badly broken neck and head of animal, consisting
of neck broken off at shoulder, plus head with one ear but no
face. Possibly an equid? Smoothed surface.
14) Fragment of human figurine? Inv. no. CH93:32. Unit 288,
scrape, 1030,1180. Beige baked clay. SOH, 38W, 19D. Munsell
10YR7 /2light gray. Weight 27.54 g. This irregular fragment may
be part of the torso of a figurine. Its smoothed surface is deco-
rated with a horizontal row of impressed circles 1.5 mm deep,
reminiscent of those on no. 5.
15) Humanoid figurine fragment? Inv. no. CH94:8. Unit 710,
scrape, 1030,1170. Dark brown baked clay. 18H, 21.5Dia. Munsell
10YR3/2 very dark grayish brown. Weight 6.53 g. Conical clay
object with its top missing. This may have been similar to no. 8.
16) Horn-shaped fragments of baked clay were found in units
822 (x2), 824, 826, 295, and 269. Details will be available on the
data base.
A number of baked clay fragments which could belong to figu-
rines but cannot easily be understood are mentioned at the end
of the section on clay objects, below.
Stone vessels
17) Fragment of a footed rectilinear dish/miniature table. Inv. no.
CH93:33, Fig. 12.5:1. Section 3. Volcanic stone, beige with linear
black shiny inclusions. 45 x 50, 25H. Munsell 10YR8/3 very pale
brown. Weight 28.73 g. This is a corner of a shallow, probably
square, vessel with a flattish base and sloping sides - one side
sloping inwards, the other outwards. A curved rim, slightly flat-
tened on top, survives on two sides. One foot is present, pendant
from a raised 'strut' which appears to run across the base on one
side of the dish.
18) Fragment of rectilinear shallow dish with incised decoration.
Inv. no. CH93:34, Fig. 12.5:2. Unit 278, sub-surface, square
1040,1090. Pale brown stone. 32L, 22W, 28H. Munsell 10YR7 /3
very pale brown. Weight 16.95 g. This is a corner of a shallow,
probably square, vessel with a flattish, thick base and slightly
convex, slightly outward-flaring sides, rim sloping inwards. The
exterior of one side has faint incised decoration in a geometric
design of diagonal lines.
19) Fragment of footed sub-rectangular dish. Inv. no. CH93:35,
Fig. 12.5:3. Unit 269, lower spit, square 1040,1040. Veined pink,
red and white conglomerate with white inclusions. 69L, 43W,
236
25H. Munsell10R3/ 4 dusky red, 10R5/ 4 weak red, 5YR8/2 pink-
ish white veins. Weight 40.40 g. The shape of this dish is unclear
as the fragment has one almost straight edge followed by curv-
ing ones- it could be sub-rectangular, oval, or a poorly shaped
circle. The sides are curved, the rim almost flat on top. A long
foot survives, original length unknown. Its oblong shape sug-
gests the dish is not round.
20) Fragment of a bowl. Inv. no. CH93:36. Unit 269, lower spit,
square 1040,1040. Creamy/white marble. 65L, 39W, 11TH.
Munsell2.5Y8/2 white. Weight 30.27 g. This rather thick triangu-
lar body fragment has no rim or base, and comes from a large
deep bowl.
21) Fragment of a bowl. Inv. no. CH93:37. Unit 277, lower spit
plus scrape, square 1090,1040. White alabaster or marble. 44L,
27W, 4TH. Munsell 2.5Y8/2 white. Weight 7.23 g. This is a small
triangular rim sherd from a thin-walled open bowl form with a
diameter of c. 20 em.
Discussion:
The first three of these vessels appear to date from the end of the
Neolithic or the early Chalcolithic. Several similar examples were
found by Mellaart, although stone vessels are rare. He comments
(1964, 84-5) that fewer than a dozen stone vessels had been
found in three seasons of work, but these included a thin-walled
marble bowl on crescent feet from level IV, four spouted dishes
in fine veined red limestone from various shrines in level VIA,
and a white marble spouted dish pierced either side of the spout,
from a grave in VIA:29. He illustrates (1962, 53) a square mini-
ature table/footed dish of clay found in AIII:4, adding that stone
dishes in white veined marble with four feet occurred similar to
ceramic versions. In addition to these examples from the upper
levels of the east mound, two corner fragments of footed square
stone vessels were found during Mellaart's excavations on the
west mound (1965, 148-51, fig. 11.18, 19), both unfortunately
unstratified. One has incised, the other relief, geometric decora-
tion. These two pieces provide the closest parallels to our finds
17 and 18, while 19 is closer to the examples from the east mound.
Stone bowls are also reported from various Chalcolithic levels at
Can Hasan (French 1962; 1963; 1964; 1967; 1968). None has yet
been published, so comparisons cannot be made. Miniature footed
dishes and tables in clay have also been found (see below no. 39)
Nos. 20 and 21 seem as yet to have no parallels within the
excavated, published material from the site. No. 20 was found in
the same unit as no. 19, and the dateable finds from this unit
were mainly Neolithic, but the southern part of this square had
considerable remains of the Classical period. Unit 277 from which
no. 21 came lay below a child's grave of the early Byzantine
period, in a part of the site (the eastern skirt) which appears to
have very late Neolithic occupation. Several similar fragments
were found in Mellaart's backfill in 1995, but although this spoil
came generally from Neolithic strata, some parts of his excavated
area were damaged by Hellenistic pits. Therefore, although these
pieces are probably prehistoric, they may also belong to the later
periods on the mound. The nearest prehistoric parallels appear
at Hacilar in most levels (Mellaart 1970, 149-52), including
aceramic (2 fragments), but particularly the late Neolithic level
VI (21 bowls and fragments), and the early Chalcolithic levels liB
and IIA (24 bowls and fragments). All but 2 of these are white
marble. The majority are small footed bowls, and Mellaart com-
ments on the frequency of mending holes, suggesting that al-
though not rare, such items were not easy to make or obtain. We
await the publication of Can Hasan to discover whether the Early
Chalcolithic stone bowls there were of marble as many Middle
Chalcolithic ones were.
 Figurines, Clay Balls, Small Finds and Burials

0
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Figure 12.5. Stone artefacts from c;atalhoyiik East. For descriptions see text.

237
 Naomi Hamilton
Ground-stone tools
22) Macehead. Inv. no. CH95:41, Fig. 12.5:4. Unit 906, sub-sur-
face/scrape, square 1020,1160. Orange-brown slightly mottled
polished stone. 66Dia, 52H. Complete. Neolithic. This is a
squashed sphere in shape with flattened upper and lower sur-
faces. The central perforation narrows at the middle. The surface
has been scratched in places. Over about a third of its surface the
stone alters, becoming a pale orangey-cream colour and, although
well polished, it is not shiny, only smooth. Typologically this
macehead is unusual in having flattened surfaces, a feature found
on only four of the 29 maceheads found by Mellaart, two in level
VI, two unstratified. Two more have one surface flattened, both
from level VI. Overall, 14 were found in level VI, two in level V,
one in level VIII where it was found in an unusual burial; and
one in level !I, with 11 unstratified.
23) Celt. Inv. no. CH93:6, Fig 12.5:5. Unit 264, sub-surface, square
1040,1190. Mid grey-green polished stone. 44L, 25W, lOTH.
Munsell SGS/2 greyish green. Weight 21.23 g. This celt has gen-
tly curving parallel edges narrowing towards the butt, and a
fairly flat well-ground blade. In profile it tapers smoothly to a
fine blade, narrowing slightly at the butt. Broken at blade end,
and some damage on the butt.
24) Celt. Inv. no. CH94:37. Unit 854, sub-surface/scrape, square
1040,1120. Dark green stone with black and light green speckles.
43L, 25.5W, 11TH. Weight 20.26 g. Polished celt similar to no. 23
but with narrower butt and curved blade. In profile it narrows
considerably towards the butt as well as the blade, and is un-
evenly shaped. Broken at blade end. Four fragments of blades of
similar celts and axes were found in units 269 (lnv. no. CH93:38),
818 (inv. no. CH94:5), 290 (inv. no. CH93:39) and section 3 (inv.
no. CH93:40). Three are of dark green/black stone, the fourth of
grey-green stone. Details will be available on the data base.
25) Celt fragment. lnv. no. CH93:41, Fig. 12.5:6. Unit 61, surface,
square 1040,1040. Mid-dark green stone with grey streaks. 19L,
ISW, 8.5TH. Munsell5GY4/1 dark greenish grey. Weight 5.15 g.
Highly polished fragment of a miniature celt. Blade missing.
Several very similar complete examples were found during
Mellaart's excavations. A fragment of a similar miniature celt
was found on the surface, Inv. no. CH93:42, made of the same
stone type. Details can be found on the data base.
The majority of these celts come from strong Neolithic contexts
and are within the broad range of celts and axes found during
Mellaart's excavations.
Two fragments of axes with strongly angled facets at the butt
end were found in units 156 (lnv. no. CH93:43) and 808 (lnv. no.
CH94:27), both of dark green-grey stone. Details will be available
on the data base.
26) Pounder. Inv. no. CH 93:5, Fig. 12.5:7. Unit 269, lower spit,
square 1040,1040. Dark green/black stone. 109L, 54W, 51TH.
Munsell5GY3/1 dark greenish grey. Complete roughly cylindri-
cal pounder narrowing at one end. A chip had broken off the
broader end and the scar had been reworked in antiquity. This is
the only complete grinding tool found during the surface investi-
gations. The date of this object is not certain- although unit 269
contained largely Neolithic material, artefacts of the Classical
period have also been found in this area.
Miscellaneous ground stone
27) Mould fragment? lnv. no. CH93:44, Fig. 12.5:8. Unit 281, sub-
surface, square 1030,1190. Mid-grey stone with dark and light
grey mottling. 30L, 9W, 7.5H. Munsell 5B4/1 dark blue grey.
Weight 7.47 g. This is part of a rectangular piece of ground stone
238
with at least four triangles cut into its upper surface to a depth of
1-1.5 mm, and a groove with semi-circular profile cut into one of
its long sides. One end is broken off. Its purpose is unknown -
the triangles could be used as moulds, but the groove is more
difficult to explain. The context is strongly Neolithic, but there
are no parallels for this artefact.
28) Stone palette fragment? Inv. no. CH94:17. Unit 569, section 8.
Reddish-grey sandstone. 51Dia?, 11H. Weight 21.25 g. Part of an
irregularly shaped stone disc with parallel upper and lower sur-
faces, one smooth, the other rough. Probably part of a palette of
the type Mellaart found, used for grinding pigment.
29) Incised stone fragment. Inv. no. CH93:46. Unit 287, sub-sur-
face, 1030,1180. 53H, 43W, 44TH. Munsell 5B4/1 dark bluish
gray. Weight 127.53 g. Badly damaged worked stone with prob-
ably sub-rectangular base which was polished but is very chipped.
All vertical sides and the top are broken, but one face has a
substantial horizontal depression with a semi-circular profile
running right across it. This depression is highly polished, and
incised with irregular criss-crossed lines. Unit 287 is strongly
Neolithic.
Details of other fragments of ground stone will be available on
the data base.
Beads
30) Clay bead. Inv. no. CH93:47. Unit 95, surface, 2 x 2. Dark
brown unbaked clay. 18L, 6Dia. Munsell 7.5YR4/2 dark brown.
Weight 1.05 g. Cylindrical bead perforated longitudinally.
Neolithic. A similar bead was found in unit 905 (inv. no. CH95:45).
Such beads occur among the grave goods found in Mellaart's
excavations, although they are not very common.
31) Clay bead. Inv. no. CH93:48. Unit 265, scrape, square 1040,1190.
Orange-beige unbaked clay. 18.5Dia, 20H. Munsell7.5YR7 I 4 pink.
Weight 3.79 g. Roughly spherical bead with slightly flattened top
and bottom, pierced vertically. Neolithic. Similar beads were
found in units 269 (x2), 281, 283 (x3), 288, 820 and section 3. They
are paralleled by beads found by Mellaart among grave goods,
although they are not very common.
32) Clay bead. Inv. no. CH93:49, Fig. 12.6:1. Unit 284, sub-surface,
square 1040,1180. Dark grey unbaked clay. 23L, 9Dia. Munsell
N4/0 dark gray. Weight 1.82 g. Elongated biconical bead pierced
longitudinally, chipped at both ends. Neolithic. A similar bead
was found in unit 264, and parallels are found in the grave goods
from Mellaart's excavations, although they are not common.
33) Shell bead. Inv. no. CH93:50. Unit 269, lower spit, square
1040,1040. Off-white dentalium shell. IlL, 3.5Dia. Munsell5YR8/
1 white. Weight 0.25 g. Short slim cylindrical section of dentalium
shell. Part of a similar but much wider and shorter bead was
found in unit 506 (inv. no. CH94:61), and there are many in the
grave goods from Mellaart's excavations.
34) Stone bead. Inv. no. CH95:36. Unit 900, surface, square
1030,1160. Off-white polished stone. 9.25Dia, 1.25TH, 3.65 hole
dia .. A disc-shaped bead with flat surfaces and straight sides
showing sharp angle between the two. This shape is typical of
beads found in huge numbers among grave goods during
Mellaart's excavations, although this one is very large- the vast
majority do not exceed 5 mm dia., although some are of this size.
35) Stone bead. lnv. no. CH94:6, Fig. 12.6:2. Unit 812, sub-sur-
face/scrape, square 1050,1190. Beige polished stone. 11L, 6W,
I .5TH. Munsell IOYR7 /3, very pale brown. Weight 0.212 g.
 Figurines, Clay Balls, Small Finds and Burials

-Qo 2
-
f)
.

@
n_rn
'
u v
9 I

.~
'
0
3

~ I

g~g
I

Figure 12.6. Miscellaneous small finds from c;atalhoyiik East. For descriptions see text.

239
 Naomi Hamilton
Eliptical thin flat bead pierced centrally. This is an unusual shape
for a Neolithic bead.
36) Stone bead. Inv. no. CH93:51, Fig.12.6:3. Section 3. Turquoise.
9L, 6.5W, 4.5TH. Weight 0.48 g. Eliptical both longways and in
section, pierced longitudinally. Turquoise is a long-distance im-
port, its nearest known sources in Iran and Sinai. Turquoise
beads are rare among the grave goods excavated by Mellaart, but
generally occur in unusual shapes, often more complex than this
one. Fragments of two more turquoise beads were found in units
156 (Inv. no. CH93:61) and 191 (Inv. no. CH93:60). Details can be
found in the data base.
Clay objects
37) Sub-oval stamp with geometric meander design. Inv. no.
CH94:30, Fig. 12.6:4. Unit 601, lower spit, square 990,1080. Brown
baked clay with black sand inclusions. 28L, 22W, 17H. Munsell
10YR6/2 light brownish gray. Weight 7.80 g. Flat face with
rounded upper pulled up into a central knob. Broken at one end,
about 70 per cent of the seal face survives, with the design incised to
a maximum depth of c. 3 mm. Original length probably c. 40.
38) Rectangular stamp with symmetrical geometric design. Inv.
no. CH95:37, Fig. 12.6:5. Unit 902, spoil from 1994 40 x 40 on
north eminence. Mid-grey-brown baked clay. 27L, 24W, 20H.
Flat face with pyramidal back pulled up into knob. Both ends are
broken, about 85 per cent of the decorated face survives, with a
design of opposed chevrons incised to a depth of c. 3 mm. Origi-
nallength probably c. 30. The knob has signs of burning, and is
chipped on top.
Both these stamps are similar in style to the twenty-three exam-
ples excavated and published as stamp seals by Mellaart (1963,
figs. 40 & 41). The design on no. 37 resembles several of them,
particularly those from levels II and III, whereas no. 38 is rather
different and stylistically might be considered a little earlier as
the symmetrical designs tend to occur in levels VI and IV. Both
stamps are fairly small compared to Mellaart's examples, al-
though as no scale nor dimensions are given in the illustrations,
and only nine of them have been located in the museums, com-
parisons are difficult.
Perhaps it is time to change the name of these items from
seals to stamps, as there is no evidence that they were used for
sealing, not a single fragment of a sealing showing one of these
designs having been found. Mellaart suggested that they could
have been used to stamp textiles, or to stamp designs on human
bodies. No sign of dye was found on them by Mellaart, but it is
not clear whether chemical analyses have been made.
39) Miniature clay table. Inv. no. CH93:2, Fig. 12.6:6. Unit 269,
lower spit, square 1040,1040. Grey unbaked clay. 30L, 30W, 20H.
Munsell N6/ gray. Weight 21.98 g. Handmade with fingernail
marks visible. Complete. This is an irregular square table on two
bar legs running parallel to each other, and vertical sides sur-
rounding the flat upper surface. In the centre of the upper sur-
face is a hemispherical clay blob.
This is possibly a model offering table, complete with offer-
ing in situ. Nothing quite like it is known from any site, but
miniature clay tables were found by Mellaart in the later levels of
the site (1962, 55, fig. 9 /3). This one is particularly small, and has
unusual legs - similar square examples either have four inde-
pendent feet, or are dishes without feet. Unit 269 had mainly
Neolithic material, and there can be little doubt that this is a
prehistoric artefact.
The nearest site from which similar objects are reported is
Ko~k Hoyuk, where two square baked clay vessels were found in
240
children's graves in level II, which appears to be Early Chalcolithic.
One has four feet, and is incised with a geometric design similar
to that on find no. 18 above. It was accompanied by a clay spoon
(Silistreli 1984, 33, fig. 12). The other has no feet, and no decora-
tion, but a small lip or groove on the rim on one side (Silistreli
1990, 97, fig. 8). The best Neolithic parallels for this table occur at
Hoyii<;ek in the Burdur region (Duru 1991; 1993). Two miniature
tables, rather larger than ours, were found in Level II, dated to
the late Neolithic period. One has a rectangular upper surface
with four tall tapering legs adorned with animal heads in relief,
and was found in a silo; the other has a cut-away stepped design,
with four short legs clustered under the centre, and was found
on the floor of the work area outside the shrine. Both are viewed
as offerings. The early Chalco lithic levels of nearby Kuru<;ay also
have miniature clay tables (Duru 1994, 63-4, figs. 203-4). A square
table with four thick legs and shallow top has an unclear paint-
ing on the top, suggestive of two opposing hull's heads and a
similar decoration in relief on the side; another has a three-
fingered hand painted on its upper surface; and a number of
fragments were found. Mellaart offers comparisons with items
from Demircihoyuk, further north in the Eski~ehir region. Al-
though distant from <;:atalhoyuk, recent survey work in the
Eski~ehir region suggests that it was in contact with Konya plain
cultures from the end of the Early Chalcolithic period at the very
latest (Efe 1990, 39), and Duru considers it possible that the
Demircihoyuk tables are Late Neolithic (1993, 132).
40) Fragment of horned pot stand/portable hearth. Inv. no.
CH94:7. Unit 504, sub-surface, square 980,1080. Pale brown baked
clay with sand and mica inclusions. 111 L, 64W, 133H. Munsell
10YR7 I 4 very pale brown. Weight 680 g. This is one end of what
was probably a crescent-shaped pot stand with vertical ends and
a centrally placed third support. The surviving end has a stubby
horn-type projection for supporting a pot, and is decorated on
the outer edge at the base of the horn with a human ear. Others
were found on the west mound (see below).
41) Fragmentary model human face. Inv. no. CH93:1, Fig. 12.6:7.
Unit 124, scrape, square 1040,1040. Grey ceramic with red paint.
57H, 31W. Munsell10YR6/1 gray, with 10R4/8 red paint. Weight
31.7 g. Broken at the top and one side, around 60 per cent of the
original width survives; the original height is uncertain. Hollow
back. This is a detailed, slightly stylized, modelled human face
with straight nose, unsmiling mouth, heavily lidded eye, and
detailed ear. A strong line runs from the outer edge of the nose to
the jaw. Patches of red paint survive on the cheek, nose, chin and
brow, and may originally have covered the whole face. The date
is unknown, no parallels have been found. Clearly it is not
Neolithic, and no finds are known from the site between the
Chalcolithic and Hellenistic periods. It does not appear to be
modern.
42) Fragmentary loom weight. Inv. no. CH94:35. Unit 603, sub-
surface, square 990,990. Brown baked clay. 63H, 45W, 35D.
Munsell 5YR6/ 4 light reddish brown. Weight 101.43 g. Trap-
ezoid in shape, with flat sides and base, narrowing towards the
top both from the side and front, it was pierced near the top with
a substantial hole. This is probably a loom weight, although it
could be a small andiron. Unit 603 was part of a late cemetery,
probably of Byzantine date. The top is broken off, but half of the
piercing remains.
43) Fragmentary loom weight or sheep tag. Inv. no. CH93:52.
Unit 191, scrape, square 940,1040. Grey baked clay. 90L, 48W,
16TH. Munsell 10YR7 /1 light grey (exterior), 10R6/ 4 pale red
(core). This is slightly more than half of a circular, flat object,
 Figurines, Clay Balls, Small Finds and Burials
pierced off-centre and incised on one side just below the piercing
with a horizontal line with three surviving pendant lines. Sug-
gested to be a sheep tag because of its inscription, it could also be
a loomweight. This unit lay about 25 em below the surface, and
contained some late material. This object probably belongs to the
Classical period.
44) Fragmentary shaft straightener/polisher. Inv. no. CH94:9.
Unit 565, section 6. Light brown baked clay with sand and mica
inclusions. 74L, 22W, 44TH. Munsell 7.5YR6/4 light brown.
Weight 89.88 g. Ovoid in shape, broken on one side of the central
slot, with a thick base. This is similar to other shaft straighteners
found by Mellaart, and two which have been found in his backfill,
one of them also made of clay, the other of stone which is more
usual.
45) Star. Inv. no. CH94:10. Unit 814, sub-surface/scrape, square
1050/1180. Beige baked clay with sparse small white mineral
inclusions. 39 x 36, 11TH. Munsell2.5R6/ 6light red. This is a flat,
six-pointed star of no clear purpose. It is not pierced. This unit
produced largely Neolithic material, and this is probably
Neolithic.
46) Circular clay token? Inv. no. CH94:11. Unit 565, section 6.
Beige baked clay. 17.5Dia, 7H. Munsell10YR6/2light brownish
gray. Weight 2.22 g. Small clay disc with slightly concave faces
and convex sides. A similar object was found in Mellaart' s backfill
in 1995. No other parallels are known.
47) Fragment of weight or spindle whorl? Inv. no. CH93:53. Unit
156, sub-surface, square 940,1040. Grey baked clay. 31Dia, 25H.
Munsell 10YR7 /2 light grey. Weight 13.33 g. Fragment of circu-
lar, centrally-pierced object with vertical sides and rounded junc-
tion between sides and top/bottom. Original diameter c. 35, just
under 50 per cent survives. Probably Classical.
48) Mini clay balls. A number of small clay balls have been
found, ranging in size from 5-21 mm diameter. There is no rea-
son to suppose they all have the same function, which could
include counters, tokens, toys, gaming pieces etc .. They are all
roughly made of lightly baked clay, and they come from Neolithic
contexts. At least 9 have been found on the east mound, all but
one in sub-surface units overlying Neolithic architecture on the
northern eminence. Details of these will be made available on the
data base. The largest of these has a flattened surface, and may
have a different purpose- several similar objects were found by
Mellaart in houses.
49) Horn-shaped decorated object. Inv. no. CH94:12. Unit 706,
sub-surface, 1000,950. Fine light grey baked clay with sparse
small mineral inclusions. 43L, 26W, 17TH. Munsell10YR7 /1light
gray. Curved into a semi-circle, broken at both ends, this object
has broad incised lines radiating outwards on one side. The other
side is undecorated. Both faces have traces of an abraded dark,
glossy slip or paint. This could be part of an animal figurine, or a
handle. Date unknown.
50) Fragment of pot stand? Inv. no. CH94:13. Unit 707, lower
spit/scrape, square 1000,950. Red-brown baked clay with fre-
quent gritty inclusions, surface burnished. Dimensions 34H, 32W,
20TH. Munsell2.5R6/6light red surface, 2.5YR6/ 4 colour fabric,
5R7 /2 pinkish gray core. This object is unclear. Described as a
figurine or vessel fragment, it may be the upper part of a pot stand.
51) Incised baked clay object. Inv. no. CH93:54. Unit 196, sub-
surface, 1090,1040. Beige baked clay. 62H, 56W, 53TH. Munsell
241
10YR7 /1 light grey. Weight 181.34 g. Probably the base of either
a figurine or pot stand, this badly damaged object has sub-rec-
tangular base rising vertically at the sides and sloping slightly
inwards on the incised face. This face appears to be the front, as
the sides then curve at around the level of the decoration, giving
the impression of hips and waist. The decoration consists of a
lower line slightly off the horizontal, and above it two further
lines, one parallel to the first, the other raised at one end to form
a triangle. Diagonal incised lines fill this triangle. Unit 196 is on
the low eastern eminence and overlay or contained a Byzantine
child burial. It bears some resemblance to a few figurines from
Mellaart's excavation, but may well be something else. Its date is
uncertain.
52) Fragment of impressed clay. Inv. no. CH93:55. Unit 264, sub-
surface, 1040,1190. Pale beige baked clay. 32H, 33W, 18TH.
Munsell 10YR8/2 white. Weight 18.89 g. Badly damaged frag-
ment decorated with thumbnail impressions in a broad row.
Possibly part of a figurine or pot stand. Unit 264 overlies good
Neolithic architecture.
Miscellaneous
53) Bone ring. Inv. no. CH93:56. Section 2. Shaped and polished
bone, creamy brown. 24 Dia. ext., 18 Dia. int., 5.5W. Munsell
10YR8/3 very pale brown. Half a ring, apparently originally
circular in shape. Similar rings were found during Mellaart's
excavations as grave goods, and frequently they are irregular in
shape.
54) Plaster cone. Inv. no. CH94:14. Unit 816, sub-surface, square
1050,1170. Creamy white roughly smoothed plaster. 33H, 24D
max. Munsell 10YR8/2 very pale brown. Weight 11.66 g. Solid
cone with roughly flattened top. This object has no obvious pur-
pose but could also be part of a humanoid figurine. The unit is
strongly Neolithic.
55) Mosaic fragment. Inv. no. CH94:15. Unit 291, scrape square
990,1090. Grey-blue and white stone tesserae. 86L, 71W 16TH.
Weight 81.70 g. This chunk of mosaic has a later plaster layer
covering the tesserae. Classical.
56) Stone pendant? lnv. no. CH94:16. Unit 527, lower spit/scrape,
square 980,1090. Black metallic stone, probably a single crystal.
23L, 16W, 3TH. Weight 2.52 g. Irregular sub-rectangular flat
shiny stone with a hole drilled through in one corner and natural
depression in the adjacent corner, giving the impression of eyes.
However, there may have been no intention to make a face on
this object, which appears to be a pendant. Similar pendants of
mica and slate occur among the grave goods excavated by
Mellaart, none of them engraved with faces or designs.
57) Metal. Coin. Inv. no. CH93:57. Unit 294, sub-surface, square
1040,1240. A coin was found in this heavily Roman unit. No
details could be made out. Another coin was found in unit 188
(lnv. no. CH93:45). Details will appear in the data base. Several
iron nails and a coffin fitting were also found, probably all deriv-
ing from Byzantine burials on the mound.
58) Glass. 7 fragments of ancient glass have been recovered from
the surface of the mound. Of these, six are parts of bracelets units
248 (CH93:58), 244 (CH93:59), 672 (CH94:45), 701 (CH94:58), and
706 (CH94:65; CH94:44), one is a flask or jug handle unit 710
(CH94:57) and one is body fragment from a vessel unit 701
(CH94:59). All the bracelet fragments are of blue glass, the han-
dle is green, the vessel fragment is semi-transparent white. De-
tails of these can be found in the data base.
 Naomi Hamilton
The west mound
59) Fragment of anthropomorphized pot stand/portable hearth.
Inv. no. CH94:36, Fig. 12.7:1. West edge of west mound, surface.
Light grey baked clay with black sand inclusions. 120H, 113W,
88TH. Munsell 5Y6/2 light olive grey-5Y6/3 pale olive. This is
part of the vertical end of what was probably a crescent-shaped
pot stand. It has one flat surface incised with parallel horizontal
lines, and a rounded surface also incised with parallel horizontal
lines and surmounted at the lower, broken, edge by a projection
resembling a nose. Flat, vertical multiply pierced projections
down the side of the object, curving at top and bottom towards
the side with the nose, look like ears, adding to its anthropomor-
phic aspect.
60) Fragment of pot stand with incised geometric decoration.
Inv. no. CH94:18, Fig. 12.7:2. West edge of west mound, surface.
Baked clay. 64H, 48W, 38TH. Munsell10YR7 /2light gray. Weight
101.18 g. This is the upper part of probably a free-standing pot
support. It is an oblong upright with a slight inward projection at
the top providing a flat surface for a vessel. It has inscribed
decoration on four surfaces - two parallel zigzags on the front/
inner face; chevrons on the sides - one side pointing up, the
other down - and two irregular zigzags on the upper face. The
upright widens slightly towards the bottom, and may well have
widened considerably at the base.
Discussion
A fragment almost identical to no. 59 was found by Mellaart and
is currently held at the Konya Museum (Inv. no. 79-85-65). It is so
similar in all respects that, although it has not yet been possible
to look at the two pieces together, they may well belong to the
same artefact. Similar pot stands from the site, bearing the same
parallel lines on one surface, suggest that we have here the upper
tip which sat at roughly a 40 degree angle on the top of an
upright, thus offering a sloping yet anti-slip surface for a pot
with an angled lower body. They are dated to the early
Chalcolithic II period. A number of pot stands similar to no. 60
were found by Mellaart on the west mound (1965, 151, fig. 10).
Many have holes cut in the lower part, to disperse the heat and
prevent fire damage, and it is quite possible that this fragment
was of that style. Typologically it appears to be closest to those
dated to the Early Chalcolithic I period.
61) Animal figurine. Inv. no. CH94:19. Fig. 12.2:8. Unit 802, sur-
face 2 x 2. Mid-brown baked clay. 16H, 14W, 26L. Munsell10YR5/
2 greyish brown. Weight 4.39 g. Standing quadruped, head miss-
ing. In the absence of the head it cannot be confirmed that this is
a cow /bull, but it has a bovine appearance.
62) Fragment of figurine. Inv. no. CH94:20. Unit 648, surface 2 x
2. Baked clay. 19L, 7Dia. Weight 1.01 g. Arm or horn of figurine.
63) Fragment of spindle whorl. Inv. no. CH94:21. Unit 858, sub-
surface/scrape, square 580,1020. Colour-baked clay with sandy
inclusions. 34Dia, 20H. Munsell 10YR5/2 colour. Weight 8.65 g.
This is a quarter of a probably biconical spindle whorl. This
fragment is half of one conical section, broken vertically through
the central piercing. The surface is undecorated. Not prehistoric.
64) Fragment of celt. Inv. no. CH94:22. Unit 628, surface, 2 x 2.
Dark red polished stone, possibly carnelian. 17L, 9.5W, 4.5TH.
Weight 0.89 g. This is a small fragment of one side of a celt at the
blade end. Highly polished, the stone is very unusual. It is possi-
ble that this is part of a pendant. No other celts or axes of this
stone have been found.
65) Shell bead. Inv. no. CH94:23. Unit 760, surface 2 x 2. Whelk-type
242
shell. 24L, 9Dia. Pierced through one side and its broader end.
66) Stone bead. Inv. no. CH94:24. Unit 855, surface, square
480,1040. Light blue stone. 3.5Dia, 1.5TH. Weight 0.04 g. Tiny
circular disc bead, pierced centrally. In shape and size, this is
typical of the beads found in huge numbers among grave goods
during Mellaart's excavations.
Similar but rather larger beads were found in units 608 (CH94:62
pinkish white), 744 (CH94:63 beige) and unstrat. (CH94:64 creamy
white). Details will be on the data base.
67) Stone bead. Inv. no. CH94:25. Unit 749, surface 2 x 2. Off-
white marble. 24Dia, 8.5TH. Munsell 10YR7 /2. Weight 1.36 g.
Squashed sphere in shape, centrally pierced.
68) Clay bead fragment. Inv. no. CH94:26. Unit 858, sub-surface/
scrape, square 580,1020. Beige/grey clay. 15.5Dia, 13H. Munsell
10YR5/1. Weight 2.93 g. Just over half of this bead survives. In
shape it is a squashed sphere, with a central vertical perforation.
69) Glass. Four fragments of bracelets of blue glass were found in
units 859 and 860, square 640,960. Details will be made available
on the data base. They probably come from Classical period
graves in the area.
70) Mini clay balls have been found in at least two units- 785
and 793. Details will appear in the data base.
The burial data from Mellaart's excavations
There are three sets of data to consider in examining
the burials - the skeletons, the grave goods, and the
published information. These three groups offer dif-
ferent challenges, and it must be said from the start
that all of them are extremely difficult to work with.
In addition to discussing each data set in some de-
tail, I shall suggest a range of questions that could
potentially be asked of the data, and later consider
how far we can attempt to answer these questions
with the information available.
Throughout the preliminary reports, and in his
1967 book about the site, Mellaart attempted to as-
sess and interpret the information he was present-
ing, rather than leave it in a raw form, even though
he was working inevitably with partial data. A
number of conclusions were drawn regarding social
organization, gender status and rank based on the
burials. These included burial in different areas and
with different grave goods according to age and sex,
and a distinction between shrines and houses. The
ideas are well known, and have recently been the
focus of some debate (see Chapter 1). In the follow-
ing pages I will assess the data on which these
theories have been based, as well as looking more
widely at the economic information contained re-
garding trade and technology, and examining
changes over time. Potentially, the unusual stratigraphy
at C::atalhOyiik - with buildings placed one above
 Figurines, Clay Balls, Small Finds and Burials

Figure 12.7. Decorated pot stands from c;atalhoyiik West. For descriptions see text.

243
 Naomi Hamilton
the other - should offer a chance to look at vertical
correspondences of burial habits, distribution and
grave goods, and the quality of the data in this re-
spect will be examined. The grave goods, with all
their problems (see below) constitute one of the ma-
jor artefact groups from the site and comprise a broad
range of types and materials which permit us to
approach a variety of issues through the same data
set.
The data and their problems
The skeletons
The skeletons are probably the best studied and pub-
lished data set from C::atalhoyi.ik. This does not mean
they are unproblematic. They were studied in the
1960s by both Lawrence Angel and Denise Ferembach,
each of whom published some results (Angel 1971;
Ferembach 1972; 1982). Angel reported that the ma-
terial was in poor condition and some disarray, with
labels missing, and that many skeletons never
reached him- Mellaart mentions the excavation of
approximately 400 skeletons during the three sea-
sons 1961-63, and at least 80 more in 1965, yet Angel
received only 297. Angel comments on the huge loss
that has obviously occurred, almost 40 per cent. This
means that any attempt to construct statistics is likely
to be inaccurate. From Angel's records it appears
that the skeletons arrived as a group of 275 individu-
als, and that he sorted them further to arrive at the
figure of 297 (published as 294). Of those skeletons
which Angel did receive, 27 had no labels, while
none arrived from building VIA/B:10, which was
supposed to have the largest group in the entire site,
consisting of 32 skeletons. Angel suggests these may
be the 'no label' group, although they could also
have come from a mixture of other buildings said to
have burials but to which no skeletons were assigned.
In addition, a number of skeletons reported by
Mellaart as noteworthy due to special treatment were
not among those received.
Angel aged and sexed all the individuals he
identified, and published the results (Angel 1971).
He also gave parity figures based on examination of
the pubic symphysis of female skeletons. All these
data are now in question. The sexing of children and
childbirth estimates have been discredited, and even
the aging of adults is now under scrutiny, as the
work at Spitalfields, London suggests that many have
been under- or over-aged (Molleson & Cox 1993,
167-79). Angel was well aware that the sexing of
children was problematic, and in his notes indicate
his level of certainty with a range of from one to
three question marks, with or without brackets, but
244
these were not included in the published data.
Ferembach apparently examined the same skel-
eton collection as Angel, although she worked only
on the adult ones, but it is clear from her records that
there were some disparities. She has a greater number
of skeletons from some buildings than Angel did,
fewer from others, and the identifications do not
always match up. It has proved impossible to match
their records completely, so in addition to poor skel-
etal survival, we have a further reduced set of data
to work from. The importance of trying to match
their data lies partly in the different sexing of a small
number of adults by the two specialists, and also in
trying to discover how many additional individuals
were identified altogether- it would appear that
Ferembach divided again some of the material
viewed as a single individual by Angel. Unfortu-
nately, Ferembach's records rarely identify the skel-
etons by the CH numbers used by Angel. As a result
only 86 skeleton records can be matched up, of which
10 or so skeletons are sexed differently by each of
them. Ferembach has a maximum total of 282 adults,
which added to the 89 juveniles found by both her
and Angel makes a minimum of 356 individuals.
This is 78 more than the number Angel originally
received, which - working on the same 40 per cent
loss - suggests an original excavated assemblage
approaching 600 (but see Fragmentation p. 257).
To add to the difficulties, both Angel and
Ferembach seem to have had incomplete knowledge
of the recording system used on site by Mellaart.
Thus some skeletons have bizarre building num-
bers, whose original can only be guessed at. In addi-
tion, some mistakes have clearly been made at some
point in the writing of labels or notes, so that skel-
etons are assigned to buildings which were never
excavated, or identified differently by the two spe-
cialists. Altogether the skeleton data from both spe-
cialists identifies burials deriving from 38 buildings,
a small fraction of the 200+ buildings excavated by
Mellaart.
The grave goods
A collection of some 300-450 grave goods is held in
the museums in Ankara and Konya. The precise
number is unknown- the figure given is an edu-
cated guess. The reason for this is the poor level of
documentation. A total of 13 artefacts is marked in
the Konya Museum inventory as coming from buri-
als; a rather larger number is labelled on the item,
while information gleaned from the publications ar-
rives at a total of 110 definite grave goods. In this
situation, records were made of all inventoried
 Figurines, Clay Balls, Small Finds and Burials
artefacts known to be almost certainly from burials,
whether or not contextual information was available
(such as beads, buckles, wood, textile, spatulae etc.),
and all those with a building context which were
potentially from burials (bone tools, ground stone,
knapped stone, etc.). As this selection was made
only from inventoried items, it is quite possible that
other grave goods will be found among the bulk
finds which have not yet been examined- princi-
pally bone tools and ground stone, substantial quan-
tities of which exist. The majority of knapped stone
has been examined, and did contain a number of
contexted grave goods in bags of mixed materials in
which obsidian was dominant, and this situation
may occur with the bone and stone. The reasons
behind the choice of items to be inventoried is not
known - decisions may have been based on the
condition of the artefacts, or on the existence of good
context, or their recovery from buildings, or burials,
or a mixture of them all. However, we do know that
in general few artefacts were found on floors, al-
though exceptions are reported, and that the major-
ity of finds probably come from burials and outside
areas known as courts. Working on the assumption
that burial goods have a better chance of survival
than artefacts discarded in open areas, and may have
been deposited in a better condition than those dis-
carded in open areas, added to the knowledge that
beads were the most common grave goods and were
apparently all inventoried, it is likely that the major-
ity of grave goods have been recorded. A number of
items known to be from non-burial contexts were
also recorded deliberately, in order to compare them
with grave goods.
Overall the number of grave goods can be in-
creased with considerable certainty to 300, by the
addition of artefacts which are mentioned as always
or generally being found in burials, or which are
extremely unlikely to have been recovered from other
contexts - for instance, necklaces, and wooden
bowls. However, a large number of artefacts remain
in the uncertain category- notably the bone points,
celts, knapped stone, and rnaceheads, all of which
are known to occur in burials. As far as is known,
figurines and pottery were never found in burials.
Given the level of documentation, it is not surprising
that of those 300 artefacts which can definitely or
almost certainly be treated as grave goods, many
have a poor context. 54 have no information at all,
and 70 have a level only, leaving 176 well-contexted
artefacts. Of these, only a small proportion can be
assigned a tighter context - 39 have information
about which skeleton they were found with, but this
245
may consist simply of 'male' or 'female', and a fur-
ther 14 are identified by which platform they carne
from. A number of these close identifications belong
to the same skeleton, reducing further the number
of individuals to whom grave goods can be as-
signed.
The published information
Mellaart published a considerable amount of infor-
mation about burial practices in his reports, and the
main themes identified by him are clear. Burial was
intramural, beneath the platforms with which all
buildings except stores and entry shafts were provided;
it was generally, if not always, secondary inhuma-
tion following excarnation to varying degrees; it was
normally communal; and this communality was usu-
ally diachronic. The first of these should make the
<::atalhoyiik burials an invaluable source of informa-
tion; the others diminish this promising start.
With the knowledge that burials were second-
ary, communal, and were added to over time, it is no
longer surprising that few grave goods have close
contexts. A number of photographs show tumbled
masses of skeletons mixed inextricably together, and
the problems of assigning grave goods to individu-
als were insurmountable. Indeed, perhaps that is as
it should have been, for if the skeletons were mixed,
why should we assume that artefacts found in the
grave were not the communal property of them all?
However, some skeletons were buried separately, a
number of them with grave goods, and it is largely
on the basis of these that a division of artefacts ac-
cording to sex/ gender was offered by Mellaart. It
should be noted that detailed skeletal analyses were
not available to Mellaart at the time.
Mellaart tells us (1963, 46-50) that no burials
were found in three buildings in 1962 -All: 1, AIII:8
(directly below AII:l) both of which he regards as
shrines, and AV:l. He does not give similar informa-
tion in other reports, but does say that burials occur
in all houses and most shrines.
The artefacts
The objects found in burials, according both to the
items themselves and to Mellaart's reports, are items
of personal adornment or aggrandisernent (beads,
pendants, wristguards, buckles, toggles, pins,
rnaceheads), obsidian and flint tools (projectile points,
daggers, knives), bone tools (borers, needles,
spatulae, spoons, ointment sticks), ground-stone tools
(adzes, celts, grinders), textile, vessels (wood, bone,
stone, basket), paint or pigment, 'stamp seals' and
mirrors.
 Naomi Hamilton
Beads
By far the most common artefacts are beads, which
occur in large numbers - over 20,000 have been
found, in groups of 3 to 2000. Beads were generally
found in the form of necklaces or bracelets on skel-
etons, although sometimes they were scattered over
a skeleton and may originally have been attached to
fabric. Mellaart reports that on occasion it was possi-
ble to see the order in which the beads were threaded,
sometimes forming multi-strand necklaces of up to 8
strands; however, when this was not possible, re-
stringing has been left to the taste of archaeologists
or museum staff, and it is therefore quite likely that
any division into necklaces or bracelets simply re-
flects their present form. For instance, in some cases
I have examined two or three threaded groups of
beads which were inventoried under a single number,
and I have no way of finding out on what basis these
decisions were taken. Beads given number CHC712
are strung in three groups, one of which has a build-
ing number attached- can it be assumed that the
other two groups can also be assigned to that build-
ing?; one of the necklaces reported to have been
found with one of the atypical burials in EVIII:31,
numbered CHC672, is strung in two groups, each
consisting of the same three colours and the same
type of beads, while another necklace from this build-
ing, numbered CHC669, is currently threaded in two
groups, one with no context and the other thought to
belong to EVIII:25. If this is the situation with the
best-published grave goods from the site, described
in detail in the report (Mellaart 1966, 182), any analy-
sis of the occurrence of bead ornaments becomes
much more difficult than expected. Altogether I have
examined 119 groups of beads, recorded on the data
base, but this may not be an accurate representation
of how they were found as 15 of them share only 7
CHC numbers. Of the total 119, 32 have no informa-
tion physically attached to them concerning context,
43 have information about level, and 44 have clear
building contexts - some of which may be inaccu-
rate, as shown above. Although a number could be
assigned to buildings with some certainly via shared
excavation/inventory numbers, and some with no
context could be assigned to levels in this way, there
is clearly a definite risk that mistakes will result
from such an approach.
Despite the poor contexts, we can work with
the beads in some ways. In a few instances we can
assign them to a particular skeleton, or associate
them with other grave goods. We can also calculate
the approximate occurrence of bead ornaments as
grave goods, and assess the implications of other
246
than average numbers occurring with some individu-
als. The beads themselves are extremely interesting,
from the point of technology, materials, and design.
Almost all the materials used for beads are im-
ports, some from distant areas. Mellaart lists the
materials as follows, commenting that most come
from areas involving at least a few days travel (1964,
97): copper (nearest source near Bozkir), lead (ga-
lena is available at the Cilician Gates), white paste,
chalk, red ochre, baked clay, lignite, slate, boar tusk,
bone, schist, mica, animal teeth, calcite, alabaster,
carnelian, obsidian, apatite, serpentine, limestone,
dentalium, cockle and whelk shell, freshwater shells,
cowrie shell, and mother of pearl. A look at the
occurrence of different materials over time might
give us an insight into travel or trade patterns,
changes in economy or ecology, as well as social and
symbolic patterns. We are not yet in a position to say
whether the population of <::atalhOyiik left the settle-
ment in search of all their raw materials, either for
their own use or to trade, or whether they obtained
them from outsiders, but one thing is clear - com-
monly available materials such as clay (used in
architecture, figurines, pottery etc.), or bone (a hi-
product of food, used for a range of tools) were not
widely used for beads, although they do occur. This
information could lead into an investigation of rank
and status. Before looking at the beads in detail, it
should be made clear that Mellaart does not say who
identified the materials for him and how certain these
identifications are. In addition, materials are rarely
mentioned in detail on inventories, and there has
been no recent specialist identification.
The majority of beads are made of various types
of limestone, but dentalium shell and deer teeth were
also popular. Table 12.7 shows the quantity of each
material over time, and Table 12.8 shows the number
of bead groups containing each material. From these
some changes in material can be seen- for instance,
dentalium shells seem to have their heyday in level
VI with 10 examples, 4 in VII, 3 in VIII and 2 in IX,
but the majority of beads actually come from a sin-
gle level VII necklace (c. 780 beads), and level IV has
marginally more beads than level VI, though on fewer
necklaces. Later levels have 1 from V, 4 from IV and
1 from III. As the shells come from the Mediterra-
nean, this suggests long-distance travel or contacts
around the time of levels VI and VII, which also
appears to be the most flourishing period of the
settlement. If we look at other materials from the
Mediterranean, we see that whelk also occurs mainly
in level VI, with 3 definite occurrences, one which is
either VI or V, and only one other stratified example,
 Figurines, Clay Balls, Small Finds and Burials

in level IV; cowrie occurs once in level VII, and the necklaces from level VIII, often in multiple col-
cardium in level IV. The majority of these shells are ours chosen generally from white, terracotta red,
not found on the shoreline, but in shallow water, so and black, although beige, dull yellow, orange and
are unlikely to have been collected without premedi-
tation. How much shell was required has not yet Table 12.7. Beads: number of beads made of each material, by level.
been assessed. Lead or lead ore beads are most com-
mon in level VI, although the earliest known are in Material II III IV v VI VII VIII IX Unstrat. Total

level IX and the latest level II- galena is common in Stone 196 166 145 137 5719 2410 5671 1254+ 2763 18,461
Agate? - - 12 15 49 - - - I 77
the mountains between the Konya plain and the Apatite? - - 2 2 I - - - 4 9
Calcite? - - - - - - - - 5 5
Mediterranean. Mother-of-pearl pendants, which are Jasper? - - - 5 14 - - - 3 23
reported from burials of babies, occur in small num- Marble - - 77 - - - 425 5 2 509
Pebble - - - - I - - - - 1
bers from levels VIII to V, but this may derive from Rock crystal - - - - I - - - 3 4
Serpentine - - - - 8 - - - - 8
fresh water mussels rather than oyster. The concen- Turquoise 17 - 60 21 6 - 6 - 26 136
tration in level VI of materials from the Mediterra- Shell I - 3 - 3 13 I - 6 26
- 167 781+ 73 6+ 1316 2594
nean area or en route to the coast does suggest regular Den taliurn
Whelk -
51
-
181
3
70
21 22 - - - - 46
contact at that time, but the numbers involved are Bone - - I I 91 - I 47 - 140
too small to say more than that. Given this contact, it Deer tooth I I 18 I 17 25 50 6 20 139
may be less surprising to discover than obsidian Copper - - I - - I 6 I 5 14
from the same region as that used at <;atalhoyiik Lead - I - - 36 - 8 ? 3 48+

was reaching Cyprus in small quantities at some Clay - - - - - - - ? 17 17+

Plaster - - - I - - - - 6 7
point in the early seventh millennium. Although the Red ochre - - - - 1 - - - I 2

data could be skewed by the greater area excavated Coal - - 4 - - - - - - 4

Mica - - - - - - - - 6 6
in level VI compared to the earliest and latest levels, Obsidian - - - 10 I - - - - 11
this is not apparent when considering deer teeth, Shale - - - - 3 - - - - 3

which are more common in levels VIII and VII than

Note: This table does not contain details of every bead~ as a number were too broken to
in later periods, with nine of the 18 occurrences dat- count, or were inaccessible, but includes probably 99 per cent of those I saw. Some were
counted from photographs or through glass. The addition of + to a number means that
ing to these two levels. The earliest occurrence is in an unspecified number of additional beads of this material are known. The term 'stone'
level IX and the latest in level II. This temporal dis- used for the first group should normally be regarded as implying limestone, but this
may not be correct in every case. As stated in the text, some other stone identifications
tribution could be tied in with changes in habitat, or are uncertain.
changes in hunting practices generally, or a reduc-
tion in meaning assigned to deer teeth as beads. The Table 12.8. Beads: number of bead groups containing each material, by
source of the green and blue apatite used particu- level.
larly for beads of unusual design is not known. Some Material II III IV v VI VII VIII IX Unstrat. Total
of the beads may actually be of turquoise, which has Stone 2 2 5 2 27 8 16 5 20 87
sources in Sinai and Iran. Most of these beads occur Agate? - - 2 I? 2 - - - I 6
Apatite? - - 2 I 1 - - - 1 5
in the middle levels of the settlement, clustering in Calcite? - - - - - - - - I 1
jasper? - - I I - - - - I 3
VI, V and particularly IV, although three beads were Marble - - I - - - 2 I I 5
Pebble
found on one necklace of level VIII. A few beads Rock crystal - - - - - I - - - - 1
- - - I - - - I 2
may be made of copper ore, which was used to make Serpentine - - - - I - - - - 1
Turquoise 1 - 5 2 2 - 1 - 4 15
pigment. Copper is known from levels IX, VIII, VII
Shell I - 3 - 1 I 1 - 4 11
and IV, formed into beads or coverings for what Dentalium - I 4 I 9 4 3 2 14 37
Mellaart believed were weights on string skirts. Their Whelk - - I I 3 - - - - 5

poor state makes examination difficult. Bone - - I I 3 - I - 7 13

Deer tooth I I 2 I 2 4 5 1 4 21
Most beads are made of polished limestone in Copper - - I - - I I I 2 6
various colours. Technically they are of very high Lead - I - - 4 - I I I 8

quality. Around half the total are tiny flat discs with Clay - - - - - - - I 3 4
Plaster - - - - 1 - - - 1 2
polished outer edges sliced from cylindrical preforms Red ochre - - - - I - - - I 2
which often bulge slightly in the middle. In diameter Coal - - I - - - - - - 1
they are commonly as small as 2.5 mm, sometimes Obsidian Mica - - - - - - - - I 1
- - - I I - - - - 2
as large as 5 mm, and range in thickness from 3 mm Shale - - - - I - - - - 1

to literally paper thin, with sizes of less than 1 mm far

Note: 'Stone' should normally be regarded as implying limestone, but this may not be
from unusual. These beads (type 1 in my typology) correct in every case. As stated in the text, some other stone identifications are uncertain.
were used in large numbers- up to 1657 on one of

247
 Naomi Hamilton
turquoise also occur. When viewed through a glass
case in a museum the small size of many of the
beads is not readily understood, but Mellaart states
that modern steel needles cannot pass through the
piercing (1967, 211). Larger versions of the same
type also occur (type 21) but are not common, and
often appear as loners in the midst of a string of
another type. Perhaps originally they were not on
necklaces, but tied onto clothes or used in some other
way. Stone beads are most common in the early
levels, reducing drastically after level VI. Although
the total number in level VI is similar to that in level
VIII, and they occur on twice as many necklaces, in
comparison to the number of burials excavated in
level VI they are far less popular.
While type 1 and 21 beads comprise the major-
ity, a wide range of other forms occurs in small
numbers. Probably the next most common is a
straight-sided cylinder pierced longitudinally, with
a diameter of 3-5 rnrn and some 5-10 rnrn in length.
They occur in a variety of exotic materials, often
highly polished and beautifully coloured marbled
stones which are shown off more effectively this
way than if sliced up, as well as rock crystal, marble,
lead, copper, plus some dentaliun. The colours are
somewhat unusual compared to those found among
type 1s, with blue-green and greys, orange-red and
copper, as well as black and white.
The turquoise stones attracted noticeably more
interesting design than most. Although a few disc-
shaped beads are found, the majority are in fancy
styles such as lozenges, 'double axes', and the fa-
mous birds or stylized goddesses published by
Mellaart (1963, pl. XXVII). Turquoise beads usually
occur in clusters, sometimes without any other col-
ours, and rarely with the standard type 1 stone beads.
They also display a range of unusual piercings, such
as double piercings invisible from one side. Some of
these may have been used as spacer beads or pen-
dants. Certainly they stand out from the crowd.
Dentaliurn shell is nearly always sliced into
discs, falling largely into the type 1 and 21 varieties.
This is quite different from Cyprus, where sites of
the same date have produced necklaces of multiple
strands of whole dentaliurn shells - a well-known
example comes from the acerarnic Neolithic site of
Khirokitia (Dikaios 1953, 303-4, pl. XCIX) - and
from earlier Natufian sites in the Levant. Complete
dentaliurn shells are rare at ~atalhoyiik, perhaps
because necklaces of type 1 stone beads had become
an established style before dentaliurn is first attested
in level IX, where they occur in a fully-developed
type indistinguishable from later type 1 beads.
248
Mother-of pearl pendants are reported to come
largely from burials of babies (1964, 95). One is men-
tioned on a necklace in the unusual adult burial in
EVIII:31 (1966, 182), but the inventory records this as
corning from the child's grave in the same building.
The pendants are roughly triangular and almost al-
ways double pierced in one corner, giving them the
look of a modern child's version of a ghost! Other
pendants have also been found, in a variety of shapes
and materials- an animal head in dark green-black
stone with inlaid green eyes (369), a miniature celt in
red-brown stone (93), an oval pendant of coal or
wood (118), a small perforated bone spoon (318)
which is probably a pendant, and a number of oth-
ers in clay, rock crystal, shell and stone.
No work has yet been done on how these beads
were produced, but clearly considerable technical
skill was required - these are not odd pebbles or
bones with fortuitous holes in them being put on a
piece of string, but highly standardized and attrac-
tive artefacts. Although beads are the most common
form of grave goods, and type 1 beads the most
frequent, they should not be regarded therefore as
'cheap', 'simple' or 'low status' items. Mellaart com-
ments that no tools have yet been identified as bead-
making equipment (1964, 105).
Ground-stone tools
Mellaart reports that greenstone axes and celts were
found in women's burials (1964, 95). Only two have
been identified as having burial contexts, as has one
pounder. Of the remainder, at least four carne from
storerooms, and one from a courtyard. They tend to
be small, and some could be classed as miniature,
while large ones are rare. Almost all are made of a
dark green stone, although some are a light grey-
green, and the size of stone nodule available seems
to dictate the size of the product, as many bear traces
of cortex. The two recorded as corning from burials
are both miniatures, the slightly larger of the two
being 53.8 rnrn long, although much smaller ones are
known. A number of others must have come from
burials, but information is lacking. No patterns can
be seen between those found in burials, store and
courtyards, but the numbers involved are very small
and a larger sample might suggest differences - as
could use-wear analysis. Maceheads are reported
from male burials (1964, 94), but only four can now
be associated with buildings. Mellaart also mentions
them as offerings in shrines. I have seen 29 alto-
gether, a number of which- all from level VI -
appear to be unfinished, having clear shaping marks
which have not yet been polished away. It is
 Figurines, Clay Balls, Small Finds and Burials
possible that rather than being offerings, they were
being made in a building. Unfortunately context is
lacking, so this idea cannot be explored at present.
Maceheads cluster in level VI although two are
known from level V and one from level II. Only one
is known from earlier, from a burial in EVIII:31, of
which much more will be said later. Two of those
from level VI were found in one burial, said to be
male, in building EVI:20. Mellaart also reported find-
ing two maceheads in the storeroom of AVI:l, one
with a bone handle and one with a stick (1963, 52).
The majority of maceheads have very narrow perfo-
rations, as small as 7.6 mm, and rarely greater than
13.5 mm. Few sticks or bones slim enough to fit
through these perforations would be strong enough
to support their weight, and I suspect many of them
were slung on ropes. This would affect how they
were viewed, for a stone dangling on a string offers
rather different visions of authority from one held
aloft! Some experiments may be in order. Obsidian
mirrors are also known as grave goods- Mellaart
reports ten, all apparently buried with female skel-
etons and all in shrines, although he later says that
two occur in houses (1967, 79). Of the ten I have
seen, two of which are broken, three have no con-
text, one is from level IV, three from level V and
three from level VI; only eight are shown on
Mellaart's chart (1967, 81), four date to level IV, two
to level V, and two to level VI. The technology for
polishing mirrors is still not understood. They ap-
pear to be a rather late addition to material culture,
first occurring in level VI, but this may prove in
future to be incorrect.
Knapped-stone tools
Mellaart mentions obsidian and flint daggers, knives
and projectile points occurring in graves, mainly in
association with male skeletons but sometimes with
female ones. There are few with good contexts, but
of those the earliest occurrence is in level VIII, a
single flint blade; two obsidian projectile points in
level VII; 20 in level VI- a mixture of blades, scrap-
ers and projectile points (eight of which were found
in a group by the leg of a skeleton), a mixture also of
obsidian, flint and chert; one obsidian fragment in
level V; four obsidian tools in one building in level
IV; and two flint items in level III. Many others may
have been found in burials but no record is avail-
able. The huge preponderance in level VI is prob-
ably more than a result of the greater number of
burials excavated, although it is affected by the cache
of projectile points in a single burial. Obsidian is
found in large quantities in the lower levels, but
249
does not appear to have been finding its way into
graves. Perhaps the greater deposition of obsidian
and flint in burials in level VI is a result of changes in
society, of which other evidence is available- there
is a change in knapped-stone tool types, in pottery
technology, in figurine typology and material. Small
numbers of blades and scrapers are known from
burials across the levels, and according to Mellaart' s
sexing of the skeletons, they occur with both sexes,
whereas he says projectile points and elaborate dag-
gers normally occur with males (1964, 94). Unfortu-
nately, with so few artefacts having strong contexts,
this is yet another matter which is difficult to evalu-
ate with the old data, but exceptions will be dis-
cussed below.
Bone tools
A number of modified animal long bones have been
found, mainly worked into points plus a few chisels
(cf. Chapter 11). None of these have a clear burial
context. However, a range of needles, pins and
spatulae have also been found which do seem to
come largely, if not entirely, from burials. Several
were illustratrated by Mellaart (1964, fig. 42/ 43).
These were interpreted by him variously as bodkins
for basketry, clothing fasteners and ointment sticks.
Of the seven needles and bodkins seen, three are
recorded from burials; of the thirteen spatulate ob-
jects, five have burial contexts; and of three miscella-
neous pins, forks etc., one has a context. Spoons and
spatulae are reported from burials of women with
babies (1964, 103) - of the six seen, two have con-
texts. Another item called a toggle by Mellaart was
interpreted as a fastener for a cloak (1964, 100). Eleven
are known, of which six have burial contexts. He
reports that they were found with male skeletons,
normally behind the shoulder. These come in a range
of forms and sizes, generally made of antler but
sometimes of bone, and could also be seen as weav-
ing shuttles. At present, the purpose of the ones at
<;atalhoyiik cannot be ascertained. Belt hooks and
buckle plates, and bone wristguards, are also regarded
by Mellaart as male items. They are rare - three
wristguards, and 14 parts of buckles were found-
eleven of them with burial contexts, including two
sets of both hook and plate. In the future use wear
analysis could potentially answer some questions
about what some of these items really were, and
how they were used.
Wood, basketry and textile
Several burnt buildings in level VI had burials con-
taining carbonized wooden vessels and quantities of
 Naomi Hamilton
textile - in which the skeletons had often been
wrapped. Remains of at least 25 wooden vessels have
been examined, with contexts in AVI:1, EVI:1, EVI:5,
EVI:10, and EVI:25. This is probably not the com-
plete record - Mellaart reports that a minimum of
20 wooden vessels was found in EVI:10 alone (1964,
86). They include bowls, cups and boxes with lids in
various shapes. Baskets are also reported from buri-
als, often with the skeleton placed inside. However,
such items have not survived. Textile was recovered
mainly from burials in buildings EVI:5 and EVI:25,
which according to Mellaart provided over 100 frag-
ments (1963, 101). I have seen some 100 pieces of
textile, many very small and badly damaged, with
contexts not only from these buildings but also from
EVI:1, EVI:3 and EVI:8. Doubt remains about which
raw material was used (Burnham 1965; Ryder 1965),
but the fineness of some of the weaving is very clear.
A number of fragments are attached to or wrapped
around pieces of human bone, frequently mandi-
bles, and many have skull contexts on their labels.
Mellaart reported finding textile in the brain cavity
of one skull (1964, 93), and the wrapping of indi-
vidual limbs found in the unusual burnt burial of
EVI:5 (see below) in textile after initial burning (1963,
99-101).
Sex and gender
The information provided by Mellaart focused largely
on a division of people into two sexes which were
treated differently in a range of ways - in place of
burial, treatment of the body, and grave goods. This
aspect of his work has been a focus of considerable
debate regarding the roles of men and women, par-
ticularly with respect to social power and hierarchy
(see Chapters 1 & 19). However, before the answers
can be forthcoming some serious questions have to
be asked.
The problem
Sex is regarded by archaeologists as a natural, given
attribute of humans, and the division of humans into
two sexes, usually with associated sex-based gender
roles, has rarely been questioned. While I am not
disputing that in various biological formats sex does
exist, what is clear is that even in biology there is a
continuum, which makes the sexing of skeletons un-
certain, and that outside biology the concept of sex
may not have existed in the past in the way it does
now. A person whose skeleton we view as female
may not have had a concept of femaleness, or placed
itself within that category. Gender is a social status
based on perceived sex - perceived, that is, by others
250
and by ourselves. It differs from some types of social
status in having a biological base, and is justified on
those grounds. However, the development of gen-
der as a social construct is dependent first on the
development of a concept of sex not just as a differ-
ence, but as the difference which matters.
In problematizing sex and gender, however,
we remove many of the hooks we use to hang our
data on. If we abandon the division, do the grave
goods have a basis for patterning? Is much of the
meaning of grave goods dependent on the sex-basis
that we have given? If we abandon the concept, do
we also throw out the tool for overturning it? -
surely contravening the regulations is the surest way
to prove them wrong, but is dependent on their
prior existence. Because of the difficulties expressed
here, I shall initially treat the material as though I
accept the division, and work through other issues
rather than attempting to address sex and gender
separately. I shall then assess the data with reference
to current theories of sex and gender at <;atalhoyiik,
to investigate the validity of both the theories and
the concepts themselves.
The skeletons
Ferembach found 135 female and 106 male adults, as
well as 11 uncertain, 7 with female and uncertain
elements and 8 with male and uncertain elements,
totalling 267-82 adults. Angel found 131 female and
78 male adults, plus 2 female?, 3female??, 8 male?
and 1 male??, making a total of 223 adults. Either
way it is clear that female skeletons outnumber male
ones among adults, although the proportions are
considerably more equal in Ferembach' s data than
Angel's. The question I now want to ask is, did the
people of <;atalhoyiik recognize this sex division
themselves; if so, did they codify it in some way
recognizable in the archaeological record; and if they
did, can it tell us anything about the state of gender
at <;atalhoyiik?
In his first report Mellaart (1962, 51-2) said that
people were generally buried under the northeast
platform of the building, that grave goods were rare
and that the use of red ochre on skeletons was not
attested. In subsequent reports this situation was
changed. Mellaart began to say that males were bur-
ied under the northeast platform and females and
children under the main (that is, east centre) plat-
form, that grave goods- while not present in all
graves or in large numbers -were not rare, and that
red ochre was applied to a small number of female
skeletons. In addition, people were sometimes bur-
ied under other platforms, children were sometimes
 Figurines, Clay Balls, Small Finds and Burials
buried under the floor, blue and green pigment was
applied to some skeletons regardless of sex (and one
case of grey pigment is attested, sex not mentioned).
In addition a range of complex information was
given- that burials in rooms called shrines tended
to be 'richer' than those in houses, that red ochre
burials occurred in shrines, that blue and green buri-
als tended to be 'richer' than others, that red ochre
burials were sometimes fairly poor, that the number
of burials per building depended on the size of the
building, that it depended on whether or not it was a
shrine, that burials below level VI tended to be re-
spected while those in level VI and above were
pushed aside into bone piles, that women were bur-
ied with necklaces and men never had more than a
few beads, that men were buried with maceheads
and daggers, that women had make-up and oint-
ment sticks and tools for feeding babies with, that
males were never buried with children and tended
to be single burials. Finally, details of a few notable
burials showed that there was considerable varia-
tion from any clear norm.
The skeletons received for analysis derive from
all four seasons of excavation, although the majority
date to 1963. Area E is the main area represented,
and level VI dominates heavily- of those skeletons
with levels recorded 235 come from level VI, the
remainder being shared rather unequally as follows:
level 1:0, 11:8, III:lO+, IV:20; V:21+, VII:57+, VIII:ll,
IX:l, X:O. XI:4, XII:O. Hence any analysis must take
into account that the data are strongly skewed, and
that statistics are likely to present the situation ac-
cording to level VI rather than the site as a whole.
Few skeletons have recorded information regarding
their position within the building, but 20 do appear
to have these details.
Burial positions within buildings
Building EVII:31 contained 46 individuals according
to Angel, and 43 adults according to Ferembach.
Angel's data break down as 16 female, 14 male, 2
possible male and 14 sub-adults (ranging in age from
adolescent to baby) giving only 32 adults against
Ferembach's 43, which break down as 15 female and
26 male skeletons with 2 indeterminate.
Angel's data give positional information for 7
skeletons, one of which also bears a group number
which may enable us to place a further skeleton in
that area. The positions given are southwest corner
(one skeleton, Group C), southwest platform (five
skeletons), and storeroom (one skeleton). The skel-
eton in the southwest corner may have come from
below the platform but this is not stated. According
251
to Angel, it is female; it cannot be identified with any
of Ferembach's skeletons. Those from the southwest
platform are also only identified by Angel, and con-
sist of one female, one possible male and three juve-
niles - a child aged 10 (long bones only), a child
aged 5, and a baby of around 15 months. The skel-
eton from the storeroom is male.
Ferembach's data seem to give positional infor-
mation on ten skeletons, regarded by Angel as six
individuals. These skeletons have the letters N or
NE added to their building number, and those which
have been subdivided also have their CH number.
Those coming from the north platform (N) are four
females according to Angel, or seven females and
one male according to Ferembach. All but one of
them are identified by Angel as Group Y, the odd
one out being Group AI. The Group AI skeleton
had been divided by Angel into an adult female and
an adolescent which he sexed as male, and Ferembach
then subdivided it into two females and one male.
Five other skeletons from this building are labelled
Group Y, and it would seem reasonable to suppose
that they came from the same platform, hence the
grouping. This extra group consists of two males,
two females and two juveniles- a child aged around
seven and a newborn baby.
The skeletons identified by Ferembach as NE -
presumably northeast platform - are viewed by
Angel as two males, and by Ferembach as four males.
They belong to Group A, to which a further two
skeletons belong, one a juvenile aged about five, one
a baby aged 12 months+. Two more are labelled
Group A(?)- a baby of about six months and a mid-
adolescent separated by Angel from one of the adults.
One further skeleton is labelled Group C, and if
the grouping has a straightforward meaning we
ought to be able to assign it with the other Group C
skeleton to the southwest corner. This one is female
and was treated with red ochre, which makes its
position within the building of particular interest.
One other skeleton from EVI1:31 is mentioned by
Angel as being treated with red ochre, this time a
male aged around 29. However, this one is problem-
atic: Angel labels it 75CH, and also identifies it as
number 20, a number it shares with a female (76CH)
and a baby (77CH). Ferembach identifies two male
burials as 75CH, one in EVII:31 with no identifier,
and one in EVIII:31. This latter is identified by Angel
as a male aged 21+, with number 51CH.
Three other groups of skeletons are mentioned
in this building- Group B (two females, separated
by Angel from one original), Group W (one female),
and Group Z, (one male). It seems likely that more
 Naomi Hamilton
than one individual was identified by the excavators
in each group, in order for it to be called a group, but
on available data no others can be added at present.
According to the plans, building EVII:31 had
platforms in the north, northeast, east-centre, south-
west and probably southeast. The northeast plat-
form has a crawl-hole adjacent to it, leading to the
storeroom along the north end. Symbolic assessments
of the buildings at <;atalhOyiik, based on Mellaart's
publications, have suggested that the north end is
male (Hodder 1990, 10), and the south end female.
According to the available skeletal evidence, the situ-
ation is rather more complicated. Although males
may occupy the northeast platform, not only do they
share it with a number of juveniles (sex unknown),
but the large north platform adjacent is heavily ap-
propriated by adult females. The southwest area also
has a high density of females, with one probable
male, and one male is in the storeroom - an excep-
tional place for any burial. Hodder regards the north
end as symbolically more elaborated, and as an in-
ner area (Hodder 1990, 9-10). Both of these concepts
must be questioned. Firstly, an aspect of architecture
which seems to have gone unnoticed by commenta-
tors, though mentioned by Mellaart (1962, 46; 1963,
56), is that many buildings have an entry shaft in
addition to the ladder at the southern end. This shaft
can be in any area outside the main room, but in
practice is frequently next to the storeroom, from
which it is divided by a wall. Entry to shafts and
storerooms from the main room is effected through
a crawl-hole. Mellaart comments that in level VII
and earlier the shaft tends to take the form of a
corridor along one end of the building (1964, 50), but
in level VI and later the use of a dividing wall creates
two separate spaces, a small squarish shaft and larger
rectangular store. The shaft is frequently at the north
end, and may have been intended to offer an alterna-
tive method of entry when a smokey hearth makes
the southern entrance uncomfortable to use. Al-
though the north is often used for the shaft (for
instance VI:1 and VII4- northeast; VI:28 and 31 -north-
west, and VI:7 and 14 sharing a northern shaft) -
even sometimes taking the space used for north-east
platforms! (e.g. VI:44, VIB:l) , the south seems to be
just as good (for instance VII:10, VI:8, AII:1 - south-
west; VII:22- southeast). The structural and symbolic
inner nature of the north end of the building can no
longer be maintained. Turning to the elaboration of
the north end in general and northeast corner in
particular, a glance at Mellaart's chart (1967, 102-3)-
which does not include all buildings- shows that
the northeast corner is not heavily decorated com-
252
pared to some other parts of the buildings, and when
it is decorated, it is nearly always with paintings or
reliefs running along the north or east centre walls
as well. Mellaart says quite clearly (1964, 93) that the
main platform is the east-central one, based on the
level of elaboration of reliefs and paintings, and it is
under this platform that he places the female and
child burials. Unfortunately I have no documenta-
tion concerning the burials under this platform in
building EVII:31, but obvious candidates are Group
B (two female, one male), Group W (one female),
and Group Z (one male). A further seven males, one
possible male, five females and four juveniles (An-
gel), or ten females, 21 males and two indeterminate
(Ferembach) need to be placed. The recurrent pres-
ence of bull figures on the north wall, noted by
Mellaart (1967, 104), has been used by Hodder to
support the association of the north end of the build-
ing with males - through the belief that the bull
(which is, in fact, generally shown sexless) is a male
symbol. The presence of predominantly female skel-
etons under the north platform challenges this inter-
pretation. As it happens, EVII:31 is one of the
buildings represented on Mellaart' s chart of wall
paintings and reliefs. It is the west wall which is
most heavily elaborated, with cattle heads and a
relief 'goddess', the north wall is blank and contains
two crawl-holes (one to the storeroom, one to the
entry shaft), the east wall was destroyed apart from
the base of a red panel above the central platform
and a relief 'goddess' and pair of breasts at the south
end, and the western half of the south wall most
unusually has another relief 'goddess'. In this par-
ticular building then, rather exceptionally, the south-
west corner is the most elaborated and the north
wall and northeast corner the least, with unanswer-
able questions over the east wall. If the position of
the skeletons is plotted onto this 'symbolic' map, the
elaborate southwest corner contains mainly female
and juvenile skeletons, including one treated with
red ochre; the plain north central area is also domi-
nated by females; the plain northeast corner has males
and probably juveniles. This clearly contests both
the division of the building into sex-segregated zones,
and the association of males with the more elaborate
areas.
A small amount of information regarding con-
text is available from the skeletal data concerning
three other buildings: EVI:8, in which Skeleton A,
sexed female by Angel, came from the ante room
(which was to the south of the main room on the
eastern side). According to Mellaart's chart, in both
VIA and VIB (it is not known from which level the
 Figurines, Clay Balls, Small Finds and Burials
skeleton derives) the whole of the west, north and
east walls were decorated including the southern
end of both east and west walls, and the south wall
was blank. EVI:1 had a male lower jaw from the
entry shaft in the northeast corner - possibly ac-
companied by three others bracketted by Angel with
the male jaw for unclear reasons - all female in
Angel's view, one female and one uncertain in
Ferembach' s notes. According to Mellaart' s chart,
VIB:1 (VIA:1 is not shown) has only simple decora-
tion in the form of red panels which occur on the
eastern half of the north wall, the central and south-
ern sections of the east wall, and the eastern end of
the south wall; the west wall was destroyed. No
decoration occurs on the northern end of the east
wall, which contains a crawlhole. Finally EVII:45 has
7 skeletons listed, of which two are assigned to the
west platform (one female, one male according to
Angel, one female and one uncertain according to
Ferembach) and one to the central platform (a baby
of about 6 months). According to Mellaart's chart,
the central section of the north and east walls and
the southern end of the east wall were decorated,
while the west wall was destroyed. The walls sur-
rounding the northeast corner were blank. It should
also be noted that published reports say that burials
did not occur in anteroom, storerooms or shafts (1964,
92). Angel's notes show that they occurred in all
these, although they should probably be considered
exceptional.
The northeast platform
Mellaart reported a burnt burial from building EVI:5
which contained the remains of 6-8 individuals, 2 or
3 of whom were children under the age of ten (1963,
99-101). The building is recorded as a 'less distin-
guished house' which nevertheless had rich grave
goods with burials (1964, 94). The burial reported
was made under the northeast platform. In the midst
of the most 'characteristic' level of the site, with
fairly standardized architecture, elaborate symbol-
ism etc., is a burial of children under the 'male'
platform. Artefacts found in the burial included a
belt buckle, seen as a male item, which, if true, sug-
gests the breaking of another rule - the burial of
children with a man. One of the skulls was treated
with red ochre, which contravenes several other
'rules'- that red ochre was applied to females only,
or else that females are not buried under this plat-
form; that red ochre burials occur in shrines only;
and that red ochre burials tend to be poor in terms of
grave goods. Two skeletons from EVI:5 were seen by
Angel, who recorded them as a male aged 40 and a
253
female, age illegible but possibly 'youth'. Ferembach
did not record these skeletons, although they may
appear without their building number. There is no
trace in the skeletal record of the children or the red
ochre skull.
There could be a good reason for the disparity
between the burial record in EVI:5 described by
Mellaart and the general rules he sets out - the
bodies had not been excarnated, but had been burnt
prior to burial and wrapped in textile after this burn-
ing and before the fire which destroyed the building.
This could be seen as a 'foreign' burial rite. On the
other hand, the grave goods are no different to any-
thing else on the site, so these are unlikely to be
foreigners. Mellaart stated (1963, 98) that in no sin-
gle case was there evidence of a hole made hastily in
a platform for burials, and proposed instead that
burials took place at a set time, perhaps coinciding
with a festival and probably with the annual re-
plastering of the buildings. Some evidence for this
lies in the different degree of excarnation shown
among the skeletons, some being disarticulated whilst
others seem to have had ligaments intact. This could
be the reason for an unusual burial, if a group of
people died just at burying time. By burning them,
the worst problems of putrefaction could be over-
come, and by putting them all in one building,
whether or not they all lived there, any problems
would be restricted to a small area which could be
closed if necessary. Why they should choose to put a
large number of bodies under the small 'male' plat-
form is more difficult - unless there was a strong
taboo concerning burial areas for men, restricting
them to one part of the building, which did not
apply so strongly to women or children. As seen
from EVII:31, males do seem to be buried under the
northeast platform, but not exclusively there, and
they do share it with juveniles.
In 1961 Mellaart reported that people, not males,
were regularly buried under the northeast platform.
This suggests that in the first season of excavation
few burials were found under other platforms.
Mellaart never published a list of which buildings
were excavated each year, but a good idea can be
obtained from the plans, reports, and inventory lists.
As far as can be ascertained buildings BI:4, 5, 6, 7;
BII:1, 2, 3; AIII:l, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7; EIV:1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8,
9, 10, 11, 12; EV:1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7; EVI:1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7
and EVII:1 and what later became 28 and 29, were
excavated in 1961. Of these, no platforms are shown
on the plans of level I; BII:3 has none, BII:2 has two,
northeast and east centre, BII:1 has three- northeast,
east-centre, and northwest; in level III platforms do
 Naomi Hamilton
not abound- AIII:3, 5, 6 and 7 have none, AIII:2 has
one in the northeast, AIII:4 has an east central one
with burials under and another in the south-west,
AIII:1 has three, northeast, centre-east and west/
centre north; in level IV buildings 3, 5 and 9 have no
platforms, EIV:2 has one in the southeast, EIV:6 has
one in the northeast, EIV:10 has one east centre an-
notated as having numerous burials underneath,
EIV:12 has one east centre/north, EIV:7 and 8 have
two, in the northeast and east centre, EIV:4 and 11
have three, northeast, east centre and southwest, and
EIV:1 has five or more, leaving only the south-centre
and part of the north centre definitely platform free.
In level V buildings seem rather more standardized,
with all but storerooms having platforms, always a
northeast platform and the others generally ranged
on either side of it, with only one southwest plat-
form occurring, in building 2, and building 4 being
unusual in having only two platforms, in the north/
centre-east and north/ centre-west. Levels VI and VII
show more variation again, with a single north/
centre east platform in level VI:1 (burials below) and
2, burials below a possibly centre east platform in
building EVI:3, two platforms in EVI:4 at north cen-
tre and southwest, and two also in EVI:7 in the north-
east and east centre, both with burials; and in level
VII platforms against most wall space in EVII:1, a
northeast one in EVII:29 and northeast and centre
east in EVII:28, both with burials underneath.
These rather complex data suggest that the
patterning offered by Mellaart was only a rough
guide in the first place, and has had too much built
upon it. If the northeast corner is the one most likely
to have a platform, it is not surprising that it is also
most likely to contain burials. It is clear from the
limited information available in the publications that
burials occurred in other parts of the buildings
throughout the sequence.
Male and female: numbers in context
The 'excess' of adult female skeletons at C:::atalhoyiik
has already been mentioned - although as Angel
comments, it probably actually represents a dearth
of adult males (1971, 79). So far, no basic counts
seem to have been made of the number of skeletons
of each sex per building, and although we must
always bear in mind the incomplete nature of the
data, and the lack of certainty as to whether those
groups which did survive for analysis represent prac-
tically the entire assemblage from each building or
only a fraction of it, sex counts can be illuminating.
A number of buildings appear from the surviving
data, some of which is apparently complete, to have
254
single-sex burials: BII:1 (two females), BII:? -
whether more of BII:1, or BII:3 - which definitely
had burials (five females and one possible female);
FV:75 (two males [Angel], or five males [Ferembach,
who mis-labels them EV:75]), EVIII:25 (one female,
one juvenile), and EIX:1 (one female). Furthermore,
despite the preponderance of females overall, in sev-
eral buildings males are in a majority: AVI:1 (four
males, three females), EVI:20 (four males, three fe-
males [Angel], eight males, three females, one inde-
terminate [Ferembach]), EVI:29 (three males, five
females [Angel], four males, three females
[Ferembach]), EVI:34 (five males, six females [An-
gel], 11 males, seven females, three indeterminate
[Ferembach]), EVII:31 (14 males, 16 females, one pos-
sible male [Angel], 26 males, 12 females [Ferembach]),
EVIII:31 one male [Angel], four males, one female
[Ferembach]) and an uncontexted group called G by
Ferembach (six males, five females). Even bearing in
mind that the great majority of skeletons examined
are from level VI, it is still interesting that all the
groups with known context with high numbers of
males come from levels VI to VIII, mainly level VI,
and the later levels seem to have greater numbers of
females. Why this should be is not clear - it could
relate to economic changes, trade patterns, health
and disease, emigration, falling birth rates, changes
in diet etc .. It does appear that age at death is slightly
lower for adults during level VI, and the majority of
juvenile skeletons are also from levels VI and VII.
This may be tied in with other aspects such as the
close packing of houses, economic and technical
changes, and social changes which seem to take place
at that time. The preponderance of female skeletons
in the later levels may well tie in with the new and
growing emphasis on the depiction of mature women
in the figurines and the absence of clear representa-
tions of males after level VI. Whether it also reflects
a reduced male population living at the settlement is
not known. Although it has been suggested (Angel
1971) that population crash may have been involved
in the abandonment of the site, there is no evidence
yet that it was really abandoned, as the lowest levels
of the western mound may prove to follow immedi-
ately on from the upper levels of the east mound. We
must await its excavation to discover whether the
settlement simply shifted, or ceased.
The lack of males in Angel's data between the
ages of 13+ and 20, compared to the 17 females in the
same age range, may be the result partly of the greater
ease of sexing females after puberty. It is also likely
to be related to cause of death, although suggestions
concerning the presence in the settlement of differ-
 Figurines, Clay Balls, Small Finds and Burials

ent groups at different ages should also be taken into A further 11 females and 14 males (Angel), or
account. Adult age at death may be caused by a 35 females and 23 males and a number of indetermi-
number of factors. We see a broad range of ages for nate (Ferembach) and several juveniles are unstratified.
both sexes, but male burials are at their highest in Ferembach only identified a small number of juve-
their thirties, while female deaths peak rather niles, and they have been added to Angel's data
younger, in their twenties. This may be the result of when it is clear there is no duplication. The most
differential depositional practices. Another possible striking differences between the data sets are levels
explanation is that female deaths are related to child- V and VII, in which Ferembach has a majority of
birth, and this may well be true, but a second expla- males against Angel's majority of females.
nation may underlie the data. Weak male babies
tend to die early, while females have better survival The juvenile data
rates. The stress of childbirth may be the event for It is not only male and female adult skeletons that
females which shortens life-span. If so, this ought to refuse to comply with neat normative patterns. The
be seen as equalizing the sexes, rather than creating juveniles must also be considered. Altogether 90 ju-
a net drop in the number of females. Death in battle veniles were identified, with ages ranging from 0 to
or while trading is often posited as the male equiva- 15, and all ages have fairly equal representation (Ta-
lent, but despite sundry comments about sling stones ble 12.10). No age is missing, and although a few
and head wounds, the evidence for violent deaths is seem to have slightly higher numbers than others
minimal. The occasional head-wound or parry frac- this is partly due to the inexactness of age measures,
ture - regarded by Angel as suggestive of fighting and to the imprecise ages given for a minority of
(1971, 91)- could also be a result of the system of
roof entry, at least in some cases. The deaths of males Table 12.10. Juveniles by age. (Based on Angel with some
in their thirties would therefore be viewed as natural additions from Ferembach.)
deaths, and a substantial number of females also
Age at death Totals by 1-year intervals Total by 3 year age-groups
survived into their thirties and beyond, the sexes
0=3 0-1 = 6 0-3: 21
being roughly equally represented with 36 females 0.5: 2 1-2: 12 3-6: 12
<1 : 1 2-3:5 6-9: 18
and 37 males in their thirties, 18 females and 15 1+ = 5 3-4:6 9-12 = 7
males in their forties, one female and two males 1.25 = 2 4-5:5 12-15: 29
<1.5 = 5 5-6:5
around 50 and two females and one male getting to 2=3 6-7:5
2.5:2 7-8:8
60. (All ages taken from Angel's data alone.) A re- 3=2 8-9:5
aging of the skeletons might well overturn these 4=4 9-10: 1
4+: 1 10-11:2
data (Molleson & Cox 1993). 5:5 11-12=4
6:4 12-13:9
The sex ratio of skeletons varies considerably 6+: 1 13-14:6
over time, and although this may be purely a result 7=6 14-15 = 6
7+: 2 15 = 3
of the unequal excavation of different levels and 8=2 plus 5 imprecise
8+: 3
minimal data available from some of them, it is worth 9:1
considering. Unfortunately, adult (aged over 15) data 10: 1
10+: 1
from Angel's and Ferembach's analyses differ some- 11 = 2
what. The results are shown in Table 12.9 (numbers 11+=2
12: 3 Note: Some of the + ages were very im-
of juveniles up to and including age 15 are added for 12+: 6 precise (8-10, 10-13 etc.), and these start
around age 7, making some imbalance
13:3
reference). 13+=3 in the older ages.
14:5
14+ =I
15 = 3
adolescent = 4
Table 12.9. The sex of adult skeletons in the different levels mid-adolescent= 1
according to Angel and Ferembach.

Level Angel Fe rem bach Juveniles by age and sex: Angel's level of certainty (total 44).
II 7 female 0 male 1 juvenile 3 female 0 male 5 = M??, M??, M? 12 = M??
1+=M??,F
Ill 3 female 3 male 3 juvenile 0 female 0 male 1-1.25 = M???, F?? 6 =M??, F?? 12+ = M?, M?
IV 12 female 6 male 3 juvenile 13 female 6male 1.25 = (M) 7 = M??, M??, M??, M?, F? 13 = M?, M??
v 11 female 5 male 1 juvenile 11 female 17male
1.5 = M?? 8 = F??, F?? 13+ = F??
VI 54 female 29 male 52 juvenile 49 female 30 male 8+ = (M), M?, M 14 = F??
2 = M??
VII 25 female 19 male 18 juvenile 27 female 32 male 15 = F, F
2.5 = M?, M 9 = M??
VIII 3 female 2 male 4 juvenile 3 female 4 male 10 = (M)? adolescent = M
3= M
IX 1 female 1 male 0 juvenile 1 female 0 male 4 = M??, M??, (M) 10+ =(F), M??
XI 1 female 0 male 3 juvenile 0 female lmale
4+ = M? 11+=M

255
 Naomi Hamilton

Table 12.11. Juveniles

individuals (e.g. 8-10, or 11+). juveniles were regarded as male (33 males, 11 fe-
by building. The number of juveniles per males). Angel may have been correct, and this would
building varies widely, from certainly help explain the low number of male adults.
AIII:I = 3
EIV:II = I none in some, to 14 in EVII:31 On the other hand, it may be that juveniles at
EIV:I2 = 2
FV:I =I
(Table 12.11). Of the 38 build- C::atalhoyuk displayed an unusual robustness of phy-
AVI:I =I ings with skeletons attributed sique, reflecting a general robustness which could
EV1:2 = 2
EVI:I = 5 to them, 25 have the remains also partly account for a low rate of child mortality.
EV1:7 = 10
EVI:S = 2
of individuals aged 15 or Of the 17 infants and babies under the age of five, 15
EVI:II = 3 under using Angel's esti- were sexed male; if we look just at the nine babies
EVI:20 = 2
EVI:29 = 2 mates, with additions from under two and a half, seven were sexed male. While
EVI:32 = 6
EVI:34 = 12
Ferembach, who aged but did this suggests a greater death rate of male babies, the
EVI:35 = 2 not sex a number of juveniles. extent of the sex difference is rather startling. One
EV1:44 = 3
EVI:50 = 2 This means that for unknown explanation would be that Angel was deceived by
EVII:29 =I
EVII:31 = 14
reasons 13 buildings - or one the robustness of the population into incorrectly
EVII:35 =I third of those represented in sexing them male. If the sexing is accepted, social
EVII:45 = 2
EVIII:IO = I the skeletal data- had there- selection for burial could also be implied, but the
EVIII:25 =I
EVIII:31 =I
mains of adults only. The pro- low rate of juvenile females when compared to the
EXI:35 (25) = 3 portion of juveniles to adults high proportion of adult females receiving burial in
also varies, from a single baby the same places is perplexing. The extremely low
with two or three adults in EVII:29, to one juvenile number of females could suggest a female-preferred
with eight adults in EIV:11, to six juveniles with one culture- one of Angel's explanations for the high
adult and one sub-adult in EVI:32, to 12 juveniles number of adult females found in buildings. Statis-
with 11 (Angel) or 14 (Ferembach) adults in EVI:34. tics show that in male-preferred societies, while
It is difficult to interpret these figures without any young male babies still die at a higher rate than
knowledge regarding biological relationships or female ones, once past the age of 12 months this is
cause of death. If we assume that the dead were reversed as female toddlers die of neglect (Janssen-
buried where they had lived, this suggests very var- Jureit 1992, 72; Morgan 1984, 297, 427, 457, 460, 638;
ied child mortality rates in different living units. It Venkatramani 1992, 125). Another explanation would
has been argued (Forbes, pers. comm.) that the burial be male infanticide, regarded in some cases as a
record cannot be complete due to the over-represen- reasonable explanation for surplus female deaths or
tation of adult females and under-representation of a shortage of female adults (Ucko 1969). Such an
babies. However, there is no question that all ages explanation could also suggest a female-preferred
are represented at C::atalhoyuk, and that any social culture (the reverse of the Yanomamo), or could re-
selection was thus not based purely on age. flect a struggle within society over sex-based power
Angel sexed 44 of the 77 juvenile skeletons he or the development of gender roles. The removal of
examined. Although the sexing of juveniles is inex- male babies could be an effective weapon for women
act, the data may not be totally redundant. Angel whose social power was being eroded, both in op-
stated that the sex imbalance seen in adult skeletons posing an ideology of women as mothers and carers
was reversed among juveniles, and suggested that of males, and in creating their own majority.
the one explains the other. In fact, looking at the Looking at the data by level is complicated by
complete assemblage rather than level by level, adult the small numbers involved. Level VI, which gives
females never outnumbered males by 2:1, yet among the greatest range of context with data from 13 build-
the juveniles Angel's sexing shows males outnum- ings, shows a high level of juvenile mortality with 52
bering females by 3:1. Although these 33 juvenile juveniles to 84 adults. Of these, 13 are infants under
males could still not make up the entire 'deficit', it three, only three of them being less than a year old.
would make some difference, particularly if we as- Similar numbers of skeletons are attested within each
sume that the juvenile assemblage has suffered roughly three-year age group from 0-15, and the
greater loss due to fragility or alternative methods of fairly equal spacing of deaths across these ages, with
disposal. the exception of the very low number of young ba-
Angel sexed skeletons partly on robustness, and bies, does not suggest a single cause of death such as
this would have been his main criterion for juve- male infanticide. The low number of neonatal deaths
niles, other attributes being less developed. It is could be seen as an indicator of different treatment,
largely on this basis, therefore, that the majority of but the presence of six neonate skeletons across two

256
 Figurines, Clay Balls, Small Finds and Burials
levels (VI & VII) in the restricted assemblage re-
ceived by Angel shows that if such different treat-
ment did occur, it was not a fixed rule. Although we
know from Mellaart of a neonate buried in a brick
in the wall of EVI: 14 (1963, 75) - a skeleton not seen
by Angel and therefore additional to the six he re-
corded- it had apparently been given similar treat-
ment in terms of excarnation, application of red ochre,
wrapping in textile, and provision of grave goods.
Its presence in a brick cannot therefore be seen as the
hurried disposal of rubbish, but could indicate a
death at the wrong time of year for normal burial, a
wish to preserve delicate bones from long exposure
while awaiting burial, a foundation deposit, or a
desire to provide a baby-sized equivalent of a mud-
brick platform which would still ensure that the
burial took place within a building, and a flexibility
of custom which made it possible to seize opportu-
nity (brick-making and house-building) when of-
fered. It is possible that more neonates would be
discovered if all bricks were broken, and it is almost
certain that we have lost a disproportionate number
of infant skeletons during excarnation, burial, exca-
vation and cleaning due to their fragility.
Fragmentation
One aspect which is quite clear from Ferembach's
data, and to some extent also from Angel's, is the
high degree of fragmentation of the skeletons - by
which I mean separation of body parts from each
other, not damage to individual bones. Mellaart was
clear that the burials were secondary, occurring after
excarnation, and suggested some sort of mortuary
structure where dessication, vultures or insect ac-
tion reduced the corpses to bones and ligaments
(1963, 98; 1964, 92). This has been questioned by
Todd (1976, 67), yet the skeletal data show even
greater disturbance of the bones than Mellaart re-
ported. Mellaart said that complete/intact burials
were rare, athough the majority of skeletons dis-
played sufficient articulation to suggest that some
ligaments survived at the time of burial. According
to Ferembach's data, complete or almost complete
skeletons are extremely rare - only nine approach
such a state, five female and four male. Ferembach
used 20 bone categories in her tables, omitting du-
plicates for left and right sides. Of the maximum 282
adults and 35 juveniles she identified, only one skel-
eton had examples of all20 categories, while 88 adults
and 24 juveniles were identified from a single bone
category. (This does not mean only a single bone
was present, however.) While some of this is cer-
tainly due to variable survival of different bone
257
categories, and problems during and after excava-
tion, it cannot all be, as demonstrated by the particu-
lar bones present. This shows a level of fragmentation
not previously suggested, and causes major prob-
lems with counting individuals. Furthermore, there
seems to have been some confusion of identities,
either deliberate or accidental, during or after
burial - 45 individuals identified by Ferembach
were separated from skeletons previously thought
to represent one person; 26 of these were mixed
male and female bones, while a further 15 were mixed
with bones of indeterminate sex, the remainder be-
ing duplicate bones of the same sex. These occur in
levels V, VI and VII, perhaps III, and a number of
burials without context. If Mellaart was right, and
bodies were exposed on platforms- presumably on
the textile in which they were wrapped for burial-
it is possible that bones which fell from the platform
were added at random to any skeleton nearby, thus
inflating our estimates of individual skeletons; it is
also possible that skeletons were deliberately mixed
and then shared out among various buildings or
platforms within a building. This could imply that
complete skeletons are intact because there happened
to be no others available to mix them with - an
accident of death. Such mixing could relate to kin-
ship or non-blood relationships, in order to share a
skeleton amongst significant others, or could have
ritual implications concerning the mixing of clans,
social groups, both sexes etc. in death.
We do not know whether the dead had lived in
the building they were buried in. Mellaart reported
that no evidence was found of holes being made in
platforms (1963, 98), and rather than assume that all
buildings in which a death had occurred were dis-
turbed for a single burial, it is possible that each
year, for instance, all the skeletons were gathered up
and given burial in a few selected buildings. This
could account not just for the mass burnt burial in
EV1:5, but also for the bone piles common in level
VI. Some levels may have lasted for at least a cen-
tury, but this alone does not explain why according
to Mellaart some buildings contained up to 32 indi-
viduals (probably a considerable under-estimate in
view of Ferembach's data) buried in three or four
layers, while others contained only a couple of skel-
etons. Mellaart suggested that burial in 'shrines' was
more popular than burial in houses, to account for
this discrepancy (1967, 206), but his description of
layers of burials also suggests several episodes of
group burial rather than a regular trickle of deaths
as the years passed. Occasional mass burials could
also explain the use of several platforms, one after
 Naomi Hamilton
another. The selection of buildings for burials could
be purely practical, depending on which ones had
experienced a death among the occupants, which
ones had a suitable platform, which ones needed
repairs anyway or were due to go out of use, which
clan, totem or 'religious' symbol was favoured by
the dead individual and occurred in the building
etc .. This last suggestion could explain the higher num-
bers of skeletons in some heavily ornamented build-
ings, regarded by Mellaart as shrines. Alternatively,
we could be seeing the result of epidemic diseases.
However, there is some evidence of more individual
burial, and the presence of mainly male adult skel-
etons (accompanied by juveniles) beneath the north-
east platform of one of the buildings which could be
investigated through the skeletal data does suggest
that mass burial was not always carried out, and that
some information about the individual was retained
to the point of burial. The identity of skeletons could
have been retained through the textile on which they
were exposed for excarnation, or a similar method.
A scattering of female bones among mainly male
ones or vice versa could represent, as suggested
above, some form of ritual or deliberate mixing, or
accidental addition during excarnation. Overall, how-
ever, individual burial seems to have been rare.
Adding the artefacts
The excarnation and fragmentation of skeletons also
raise issues concerning grave goods. The common
occurrence of mass burials and disarticulated skel-
etons interferes with simple identifications of many
grave goods, or associations with individual skel-
etons. Mellaart mentions necklaces around necks,
rings on fingers, belt hooks at the hips, even a string
skirt, and suggests that many skeletons were clothed
when buried. This is surprising if excarnation was
taking place. It is possible that some items were
placed on the body before excarnation, and others
were added to the grave during burial. If bodies
were exposed on textiles, it would be a simple mat-
ter to carry the bones back to the settlement for
burial with clothes and ornaments in situ, but it is
unlikely that they would be undisturbed. Mellaart
regards some antler and bone items as fasteners for
cloaks for males, as they were found sometimes be-
hind the shoulder, while females sometimes had bone
pins at the shoulder. Few grave goods have clear
skeleton contexts, although a burial from EVI:20 sexed
male by Mellaart and also by Angel and Ferembach
was accompanied by a buckle, an item Mellaart claims
is male, and only one skeleton is reported from EIX:1,
sexed female by Mellaart, Angel and Ferembach and
258
accompanied by two necklaces.lt is not clear whether
the palette and bone fish-hook from this building
were found in the burial, although palettes were
reported by Mellaart from female burials.
A few burials have strong associations with
grave goods. These are described in the reports and
are generally individual burials. Thus the burial of a
child in EIV:8 was accompanied by a bracelet of
turquoise-coloured bird or goddess beads, a bone
pin and a fine obsidian blade. Red ochre was applied
to the skull and entire upper body (1964, 93). This
burial was unusual in that the body was in an ex-
tended position with its head to the wall and feet to
the centre of the room- though this may have less
ritual than practical meaning, as a child might be
short enough to fit within the platform space in an
extended position, whereas adults are too large and
have to lie in a contracted position. The bracelet,
bone pin and red ochre are regarded by Mellaart as
female, the blade should normally be male and adult.
A skeleton in EVI:7 had a dentalium-bead necklace,
a white marble armlet, and a red-painted basket
(1964, 95). It was sexed by Mellaart as female. Arm-
lets are shown on several figurines, some clearly
female but others generally regarded as male. In
EVI:14 the baby in the brick was treated with red
ochre and accompanied by an obsidian chip and a
piece of shell, while a child was buried with eleven
bone rings on its fingers (1964, 95). In EVIB:20 a
skeleton said to be female had an obsidian mirror, a
dentalium bead necklace, a round basket and an
oval basket containing 'rouge'. The skull had been
treated with cinnabar; another skeleton, said to be
male, had a bag of 8 obsidian projectile points beside
its leg. EVI:25 contained only two skeletons - a
young adult said to be female and a child (1963, 101).
Although the burials are reported to be among those
in shrines which border on poverty (this building
was earlier regarded as a house, not a shrine) the
adult was buried in a string skirt weighted down
with copper tubes, and accompanied by a necklace
and bracelets, an oval wooden bowl and another
wooden object as well as much textile. The burnt
burial in EVI:5 contained wooden vessels, fruit, flow-
ers, a mica pendant, a polished bone tool perforated
at one end, a two-part belt buckle, textile, fur and a
wooden peg with copper on it, all from a mass burial
(1963, 99-101); a needle, pendant and flint tool are
also known from this building. Since these skeletons
were not identified by Angel or Ferembach, it is not
possible to test the sexing given by Mellaart against
the grave goods described, in order to investigate
the gender aspects.
 Figurines, Clay Balls, Small Finds and Burials
EVIA:29 is described by Mellaart as a less dis-
tinguished house which contained rich grave goods
(1964, 94). There were several skeletons, ten of which
were seen by Angel. He sexed them as three males,
aged 30??, 35 and 47+, five females aged 18, 27, 28,
30- and 30, plus two juveniles aged 3 and 7. Unfortu-
nately there is no method of identifying one of these
skeletons with the one Mellaart describes as a male
accompanied by a white marble bowl, a fine flint dag-
ger with bone handle in the shape of a snake, a bone
or horn scoop, green pigment and ointment sticks.
EVIII:1 had a burial described by Mellaart as
consisting of a woman with a child on top of her,
with red ochre applied to the skeleton, and accom-
panied by fresh water mussel shells filled with red
ochre, an adze, a flint dagger with a chalk pommel, a
spoon and a spatula (1967, 207). These last two, he
says, generally occur when a child is buried with a
woman (1967, 209). Red ochre is regarded as female,
and so are adzes. Daggers are supposed to be male.
This particular dagger has not yet been identified
among the artefacts.
EVIII:31 contained the most complicated buri-
als in some ways. They were reported by Mellaart in
great detail (1966, 180-83), and consisted of an un-
specified number of burials without grave goods
below a white floor, and two strange burials under
painted platforms- a young child ('little girl') in a
basket, the skeleton partly stained with cinnabar,
accompanied by two bracelets and two necklaces -
one with a mother-of-pearl pendant and many deer
teeth; and a young adult sexed in situ as female,
disarticulated yet in a vertical sitting position, with
red ochre covering the body and applied in stripes
to the skull and neck, wearing three long necklaces
including a mother of pearl pendant, with two bone
rings and a macehead near the body, as well as the
long bones and skulls of many mice and a single
shrew. This burial is of interest first because of the
unusual method of burial and the unusual surround-
ing building, next because of the presence of a
macehead with a woman- regarded by Mellaart as
a symbol of authority and a male attribute - and
finally by Angel's sexing of the skeleton as male.
This apparently male skeleton was literally covered
with necklaces of a type apparently only found with
female skeletons - not the few beads Mellaart says
occur with males, not just one long and elaborate
necklace, but three. A bodkin and a bone handle/
comb are also annotated as coming from this burial.
Another bone item, possibly a palette, comes from
this building and although it does not have a burial
context it may well belong to the same group.
259
Juveniles tend to be found buried with adults.
Mellaart reported that babies and infants were bur-
ied with women (1964, 93), but as in the above case
the sexing may need to be questioned. He also re-
ported that certain grave goods sometimes accom-
panied such burials, such as spoons and spatulae
which he thought were for feeding the infant with,
and shell or mother-of-pearl pendants (1964, 103).
Pigment
Mellaart reported the use of red ochre on 21 skel-
etons, blue pigment on 10, green pigment on three,
grey on one and cinnabar on several. He did not
attempt to explain it, but did try to give it associa-
tions. Red ochre was applied almost entirely, and
possibly solely, to female skeletons, and these al-
most always occurred in 'shrines'. Mellaart is also
clear that red ochre burials, although possibly high
status, are not rich- they are generally accompa-
nied only by a necklace. Red ochre also occurred in
graves in other forms- in baskets or shells as 'rouge',
or in one case just lumps of it in a grave with some
blue pigment but not on the bones (EVII:1). I have a
total of 26 occurrences of associations between skel-
etons and red ochre culled from the records. By far
the most are in levels VII (six or seven) and VIB (six)
but with the exception of VIA, which may have suf-
fered in the records from the adjustments between
VI, VIA, VIB and VII occasioned by changes in the
understanding of the stratigraphy, the number of
instances seems to correlate quite well with the
number of burials excavated per level, although none
is known from level II or from earlier than level IX.
The skeletal data do not give a great deal of informa-
tion, as only five skeletons with red ochre were ex-
amined, of which three were female and two male. It
does seem to occur in certain buildings - there were
two in EVII:31 (one male aged 29, one female aged
42), two or three in EVII:10 (one female labelled as
having red ochre but none visible, aged 34, one fe-
male with no label but ochre visible, aged 37, one
female labelled and with ochre visible, aged 39), and
two in EVI:14 (one of them a neonate). In addition, in
some cases they occur in buildings above one an-
other - in EIV:14 and EV:17; EVIA:5 and EVIB:5;
EVIB:12 and EVII:12; EVII:1, EVIII:1 and EIX:1; and
with a pause during levels V and VI, EIV:8, EVII:31
and EVIII:31.
Green and blue pigment are said to occur on
skeletons of both sexes, and with rich burials (1964,
94). Green pigment was applied as eyebrows to a
skull sexed female in EVIB:20 and occurs on a skel-
eton sexed male in EVIA:29 (1967, 208). I have also
 Naomi Hamilton
found traces of green pigment on a long dentalium
necklace from level VII (171) and one necklace from
AVI:1 (208). Blue pigment was applied to the skull
and neck. Traces of blue pigment survive on a neck-
lace from EVI:10 burialS and on another from EVI:44.
There is no record of which building the grey pig-
ment occurred in, but it was in level V. Cinnabar
was found on the child in EVIII:31, on a skeleton
sexed female in EVIB:20, accompanied by a mirror,
necklace and rouge (1964, 95), and on the skull of
another in EIX:1 whose body was covered in red
ochre, accompanied by necklaces and some copper
and lead beads.
Pigment could have been applied to skeletons
for a range of reasons. They could relate to the status
of the dead person in terms of their occupation (wall-
painter?), their role within the 'family' or 'society',
their age, sex or gender, or could refer to an outside
factor such as cause of death. The presence of 'rich'
grave goods need not imply that they themselves
were wealthy or had high status (contra Wason 1994),
as we do not know who the artefacts belonged to
before burial, why they were put in a grave, nor
what was regarded as wealth. At present there is no
indication from the records nor the skeletal data that
the use of pigment was restricted to a particular sex
or age group, and although it may cluster in certain
buildings, these often also contain many non-
pigmented burials. It is possible that future work
can investigate any links with cause of death, and
any particular accompanying grave goods that could
suggest a pattern.
Mellaart suggested that red ochre burials were
often accompanied by obsidian mirrors, and accord-
ing to my data this occurred in three, or possibly
four cases (the burial in EVIB:20 is not certain- the
skull is said to be treated with cinnabar, but a red
ochre burial is also recorded), while five burials with
mirrors have no record of ochre being used. Of the
three definite burials with red ochre and mirrors,
one took place in a building regarded by Mellaart as
a house rather than a shrine (EV:17) as did at least
one other red ochre burial (EIV:12).
Wealth, status and hierarchy
The question of wealth and status is difficult to ap-
proach, as the meanings of these words are value-
laden. Indicators of status can be very variable, and
before we can recognize them we need to have some
idea of which statuses could be involved. Status in-
dicators in the burial record could include the type
of burial/ disposal; place of burial (within or outside
a building); which building is chosen; which part of
260
the building; whether the burial is individual or
mixed; if mixed, with whom; articulated or not; in-
volves pigment; is in the earth, on a mat, in textile, in
a basket; is contracted, extended or sitting; is accom-
panied by grave goods; if so which grave goods, etc ..
It is not possible at present to address many of these
easily, and some have been discussed already.
Grave goods may or may not indicate status. A
major problem is whose status they represent- that
of the dead person, the person responsible for bury-
ing them, the person who lives in the house they are
buried in, the 'family', the community etc .. What is
clear at <::atalhoyiik is that while nothing was obvi-
ously made purely for burial, many grave goods
required considerable investment of effort when pro-
duced. Maceheads are regarded as high status sym-
bols, symbols of authority, and Mellaart reports that
they were found with male skeletons although few
can now be assigned to burials. Necklaces of hun-
dreds of tiny stone beads are the most common grave
goods and occur apparently with female skeletons,
although there are clearly exceptions. They are not
regarded as high status, although Mellaart makes it
clear that the majority of burials have no grave goods
(1962, 52) and therefore a necklace could be regarded
as a step up from none. However, the effort required
to produce a necklace was probably far greater than
that involved in making a macehead. The materials
used for necklaces are largely imported and include
exotica such as Mediterranean shells, deer teeth, lead,
copper, rock crystal, and stones of many colours
carved into interesting shapes. Maceheads were made
generally of limestone, sometimes with unusual
mottling but sometimes plain. If the level of status
depends on the level of investment in work and
materials, many of the necklaces would outweigh
the maceheads very easily. Mirrors were regarded
by Mellaart as high status items for women, and he
reports that they occur mainly in 'shrines'. They
would have required a great deal of work- it is still
not known how they were polished without being
scratched, and of course they are made from im-
ported obsidian. Bone belt-buckles were high-status
objects for males, suggested to be used for fastening
leopard-skin clothing on priests and occurring in
'shrines'. It is clear that they did not occur solely in
'shrines', and evidence from the figurines shows that
leopard skins were not regarded as male rather than
female attire. The buckles are made of easily obtain-
able and worked material (bone) and are not very
elaborate. Their status seems to be based on their
rarity alone. The suggested female equivalent of belt-
buckles, bone pins, is not considered high status,
 Figurines, Clay Balls, Small Finds and Burials
although at least one is decorated. Elaborate obsid-
ian and flint blades and projectile points are seen as
occurring with males, and regarded as items requir-
ing specialist craftspeople, while polished stone adzes
occur with females and pass without comment. The
investment of time is far greater for a polished than a
chipped stone tool, and the materials for both were
imported.
Mellaart describes some buildings as containing
rich burials or burials bordering on poverty (1967,
207). Returning for a moment to pigmentation, and
remembering that he argued that red ochre burials
were not rich but may denote high status, it is inter-
esting to look at his assessments of wealth. Of those
burials described as rich, three had red ochre burials
(AIII:l, EVI:5, EVII:12), while those bordering on
poverty included two with red ochre on the skeleton
(EVI:12, EVI:14) and one burial with lumps of red
ochre as a grave good (EVII:1). Red ochre survives
on a necklace of deer teeth and copper from level
VIII, and the two red ochre burials in each of EVIII:31
and EVIII:25 had long elaborate necklaces. The buri-
als in EVII:21 were described as simple and include
a skull treated with red ochre and with cowrie shells
placed in the eye sockets (1966, 183). Broadening the
view to include other grave goods, building EVIA:25,
known variously as a house or a shrine, contained
only two burials- an adult and child. Said to bor-
der on poverty, this burnt burial included two
wooden artefacts, a necklace, bracelets of stone and
coal, textile, much thread and a string skirt with the
ends weighted with copper tubes. Considering that
the majority of burials are recorded as having no
grave goods, this one seems rather rich to me, par-
ticularly in the use of copper - a very rare material,
and the presence of more than one string of beads.
Wood and textile may be considered to have been
lost from most burials, as these were preserved in
this case by the severity of a fire which destroyed the
building. The burials in EVI:14 are also said to bor-
der on poverty (1967, 207), although the baby in the
brick had a piece of shell and an obsidian chip, and a
child had eleven bone rings, while a needle, a fas-
tener and a stone armlet have not been attributed to
individual skeletons. Simple burials are mentioned
in EVI:10, which contained at least 20 wooden ves-
sels including boxes with lids, and several baskets.
The simple burial in EVII:21 has been mentioned
above. EVI:34, a 'large well appointed house' also
had 'no signs of luxury' in the grave goods (1964,
94), which consisted of a number of baskets, two sets
of beads and two projectile points. Rich burials, on
the other hand, may contain only necklaces and a
261
spatula (AIII:l), necklaces, armlets, mirror, celt, pro-
jectile points, scraper and pendant (AIV:1- no indi-
vidual attribution of grave goods), wooden vessels,
fruit, flowers, a pendant, a perforated bone tool, a
buckle, textile and a copper-covered wooden ?peg
(EVI:5, the mass burnt burial). This one seems to me
to differ little from the impoverished burial in EVI:25,
particularly when considering that only two skel-
etons were found in EVI:25 and 6-8 skeletons were
found under a single platform in EVI:5 - no infor-
mation is available as to whether others were found
under other platforms. EVI:29 was a 'less distin-
guished house' (1964, 94) but had rich grave goods,
said to include obsidian tools and weapons although
they have not been traced (a single projectile point is
known from the building), two necklaces (which in-
clude 18 beads probably made of lead ore) and a
mother-of-pearl pendant which I have seen, and a
collection mentioned above said to be buried with a
male. EVII:12 is a big building with wealthy grave
goods, said to include obsidian weapons and tools,
and a boar's tusk collar (in Ankara Museum). I have
also found a spatula and buckle belonging to this
building and doubtless deriving from the burials.
With data of this nature, assessments of rank and
status are bound to fail.
A brief comparison can be made with what is
known of the burials at two very important sites in
the broad neighbourhood of <;atalhoyiik. A~1kh
Hoyiik) is an aceramic site, somewhat earlier than
<;atalhoyiik but with many similarities which prof-
fer it as an ancestor of sorts. Intramural burials be-
low the floors of dwellings are known in small
numbers - four males, five females, two infants
(Esin 1991). They are generally single, although buri-
als of infants with adults are known, as is one double
burial of adults. Grave gifts are said to be rare, but
beads appear not to be regarded as grave goods,
rather they are personal items. The beads themselves
show strong similarities with <;atalhOyiik, and both
deer teeth and copper have now been found on neck-
laces in graves (Esin 1995). Other grave goods con-
sist of a stone axe and a sharpener, items which-
along with beads - are rare among the artefacts
assemblage. At Ko~k Hoyiik (Silistreli 1984; 1990),
somewhat later than <;atalhoyiik, at least 17 burials
were excavated, all but two juveniles. Grave goods
consist of shallow ceramic bowls, sometimes with
spoons, weapons and tools made of bone and obsid-
ian, and beads made of various stones. One burial of
a child (said to be female) had a clay figurine, a stone
miniature 'idol' and a bone stamp with geometric
curvilinear motifs. On the other hand adult skulls
 Naomi Hamilton
are represented, with plastered features similar to
those known from Jericho. One, treated with red
ochre after plastering, was found with a pair of black
stone eyes (unfortunately not in situ but believed by
the excavator to come from the eye sockets). Both
these sites show rather different burial customs from
<:;atalhoyiik - a dearth of burials, or emphasis on
juvenile burials within the settlement, the presence
of apparently adult grave goods with children, the
presence in graves of items not found at <:;atal-
hoyiik - yet there are similarities such as intramu-
ral burial, beads in graves, use of red ochre.
<:;atalhoyiik even has one skull with cowrie shells in
the eyes, although it was not plastered, and bone
items very like the belt buckles at <:;atalhOyiik are
found at A~xkh Hoyiik, but are not mentioned as
grave goods. Given the variation, we cannot look to
other sites for assistance, but can be aware of the
range of artefacts and burial rites in use in the area.
Conclusion
As noted at the outset, there are serious problems
with the data. Nevertheless, I hope that in the afore-
going I have demonstrated that some information
can be teased from them. The sex segregation of the
burials has been demonstrated, in those few groups
of skeletons with sufficient information, to be impre-
cise. There may be an element of segregation in the
burial of males under the northeast platform but this
must be tested further, as few examples are avail-
able, and they were certainly accompanied by juve-
niles. Males were definitely not only buried under
the northeast platform, and its symbolic elaboration
is dubious. The sex/ gender base of grave goods must
certainly be scrutinized further before it can be ac-
cepted - there has been little opportunity to evaluate
published records against the skeletons themselves.
It may be that what needs to be questioned is not the
sex of the skeleton, but the gender of its owner. If
necklaces were worn exclusively by women, then
the male skeleton in EVIII:31 may have been owned
by a woman, yet if maceheads are really male items,
that woman was also somehow a man - a gender-
crosser. Gender-crossers can only exist where gen-
der exists, and perhaps the entire edifice has been
built on modern assumptions - perhaps, after all,
the skeleton in EVIII:31 represents a person, who
wore necklaces and had a macehead, and had no-
tions of men and women very different from our
own. The female skeleton in EVIII:l with the dagger,
the male skeleton in EVIA:29 with the ointment sticks,
the male skulls with red ochre, males buried under
female platforms etc. - all are candidates for gender-
262
crossing, but perhaps rather than suggest they were
bending their gender, we should consider whether
we have not been bending the evidence to fit our
own preconceptions.
In attempting to separate grave goods accord-
ing to sex we are bound to run into difficulties due
to the mixing and fragmentation of burials. We know
from the skeletal record that mixed sex skeletons
were buried together. In such circumstances, not only
need we question whether grave goods belonged to
individuals, but also whether the sex of the indi-
viduals was relevant at all. Burial practices at
<:;atalhoyiik seem on one level to be quite fixed and
conservative, yet in others they show flexibility -
the range of position, wrapping, pigment, grave
goods etc., and the great variation in numbers of
burials per building. Some of it may reflect expedi-
ency, some design. Most of these variations have
been viewed as reflections of the status of the dead,
but I remain unconvinced by the data at present.
Difference need not mean structural inequality
(Wason 1994). Ranking by age, achieved status, so-
cial roles based on skill and knowledge etc. do not
necessarily contradict an egalitarian ethos.
This examination of the evidence has by no
means exhausted all avenues, but it is clear to me
that although more statistics could be examined, and
labels could be checked again, the information we
will gain is limited. Sufficient has been found to
show that burial practices at <:;atalhoyiik were not as
simple as was thought. In order to progress, we now
need new data, which must be collected with the
questions I have raised in mind.
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Burnham, H.B., 1965. <::atal Hiiyiik - the textiles and
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London: Thames & Hudson.
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 Chapter 13
Trace Element Analyses of Bones and Teeth from
~atalhoyiik
Theya Molleson & Peter Andrews
Introduction
The re-opening of excavations at <;:atalhoyiik has
provided the occasion for a re-examination of the
human skeletal material from the part of the site that
was excavated between 1962 and 1965 by James
Mellaart (Mellaart 1962; 1963; 1964; 1966). This ex-
tends the studies carried out by Denise Ferembach
(1969; 1970; 1973) and Larry Angel (1971). We are
most grateful to Professor Berna Alpagut for ena-
bling us to carry out these studies.
The new studies of the mandibles and denti-
tions are being undertaken by a team of researchers
based in the Natural History Museum, London. They
include a detailed recording and radiography of the
dental morphology and oral health. A preliminary
study of the dental microwear features using scan-
ning electron microscopy has also been undertaken
(Molleson et al. 1996). The analysis revealed a large
pit size, which suggests that large objects were being
processed, while the paucity of scratches suggests
that there was little need to masticate or grind the
food. The main food type was probably not cereal
and certainly not boiled cereal. Taken together with
the general low degree of abrasion on the molar
teeth, the anterior faceting and large molar pits, sug-
gests that the most likely types of food being eaten
were tubers and pulses. In order to test this further,
we have initiated an investigation into the trace ele-
ments and stable isotopes present in the bones and
teeth of the <;:atalhoyiik human population, and by
this means it should be possible to gain further
insights into the diet of these Neolithic people. This
analysis will have the further object of measuring
the extent of chemical alteration through burial in
the ground.
265
Material and methods
Samples of human bone, permanent and deciduous
teeth as well as soil and an animal bone were
analyzed by induced coupled plasma spectrometry
(ICP) for 22 elements. For this pilot study most parts
and levels of the site were examined. Several sam-
ples were taken from a single individual in an at-
tempt to document variation in preservation and in
diet. A list of material analyzed is given in Table
13.1.
The elements studied provide information as to
both diet and to contamination or post-burial altera-
tion. A rough guide to contamination, i.e. inclusion
of extraneous material, of the human samples is in-
dicated by the presence of elements that are present
in soils and groundwaters. These include silica, tita-
nium, and aluminium. Apart from one of the soil
samples, one bone from K10.62, and the pig bone
EVI.34i, had Si, Ti, and Al concentrations signifi-
cantly above the range of the remaining 21 bones
and teeth. The tooth from K10.62 did not appear to
be contaminated. Iron and manganese were also high
in these samples. Calcium and phosphorus, the main
constituents of skeletal mineral, were reduced in the
animal bone, implying alteration replacement. It is
unfortunate that the only animal bone available, a
pig humerus, showed this alteration, since as a con-
sequence no dietary interpretation of the data using
a comparison of the pig with human data could be
made with confidence. It is understood that most of
the inhumations had been secondary burials placed
under the floors of the rooms after the body had
been essentially defleshed and dried. Further, being
within the building structure the skeletons would
not have been subject to percolating waters. Both
 Theya Molleson & Peter Andrews

Table 13.1. c;atalhoyiik bones and teeth analyzed by ICP. are potassium, manganese and magnesium, whereas
sulphur, zinc and iron are found in both plant and
High trace elements Mg!S Indices animal products, but in differing proportions.
EIV 85 Soil Si. Ti, AI, Pb, Mn, Fe 58.9
EIV92 Soil Si 48.2
Concentrations of these elements are particu-
EIV3 Teeth Na,K 45 larly difficult to interpret since they are essential
EIVHI Mandible bone 50
EIVHI M2roots Pb 66.7 elements and therefore always present; they are also
EIV92 H M3 roots 40 highly mobile and readily taken up by buried bone.
EVI lh 37 de root Pb 25.6
EVI lh 37 Ml roots Cu,Pb 37.5 A Pearson correlation matrix was produced after
EVI lh 37 Maxilla bone V,Pb 40
EVI 7h,i M3 roots Pb 87.5 removal of samples with anomalously high concen-
EVI 7h.i Canine germ Ba 88 trations of copper, arsenic and iron. These pairwise
EVIId Mandible bone As,Pb 48.7
EVIl 8c72 Maxilla bone Ti 45.5 correlations, were examined in conjunction with the
EVIl 8c72 M2germ 81.8
EVIl 8c72 dm2 roots 37.8 distribution in bivariate plots to elucidate relative
EVIl lOb Mandible bone As, V, Pb, Hg 23.9
EVII31 Mandible bone V,Pb 33.7
dietary input.
EVIl 35 Mandible bone Pb 54
EVIl 45 9a Bone Pb 50
EVIl 45 9a M2germ Pb 75.9 Trace element analysis
EIX 17b Red stain Ba, Pb, Hg 64
K1062 Mandible bone Si, Ti, AI, Pb 59
K1062 M2 roots 61.7 Soil strontium levels, 520-645 ppm, were found to
EVI34i Pig bone Si, Ti, AI, Sr, Ba, Fe, Mg
be within the range for the bone and tooth samples.
Strontium was not correlated with the soil-borne
these factors would have contributed substantially elements but it was found to be correlated with all
to creating an inert environment for the bones and the dietary elements. Soil manganese levels, 320-730
original trace element content has remained unal- ppm, were higher than the levels found in bone or
tered in many cases. tooth samples except for one contaminated bone,
The numbers found on the specimens were used K10.62.
in all cases, although unfortunately the meaning of Strontium, potassium and magnesium, plant
this numbering is not always very clear. The prefix E indicators, were correlated at the following levels:
and K refer to areas of Mellaart' s excavation (Mellaart Sr-K, r = 0.59; Sr-Mg, r = 0.43; K-Mg, r = 0.6. The
1962-1966), and the Roman numerals IV to IX refer strontium correlation with magnesium (r = 0.43) sug-
to successive levels. The meaning of the number 10 gests plant leaf as a primary source for these ele-
in KlO is not understood at present, so we do not ments rather than cereal. The lowest values for
know what level this specimen came from. The num- strontium were in samples from EVIL These sam-
bers that follow the letters and roman numerals in ples also had low concentrations of magnesium,
Table 13.1 in some cases designate house numbers as which is found in leaf vegetables, and higher than
allocated by Mellaart (1962-1966), and these are average concentrations of zinc, an essential element
sometimes given a letter prefix H; in other cases, most readily available in meat, fish and legumes.
particularly the numbers 62, 85 and 92, the numbers The indications then are that the individuals recov-
are probably specimen numbers of unknown origin, ered from EVIl had more meat in their diet than
and the lower case letters after a number are prob- those from other parts of the site. It may be signifi-
ably secondary categories for that number. This un- cant that some individuals from this level in E had
satisfactory numbering system may be clarified with also been treated with cinnabar, lead and arsenic
further work on the old collections. either in life or after death.
The technique used to infer dietary levels of Potassium was strongly correlated with sodium
plant and animal products in the <;atalhOyiik re- (r = 0.84). Good sources for this are fruit, vegetables,
mains was twofold: by examination of correlations milk and cereals. Sodium levels are much higher
between pairs of elements that have a similar chem- than those for potassium, which is unusual and pre-
istry and by examination of the correlations between sumably reflects high ambient levels in the soil. So-
elements that occur in different foodstuffs. Thus dium is also correlated with magnesium (r = 0.79)
strontium and barium levels are correlated in plants but not with the soil elements.
and can be expected to show a relationship higher Zinc shows correlations with soil elements and
up the food chain in herbivores, omnivores and car- cannot be a reliable indicator of dietary intake. In
nivores, although the absolute values will be pro- general, however, zinc levels were low (174+ I -44
gressively decreased. In practice barium proved not ppm compared to 250 ppm in the reference stand-
to be useful. Other elements abundant in plant foods ard, analyzed with the same equipment). This is lower

266
 Trace Element Analyses of Bones and Teeth
than in the soil samples and was correlated (r:0.54)
with strontium, suggesting a plant source rather than
animal for this element; nor is it strongly correlated
with iron (r:0.29). A rich source for zinc would be the
pulses, peas and beans. Food offerings in the graves
comprise these legumes and meat rather than cere-
als. Zinc was high relative to magnesium in several
bone sa mples from EVIl suggesting a higher meat
component in the diet here.
Even after removal of outliers, iron shows high-
es t correlations with soil elements and cannot be a
reliable indicator of dietary intake in this material.
Sulphur is most highly correlated with stron-
tium and potassium (r:0.64, 0.55) and also with mag-
nesium (r:0.38) and may be a pointer to the relative
importance of pulses in the diet.
As an experiment, ratios of the values of these
elements were compared to data for groups of pulses,
roots, cereal and meat foods, taken from the litera-
ture (Documenta Geigy 1962). The rationale for this
is that although there will be fractionation during
metabolism of these elements, the proportion should
remain more or less the same, and large differences
in proportion might be reflected in the measured
bone or tooth content. Thus suckling infants will
have a meat signal (i.e. their main food source is
animal); while adults might have meat, plant or an
intermediate signal depending on the predominant
nutritional component of the diet. This reasoning is
still very crude, but was thought worth trying.
Magnesium:sulphur ratios are highest in fruits,
nuts and cereals (1.40, 1.04, 0.69), lowest in meat fish
and fats (0.11, 0.11, 0.10) and intermediate in leaf,
pulses and roots (0.55, 0.45, 0.39) . The ratios for the
C::atalhoyuk bones and teeth fall mostly within the
range of plant foods especially pulses (0.40-0.50).
But the low Mg/S ratio of EVI lh,i, the root of the
d eciduous canine formed in infancy, is consistent
with an animal (i.e. suckling) diet. A deciduous mo-
lar and an Ml, both have low Mg /S ratios (0.37) that
would be consistent with a mixed diet, whereas other
teeth (M2) that formed when the individual was
young though weaned have higher ratios (0.61-0.81)
which could imply a cereal component in the diet.
Late forming teeth (M3) from EVI have high ratios
(0.87). The mandible from EVIl lOb appears to have
a predominantly meat diet (Mg/S = 0.23). These
results are sufficiently encouraging to warrant fur-
ther work.
Comparison of levels of magnesium in teeth
suggests a lower plant component in the diet of young
children. They would be either suckling or possibly
rec eiving milk from domestic animals. Higher
267
magnesium and strontium concentrations generally
recorded for bone samples can be taken to reflect
higher reliance on plant foods in adults.
Further work will explore the relationship be-
tween the trace elements within the bones and teeth
and microwear on the teeth. Initial studies of the
dental microwear has indicated a large particle size
in the food (Fig. 13.1) but without a strongly abra-
sive component in the diet (Molleson et al. 1996).
There is not a wide variety of evidence for the exist-
ence in <:;atalhoyuk of techniques for the preparation
of grains, and the microwear evidence suggests that
cereal grains, which are hard and abrasive, were not
being widely consumed by the humans. Further, the
similarity of the crazing of the enamel of some of the
teeth to those published by Cutress (Hoffman et al.
1989), which describes the damage done to the enamel
by Polynesians who use their front teeth to peel
coconuts, suggests that roots or tubers may have
been prepared in this way (Fig. 13.2).
Direct comparison of the human bone and tooth
samples with trace elements from Abu Hureyra, a
contemporary Neolithic site in Syria, reveal broadly
similar values for Sr and Ba. At Abu Hureyra, how-
ever, the levels for these elements in the human bones
are considerably less than in the animal bones. As at
Abu Hureyra the manganese values are similar in
human and animal bone although the absolute val-
ues are higher at C::atalhoyuk. The zinc and magne-
sium values are also similar to those from Abu
Hureyra.
Some samples from <:;atalhoyuk showed unex-
pectedly high values of heavy metals. One sample
(EIX.17b) with red staining contained mercury (as
Figure 13.1. The occlusal surface of an adult mandible,
EVllg, showing cracking of the enamel of the anterior
teeth . The teeth are also somewhat procumbent, suggest-
ing that they have been used for pulling or stripping
objects.
 Theya Molleson & Peter Andrews
well as cobalt and high barium) suggesting the use
of cinnabar (mercuric sulphide) although sulphur
was very low. Cinnabar was recorded as being ap-
plied to the face of several skulls (Mellaart 1967). It is
a traditional medicine used to treat skin conditions,
especially fungal, such as ringworm, and to ward off
ectoparasites.
268
Figure 13.2. A) The occlusal surface of the mandible of a
4-5 year old individual, EVIII 25, with two second and
one first deciduous molar in place. B) SEM micrograph
showing the large pits and strongly directional striations
on the crushing facet of the first deciduous molar on the
mandible. This pattern was probably produced by the
pulling of fibrous material along the tooth surface.
Magnification x180.
High levels of arsenic and lead were recorded
in two samples from EVIl (EVII.d, 1500, 30 ppm; and
EVII.lOb, 380 ppm, 13.5 per cent). The mandible
EVIl.lOb had advanced periodontal disease, but the
level of lead, 13.5 per cent, has clearly been incorpo-
rated postmortem (calcium and phosphorus were
low). Low levels of lead (10-55 ppm) were recorded
 Trace Element Analyses of Bones and Teeth
in 11 of the human samples and could represent
lifetime intake. It occurs in both bone and tooth sam-
ples and in both adults and juveniles. In the perma-
nent tooth of one individual, EVI 1h 37, lead (10
ppm) is associated with a very high level of copper
(125 ppm). Other samples from this individual have
elevated lead (15-55 ppm) but copper is within the
normal range for the site.
The presence of arsenic, both in low quantities
generally and occasionally at highly elevated levels,
is intriguing. All except two of the bone and tooth
samples contained arsenic and it was present in the
soil samples. Excluding the two outliers, the arsenic
levels are correlated with sulphide (r = 0.48) and
with strontium (r = 0.5) which could indicate that
the element, already present in the soil, was being
ingested with plant foods. It is not strongly corre-
lated, however, with the other plant indicators po-
tassium or magnesium (r = 0.26 and 0.13 respectively)
and recent studies have shown that plant uptake is
not the major pathway of such metals as arsenic or
lead. On the contrary 9-80 per cent of lead and 34-90
per cent of arsenic uptake in cattle is due to ingestion
of soil (Thornton 1988). Arsenic occurs naturally as
the sulphide, in copper ores, and as an impurity in
zinc with lead. It is normally present in soils in the
range <5-40 ppm and at ~atalhoyiik levels of 20 and
45 ppm were measured. Arsenic can be alloyed with
copper to make bronze. The alloying of copper with
arsenic gives a harder, less brittle material and im-
proves the workability of the object by allowing re-
peated hammering. Mellaart records beads of copper
and lead worn by the women as early as level IX
(Mellaart 1967). Mellaart also records the presence of
a green paint (Mellaart 1967, 209). Scheele's green is
a compound of arsenic and copper. The oxide gives
a white colour to copper and has been widely used
as a cosmetic. Combined with potash or soda it is
used as an insecticide.
There is also the possibility that arsenic was
being used medicinally by the people of ~atalhoyiik.
Externally it has been used to clear the skin in cer-
tain skin diseases. Taken internally arsenic is a cu-
mulative poison but in minute quantities it is a gastric
stimulant. In certain forms of anaemia it increases
the number of red blood corpuscles and also their
haemoglobin content and has been used to treat anae-
mia following malaria. Angel (1964) observed a high
frequency of cribra orbitalia in the skulls from ~atal­
hoyiik and proposed that this was the consequence
of a high incidence of malaria in the population.
Arsenic also affects the general metabolism, so
that occasionally individuals acquire the habit of
269
arsenic eating to increase their weight, strength and
appetite. This habit is attributed to the Styrians of
Austria (Encyclopaedia Britannica 1911). It may not be
too far fetched to associate the physique of the god-
dess statuettes with the ingestion of arsenic.
This multi-element examination of the human
remains from ~atalhoyiik has enabled the identifica-
tion of altered samples, which cannot reasonably be
used to interpret diet. Contaminated specimens can,
with caution, be used to infer diet since the addition
of grains of say feldspar, high in potassium, should
not alter the relative values of dietary indicators such
as strontium and magnesium. Tooth samples are
less likely to show alteration or contamination. The
study has also identified the use of metals and
pointed to the possibility that the people of
~atalhoyiik were experimenting with the medicinal
properties of certain elements, perhaps the begin-
nings of inductive science.
Conclusions
Samples of human bone, permanent and deciduous
teeth, soil and one animal bone have been analyzed
by induced coupled plasma spectrometry (ICP) for
22 elements. Several parts and levels of the 1960s
excavations at ~atalhoyiik were examined. There-
sults give tentative support to an earlier analysis on
the microwear of the teeth that a non-abrasive diet
was being eaten by the individuals tested from
~atalhoyiik, and despite the evidence for grain prepa-
ration at the site the most likely diet was one of
pulses and tubers. Some elements may have had
other uses, such as for medicine or cosmetics.
Acknowledgements
We are grateful to the General Directorate of Monu-
ments and Museums for permission to study the
material from ~atalhoyiik, and to Professor Berna
Alpagut for allowing access to the mandibular mate-
rial. The ICP analyses were performed in the Depart-
ment of Mineralogy of the Natural History Museum
by Vic Din, whose help and advice is gratefully ac-
knowledged.
References
Angel, L., 1964. Osteoporosis: thalassaemia. American Jour-
nal of Physical Anthropology 22, 369-73.
Angel, L., 1971. Early Neolithic from <;:atalhoyiik: demog-
raphy and pathology. Anatolian Studies 21, 77-98.
 Theya Molleson & Peter Andrews
Ferembach, D. 1969. Apen;u sur le peuplement de
l' Anatolie et du moyen-orient au Neolithique. Tiirk
Tarih Kurumu Belleten 33, 137-43.
Ferembach, D., 1970. Les hommes du gisement neolithique
de <;atalhoyiik. Bulletin de la Societe d' Anthropologie
du Sud-Ouest 6, 7-14.
Ferembach, D., 1973. L'evolution humaine au proche-ori-
ent. Palaeorient 1, 213-21.
Hoffman, M.P., T.W. Cutress & M.C. Crooks, 1989. Some
epidemiological and scanning electron microscopic
features of crazing of the dental enamel of Poly-
nesians. New Zealand Dental Journal 85, 86-90.
Mellaart, J., 1962. Excavations at <;atal Hiiyiik, first pre-
liminary report, 1961. Anatolian Studies 12,41-65.
Mellaart, J., 1963. Excavations at <;atal Hiiyiik, second
270
preliminary report, 1962. Anatolian Studies 13, 43-
103.
Mellaart, J., 1964. Excavations at <;atal Hiiyiik, third pre-
liminary report, 1963. Anatolian Studies 14,39-119.
Mellaart, J., 1966. Excavations at <;atal Hiiyiik, fourth pre-
liminary report, 1965. Anatolian Studies 16, 165-91.
Mellaart, J., 1967. c;atalhoyiik: a Neolithic Town in Anatolia.
London: Thames & Hudson.
Molleson, T.I, B. Boz, K. Nudd & B. Alpagut, 1996. Dietary
indications in the dentitions from <;atalhoyiik, in Arkeo-
metri sonuqlarr toplantzsz XI. Ankara: T.C. Kiiltiir bak-
anh~ Antilar ve Miizeler Genel Miidiirliigu, 141-50.
Thornton, I., 1988. Soil features and human health, in Trace
Elements in Environmental History, eds. G. Grupe &
B. Herrmann. Berlin: Springer-Verlag, 135-44.
 Chapter 14
Exploring the 1960s' Surface: the Stratigraphy of
~atalhoyiik
Wendy Matthews & Shahina Farid
In this chapter we discuss firstly the nature and
conditions of the sections from the 1960s' excava-
tions in the southwest of the site, and our approaches
in recording them in the field. We then consider the
nature of the overall stratigraphic problems and spe-
cific correlations with Mellaart's excavations and ob-
servations, before discussing the sequencing and
replacement of buildings and open areas, and the
site structure thematically.
In the first three seasons of renewed investiga-
tions at (atalhoyiik a total length of c. 160m of field
sections from the 1960s' excavations, has been
cleaned, photographed, drawn at 1:20 and described,
in Areas A and E of Mellaart's excavations in the
southwestern side of the east mound (Fig. 14.1). These
sections have been correlated with plans from
Mellaart' s levels XII-III. They provide a con joinable
section through 11.04 m of the mound, from 1004.38-
1015.42 m a.s.l., 2.08-13.12 m above the level of the
plain and 4.88 m below the summit of the mound
which is at 1020.3 m a.s.l.. Selected areas of these
sections were in addition drawn at 1:5, described in
further detail and sampled for micromorphological,
chemical, conservation and pollen analyses (Chap-
ter 15).
There are three principal objectives in studying
the sections from the 1960s. The first is to record the
sections before further erosion, to ensure new infor-
mation is recorded. Once recorded the aim is to ar-
rest erosion by a programme which will include
backfilling and stepped excavations. The second ob-
jective is to study spatial and chronological variation
in the architecture, occupation sequences, and struc-
ture of the site, and to become familiar with the
nature of the deposits and potential archaeological
information and contexts, before renewed excava-
tions. The third is to correlate the new excavations in
271
a large 20 x 20m sounding in Area E with Mellaart's
excavations, in order to ensure continuity between
the new work and the 1960s' records. The aim in
these new excavations is to investigate the earlier
levels of the site, by taking advantage of the expo-
sures already opened by Mellaart, including the area·
of his 1963 deep sounding.
The nature and condition of the sections, and
recording methods
Mellaart's excavations
Mellaart excavated at (atalhoyiik for four seasons in
1961, 1962, 1963 and 1965. He focused his excava-
tions on the southwestern side of the east mound,
where he had first observed plastered walls eroding
out of the surface of the mound during survey. The
results from each season were published annually in
preliminary reports in Anatolian Studies, and in an
overview of the site in 1967 (Mellaart 1962; 1963;
1964; 1966; 1967).
By the end of excavations in 1965 Mellaart had
excavated an area with maximum dimensions of c.
80 m east-west and north-south, in the southwest-
ern area of the site. During the course of his excava-
tions he identified twelve stratigraphic building levels
from 2.12-14.5 m above the level of the plain (Figs.
1.8-1.11). In a deep sounding in 1963 he encountered
a series of occupation horizons which extended five
metres below the current level of the plain, in a
narrow trench below level X Shrine 8 which he esti-
mated was already one metre below the level of the
plain (Mellaart 1964, 73; Chapter 2 this volume). Ref-
erences to Mellaart' s levels are written in Roman
numerals. References to individual buildings are writ-
ten in Arabic numerals. These references may be ab-
. brevia ted to read for example 'Shrine X.8' following
 Wendy Matthews & Shahina Farid

960,96o+-

-------- top of wall/ section

~----' bottom of wall/ section

numbers refer to section drawings

------
0 10m

Figure 14.1. Plan of sections recorded in 1993-95 in Mellaart's Areas A and Eat the southwest of the site.

the format used by Mellaart, denoting in this case
'level X Shrine 8'.
Section conditions 1993-95
When we resumed investigations at <:;:atalhoyuk in
September 1993, 28 years later, the area had altered
in appearance due to erosion and backfilling. The
deep sounding of 1963 was no longer visible as it
had been backfilled during Mellaart's excavations in
1965, for health and safety reasons. During the last
three decades the upper reaches of the sections and
walls have been subject to erosion. The bases of each
section or wall lie buried below steeply sloping banks
of colluvial debris. In Area E the steep eastern sec-
tions towards the centre of the mound have eroded
back as much as 1-1.8 m , depositing a bank of eroded

272
 1960s' Surface: the Stratigraphy of C::atalhoyiik
debris which is up to 2.28 m thick where Mellaart
excavated down to level XII. The main eastern sec-
tion of this area, section 7, currently exposes 6.27 m
of stratigraphy from the banks of collapsed debris at
its base, 1006.63 m a.s.l., to the top of its grassy
surface at 1012.90 m a.s.l..
In many instances Mellaart excavated up to the
inside wall face of each building unit, leaving walls
standing along section faces. Many of these walls
have since eroded and fallen away from the section
face, exposing initially the walls and then occasion-
ally the internal room fills of unexcavated buildings
behind. Walls are much better preserved at the base
of sections, protected behind the banks of eroded
materials. Fragments of white wall plaster still ad-
here to some of these basal wall faces. Traces of
small fragmentary red wall painting were uncov-
ered on a patch of plaster on the western wall of
Shrine 1 (Fig. 14.10). The painted designs comprise
two small geometric and curvilinear motifs. These
fragments were conserved and lifted in 1995.
Room fills and ashy deposits in middens gener-
ally are more susceptible to erosion than mud brick
walls. However, where cracks have developed be-
hind the face of a mud brick wall, whole segments of
wall have clearly fallen away from the section face.
Much of the 1960s' excavation area was cov-
ered by vegetation. In many instances this vegeta-
tion, though destructive as far as the roots penetrate,
provides a protective and binding mantel stabilizing
the banks of colluvial debris at the base of the sections.
Section cleaning
Each section was photographed to record the condi-
tion of the section face prior to cleaning. Any vegeta-
tion on the tops of the sections outside the 20 x 20 m
area of new excavations was trimmed to reveal the
underlying section face. Vegetation within the 20 x
20 m area was removed. The banks of debris at the
base of sections were removed by shovel in a series
of platforms to provide access to the upper reaches
of the sections for cleaning and recording.
The thin skim of silty wash which adhered to
the section faces was removed by trowel, artist's
palette knife and plasterer's leaf blade to expose a
freshly cut section face. In 1993 and 1994 the banks
of debris were only removed to the top of any sur-
viving wall plaster. No wall plaster was uncovered
during the first two seasons and remained protected
in its current buried environment. In 1995, in the 20
x 20 m excavation area, any surviving patches of
wall plaster were exposed down to floor level, and
conserved by C. Silver. Pick marks from Mellaart's
273
excavations were still detectable in the face of some
sections such as section 6, where deposits had been
buried by eroded material.
The plan of level XII.25 was re-exposed by care-
ful cleaning (Fig. 14.21). Only 25 em of eroded mate-
rial had collapsed onto the floors of level XII.25 in
front of section 6. This collapsed debris was removed
with care by shovel and trowel, down to the first
layers of water-laid rainwash c. 1 em thick which
had accumulated after excavations ceased in 1965.
These water-laid layers were removed to expose the
extant surface.
The northern half of section 7 was not cleaned
due to its great height and potential instability. At
the end of each season earth was banked back up
against the base of the sections in order to minimize
further erosion. In 1995 a programme of infilling
recorded areas was started.
Section recording
Once cleaned, the sections were photographed, both
for colour slide and black and white records, and
drawn at 1:20 (Figs. 14.3-14.20, 14.22). All of the
mud bricks in the walls were drawn, using a vertical
gridded frame where possible, in order to study wall
construction. Each stratigraphic unit within build-
ings and open areas, and the bricks, mortars, plas-
ters and packing between walls, were described
recording: unit number, moisture, Munsell Colour
Reference, structure, texture; inclusion type, size and
abundance; interpretation and any additional com-
ments.
Floor sequences, fire installations and fixtures
within these sections were photographed, drawn at
1:5 (Figs. 15.1-15.8 & 15.11), and described in greater
detail in order to record the microstratigraphy of
these activity areas. All descriptions used standard-
ized procedures and terminology (Limbrey 1975;
Hodgson 1976; Courty et al. 1989), and are recorded
and stored in the C::atalhoyiik archive. These records
will be entered into the site data base in the near
future, enabling computer-aided analysis of specific
research questions.
Although the northern half of section 7 was not
cleaned due to its great height of 6.27 m, many indi-
vidual mud bricks, walls, plaster faces, floors and
pits were distinct enough to enable drawing at 1:20
and photography. The outline of the top and bottom
of the section, and a datum line were measured us-
ing an EDM. Ranging poles, two metres in length
with 50 em markings, were set both vertically and
horizontally along the base of the section to enable
details to be measured accurately by eye and drawn

from a distance.
Visibility during recording of all sections var-
ied according to the angle of the light. Visibility was
bad when the sunlight was parallel to the section,
but considerably improved as the sun moved to
throw the section into either full sunlight or shade.
The sections were at their freshest and most visible
after cleaning. They were less clear when they tended
to dry out. All Munsell colour readings were taken
in the shade.
The three-dimensional location of all sections
was recorded and planned (Fig. 14.1). The buildings
within the 20 x 20 m area, and the architecture and
exposed features of building XII.25 were also planned
(Figs. 14:2 & 14:21).
Sampling
The Directorate-General of Monuments and Muse-
ums in Turkey kindly permitted export of samples
of deposits for micromorphological, organic, inor-
ganic, pollen and conservation analyses. The ana-
lytical results are discussed in Chapter 15.
r ..,
VII.l9
S.X.l
-------------~
VIB.3
1
~~======~~~-
I
I
I
I
I
Figure 14.2. Plan of upstanding walls within the 20 x 20m area of excavations renewed in 1995.
Wendy Matthews & Shahina Farid
Overall stratigraphic problems and correlations
Stratigraphic problems and procedures in
correlations
We encountered a number of stratigraphic problems
in interpreting the depositional sequences in the sec-
tions and correlating them with Mellaart' s levels.
These problems related on the one hand to inherent
difficulties in trying to correlate the two different
sets of data available, and on the other to the com-
plex nature of the settlement and stratigraphy. The
stratigraphic evidence from both sets of data were
examined independently, before attempting to cor-
relate them.
Much of Mellaart's information was retrieved
during three-dimensional excavations. Much of our
data from 1993-95 relates to two-dimensional sur-
face data whether obtained from analysis of features
in horizontal plan, or from vertical sections. Investi-
gative cross-sections through walls, floors and features
were carried out in 1993-95, but were often restricted
in size. Analysis of stratigraphic relationships both
S.VIII.l4
=======~
Courtyard
VII/VIII.lS N
~
VII
11 m
0
S.X.8 S.VIII.lO
.................
Antechamber
VIB.28
274
 1960s' Surface: the Stratigraphy of <;atalhoyiik

in plan and in cross-sections will be possible during of heterogeneous constructional packing. Mellaart
the course of renewed excavations at the site, when identified his building levels on the basis of area
we shall be dealing with three-dimensionally re- exposure, brick sizes, materials and colours (Mellaart
corded evidence. A catalogue with a summary of the 1966, 176).
information recorded during the 1995 season is pre- The problem in analysis of single building units
sented in Tables 14.3-14.4. in the sections, is to establish how changes in mud
bricks and mortar relate to changes in floor levels,
Nature of the settlement mound many of which had been removed during the course
Like all tell sites, the mound at <;atalhoyiik com- of excavation or by subsequent erosion. Does a
prises a complex sequence of buildings and occupa- change in mud bricks or mortar represent a change
tion debris which were constructed or deposited over in building level, or perhaps just a change in the
a period of time, and have been subject to anthropo- batch of mud bricks during construction of one wall?
genic and natural modifications and post-deposition- Where floors survive, they often occur at the same
al alterations (Butzer 1982; Rosen 1986; Schiffer 1987). level as the base of the walls, or at the level of only
The structure of the mound at <;atalhoyiik is one to two mud bricks up from the base of the wall
similar to that of the earlier Aceramic Neolithic site (Table 14.1). Some walls have foundations up to 60-
of A;akh Hoyiik, in the foothills on the eastern edge 80 em deep, particularly those which were built on
of the Konya plain, excavated by Professor Ufuk the downward slope of the mound, on top of ashy
Esin (Esin 1991). At both of these sites buildings deposits. It is apparent, therefore, that many of the
were often constructed next to one another, sepa- changes in mud bricks and mortar do correspond
rated by distances of only c. 2-35 em, which were with changes in floor and building level.
often infilled with packing. Entrance into buildings The danger lies in assuming that these visible
was from the roof by ladder (Mellaart 1962, 46; Esin changes in mud brick and mortar always represent
1991, 130). New buildings were often constructed on changes in building levels, or the relative heights of
the same alignment as previous underlying build- floor levels. There are clear exceptions.
ings, directly on top of earlier walls (Mellaart 1967, Some walls comprise several types of mud brick
67; Esin 1991, 137). At <;atalhOyiik, although there is which are intermixed and were almost certainly laid
considerable continuity in both the ground plan and at the same time during the construction of a single
complexity of buildings (Chapter 19), there are modi- wall. There is some evidence, moreover, to suggest
fications such as the addition of an antechamber, or that the top of an earlier wall is, on occasion, used as
larger-scale changes and fluctuations in the settle- the upstanding base for a later wall. In section 27, it
ment where buildings become open areas and vice is apparent that a later wall was constructed as a
versa. The buildings at A;;1kh Hoyiik appear to have slight overhang on top of an earlier wall (Fig. 14.9:0).
been constructed in groups with either radial or con- Both of these walls were rendered with a continuous
centric building arrangements, sharing some simi- layer of plaster, suggesting the uppermost remains
larities with elements of the settlement pattern on
the east mound at <;atalhoyiik (Esin 1991, 127-9 & Table 14.1. Height of the first floor in each building above base of walls.
144). At A;;1kh Hoyiik a larger more complex struc-
ture is separated from the rest of the settlement by a Section Building Wall Height of floors above walls
em no. mud bricks below in wall
substantial stone wall. No substantial walls dividing
V /VI, northern 5 12
different areas of the settlement have yet been un- v w II
lll.6 5 86 indistinct, at mound surface,
covered at <;atalhoyiik, although the eastern settle- built on top of ashy deposits
ment mound does comprise several distinct eminences. VIA/V, southern N >8 I
central party 14 1-2
s 60 7, on top of ashy deposits
4 VIA.46, E of 5 14 1.5
Stratigraphic problems 6 X/Vlll.25/15 Court 5 18 ?2
We were faced with two principal stratigraphic prob- 6 Vlll.25 E 5 0.5
7 Vlll.29 5 7 I
lems in interpreting the data from the field sections. 7 VII.31, antechamber N 0 0
7 Vll.31 central party 0 0
The first lay in interpreting the significance of changes 7 VII.31, E of w 12 1-2
within single building units, the second in relating 7 Vll.29, E of w 0 0
7 VIB.31 N inserted 25 2
changes in one building to the history of surround- 7 VIA.32 N 3 0.2
ing buildings. Each building was often built on top s 58 4, on top of ashy deposits
v N 0 0
of earlier walls within its own ground plan, and 5 47--60 5-7, on top of ashy deposits
37 Vll.8 w c. 18
separated from adjacent buildings by only 2-10 em

275
 Wendy Matthews & Shahina Farid
of the earlier wall were in use at the same time as the
base of the later wall. Mellaart observed a similar
overhang in Shrine Vl.lO, where 'the lower 2 feet are
part of the original structure' (Mellaart 1967, pl. 9).
In other instances, the floors of some buildings
were raised substantially within pre-existing walls.
The floors in the building east of VIB.31 were raised
1.4 m above those of level VII, in section 7 (Fig. 14.6).
The floors in Shrine VIA.10 were raised 60 em above
those of VIB (Mellaart 1964, 47).
The second principal stratigraphic problem was
to establish how changes in the materials, construc-
tion, floor levels, use, modification and destruction
and levelling of one building relate to changes in the
history of other buildings.
Most of the buildings at C::atalhoyiik were built
next to an adjacent building, separated by a layer of
deposit 2-10 em thick, between the walls. Most of
these deposits between walls appear to have been
laid as constructional packing, which has massive
bedding and was laid during a single construction
episode. A number of secure stratigraphic relation-
ships between buildings have been observed during
the section recording operations.
1. The walls of buildings east of VII.29 and 31 had
clearly been built on top of a levelled area of
earlier buildings from level VIII, visible in sec-
tion 7 (Fig. 14.6). This levelling coincides with a
slight alteration in the relative plans of Shrines
29 and 31, and the sharing of party walls indicat-
ing that at this level they are clearly contempora-
neous.
2. One wall had evidently been cut into deposits
which abutted a pre-existing wall. The building
east of VII.32 appears to have been particularly
long-lived. Ashy deposits which abutted its north
wall for a short time, have been cut by the south-
ern wall of a later phase of a building, east of
VII.31, section 7 (Fig. 14.6).
3. The eastern wall of Shrine VII.10 had been cut
into the western wall of Shrine 27 level X/VIII,
removing the western half of mud bricks in the
surviving wall, which slumped at some point in
antiquity, evident in section 6 (Fig. 14.20) and
during cleaning of section 8 (Fig. 14.16).
4. Many walls appear to abut uniform packing sug-
gesting they are contemporaneous, and share
similarities in materials and sequences of mate-
rials to adjacent buildings, as in Shrines 27, 10, 8,
and 1levels VIII-VII (pp. 300-301).
It has been possible, therefore, to establish the
relationships between many buildings, and to trace
phases of both organic development, and levelling
276
and reconstruction. These and other specific rela-
tionships are discussed for each building and area of
the site, and under thematic headings below. Some
stratigraphic relationships and complexities, how-
ever, remain unresolved until future excavation.
Procedures in correlations
Despite erosion since the 1960s, many of the walls of
the last buildings excavated by Mellaart are visible
as upstanding features (see Fig. 5.1). It has been
possible to correlate extant walls and features both
in plan and in the sections, with Mellaart' s plans and
transparent overlays, by analysis of settlement lay-
out, building and room sizes, and location of walls
and features.
Plans from both the preliminary reports and
from Mellaart (1967) were reproduced at uniform
scales on transparencies and overlain in order to
reconstruct the series of building levels excavated by
Mellaart. These overlays were used in the field to
compare to the extant upstanding walls in plan, and
to walls and features in the sections. Mellaart changed
his identifications of different building levels during
excavation (e.g. Mellaart 1964, 42; 1966, 166). These
changes were due in part to the continued use of
some buildings whilst others were levelled and com-
pletely rebuilt.
The surveyed height of many of Mellaart' s floors
within buildings is recorded on the plans in the
Anatolian Studies preliminary reports, as metres above
plain level. Mellaart's plain level was designated as
being 18m below the summit of the mound (Mellaart
1967, fig. 3). The current absolute height of the top of
the mound is 1020.3 m a.s.l.. Mellaart's plain level
therefore lies 18m below this, at or close to 1002.3 m
a.s.l.. If we add his heights in metres above plain
level to the figure of 1002.3 we can correlate his
levels with the absolute heights surveyed in 1993-95
(Table 14.2). The close accuracy of these calculated
figures for Mellaart' s plain level can be corroborated
by examining the absolute height of the floors/
subfloors in XII.25 measured in 1994, of 1004.48 m
a.s.l., and comparing it to Mellaart' s height for XII.25
as 2.12 m above plain level. If we subtract 2.12 from
1004.48, the calculated height for Mellaart's level of
the plain is 1002.36, a discrepancy of only 6 em be-
tween two different methods for calculating the cor-
related absolute height for his level of the plain.
There is a strong correlation in the heights re-
corded by Mellaart, and absolute readings taken in
1993-95 of floors and architectural features visible
today both in plan on the ground and in the surviv-
ing sections. Discrepancies between floor levels are
 1960s' Surface: the Stratigraphy of <::atalhoyiik

Table 14.2. Correlation of the absolute readings taken in 1993-95 of floors and architectural features visible today in the surviving sections
and the heights recorded by Mellaart on plans in Anatolian Studies 1962, 1963, 1964 and 1966.
Context Section Absolute height Mellaart HI a.p.l. 1960s' plain Calculated level Discrepancies m
Summit 1020.3 18 1002.3 1020.3
Plain level 0 1002.3 1002.3
111.01 12.75 1002.3 1015.05
111.02 12.95 1002.3 1015.25
11/.06 1014.647 12.3 1002.3 1014.6 0.05
111.13 13.4 1002.3 1015.7
IV.04 11.5 1002.3 1013.8
V.61 1013.669
VIA/V, south 1012.837
VIA.09 1011.507
VIA.29 9.27 1002.3 1011.57
VIA.30 Grass 1012.63 10.36 1002.3 1012.66 -0.03
VIA.31 9.15 1002.3 1011.45
VIA.31 annex 7 1011.05 8.92 1002.3 1011.22 -0.17
VIA..l2 7 1010.6 6.78 1002.3 1009.08 1.52
VIA.33 Grass 1012.11 10.23 1002.3 1012.53
VIA.44 3 1011.167 9.16 1002.3 1011.46 -0.29
VIA.46 <3 1012.547 10.16 1002.3 1012.46 0.09
VIA/8.46, N of 4 1012
VIA.47 4 1011.265 9.12 1002.3 1011.42 -0.16
VIA.61 annex 2 9.95 1002.3 1012.25
VIA.61 shrine 9.9 1002.3 1012.2
VIB.10 5.93 1002.3 1008.23
VIB.25 7.02 1002.3 1009.32
VIB.29 6.21 1002.3 1008.51
V/8.29, £of 7 1009.51
VIB.31 5.64 1002.3 1007.94
VIBJ1 annex 7 1009.74 6.29 1002.3 1008.59 1.15
VIB.31, E of 7 1009.79
V/8.32 7 1010.6 6.78 1002.3 1009.08 1.52
VIB.44 9.16 1002.3 1011.46
VIB.45 8.21 1002.3 1010.51
V/8.47 4 1011.265 9.12 1002.3 1011.42 -0.16
VIB.61 <1 1012.415 9.9 1002.3 1012.2 0.22
VIB.61 annex <2 1012.487 9.95 1002.3 1012.25 0.24
Vl/.01 27 1005.76 3.13 1002.3 1005.43 0.33
VI/.02 33 1006.53 3.87 1002.3 1006.17 0.36
VII.04 <10 1006.27 3.41 1002.3 1005.71 0.56
VII.05 <11 1006 3.32 1002.3 1005.62 0.38
VII.06 <19 1006.35 3.52 1002.3 1005.82 0.53
Vl/.08 37 1006.18 3.67 1002.3 1005.97 0.21
Vll.10 8 1005.61 3.28 1002.3 1005.58 0.03
Vll.10, E of 12 1007.2
Vll.12 30 1006.35 3.55 1002.3 1005.85 0.5
Vll.16 4.43 1002.3 1006.73
Vll.27 7 1006.78
Vl/.29, E of 7 1008.72
V/1.31 7 1008.73
Vll.31, Eof 7 1008.31
V/1.32, £of 7 1008.985
Vl/.32, 5 of 9 1008.53
Vll.44 <3 1010.627
Vl1.45 <4 1009.93
VIII.01 <40 1005.1 2.55 1002.3 1004.85 0.25
Vlii.08 <37 1004.95 2.64 1002.3 1004.94 0.01
VIII.JO <8 1005.05 2.33 1002.3 1004.63 0.42
Vlll.12 court <30 1006.35 2.74 1002.3 1005.04 1.31
V/l/.25 6 1007.09 4.78 1002.3 1007.08 0.01
Vlll.27 18 1006.02 3.38 1002.3 1005.68 0.34
V/l/.29 7 1007.69 5.34 1002.3 1007.64 0.05
Vlll.31, Eof <7 1006.96 4.16 1002.3 1006.46 0.50
IX.29 4.43 1002.3 1006.73
IX.29a <7 1006.66 4.24 1002.3 1006.54 0.12
IX.31 2.9 1002.3 1005.2
IX.31, Eof <7 1006.77
X.08 -1 1002.3 1001.3
X/VIII.27 6 1005.85
X/V/l/.25/15 C 6 1005.82
X/.25C 6 1005.58 2.8 1002.3 1005.1 0.48
Xl.29 3 1002.3 1005.3
Xl.29a 2.72 1002.3 1005.02
X/1.25 6 1004.48 2.12 1002.3 1004.42 0.06
Xl1.29 2.27 1002.3 1004.57
Xll.29a 2.47 1002.3 1004.77
I 963 sounding -5 1002.3 997.3

Key
Context: Building levels and numbers. Italicized context references indicate floors for which absolute heights were recorded in 1993-95. Contexts in plain text refers
to wall bases for which absolute heights were recorded in I 993-95.
Section: 1993-95 field section numbers (Plan 14:1). <#refers to contexts where the floors lie just below the base of the 1993-95 sections. The absolute heights in
these cases refer to the top of debris at the base of the 1993-95 sections.
Absolute heights: Heights above sea level recorded in I 993-95.
Mellaart Ht a.p.l.: Heights of floors from 1%0s' excavations written on plans published in Anatolian Studies, above plain level, which was 18m below summit of mound.
1960's plain: Absolute height of I%0s' plain, based on height of summit 1993-95 1002.3-18 metres.
Calculated level: = Mellaart's height above plain level+ 1002.3 m a.s.l..
Discrepancies: =Absolute heights a.s.l. recorded in 1993-95 minus calculated heights from the 1960s. Where section numbers are prefixed by'<', the heights refer to
contexts where the floors lie buried just below the base of the section, and the absolute heights in these cases refer to the top of debris at the base of the
1993-95 sections, accounting for the apparent discrepancies.
 Wendy Matthews & Shahina Farid
only in the order of several centimetres to tens of
centimetres (Table 14.2). As already observed, the
current recorded height of the extant surface in XII.25
is only 6 em higher than the translated absolute height
recorded by Mellaart. The current height of the ex-
tant floors in Shrine VIII.25 is only 1 em higher than
the calculated height of floors recorded by Mellaart.
Some discrepancies are to be expected given varia-
tions in the height of floors due to the presence of
platforms, features, and slope/subsidence, for ex-
ample. Mellaart also observed considerable differ-
ences in the height of floors in different rooms within
some buildings. The floors in the main room of Shrine
VIB.31, for example, were 65 em higher than those in
the adjoining antechamber (Mellaart 1964, fig. 2).
There are two considerable discrepancies. The
first is in the height of Shrine VIB.31 antechamber,
section 7 (Fig. 14.6), which in our correlations lies
1.15 m above the height recorded by Mellaart. This
discrepancy could be due to the fact that Mellaart re-
attributed some buildings from level VIB to level
VII, after further excavation (Mellaart 1966, 166). In
section 7, it is evident that the floors for Shrine VIB.31
are associated with an inserted wall which may cor-
respond to modifications recorded by Mellaart. The
current height of our correlation for Shrine VII.31
antechamber is 1008.73 m a.s.l., which is only 14 em
higher than the calculated height recorded by
Mellaart for VIB.31. The second discrepancy is in the
height of VIB-A.32 which is 1.52 m higher than re-
corded by Mellaart, and currently remains an
anomaly.
Other floor levels still lie buried below banks of
eroded material. A three-dimensional computer gen-
erated layout of Mellaart' s plans is being configured
by researchers in the Staatliche Hochschule fur
Gestalung Karlsruhe. Analysis of Harris matrices of
the site structure should facilitate the construction
and illustration of independent sequences and cor-
relations with other sequences, particularly when
combined with evidence from renewed excavations.
Specific correlations
A brief summary of the key points on which correla-
tions have been based for the major buildings and
features in each section area is presented here.
Area A, field sections 1 & 2 (Fig. 14.3 & 15.1)
The lowermost building recorded in these sections
correlates with Mellaart's plans of level VIA-VIB
Shrine 61, which, when excavated in the 1960s, had a
bench with bulls horns set along its length (Mellaart
1963, 50-52, pl. VI). Comparative analysis of absolute
278
heights with the levels excavated in the 1960s (Table
14.2), suggests that level III buildings have largely
been eroded from the tops of the extant sections in
this area. Level III Shrine 1 had elaborate wall paint-
ings which depicted scenes of men dressed in leop-
ard-skin loin cloths hunting a large bull and deer
(Mellaart 1962, 62-5, pls. XIV-XVIII). The walls of
unexcavated buildings which have been exposed by
erosion of the section faces, probably correlate with
levels V-IV, although no plans of buildings from
level IV have been published for this area.
Area A-E, sections 3, 4 & 5 (Figs. 14.4-14.5 & 15.7-15.8)
The lowermost excavated building in this area is
Shrine VII.44, where a spectacular relief of two plas-
tered and painted leopards was uncovered, con-
served and lifted in 1965 (Mellaart 1966, 176-8, pls.
XXXV-XL). The walls of this shrine, and its ante-
chamber which was only excavated to level VIB room
47, are illustrated in plate XXXVa (Mellaart 1966)
and are the same as those which were uncovered in
1993 and re-photographed. The uppermost wall in
this section is a fragment of building III.6. The
unexcavated buildings in the south of this section
probably correlate with levels VIA/Von the basis of
stratigraphic relationships between sections 3 and 7,
and absolute heights. The excavated building from
level IV to the west, Shrine 4, would have been at a
calculated height of 1013.8, which corresponds with
the very top of this section, one metre above the
floors exposed in one of these unexcavated build-
ings. These buildings would have lain to the east of
level VIA 'court', or V building 9.
There are two types of intrusive Classical fea-
ture in section 3, bell-shaped pits, and a large shaft
which is 7 m long and undercuts more than two
metres of intact Neolithic stratigraphy. Both contain
classical pottery sherds. Dr I. Todd has suggested
the large shafts may have been dug in search of the
sandy materials employed in the construction of the
Neolithic mud-brick walls (Todd 1976).
The floors exposed in the north of section 4 are
probably from an unexcavated building/room to the
north of VIB/ A.46.
Area E, section 6 (Fig. 14.20, 15.5-15.6 & 15.11)
Section 6 has been securely correlated with build-
ings and open areas of Mellaart's levels XII-VIII.25.
The walls and features of XII.25 (Fig. 14.21) correlate
closely with Mellaart's plan (Mellaart 1966, fig. 3).
The small circular hole from geomorphological
augering in 1993 cuts through the extant sub floor
surface of level XII at 1004.46 a.s.l.. The surrounding
 Key (for all figures in Chapters 14 and 15)
I top of section
I
.. paint
thin-section sample animal hole w hite wa ll plaster (Shrine 1, Fig. 14.9 only)
I I
l__ j
bottom of section
® I i/\l D
I
I
W 1N

1015
1015

.......
1014 \0
1014
0'>
0
(f)'

(fJ
1013 1013 c
.....
~
n
Scale in metres ~
g.
(!)

~
.....
t:j Figure 14.3. Area A, levels VIA/B-Ill. Sections 1-2 , including Shrine VIB-A.61, large open areas, and fire-installations (m icrostratigraphy Fig. 15.1). tlJ
.....
\0 oq"
.....
tlJ
'lj
;:r
'<
0
.....,
lOIS 1015
.n
tlJ
8"
s=
Q:
1014 1014 '<
C:
:A"

1013 1013

1012 1012

lOll Vll.S44 ~ Vll.Court42 1011

Scale in metres
==
Figure 14.4. Area A-E, levels VII-III. Section 3, including Shrine VII- VIA.44, large open areas, and a complete section through an unexcava ted building
level VIA-V (microstratigraphy Fig. 15.7).
 Wendy Matthews & Shahina Farid
buildings, Shrines 27, 10, and 14, and Court 15, were
not excavated by Mellaart. below level VIII and still
have remnants of walls which can be clearly traced
on the ground and correlate with his plan of level
VIII (Mellaart 1966, fig. 7).
The uppermost level in section 6 comprises a nar-
row strip of floors, 36 em wide along the entire south-
ern wall face of Shrine VIII.25, which was left by
Mellaart as he excavated down into levels IX-XII.
There is a multiple sequence of at least 10 phases of
floors and periodic modifications which have been
sampled for micromorphological analysis (Chapter 15).
According to Mellaart, Shrines VIII.27 and
VIII.25, were built at the junction of an upper (east-
ern) and lower (western) terrace (Mellaart 1966, 180).
The features in the western face of section 6 there-
fore, could potentially relate either to the upper ter-
race to the east or to the lower terrace to the west as
identified by Mellaart.
There are four apparently secure correlations
of features in the west of section 6 with Mellaart' s
levels:
1. the wall at the base of the section is the western
wall of XII.25;
2. the overlying ashy deposits correlate with
Mellaart's level XI Court 15;
3-4. the southern walls in this section comprise the
northeastern corners of VIII.10, and VII.10 on
the basis of evidence in section 8 (see below).
There are, however, stratigraphic complexities
within this section which are discussed at the end of
this section.
Area E, section 7 (Fig. 14.6 & 15.4)
It has been possible to correlate much of this section
with levels and buildings identified by Mellaart, by
analysis of the configuration of his plans and the
heights above plain level (Table 14.2), and study of a
photograph of this section taken in 1965 (Mellaart
1966, pl. XXXIa). Section 7 principally records a
north-south cross-section through three linear ar-
rangements of buildings in this area of the mound
which are on a slightly radiating east-west align-
ment. The easternmost buildings excavated by
Mellaart in each of these lines are buildings 29, 31
and 32 respectively. Mellaart was not able to exca-
vate the southeastern corner of building 29 nor the
northeastern corner of building 31 in levels VIII-VIB
because they extended obliquely into the section face,
and are still visible today.
Level XII.29 floors currently lie below more than
two metres of collapsed debris at the base of section
7. The depression in the top of the northern half of
280
section 7 represents the area where Mellaart exca-
vated VIA.30 and 33. Calculations suggest that these
floors would have lain above the top of the section.
The earliest architecture now visible is the walls
but not the floors of IX.29, which have very dark
brown bricks. In Mellaart's levels IX-VIII building
29 floors were 1.53 and 1.18 metres higher respec-
tively than those of building 31 to the south. The
double wall in these levels in section 7 (Fig. 14.6)
separates buildings IX.29 and VIII.29 from an
unexcavated building to the south, east of building
VIII.31. There was a major phase of rebuilding across
this area of the site in level VII, discussed below.
A large building has been exposed by erosion
to the east of VII.32, which is more than 9 m in
length from north to south. The outer wall of this
building has partly eroded to expose well plastered
floors, and room fill which comprises steeply slop-
ing layers of burnt and unburnt building materials.
The floors were drawn at 1:5 and sampled (Fig. 15.4).
During cleaning of the southern sector of sec-
tion 7, we uncovered the edge of a platform and
floors in an unexcavated building to the south of
building VII.32, which was traced 3.24 m west from
the face of section 7, where it petered out due to
surface erosion. This building like the well preserved
building in section 7, east of VII.32, had been heavily
burnt, dark reddish brown in colour. Multiple layers
of red paint were visible in the white wall plaster
which had collapsed on to the floors.
Mellaart stated that 'upon partial removal of ...
houses the stratigraphy showed that Shrines E.VIB.45,
E.VIB.31 and House E.VIB.29 did not belong to level
VIB, but to level VII' (Mellaart 1966, 166). The conti-
nuity in the use, in level VIB, of buildings which had
been constructed in level VII is clearly visible in
section 7. In level VIB the floor levels were raised
0.95-1.1 m, and internal walls were constructed
against the face of the party walls from level VII in
the building east of VIB.29, and in VIB.31. The build-
ing east of VIB.31, by contrast, was completely re-
built on top of cut down walls from level VII (Fig.
14.6). The southern sector of section 7 was an
unroofed area in VIB. Layers of ashy midden accu-
mulated on top of the burnt building, perhaps in an
extensive pit.
The surviving strip of floors in the northeastern
corner of a building are almost certainly those of
VIA.32, although they represent one of the few cur-
rently inexplicable anomalies in correlating build-
ings with Mellaart' s plans and heights, lying slightly
further south than the plans suggest, and 1.52 m
higher. The outer face of an unexcavated building to
 N s 1 w E

1013 1013

1012 1012

I
,_ - '- - __j

1011 1011

......
\0
0'-
1010 1010 0
[Jl-

Cfl
Scale in metres >:::
Section 4 Section 5 .....
OT'
n
!'!
Figure 14.5. Area A-E, levels VII-VIA. Sections 4-5, including Shrines VII.45 and VIB-A.47, and an unexcavated building east of VIB-A.46 s:
f1)
(microstratigraphy Fig. 15.8). $!l
N .....
Ill
00 ,..,.
...... o'Q"
.....
Ill
'"d
::r
'<
N 0
...,..,
.n
Ill
6i
s::
Q:
'<
>::::
:;-;-'

1010

1009

""'
Scale in metres

Figure 14.6. Area E,levels IX-V. Section 7, including Shrines 29 and 31, and an unexcavated building east of VII.32 (microstratigraphy Fig. 15.4).
 Wendy Matthews & Shahina Farid
the east has been exposed by erosion. The internal
southwest corner of this building has eroded, expos-
ing lines of the interior white wall plaster. These
buildings are surrounded by ashy deposits, like build-
ings VIA.30 and 31. Mellaart recorded that although
Shrine VIB.31 was one of the best preserved build-
ings standing to a height of 6 feet, its north and the
greater part of its eastern wall had been destroyed
right down to the lower red dado on the platform
(Mellaart 1964, 45).
The latest surviving level now visible in section
7 is level V in the south of the section. The floors and
walls of the building east of V.7 and the lane be-
tween this building and F.V.1 have been cut by the
section. Excavations in F.V.1 uncovered spectacular
wall paintings with hunting scenes (Mellaart 1966,
184-94). This building is not present in the section
further to the south, because the open area which
continues to the east and south was traced by exca-
vation. Mellaart excavated below level V in Area F
to levels VIA and VIB, including Shrine 80 which
lies below F.V.l. There are no published plans of
these buildings in this southernmost quarter only
three-dimensional reconstructions (Mellaart 1966,
figs. 5 & 6).
Area E, sections 8 & 10-40 (Figs. 14.8-14.18 & 14.22)
We have been able also to correlate upstanding walls
further west in the 20 x 20 m area being cleared for
excavation in Area E with Mellaart's building plans
and floor heights (Fig. 14.2) . These sections have
Figure 14.7. Overall view of section 7.
282
been combined into two major composite sections
through Area E (Figs. 14.8-14.9), in order to illustrate
different wall phases, and to show the stratigraphic
relationship between the detailed 1:20 section draw-
ings, and walls only shown in outline. Summaries of
the section information recorded in 1995 are pre-
sented in Tables 14.3-4 and refer to Figures 14.8-14.9.
Two small and one larger unexcavated build-
ings were visible to the south of Shrines 27 and 10, in
the upper part of the southern sections, each sepa-
rated by double walls (Figs. 14.9, 14.17 & 14.22). All
of these had been extensively burnt. A series of fine
floors was visible to the south of Shrine 10, at a high
level.
The eroded outlines of Shrines 27 and 10 could
be clearly traced on the ground and corresponded to
the measurements on Mellaart's plan for level VIII,
the lowest level excavated in this area (Mellaart 1966,
fig. 7). The floors of Shrine VIII.10 are recorded as
being 2.45 m lower than those of Shrine VIII.25, and
1.05 m lower than those of Shrine VIII.27 (Mellaart
1966, fig. 7). Similar differences in height have been
recorded firstly in the current absolute heights of
Shrine VIII.25 floors and the now buried floor of
Shrine VIII.10, estimated as a difference of 2.46 m on
the basis of calculations in Table 14.2, and secondly
in the change in brick and mortar types in Shrines 27
and 10 from dark bricks in level VIII to orange brown
bricks in level VII, which currently shows a 1.34 m
drop in height from the top of wall DO to the top of
wall Z (Fig. 14.9).
Mellaart did not ex-
cavate below level VIII in
Shrine 10, nor level VII in
the antechamber (Mellaart
1966, 178). According to
Mellaart, level VIII.10 was
rather plain with little
decoration, unlike the later
buildings. Shrine 10 in lev-
els VIB-VIA in particular
was one of the best pre-
served and most complex
buildings at (a talhoyi.ik
and is reconstructed in
the Ankara Museum of
Anatolian Civilizations,
where it has stacked bulls
heads and goddesses
(Mellaart 1966, fig. 9, for
level VII see fig. 17). In sec-
tion 8 there are only two
extant building levels, the
 J'
1007 iA 1007

~
1006
__ F · ... l :
1006
i\ - - - - - - - - - - -E- ......
\,
~
1005 ~--~----~- y J Q ~~--------J 1005
;__ _________ _..,\,__ _____ __
Section20 Scale in metres Se-ction36 SectionS Section6
'house6' 'shrines1. 8' 'shrineJO' 'budding25'
Fi gure 14.6 Figure 14.20 r,.w,

Figure 14.8. Composite of west-east sections throu:;;h Area E, south facin:;;. Letters refer to descriptions in Table 14.3.

N E w
\ EE w s
1008 .......
1008 \0
! \ 0'\
0
[Jl'
1007
1007 ~ ' cc
~- s _,/ (fJ
E _:L~ DO
;·:·.:·: ...
DO
AA
~ L~ W~woll [:]
c.....
\ ~ '
. . :.-==r:::=·-1...)"'""'~'
\_________ .i... !;'
1006 n
1006 ----- H . i I o r' A
[ F i "~"mplo"""'""' \ ( . ~
\_ .__ j .....
~ 1()()5
::r
(J)
----- ---
Section 18 Section 39 Section 12 Scale in metres Section 37 Section 27 Section 14 ~
N
00
- 'shrine 27' east facing -'shrine 27' 'shrine 10' 'shrine S' 'shrine 1' 'houseS' .....
Q.l
.....
Figure 14.22 Figure 14.17
(.;J
oo·.....
Q.l
Figure 14.9. Composite of east-west sections through Area E, north facing. Letters refer to descriptions in Table 14.4. '"0
::r
'<
0
......
.()
House 2 - level VII Q.l
EU
s::
Q:
5 5
1008 1008 '<
C:
:>;"

1007 1007

scale in metres
Section 32 Section 33 Section 34
east facing south facing west facing

Figure 14.11. Hou se 2, level VII. Sections 32-4.

 Wendy Matthews & Shahina Farid

Table 14.3. Summary of section information recorded in 1995 (letters in column refer to Fig. 14.8).

No. Building Type Wall Level Bricks Mortar Plaster Colour Notes
A House 6 wall N VII clay pale brown
silty clay light grey /light brownish
with fine grey
sand
silty clay light brownish grey
silty clay light grey /pale brown
B House 6 fill VII Unexcavated fills of House 6.
c House 2 wall s VII clay pale brown
fine sand/ light grey /pale brown Back view of S wall of House 2, Level VII.
silty clay
D House 2/ fill/ N VII Layered fill/packing between walls 'C'
Shrine 1 packing and '1'.
E Shrine I wall N VII clay with pale brown/light
hint of sand yellowish brown
clay light yellowish brown
F Shrine I wall N Vlll silty clay light greyish brown/ Note change in composition.
greyish brown
clayey lime white
G Shrine 1/8 wall E/W Vll clay with pale brown/light Southbound divide
hint of sand yellowish brown between Shrines I and 8.
clay light yellowish brown Appears to be party wall.
H Shrines 1/8 wall E/W Vlll silty clay light greyish brown/ Ditto
greyish brown
silty clay pale brown
Shrine 8 wall s Vll clay with pale brown
hint of sand
clay light yellowish brown
Shrine 8 wall s Vlll silty clay light greyish brown/ Note colour change in levels VII and VIII.
greyish brown
clayey lime white
silty clay pale brown
clay with white
hint of silt
K House 16 wall E Vll clay light greyish brown/ Therefore same as 'C'.
brown
clay with light yellowish brown
hint of silt
L Court 15 wall w Vll silty clay brown/yellowish brown
silty clay light yellowish grey I
brown
M Shrine 8 wall N VI or VII? silty clay greyish brown/brown Same as 'I' although brick type
clay with light yellowish brown same as ·o·.
hint of silt
N Shrine 8 wall E VII? clay with brown Rebuild or change of brick and
hint of silt mortar batch.
gritty clay yellowish brown
0 Shrine 8 wall E VII? silty clay greyish brown/brown Ditto
clay with light yellowish brown
hint of silt
p Shrine 8 wall E VII silty clay pale brown Ditto
with hint of
sand
clay light yellowish brown
lime light grey
Q Shrine 8 wall E VIII clay with light yellowish brown Southward return therefore same as T.
hint of silt
silty clay light greyish brown/
greyish brown
lime white
lime light grey
R Shrine 10 wall W/E Vll silty clay pale brown/light Possible party wall, not fully exposed.
antechamber yellowish brown
silty clay light yellowish grey +
white

284
 1960s' Surface: the Stratigraphy of ~atalhoyiik

Table 14.4. Summary of section information recorded in 1995 (letters in column refer to Fig. 14.9).

No. Building Type Wall Level Bricks Mortar Plaster Colour Noles
A House 5 wall s VII sandy clay dark brown
loam
silty clay dark brown+
dark yellow-brown
silty clay light grey /light brownish Comprised several layers.
grey
B Shrine 1 wall s VII? clay yellowish brown Wall overhangs 'D'. Either new phase of
silty clay pale brown wall or architectural feature.

c Shrine 1 packing/ s VII? Fine layers representing packing

floors between 2 phases of wall or remnants of
floor overlain by overhanging wall '8'.

D Shrine 1 wall s VII? lime white Comprised several layers, obscurred

brickwork and rendered ' C' and
B' in a continuous layer.
E Shrine 1 wall s VII? clay silty brown Possibly same as 'D'.
loam
clay brown

F Shrine 1 wall s VII clay grayish brown/brown Same as 'D'.

silty clay yellowish brown
G Shrine 1 floors VII? Several laminated plaster floors with mud
packing surviving in SE corner of Shrine 1
abutting plastered walls E and F.
H Shrines 1, S walls E+W VII Double wall, northbound,
dividing Shrines 1
and S. Not fully exposed.
ShrineS floors/ VII? Fine layers of plaster and mud packing
feature? representing a feature or floors surviving
in SW corner of Shrine 8.

ShrineS wall s VI or VII? clay with pale brown/yellowish No clear bricks visible. Possibly a Level
hint of fine brown VI wall or change of brick batch.
sand
silty clay brown
loam

K ShrineS wall s VII clay dark brown Contains blocking 'L' and comprises two
clay with pale brown/yellowish types of brick and mortar. Some similar
fine sand brown to those in blocking.
clayey lime white
with fine
sand
silty clay light yellowish brown
L ShrineS blocked s VI? clay dark brown Level VII crawlhole possibly blocked in
crawl hole clay with pale brown/yellowish level VI.
fine sand brown
silty clay yellowish brown
M ShrineS wall s VII clay dark brown Same as 'K' but change in mortar
silty clay light yellowish brown composition

N ShrineS wall s VII lime white Either antechamber back wall or cut
out feature.

0 ShrineS wall E VI? silty clay pale brown

antechamber with fine
sand
clay pale brown + yellowish
brown
p ShrineS wall E VII silty clay pale brown/brown Same as 'P' with change of brick and
with fine mortar batch or different phase.
sand
silty clay pale brown /brown

285
 Wendy Matthews & Shahina Farid

Table 14.4. (continued)

No. Building Type Wall Level Bricks Mortar Plaster Colour Notes
Q ShrineS wall E VII clay dark brown
clayey lime white
with gritty
sand
clayey lime white Comprises several layers.

R Shrine 8 wall E VII clay dark brown Northbound return of 'K' and 'M'.
silty clay light yellowish brown
s House28 fill VII Unexcavated Level VII backfill compris-
ing burnt building debris and collapsed
burnt wall plaster.
T House 28 walls E+W VII sandy loam dark brown Unexcavated double wall of Level VII
silty clay brown house, S of Shrine 10.
clay silty pale brown
silty clay pale brown

u House 28 wall N VII silty clay greyish brown Back view of unexcavated Level VII
silty clay greyish brown house to S of Shrine 10.
v House 28 packing/ VII Mixed silty fill/ packing between
fill unexcavated walls of House 28.

w House 28 wall N VII clayey silt greyish brown Back view of unexcavated Level VII ,
clayey silt pale brown/very pale house 28 to S of Shrine 10.
brown

X Shrine10 wall s VII silty clay pale brown/light yellow-

ish brown
silty clay light yellowish grey
and white
y Shrine 10 wall w VII silty clay pale brown Possibly wall with plastered W
clay pale brown face or small antechamber to
W of Shrine 10.
z Shrine 10 wall s Vlll silty clay light brownish grey I Note clear change with overlying wall.
greyish brown
clay with brown/ dark brown
hint of silt
silty clay grey
AA House 28 ? wall E VII clay with light brownish grey I Back view of unexcavated Level VII
hint of sand greyish brown house to W of Shrine 27.
clay light brownish grey /pale
brown

BB House 28? I fill/ VII Mixed silty fill/packing between

Shrine 27 packing double walls.
cc Shrine 27 wall w VII silty clay light yellowish brown Note clear change between levels VII and
silty clay light brownish grey Vlll.
loam

DD Shrine 27 wall w Vlll silty clay greyish brown/ dark Note terrace drop to level Vlll in Shrine 10
greyish brown wall'Z'.
silty clay light brownish grey I
with hint of greyish brown
fine sand
lime white/light grey
EE backfill VII Unexcavated backfill to S of Shrine 27.
FF wall N VII clay pale brown/light Ditto
yellowish brown
clay very pale brown/pale
brown

GG wall E VII clay pale brown/light Unexcavated southbound wall to

yellowish brown undefined building S of Shrine 27.
clay very pale brown/pale
brown

HH fill/ VII Mixed fill/packing between

packing double walls 'GG' and 'II'.
II wall w VII sandy clay pale brown/ light Unexcavated southbound wall to
yellowish brown undefined building S of Shrine 27.
gritty clay light yellowish brown/
brown

JJ Shrine 27 /?fill/ Vll Fill/ packing in cavaity between double

packing walls 'CC' and 'FF' comprised several
deposits on very distinct tip lines.
 1960s' Surface: the Stratigraphy of C::atalhoyi.ik
Shrine 1
s N
1007
1006
Section 40
east facing
em
Figure 14.10. Shrine 1, levels VIII-VII. Section 40.
lowest of which is level VIII.lO, the uppermost level
VII.10.
A change in brick colour from grey to pale
brown in levels VIII to VII has also been observed
further west in Shrines 8 and Shrine 1. The absolute
heights of fragments of plaster floors in the corners
of these buildings are 21 and 33 em higher respec-
tively than the heights of floors in the centre of the
rooms recorded by Mellaart (Table 14.2), with the
floors in Shrine 8 being 42 em higher than those in
Shrine 1, similar to the 54 em difference in height
recorded by Mellaart. The walls separating these
two shrines have eroded. Mellaart excavated both of
these shrines down to level X floors, which lie an
estimated 3.64 m below remaining backfill at the end
of the 1995 season. The floors of Shrine X.8 lay at
approximately 1 m below the level of the plain
(Mellaart 1964, 73) at c. 1001.3. a.s.l .. Mellaart states
that the bottom of the sounding was a further 4 m
below this level, suggesting that it lies below ap-
proximately 7.64 m of extant backfill.
The back view of the north facing wall to House
287
1007
1006
em
VII.2 is visible in the composite section, north of
Shrines 8 and 1 (Fig. 14.8). The height of the floors in
House 2, correlate quite closely with Mellaart's (Ta-
ble 14.2). These floors both in the field and in
Mellaart's plans are in the order of 20-70 em higher
than those in Shrines 8 and 1, and according to
Mella art's plan occur on one of a series of north to
south terraces (Mellaart 1964, fig . 11).
Houses VII.4, 5, 6 and 12 lie on the western
edge of the 20 x 20 m area of new excavations with
floors 20-40 em higher than those in Shrine 1 (Figs.
14.12-14.14 & 14.18).
Stratigraphic complexities
The correlations of extant architectural remains with
Mellaart's building plans and floor heights have been
consistently close across the whole area of his exca-
vations. We have, however, encountered several
stratigraphic complexities which remain tantalizingly
unresolved, until future excavation in this area.
The first stratigraphic complexity encountered
is at the juncture between Shrines 25 and 27, and
 Wendy Matthews & Shahina Farid

House 4 - level VII

w EN w

1007 1007

scale in metres
Section 16 Section 10 Section 15
south facing west facing north facing

Figure 14.12. House 4, level VII. Sections 10,15 and 16.

House 5 - level VII
w EN w
West wall of shrine 1
1007 1007

Section 13 Section 11 Section 14

south facing west facing north facing

Figure 14.13. Hou se 5, level VII. Sections 11 , 13 and 14.

House 6 - level VII

W E

1007 ~
I
~ I

Lc> ·· . .£? ··: :'" l

I I
I I
I ~I
I ~W I
I
I
W I
I
'-·--·--"
scale.
in metres

Section 20 Section 19 Section 21

south facing
Figure 14.14. Hou se 6, level VII. Section s 19- 21 .
Court 15 and Shrine 10. This juncture was identified
by Mellaart as a terrace (Mellaart 1966, 180). The
stratigraphic evidence available is incomplete because
the surviving sections are at the junction of the offset
corners of several buildings and open areas, which
west facing north facing
need to be viewed in plan and other selected sections
during excavation. The unresolved questions are:
1. How do the horizontal interbedded layers of ?sta-
ble deposits X/ VIII.25 / 15 in the west of section 6,
discussed in Chapter 15, relate to the surrounding

288
 1960s' Surface: the Stratigraphy of <::atalh6yiik
buildings?
The relative stratigraphy in the western section
(Fig. 14.20) suggests they could be attributed ei-
ther to:
i) level X, on the basis that the lowermost wall
can be securely correlated with building
XII.25, and the underlying ashy deposits can
be correlated with level XI Court, and Mellaart
only encountered a 'court' in level X.
ii) level VIII, if they abut the Shrine VIII.lO wall.
The ?stable deposits abut an irregular dark
grey brick like feature, probably a wall face,
in the south of the section. The relationship of
this dark grey material to the dark grey wall
of VIII.lO, is not at all clear in this small sec-
tion. They are either contemporary, or there
is a small possibility that the VIII.lO wall is
cut into the remains of an irregular wall from
level X which is associated with the stable
deposits.
2. Similarly, the south facing wall below Mellaart's
Shrine VIII.25, initially considered as a new re-
cently exposed wall in level X, is in fact on the
same absolute level as the western wall in Shrine
VIII.27. On Mellaart's plan for level VIII there is
a 1.4 m drop in height from floors in Shrine
VIII.25 down to floors in Shrine VIII.27 to the
south, which we have identified but have been
unable to verify on the basis of the stratigraphic
evidence currently available in the field sections.
There is moreover a complicated three wall
boundary between Shrines 25 and 27 (Mellaart
1966, fig. 7).
3. Multiple and complex wall boundaries exist fur-
ther west in the 20 x 20 m area being cleared for
excavation. The return walls between Shrine 8
and Shrine 10 antechamber comprise a complex
series of four different changes in mud brick and
mortar. In one area, continuous wall plaster ad-
heres to three of the wall types indicating that if
they do represent different walls from different
building levels as opposed to different uses of
material in one construction phase, then at some
stage the middle wall was cut to a stub, and all
three used as one contemporary wall face. The
white plaster face of a west facing wall in Shrine
27 may relate to the unexcavated antechamber.
The sequencing and replacement of buildings and
spaces
Having considered the nature of overall stratigraphic
problems and the details of specific correlations in
289
the preceding part of this report, we wish now to
turn to the evidence available for the sequencing
and replacement of buildings and open areas.
Stratigraphic analysis of the type and size of
mud brick and mortar of adjacent buildings may
provide information on:
1. access to raw materials and thereby land or, al-
ternatively, finished structural products;
2. the chronology of construction;
3. the collaborative or organic nature of building
construction and associations between buildings.
Construction materials
Samples of mud brick, mortar and wall plaster have
been analyzed in thin section in order to study their
composition and structure, and evidence for source
materials and manufacturing techniques (Chapter 15).
The walls at <::atalhoyiik are constructed from
large mud bricks which in the sections studied may
range in length from 76-125 em, in width from 22-33
em, and in height from 5-15 em, and were laid in
walls a single brick width thick. The bricks would
have required considerable care in handling, and
perhaps some form of rigid support to transport
them from the place of manufacture to the construc-
tion site. It has been suggested that the bricks may
have been moulded in situ on the walls, but this
requires experimental testing.
The bricks range in colour and texture from:
silty clay 5YR 7 I 1 light grey
clay loam 10YR 6/4light yellowish brown
sandy clay 10YR 5/4 yellowish brown
fine sandy loam 2.5Y 5/2 greyish brown
sandy loam lOYR 4/4 dark yellowish brown
Many of the bricks were made from natural sediments
exploited from the surrounding region, and stabi-
lized with vegetal remains represented by linear and
curvilinear voids in the mud-brick matrix. Other
bricks were made from sediments mixed with het-
erogeneous anthropogenic debris, similar to many
of the mortars. The bricks were laid with alternating
layers of mortar, and generally overlapped one an-
other for structural stability. The mortar in some
instances was at least as thick as the mud bricks.
The mortar is often greyish brown (1 OYR 5 /2) -
very dark greyish brown (lOYR 3/2) in colour and
has many anthropogenic inclusions and charred frag-
ments suggesting it was excavated from surround-
ing occupation debris, probably from open areas,
with some addition of sediments. Similar types of
mortar were also used in the third millennium BC in
Tell Abu Salabikh in central southern Iraq. Other
types of mortar were made from natural sediments
 Wendy Matthews & Shahina Farid
ranging in colour and texture from brown loam to
white marl. The combinations of mud brick and mor-
tar are manifold, and await computer aided analysis
in the near future.
The walls were plastered with couplets of firstly,
a pale brown preparation plaster and secondly, a
finishing coat of white plaster. 160 layers of plaster
comprising 80 couplets have been identified in one
fragment of collapsed wall plaster 3 em thick in thin
section (Chapter 15). The north facing wall face in
Shrine VIII.8 antechamber was well preserved when
exposed in 1995, section 22 (Fig. 14.15). A series of
narrow vertical slots in the wall <1 em wide filled
with white plaster were clearly visible. The slots
may have been deliberately formed in order to pro-
vide a secure surface into which a preparation plas-
ter could be keyed, before subsequent application of
successive layers of plaster during the use of the
building.
The lumps of pise and mud brick encountered
during section cleaning require further study, before
we can comment on other materials such as roofing.
Mellaart records that the roof of Shrine Vl.lO ap-
pears to have been 'c. 0.3 m thick, flat and made of
layers of mud and reeds laid on small beams' (1963,
70 & fig. 14).
Timbers served a range of structural roles in
the buildings at <:;atalhi:iyi.ik (Mellaart 1963, 60). Large
charred juniper timbers were exposed in the burnt
fill of the building to the east of VII.32, section 7.
These were sampled for dendrochronology (Chap-
ter 17).
Few fixtures or plastered features were exposed
during the section-cleaning operations. The two fire-
installations from section 2 were constructed with a
mud brick base and sides, and lined with successive
Shrine 8 antechamber - level VII
E
1007
scale in metres
Section 22
north facing
Figure 14.15. Shrine 8 antechamber, level VII. Section 22.
290
applications of plaster 1-3 em thick. At least three
layers of plaster were applied in the eastern fire-
installation, twelve in the western fire-installation.
The fire bowls were cleaned out before the applica-
tion of each layer of plaster. In thin section only
isolated aggregates of fuel residues were visible be-
tween each layer of plaster, less than 2 mm thick.
Each layer of plaster was rubified by the heat at the
base of the fire.
A shallow-rimmed basin in the northwestern
corner of House VII.2 was rendered with layers of
white plaster, and is currently of unknown function .
The bench in section 3 was constructed from a
variety of mud brick sizes, and was covered in a
layer of plaster up to 1.3 em thick. The platform
make-up in section 9 includes aggregates of multiple
layers of white plaster visible in thin section.
A number of moulded features such as horn
fittings were visible in the sections, particularly in
section 3, associated with a Bas jaw and 3 horn cores.
These were manufactured from a distinctive reddish
sediment which was heavily stabilized with added
vegetal remains represented by voids in the sedi-
mentary matrix.
Wall construction
All of the walls at <:;atalhi:iyi.ik are constructed from
single widths of mud bricks each up to one metre or
more in length. Most buildings were constructed
with their own walls, and occur as a double wall
construction, next to walls from other buildings. The
load bearing outer walls of buildings are often sepa-
rated from walls of adjacent buildings by a thin layer
of constructional packing, 2-10 em thick which often
includes lumps of assorted hard-core. Dr J. Coulton
has suggested that the characteristic abutting or
1007
 s
1007 1007

1006 1006

1005 1005
.......
\0
Scale in metres 0\
0
- ~ 1006 [f)'

[J)
~
.....
.......
ilJ
n
~ ~
w EIN siE w ,...,.
::;-'
l1l

Figure 14.16. ?House/building and Shrine 10, levels VIII-VII. Section 8. ~

.....
N ilJ
,...,.
\0
....... ciQ"
.....
ShrinelO South of shrine 10, level VII ilJ

N 5 E w I 15-
'<:
0
.......
---
1007 1007 I ~s::
o:
'<:
~:
~

1006 1006

uI •
I :
I ' '
\ L_-: ~ ·
scale in metres
Section 17 Section 12
west facing north facing

Figure 14.17. Shrine 10, levels VIII-VII. Sections 12 and 17.

 House 12 - level VII/VII
w EN s w EN s

1007 1007

---
------------- .------ -
scale in metres
Section 28 Section 29 Section 30 Section 31
south facing west facing south facing west facing

~
Figure 14.18. Hou se 12 , level VII. Sections 28-31. ro
:::1
0..
'<
$::
t:ll
....,_
....,_
::;'
ro
N ~
\0 (fl
N
~
[J)
::;'
t:ll
N I I a:
:::1
1007 1007 l t:ll
'Tj
t:ll
::::1.
0..

I
1006 1006

1005 1005

Scale in metres

Figure 14.20. House, Court and Shrine 25, levels XII-VIII (m icrostratigraphy Figs. 15.5-6) and Court X/VIII.2 5/15 ?stable deposits (micros tratigraphy Fig.
15.11) . Section 6.
 1960s' Surface: the Stratigraphy of <;atalhoyuk

double wa lls at <;atalhoyuk and ea rlier sites such as common comprises red eposited anthropogenic de-
A;;1kh Hoyuk may have been critical design elements bris with heterogeneous aggrega tes. These deposits
in sharing or supporting the weight of the roofs, on are massively bedded and have unoriented, ran-
th e basis of ethnographic parallels (Coulton pers. domly distributed inclusions suggesting they were
comm.). The use of double walls may have been deposited as a single depositional unit. A second
employed, in addition, for insulation from the cold, more unusual series of deposits was observed in the
fire hazard s or noise for exa mple, or as rigorous or packing between Shrine VII.27 and an unexcavated
symbolic boundary markers. building to the south (Fig. 14.22). These deposits
Three major types of packing between the walls comprise parallel diagonal wedges of pise-like ma-
have been observed. The first and by far the most terial with a sharp edge which appears to have been
pressed up against an ob-
ject such as a wooden plank.
The deposits between these
diagonal wedges are uncon-
solidated with some
banded bedding similar to
that observed on modern
spoil heaps. It is likely that
these deposits were shov-
elled down between th e
walls, after the pise like
material had hardened, and
the object such as a plank
had been removed. Large
mammal scapulae have
been found in packing be-
tween walls, and are likely
to have been used as shov-
els, and/ or possibly as
ritual deposits.
The third type of de-
Figure 14.19. Sections 28 to 36 and buildings VIII:12, VIJ:2 and Vll:16 in the area posit between walls occurs
excavated by Mellaart. between building VII .32

,..--- .....
---.. ...... , I / '\
\ I' II
N I I I
I ~ ,' 0
I I I
I \ I
\ /
I .............. _...,/
I
I
I
I
I
r---L-- .... ,
I \
I I
I I
0 I I
I I
I I
I

Figure 14.21. Plan of House 25, level XII floor, showing location of sou thern platform and hearths, eastern bench, the
eroded base of a fire installation in the north of the room, and the 1993 geomorphological auger hole (G) .

293
 Wendy Matthews & Shahina Farid
and the building east of VII.31 which are further
apart than usual, at 20 em. The upper layers between
these walls comprise heterogeneous layers of ashy
refuse and ?wind and water laid deposits, which
may have accumulated over a period of time. The
southern wall of the building east of Vl1.32, appears
to have cut through these deposits, suggesting that
they did not accumulate between walls, but rather in
an open area up against VII.32. The overlying build-
ing VIB-VIA.32, excavated by Mellaart, was also
separated from the surrounding buildings, by in this
case, distances in the order of 60 em.
There were no double walls in levels XII and
XI, according to Mellaart, but instead there were
party walls occasionally supported by buttresses
(Mellaart 1966, 168). Partition walls within buildings
are a single brick width thick, and may be thinner
than the standard brick sizes.
The wall in section 27 had an overhang, at the
juncture of two types of mud brick and mortar (Fig.
14.9:0). This feature may represent a change of phase
in the wall construction which was subsequently
continuously rendered, as one unit, employing the
extant top of the earlier wall as the basal face of the
upper wall inside the building below an overhang.
Some buildings excavated by Mellaart had up to
three overhangs incorporated into a single wall,
which he suggested may be a relic from earlier tradi-
tions of construction of wooden houses (Mellaart 1964,
85-6).
Modifications of buildings
A second mud-brick wall was occasionally built in
front of the plastered surface of an earlier wall. Ex-
amples of this occur both in the sections in Area E,
and in areas which have been planned by surface
clearance operations. The new interior wall was then
itself replastered on many occasions. In level VIB
Shrine 61 section 2, a new wall was built in front of
a previously burnt wall in the western half of the
building. In other instances the plaster on the origi-
nal wall was very thick and irregular, and may have
no longer have been suitable for plastering or deco-
ration, and was therefore blocked in behind the new
wall which could bereplastered smoothly, as in build-
ings VIB.31 and east of VIB.29, section 7.
Such practices obviously extend the use-life of
buildings, and argue for considerable longevity in
the history of individual buildings. Mellaart esti-
mated that some of the buildings at <;atalhoyi.ik were
used for over a century, such as Shrine VII-VIB.31,
on the basis of the numbers of layers of plaster, the
general deterioration of the walls, and the presence
294
of four layers of burials below it (Mellaart 1966, 166).
As more dates from radiocarbon, optically stimu-
lated luminescence and dendrochronological analy-
ses become available, we will be able to document
the longevity of buildings and the rate of structural
changes.
At least nine phases of modification of fire-
installations and perhaps other structures have been
identified in Shrine VIII.25, represented by sequences
of periodic levelling debris, rebuilt fire-installation
bases, and successively raised platforms (ten phases)
(Fig. 15.5).
The southern wall of the building to the east of
VII.31 was cut down and rebuilt, and the floor surface
raised 1.4 m, without any associated modifications
to surrounding buildings at this time (Fig. 14.6).
Two blocked entrances have been identified, a
blocked crawlhole in a ?party wall in the south of
Shrine 8.VIII, and a blocked doorway in the western
wall of House 2. Both of these features were blocked
with bricks which differed from those of the original
wall. There is no overlying stratigraphy to deter-
mine whether the blocking may have been conducted
to provide structural support for later walls built on
the same alignment, or may have occurred during
the use of the building.
Use of buildings
The microstratigraphy and micromorphology of
floors and occupation deposits, and information on
use of space within buildings is discussed in Chap-
ter 15.
The total depth of floors and occupation se-
quences in the buildings studied is generally only 2-
10 em, with the exception of the sequence in VIII.25
which, despite erosion, is still 37 em thick. Floors
and occupation sequences only represent 2-55 per
cent of the height of the preserved walls, which range
in height from 0.42-2.71 m (Fig. 14.23). The tallest
extant walls excavated by Mellaart stood to a height
of 2.7 min Shrine VIA.lO (Mellaart 1963, 70), which
was increased to 3.3 m when he removed these floors
to find those of VIB.10 60 em below (Mellaart 1964,
50).
Replacement of buildings
Four major types of infilled deposits have been iden-
tified in the sections:
1. Burnt structural debris
Mellaart states that 'whereas the crowded settlements
of levels VII and VIB were not - or only partly -
destroyed by fire, all subsequent building-levels
 1960s' Surface: the Stratigraphy of ~atalhoyi.ik

perished in conflagrations' E
(Mellaart 1966, 172).
The only extant ex-
ample of burnt infill in
1008 1008
buildings excavated by
Mellaart occurs in the
northern antechamber of
Shrine VIB.31. Only a
small disturbed section
survives through the
northern antechamber of
Shrine VIB.31, the room fill
includes collapsed baked 1007 1007
mud bricks in charred de-
bris. This burning may
have been localized be-
cause Mellaart states that
the main room was not
burnt.
A new series of five
burnt adjacent buildings in 1006 1006
a linear east-west align-
ment along the southern
Section 18
edge of Area E has been north facing
exposed by erosion. This
Figure 14.22. Shrine 27, levels VIII-VII. Section 18.

Figure 14.23a. Bar chart

3
illustrating depth of
floors(white) and height 2.5
rfJ
of walls (black) in metres Q)
.....
...... 2
in buildings which are Q)

sealed by later levels. For s

correlation of these
.s...... 1.5
.;::::
arbitrary building co
"Q)
1
numbers with section .;::::
0.5
numbers and 1960s'
levels and buildings 0
please see concordance ...-< ...-< ...-< ...-< N ('<") -.:!< Lf) \0
"'r:--: 00 0\
r:--: r:--:
table below. C'i c<"i
"' r:--: r:--: r:--: r:--: r:--:
building numbers for each section
r:--:

40
35
30
Figure 14.23b. Bar chart illustrat- -;::: 25
ing depth of floors as a percentage ~ 20
.....
of the height of walls in buildings ~ 15
which are sealed by later levels. For 10
correlation of these arbitrary 5
building numbers with section 0
numbers and 1960s' levels and
buildings please see concordance
table below. building numbers for each section

295
 Wendy Matthews & Shahina Farid
burning occurs in buildings to the east and south of
VII.32 in sections 7 (Fig. 14.6) and 9 (Fig. 15.8), and
south of Shrines VII.27 and VII.10 (Figs. 14.9, 14.17
section 12, and 14.22 section 18). Less than 30-50 em
of burnt infill survive in the latter westernmost four
of these buildings. This fill includes very dark red-
dish brown rubified deposits, with occasional or-
ange baked bricks visible in section. The platform
and multiple layers of plaster in section 9 were
rubified a homogeneous dark reddish brown. In thin
section the vegetal stabilizers in the platform and
plasters were preserved charred in situ.
Mellaart records that the conflagration at the
end of VIA was so intense the heat
penetrated to the depth of about 3 feet or more
below the floor level of the buildings, carbonizing
bodies and burial gifts alike and preventing all
further bacterial decay. To this we owe the conser-
vation of numerous perishable materials: flesh and
tar on human bones, desiccated and carbonized
brains inside human skulls, traces of the wrap-
pings - skin, leather, fur and textile - in which
the dead were shrouded, and the accompanying
perishable burial gifts, wooden bowls, cups, plates,
boxes, staffs, as well as their contents, food etc ..
(Mellaart 1964, 85-6)
The linear arrangement of the buildings might sug-
gest a conflagration of this area, but, given the lim-
ited exposure of the buildings to the south of Shrines
27 and 10, the extent of the burning is not known.
The localized but intensive burning within the build-
ing east of VII.32, however, remains enigmatic.
The infill of the burnt building east of VII.32
slopes steeply down from the north. This fill in-
cludes baked mud bricks and mud brick fragments,
orange and dark pink in colour, which constitute 20-
80 per cent of the deposits in layers within the fill, large
beams of juniper wood more than 20 em in diameter,
collapsed wall plaster burnt pale blue, unburnt wall
plaster, and unburnt mud bricks, which constitute
0-50 per cent of the layers of infill. These components
tend to occur in layers 10-50 em thick which are
interbedded throughout the fill. The burning in this
exposed section of the building was confined to the
southern half of the building where it has baked the
plaster on the walls and rubified the outer face of the
mud bricks behind. The northern wall was not burnt.
This localization is surprising, given the intensity of
the burning which had baked more than half of the
bricks in the fill, and had burnt the wall plaster on
the western wall blue in colour. Similar areas of local-
ized burning within buildings have been observed
during surface studies at the north of the mound.
296
Tringham (1990) has suggested that burnt build-
ings in southeastern Europe may have been ritually
burnt at the end of their use. The localized, perhaps
controlled, extent of the burning discussed here, may
support the hypothesis that some buildings at
<;atalhoyiik were ritually burnt at the end of their
use. This hypothesis may be further supported by
the fact that the infill of the burnt building east of
VII.32 includes unburnt mud bricks which are iden-
tical in size, colour and texture to those used in the
construction of the adjacent new building in level
VIB, and does not include the old debris from the
adjacent walls of the building east of VII.31 which
must have stood higher, and could have easily been
pushed into the cavity in this burnt or burning build-
ing. On the contrary, the lens of charred debris which
overlies the wall stub of the building east of VII.31
suggests this building was levelled before the build-
ing east of VII.32 was burnt. The burnt building was
not infilled as part of a levelling operation onto which
later buildings were constructed. The area was
subsequently used for deposition of refuse. It is not
clear from the stratigraphic evidence in the section
whether the southern part of this building was only
partially infilled, and later covered by refuse, or
whether it was cut by a large refuse pit.
Mellaart suggested that ritual practices may
have taken place with regard to the cessation of the
use of buildings. With regard to AIII.8:
after its destruction by fire the entire building was
remodelled with panelled walls, thickly coated with
white plaster and then filled in with a clean fill of
decayed mud brick containing not a single object.
After the fire it had evidently not been used and
the care taken over its remodelling previous to its
filling in suggests again that we are not dealing
here with a private house, but a shrine. No burials
were found below its floor. It is now clear that
exactly the same procedure was followed after de-
struction (by fire) of ... AIII.l, EIV.1, EVI.8 and
EVI.7 ... In the case of the remaining shrines
(EVI.l0,14,31, and AVI.l) the rooms were already
partly filled with masses of burnt brick of walls
fallen and fused within the fire which made clear-
ance with stone tools impracticable. Under those
circumstances more debris from other buildings
was added and no attempt was made to clear and
plaster them, so they were found intact with their
contents. The others had been more or less cleaned
out. (Mellaart 1963, 47-8)
2. Deposits with mud brick and plaster relief
fragments
Only two buildings in the sections have sizeable
 1960s' Surface: the Stratigraphy of <;atalh6yiik
fragments and quantities of mud brick and plaster
relief fragments, namely the southern building in sec-
tion 3, and the eastern building in level III, section 1.
During excavation of some buildings, such as
E.VIB.31, Mellaart observed that:
The large head, arms and feet are broken and as
the building was not destroyed by fire it would
seem that this destruction was a deliberate act, a
sort of desecration before it was abandoned and
filled in. (Mellaart 1964, 47)
In other instances in buildings in levels VIB and VII
which had not been destroyed by fire but which had
been abandoned after very long occupation artefacts,
beams and animal heads had often been removed,
and were pulled down and filled in (Mellaart 1964,
39 & 50)
3. Homogeneous, well sorted mineral sediments
and flecks of white ?plaster
Many of the buildings in the sections have a homo-
geneous well-sorted infill of mineral sediments with
flecks of white ?plaster of currently unknown origin,
which was almost certainly deposited within the
buildings as a single event. This infill does not in-
clude obvious pushed in walls or collapsed mud
bricks. In some cases this is because the walls were
left standing to considerable heights, and rapidly
infilled when the building was no longer in use. In
other instances, however, the whereabouts of mud
brick from walls which have been cut down to a
height of approximately one metre, remains enig-
matic. They may form the bulk of the aggregates in
the between-wall packing. This needs to be re-
checked in the field.
4. Deposits rich in plant remains and bone
Refuse deposits in buildings occur either as i) homo-
geneous layers up to 0.8 m thick which accumulated
over a short period of time, perhaps imported as
levelling fill, or as ii) thin more heterogeneous layers
which probably accumulated over a longer period of
time originating from periodic cleaning within build-
ings, hearths and ovens, and from roof tops. The
build up of heterogeneous deposits in level XI within
the walls of XII.25 appears to have occurred after
some collapse of the wall plaster onto the floors.
Mellaart had observed that many abandoned build-
ings were used for rubbish disposal and sanitation.
Refuse was not only deposited within upstanding
walls, but on occasions was deposited within large
pits which cut through existing walls, as in levels V-
III section 2 (Fig. 14.3).
The extant building infill in the 20 x 20 m area
297
for excavation currently exposed, includes deposits
rich in plant remains and bone.
The infill of buildings at <;atalh6yiik was a com-
plex practice, and in the future will be studied in
conjunction with analysis of the use of the buildings,
the extant height of walls, and duration of phases,
for example.
Construction of replacement buildings: levelling and
foundation preparations
Buildings were often constructed on top of the sur-
viving walls of earlier buildings, which on average
stood to an extant height of 1.25-2.15 m. Level V
appears to have been generally less well represented
in the areas excavated by Mellaart. In section 2, it is
clear that the walls probably from level V had been
razed to a height of only 30-40 em, and were cut into
by later buildings.
The building east of VIB.31 was built on top of
cut down walls from an earlier building in level VII.
A thin burnt lens from the destruction of the large
burnt building east of VII.32 overlies these cut down
walls, suggesting that the burnt destruction of the
building may have taken place after the ground in
the adjacent plot had been cleared. The unburnt bricks
in the room fill of the burnt building east of VII.32
have the same distinctive large size, pale brown col-
our and clayey sand texture as those used to con-
struct the building on the cleared plot east of
VIB.31.
Stratigraphic sequences in open areas
The major types of deposit which occur in open
areas are discussed in more detail in Chapter 15. The
bulk of deposits in open areas comprises ashy layers
derived from hearth and oven rake-out and refuse
swept or thrown out of the houses and shrines. The
sequences of clean floors within buildings must be
studied in the light of the large quantities of refuse
dumped in the open areas.
The extant sequence of ashy deposits in Area A
is more than 2.6 thick, and in the south of Area E is
2.0-2.3 m thick. Many of the individual depositional
layers are less than 10 em thick. The density of min-
eral sediment derived largely from decayed build-
ing materials varies, and in some layers in section 2,
predominates. Deposits in open areas either abutted
or were cut into buildings, and occasionally were cut
into pre-existing refuse as in the western half of
section 2, close to the base. There is some evidence to
suggest such deposits excavated in antiquity may
have been used to infill buildings as a single
depositional event (p. 299). The angle of depositional
 Wendy Matthews & Shahina Farid
slope in these open areas varies from horizontal to
steeply sloping. The relationship between open ar-
eas and buildings is discussed below (p. 299). The
deliberate scoops filled with highly burnt ash in the
north of section 2, level III, may be the product of
industrial activities, and perhaps relate to contem-
porary changes in pottery technology (Chapter 9 by
Jonathan Last on pottery).
Site structure
Terracing
During the course of his excavations Mellaart identi-
fied 12 building levels. He records that buildings in
each of these levels were terraced down to both the
west and the south (Mellaart 1964, fig. 3; 1966, figs.
5-6). The top of level V in the east of Area E for
example was 5 m higher than the buildings on the
lower western part of the slope.
We have detected at least one stratigraphic ex-
ample of terracing as attested by a later building
cutting into an earlier building. The eastern wall of
Shrine VII.lO was cut into the western wall of Shrine
X/VIII.27, along the juncture of an east-west terrace
identified by Mellaart (1966, 180). Similar sequential
changes in mud bricks and mortars have been traced
across four buildings on an east-west alignment
through the terrace detected by Mellaart. The abso-
lute heights of the changes observed in the surviving
field sections, correspond with the levels in metres
above the plain recorded by Mellaart (Table 14.2).
These levels suggest Shrines 27 and 25 on the upper
terrace are 0.74-2.45 m higher than Shrines 10,8 and
1 on the lower terrace.
The extant height of floors in House 2 suggests
there was also a series of north to south terraces as
illustrated by Mellaart. The building at the southern
end of section 3 which has rooms with fallen bucrania
and a bench, was apparently on a higher terrace
from a building further to the south.
Given the evidence for some organic develop-
ment of adjacent houses discussed below, there
would probably have been steps of a metre or more
between buildings at irregular intervals.
Organic development and major phases of
abandonment/destruction, levelling and replacement
Variations in heights of floors and buildings appear
to be the effects in part of organic development of
individual building units, and in part dictated by the
structure of the underlying mound, and may have
been to provide light in narrow upper windows
(Mellaart 1962, 46).
298
The complexity of the site structure and phas-
ing is evident in section 7, in particular.
Only one completely horizontal phase of level-
ling was identifiable, from level VIII-VII, along the
contours of the mound. This levelling can only be
traced across the space of two buildings, due to the
more limited exposure at the base of the section.
This levelling does, however, suggest some form of
co-operation between the new builders. Indeed, the
overlying buildings all share party walls, namely
buildings VII.29 and 31, and the two buildings ex-
posed by erosion to the east. There is a change in the
plan of the antechamber in VII.31 which is extended
north to take up space originally used by VIII.29.
There is some evidence to suggest that there
were shared material sources and more or less con-
temporary rebuilding events in levels VIII-VII in
particular. The bricks of Shrines 27, 10, 8 and 1 are all
dark grey in level VIII and change to pale slightly
orange brown in level VII.
Although the final levelling of level VIII build-
ings was uniform, there had previously been some
organic development within the structures of the
separate buildings. The materials and floor heights
of building IX and VIII. 29 differed from those in
both Shrine IX and VIII.31 and the unexcavated build-
ing to the east. The significance of this change in
material resources may relate to changes in land use
off-site.
A similar difference in the organic develop-
ment of adjacent buildings is attested in level VII.
The building east of VII.31 was apparently rebuilt
and the floors raised 1.4 m, whilst the adjacent build-
ing east of VII.32 continued in use, unmodified. This
modification is similar to the raising of floors and
insertion of walls in level VIB.29 and 31. Although
the insertion of walls into the building east of VIB.29
and building VIB.31 is at the same absolute level and
would appear to be contemporaneous, the relation-
ship of these modifications to those in the building
east of VII.31 which was completely rebuilt is not
evident from the surviving section. If our correla-
tions with Mellaart' s levels are correct, the division
suggested by the terms VII and VIB is misleading for
there is more continuity in this section between VII
and VIB than there is between VIB and VIA, as Mellaart
himself stated (1964,42). There appears to be consid-
erable organic development within individual build-
ings from level VII-VIB, with up to three phases of
modification evident in some buildings.
Relationships of buildings and unroofed spaces
The area occupied by the major context types in
 1960s' Surface: the Stratigraphy of ~atalhoyiik

vertical sections through the mound has been traced 160

and calculated using a computer graphics tablet by 140

T. Ritchey, for the main north-south and east-west 120

sections, sections 1-3 and 6-8, (Figs. 14.23-14.24), 100
which include a greater range of deposits than the 'il 80
wall elevations which comprise the bulk of the com- 60
posite sections in the 20 x 20 m area cleared for 40
excavation. Buildings occupy 149.34 m 2, 64.4 per cent 20
of the total231.98 m 2 area in these sections, unroofed
0
areas 66.8 m 2 or 28.8 per cent and pits, many of them Buildings Open areas Pits
Classical, 15.84 m 2 or 6.8 per cent. Within buildings,
walls constitute the largest area component preserved Figure 14.24a. Area in m2 of the three major context
in the sections at 100.8 m 2, or 67.5 per cent, room fills types in sections 1-3 and 6-8.
41.79 m 2, or 28 per cent, and floors only 5.51 m 2 or 3.7
percent. 70
Much of the western half of section 2, and con-
60
siderable areas of section 3 comprise layers of ash
50
rich in charred plant remains up to 3 em in diameter,
and bone. These refuse deposits variously cut or
~
" 40
30
abut buildings, indicating that they accumulated both
20
in large open pits, and in open areas or courtyards.
10
The sediment input in the open layers of ash varies
0
in colour and concentrations according to the pres-
Walls Room fill Floors
ence and nature of the surrounding mud-brick walls.
The layers of ash in section 2, therefore, include red- Figure 14.24b. Percentages by area in m2 of walls, room
dish brown sediments from the cut stubs of Shrine fill and floor sequences within buildings as represented
VIB-VIA.61, brown sediments from the face of the in sections 1-3 and 6-8.
level V wall, and orange sediments from the face of
the wall for building 111.2. ashy deposits which are characteristic of some sec-
There is some alternation between areas used tors of this area of the site in VIA, when there are less
for buildings and open areas. The areas of the west- tightly packed buildings and more unroofed areas
ern end of Shrine VIA.61 in Area A, section 2 (Fig. (Mellaart 1964, 39-40).
14.3) and the large burnt building east of VII.32 in
Area E, section 7, for example, were subsequently Associations of buildings
used as an open area. Some areas appear to have There were no double walls between buildings 29
been more consistently used for buildings as in the and 31 in level VII which were excavated and planned
case of Shrine 10, whilst other areas appear to have by Mellaart. These two buildings are unusual for
been more consistently used as open areas such as they share the same party walls (Mellaart 1967, fig.
the western end of section 2. The distribution of 10). The buildings to the east which have been exposed
open areas should be compared to the distribution by erosion also share party walls with buildings 29
of buildings which have been infilled with either and 31. The walls consist of single bricks which are
massive deposits or deposits which accumulated plastered on both sides, facing west into building 31
more slowly through time, in order to understand and east into the unexcavated building behind. The
the full range of discard and deposition within the presence of these party walls may attest the presence
settlement, in conjunction with renewed excavations. of a larger more multi-roomed structure(s) closer to
When buildings were constructed on top of ar- the centre of the mound, and a greater degree of site
eas which had previously been open areas rich in complexity. Because these buildings have not been
layers of ash and refuse, there is occasionally evi- excavated, it cannot be ascertained whether the oc-
dence for terracing and extra foundation bricks as in cupants or activities within these four buildings were
section 7 levels VIA and V. related in any way, as the sharing of party walls
In section 7, the building to the east of VIB.31, might suggest. Mellaart observed that:
now exposed by erosion, has been severely trun- On the upper terrace itself, the close association of
cated in antiquity and is cut by pits and overlain by rooms 29 and 31 apparent in levels VI and VII is

299
 Wendy Matthews & Shahina Farid
still more pronounced in level VIII (fig. 7), where
room VIII.29 seems to have served as a meeting-
room and is provided with a long bench set against
the north wall and several ovens. (Mellaart 1966, 180)
The change in the boundaries between these build-
ings from level VIII to level VII, therefore, may ei-
ther be indicative of a complete break with the past,
or of some form of co-operation or association be-
tween the occupants, but must be considered within
the context of the more widespread construction ho-
rizon in these levels from Shrines 27, 10,8 and 1.
Comparisons of buildings and shrine/non shrine
The character of mud bricks and mortar does not
appear to vary according to elaboration of the inside
of buildings. Some variations in the microstrati-
graphy have been observed to suggest differences
between domestic and cleaner or ?more ritual activi-
ties (Chapter 15). The features within buildings have
been plotted (Figs. 1.3-1.7). The height of walls and
the nature of the fill and replacement of buildings or
open areas could be plotted against this scale, al-
though the information in the sections only refers to
a few of the buildings which have been excavated,
and to many which have not yet been. In some in-
stances one side of a building may be much better
preserved than another, such as in the burnt build-
ing in section 7 east of VII.32, or Shrine VIB.31.
Mellaart stated that although Shrine VIB.31 was one
of the best preserved standing to a height of 6 feet,
its north and the greater part of its eastern wall had
been destroyed right down to the lower red dado on
the platform (Mellaart 1964, 45). The western and
southern walls ofVIB.31 had plastered reliefs of bulls
heads and goddesses. The remaining segment of the
east wall had a plastered relief of a figure with hair
flowing out behind it (Mellaart 1964, 45-7, fig. 7).
Conclusions
We have recorded and drawn a total length of 160m
of sections through 11.04 m of the mound from the
extant surface of the 1960s' excavations and new
surfaces which have been exposed by erosion in the
intervening three decades. We have been able to corre-
late many of the observed features and buildings
300
with areas and levels excavated in the 1960s, provid-
ing a vital link to the information from the extensive
excavations conducted in the 1960s. The information
recorded has enabled study of spatial and temporal
variation in the nature of the architecture, occupa-
tion sequences and structure of the site. The
stratigraphy is complex, and some issues raised can
only be resolved by future excavation. The informa-
tion recorded from these sections will be entered
into the site data base in the near future, enabling
computer-aided analysis of specific research ques-
tions, in conjunction with new evidence from forth-
coming excavations.
References
Butzer, K.W., 1982. Archaeology as Human Ecology: Method
and Theory for a Contextual Approach. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Courty, M.A., P. Goldberg & R.I. Macphail, 1989. Soils and
Micromorphology in Archaeology. Cambridge: Cam-
bridge University Press.
Esin, U., 1991. Salvage excavations at the pre-pottery site
of A~1kh Hoyiik in Central Anatolia. Anatolica 17,
123-74.
Hodgson, J.M., 1976. Soil Survey Field Handbook. (Soil Sur-
vey Technical Monograph 5.) Harpenden: Soil Survey.
Limbrey, S., 1975. Soil Science and Archaeology. London:
Academic Press.
Mellaart, J., 1962. Excavations at <;:atal Hiiyiik, first pre-
liminary report, 1961. Anatolian Studies 12, 41-65.
Mellaart, J., 1963. Excavations at <;:atal Hiiyiik, second
preliminary report, 1962. Anatolian Studies 13,43-103.
Mellaart, }., 1964. Excavations at <;:atal Hiiyiik, third pre-
liminary report, 1963. Anatolian Studies 14,39-119.
Mellaart, J., 1966. Excavations at <;:a tal Hiiyiik, fourth pre-
liminary report, 1965. Anatolian Studies 16, 165-91.
Mellaart, J., 1967. (;a tal Hiiyiik: a Neolithic Town in Anatolia.
London: Thames & Hudson.
Rosen, A.M., 1986. Cities of Clay: the Geoarchaeology of Tells.
Chicago (IL): University Press of Chicago.
Schiffer, M.B., 1987. Formation Processes of the Archaeologi-
cal Record. Alburquerque (NM): University of New
Mexico Press.
Todd, I., 1976. (;atal Hiiyiik in Perspective. Menlo Park (CA):
Cummings.
Tringham, R., 1990. Households with faces, in Engendering
Archaeology, eds. J. Gero & M. Conkey. Oxford:
Blackwell, 93-131.
 Chapter 15
Multiple Surfaces: the Micromorphology
Wendy Matthews, Charles French, Timothy Lawrence & David Cutler
Introduction
This report is an assessment and evaluation of varia-
tion in occupation sequences within different build-
ings and areas of the settlement as observed in
microstratigraphic sequences recorded in the field,
and large resin impregnated thin sections of undis-
turbed sequences of floors and deposits, studied in
the laboratory. We are very grateful to The Directo-
rate-General of Monuments and Museums in Tur-
key for kindly permitting export of these samples
for scientific analysis.
The research aims and procedures are discussed
before we examine the micromorphological evidence
for analysis of i) the materials and technology of
floors/surfaces, ii) the impact of activities on floors
and surfaces, iii) the type, taphonomy and contex-
tual relationships of artefacts, organic remains and
sediments in occupation deposits, and iv) post-
depositional alterations. Contextual variation in
microstratigraphic sequences within buildings and
open areas is then examined.
This research is part of a three year project sup-
ported by the Natural Environment Research Coun-
cil at The McDonald Institute for Archaeological
Research, University of Cambridge. The aim of the
project is to develop the application of micromorpho-
logy to the study of occupation sequences and the
use of space in early urban sites in the Near East. The
research is being conducted by Dr W. Matthews and
Dr C.A.I. French, in collaboration with Professor M.K.
Jones in Cambridge, and Mr T. Lawrence and Dr
D.F. Cutler at the Plant Anatomy Section, Jodrell
Laboratory, Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew. The objec-
tive is to examine the nature and formation of occu-
pation sequences in different sociocultural and
environmental contexts. The four sites in this project
lie on a transect through major geobotanical zones in
the Near East (Zohary 1973, map 7). <:;atalhOyiik
301
currently lies north of the Mediterranean woodland
climax zone, in the Konya plain within Zohary' s zone
of Xero-Euxinian steppe forest (Querco-Artemisietea
anatolica) and dates to c. 6200-5500 be. Tell Brak is
located in the Mesopotamian steppe in northeastern
Syria, and periods investigated range from c. 3600-
1800 BC. Tell Abu Salabikh lay on an ancient branch of
the Euphrates in the Saharo-Arabian desert vegetation
zone in southern Iraq, the period studied dates to c.
2500 BC. Saar is in the Sub-Sudanian vegetation zone
on the island of Bahrain, and dates to 2000-1800 Be.
Three samples from the earlier Aceramic
Neolithic site of A~1kh Hoyiik, in the foothills to the
east of the Konya plain are also being examined, two
from storage bins, and one from an open space rich
in plant remains. These samples were kindly col-
lected by Fiisiin Ertug, with the generous permis-
sion of Professor Ufuk Esin.
Analysis of the microstratigraphy of occupa-
tion sequences both in the field and in thin section is
enabling us to identify variations in the formation of
depositional sequences and uses of space in differ-
ent sociocultural and environmental contexts. At all
four sites we have observed differences in the type,
thickness and frequency of floors and occupation
deposits which vary according to context.
Ethnoarchaeologists and geoarchaeologists
working in the Middle East have recorded similar
contextual variations in the character of occupation
sequences. Kramer in particular noted that:
The floor of each area within a house compound is
peculiar to that kind of area and therefore diagnos-
tic of primary function ... it is likely that an exca-
vator could readily distinguish between roofed and
unroofed areas, [and] identify stables, storerooms,
kitchens and living rooms ... by evaluating varia-
tions in floors. (Kramer 1979, 148-9)
Butzer has examined urban deposits from a wide
range of geographical contexts and observed that:
 Wendy Matthews, Charles French, Timothy Lawrence & David Cutler
The rate and type of build up differ on living floors,
in streets and alleys, or in and around community
structures, such as civic buildings, walls, terraces,
and drainage systems. (Butzer & Freeman, in Rosen
1986, xiii)
They argue that all component materials in dep-
ositional sequences, including sediments are poten-
tially informative about cultural behaviour and
settlement history.
Anthropological studies of the use of space have
illustrated that space as defined by architectural units
is endowed with meaning through practice, through
the activities carried out in that space, which are
both informed by, and therefore representative of,
sociocultural behaviour and conceptual schemes
(Bourdieu 1977; Moore 1986). Analysis of micro-
stratigraphic sequences enables study of the intended
and actual uses of space by examination of the types
of floors or surfaces, the impact of activities on those
surfaces, the relationship between sediments, arte-
facts and organic remains in deposits, and post-
depositional alterations. The McKellar hypothesis
states that it is the smaller artefactual remains which
are 'more likely to become primary refuse' even when
periodically cleaned (Schiffer 1983, 679). Maintenance
and discard practices are likely to vary according to
context. Analysis of entire sequences enables us to
study indications of behaviour through time and to
identify any changes which need not be represented
in the architecture. Consistent repetitions in the se-
quence of floors and occupation deposits may sug-
gest continuity and/ or cyclicity in human behaviour
and sociocultural practices. Any changes in the
microstratigraphic sequences may be expected to rep-
resent changes in behaviour or sociocultural or envi-
ronmental context.
Previous applications of micromorphology to
studies of occupation sequences and use of space
within archaeological sites include analysis of de-
posits within Palaeolithic and Neolithic caves
(Goldberg 1987; Wattez et al. 1990; Courty et al. 1991),
and a range settlements in the Near East (Matthews
& Postgate 1994; Weiss et al. 1993) and elsewhere in
the world (Courty et al. 1989; Davidson et al. 1992;
Courty et al. 1994; Macphail1994). The application of
micromorphology to analysis of plant remains in
particular is being developed (Wattez & Courty 1987;
Goldberg et al. 1994), and ethnoarchaeological re-
search undertaken (Goldberg & Whitbread 1993).
Procedures in method and interpretation
The objective in method design is to provide links
between field and laboratory characterizations in
302
order to aid interpretation of deposits during future
excavations. The aim in selecting field sections and
samples for analysis was to study a wide but repre-
sentative range of context and deposit types. The
samples discussed in this report are principally from
the field sections exposed in Mellaart's Area (Chap-
ter 14), and two palaeoecological sections (Roberts
Chapter 2). The locations of the microstratigraphic
sections studied are illustrated in Figure 14.1. The con-
texts include a range of open areas from levels XI-III,
and, within buildings: floors, platforms, fire-installa-
tions and architectural materials from levels XII-V.
In the field the sections selected for microstrati-
graphic analysis were cleaned with an artist's pallete
knife in order to cut rather than smear deposits, and
to bring out the character of the boundaries between
depositional layers. The sequences were then photo-
graphed and drawn at 1:5 (Photographs 15.1-15.2 &
Figs. 15.1-15.8 & 15.11). Each identifiable deposi-
tional unit in the field was described adapting stand-
ardized procedures employed by soil scientists,
archaeological scientists (Hodgson 1976; Limbrey
1975) and micromorphologists (Bullock et al. 1985;
Courty et al. 1989). These descriptions are recorded
in the ~atalhoyiik archive.
The entire sequence of floors and accumulated
deposits in each of the rooms studied was sampled
for thin-section analysis. Many of the extant sequences
are less than 10 em thick, and could be sampled in
one block, 13.5 x 6.5 x 8 em. Where sequences were
thicker, overlapping samples were collected. 51 thin-
section samples were collected from archaeological
contexts, 4 from palaeoenvironmental contexts, and
17 from ethnoarchaeological contexts. The block sam-
ples were cut out from the section face using a Swiss
Army knife (Photograph 15.2). They were then
wrapped tightly in laboratory tissue and tape, and
marked with their top, orientation in the field and
sample number. The blocks were air dried in the
field and packed for export in well padded wooden
boxes. The thin sections were prepared in the
Geoarchaeology Laboratory in the University of Cam-
bridge following established procedures (Murphy
1986). The blocks were gently oven dried at 20-40° C
for at least one week. They were impregnated with
an unsaturated crystic polyester resin under vacuum
for 24 hours and were then allowed to harden over a
period of six weeks to prevent distortion during cur-
ing. The thin sections are 13.5 x 6.5 em in size and
25-30 Jlm thick. They were cut, ground and polished
using a Brot micrometric advance grinder polisher by
Julie Boast (Geoarchaeology Laboratory, Department
of Archaeology, University of Cambridge).
 Multiple Surfaces: the Micromorphology
Spot and block samples were collected for a
range of complementary analyses including Scan-
ning Electron Microscopy coupled with an Energy
Dispersive X-Ray Analyzer, chemical, physical and
mineralogical analyses, and phytoliths. Blocks of mud
brick adjacent to thin-section samples have been sub-
ject to optically stimulated luminescence dating (see
Chapter 16). Samples for pollen analysis were exam-
ined by W. Eastwood, University of Wales (see be-
low). Samples for a range of interdisciplinary analyses
were collected at 50 em intervals across floors dur-
ing the first season of renewed excavations in 1995
(Matthews n.d.). Integrated organic and inorganic
analyses will be conducted in the near future by Dr
R.P. Evershed at the University of Bristol and Dr
D.A. Jenkins, University of Wales.
All micromorphological scales of analytical fo-
cus are inter-related. The thin sections are first
analyzed macroscopically in the hand and correlated
with the microstratigraphic photographs and 1:5 sec-
tion drawings and descriptions. They are then exam-
ined at low magnifications of 5.8x-70x using a Wild
M420 large field transmitted light macroscope with
Apozoom, before analysis at higher magnifications
of 40x-600x using a Nikon Optiphot optical polariz-
ing microscope. The deposits are examined in plane-
polarized, cross-polarized and reflected light at both
low and high magnifications. The natural autofluor-
escence of organic and inorganic components and
fine fabrics is being studied in reflected fluorescent
blue light at magnifications of 40x-600x, excitation
wavelength 480 nm, with an excitation filter -450-
490, dichroic mirror -510 and barrier filter -520. The
autofluorescence of components in blue light varies
considerably from low excitation colours of dark
brown to high excitation bright green and yellow.
Although some excitation colours are characteristic
of specific compounds, and higher excitation col-
ours are associated with fresher organic remains or
higher phosphorus content (Courty et al. 1989, 48-
50), specific correlations with material substances
and diagenesis and decay have not been fully explored.
In future excavation seasons, techniques for
analyzing the micromorphology of deposits as they
are being excavated in the field will be explored and
developed. This will include microscopic analysis of
deposits on latex peels, in small blocks of micro-
stratigraphic sequences, and spot samples in a mount-
ing medium on glass slides. This will enable instant
assessment of the type, size and abundance of
depositional components, and in the case of peels
and blocks, some information on the contextual rela-
tionships between artefacts, organic remains and
303
sediments. These examinations in the field will be
verified by analysis of large resin impregnated block
samples in thin section and samples under SEM with
EDXRA.
The deposits in thin sections are described us-
ing internationally standardized terminology and
procedures which are based on morphological at-
tributes, rather than genetic classifications, and can
therefore be applied to a wide range of natural and
anthropogenic deposits (Bullock et al. 1985; Courty
et al. 1989). The significance of each of these attributes
to archaeological questions and investigations is dis-
cussed in Matthews (1996). With the help of T.
Ritchey, we have designed one of the first relational
data bases for thin-section description, using
Microsoft Access. These descriptions are recorded in
the interdisciplinary networked data base on the
~atalhoyiik workstation and will be accompanied
by images of the main deposit-types. This data base
is still being added to at the time of writing this
report, due to the complexity of the ~atalhoyiik
microstratigraphic sequences where there may be as
many as 75 layers of plaster and occupation deposits
in each thin section or 160 layers of wall plaster, and
the fact that the NERC project is still in progress. The
aim of this report is to illustrate the range of varia-
tion in deposits and microstratigraphic sequences at
~atalhoyiik. The detailed statistics comparing these
deposit types will be published in a later report. The
application of image analysis and computerized cal-
culation of the size, shape and abundance of the
heterogeneous components in anthropogenic depos-
its is currently problematic, but a range of applica-
tions are being developed by Professor D.A.
Davidson, University of Stirling, and Dr T. Acott,
University of Greenwich.
There are four principal elements or stages in
thin-section analysis of occupation sequences and
evidence for uses of space. These entail analysis of:
1. the materials and technology of floors or surfaces;
2. the impact of activities on floors or surfaces;
3. the nature and taphonomy of component arte-
facts, organic remains and sediments in occupa-
tion deposits, and their contextual relationships;
4. post-depositional alterations.
Interpretation of deposits and microstrati-
graphic sequences in the field and in thin section is
based on:
1. analysis of the type, morphology and frequency
of components and deposits in each sequence;
2. contextual and comparative analysis of each se-
quence and its location within different buildings
and areas of the settlement;
 Wendy Matthews, Charles French, Timothy Lawrence & David Cutler
3. comparison with other archaeological informa-
tion from the same and comparative contexts
both within the settlement and in the surround-
ing environment by other analyses of artefacts
and organic and inorganic remains and sediments;
4. comparison with thin section samples from other
archaeological sites and ethnoarchaeological and
experimental studies of settlements, soils and
plants, for example;
5. dialectic working hypotheses based on contex-
tual and comparative analysis of the above sets
of information and theories relating to activities
and depositional agencies and processes in set-
tlements and environments from other studies
in archaeology, ethnoarchaeology, soil science,
geology, botany and zoology, for example.
Results
Materials and technology of floors and surfaces
A range of materials were used in the manufacture
of deliberately prepared 'mud' plaster floors at
<::atalhoyiik. Identification of the sources of some of
these materials is pending further collaborative
palaeoecological research. Modern soil maps are
available for the area (Driessen & de Meester 1969;
de Meester 1971), but palaeoecological research has
established that the distribution of sediments and
soils in the region differed during the early Holocene
(Roberts Chapter 2). The mineralogy is related to the
geology in and around the great Konya Basin and
the <::ar~amba <::ay river catchment. The basin floor
was covered with shallow calcareous Pleistocene lake
deposits and beach ridges. It is surrounded by Up-
per Cretaceous limestone to the south in the Taurus
mountains, Palaeozoic limestone and schists in the
Anatolides mountains to the north and west, and
outcrops of Upper Miocene-Holocene volcanic ma-
terial in localiszd uplands.
In thin section it is evident that a range of de-
posits including alluvial and lake-derived deposits
were used in the manufacture of plaster floors, rang-
ing in particle size from a silty clay to a medium-
coarse sandy silt loam (Photographs 15.8-15.11).
Many silt loam sediments which are greyish brown
in colour include 10-20 per cent finely fragmented
plant remains which are dark pigmented and often
are less than 15-50 f.!m in size. Floor plasters manu-
factured from these deposits are dark grey (10YR 4/
1) in the field, and, at less than 3-10 mm thick, could
be mistakenly identified as thin layers of occupation
debris macroscopically in the field.
In thin section floor plasters are characterized
304
by a relatively homogeneously pugged fabric which
has an embedded (porphyric) related distribution
and a microstructure with 2-10 per cent pseudo-
morphic voids from plant remains which have since
decayed. Siliceous plant remains adhering to the
walls of these voids, and charred remains in burnt
floors, suggest that these plant remains principally
comprise Gramineae stem, leaf sheath and leaf frag-
ments. These are likely to have been deliberately
added as stabilizers to the plaster, in order to in-
crease workability, tensile strength and cohesion,
thereby reducing cracking during drying and use
(Norton 1986,32). Some floor plasters include a range
of anthropogenic debris such as heterogeneous burnt
aggregates, charred plant remains and fragments of
bone.
One of the most distinctive materials used to
plaster the floors is a white calcareous silty clay (Pho-
tographs 15.10-15.12). In both the field and thin sec-
tion these plasters range in colour from slightly
greenish white (2.5Y 8/2) to creamy white (10YR8/
2). In thin section, these sediments closely resemble
modern samples of soft lime deposits which com-
prise up to 95 per cent pure carbonates of calcium
and magnesium, and are unconsolidated Neogene-
Quaternary carbonate deposits (Photograph 15.3;
Driessen & de Meester 1969, 42-6; de Meester 1971,
57). These modern soft lime deposits today occur
within 5 km of the site and have been classified as
the Kasmham soil series to the west, and the Urii.nlii
series to the southeast. The modern deposits range
in colour from white (5Y8/1) to white and creamy
white (10YR8/2). They have a clay loam particle size
and are very sticky and plastic. These deposits are
locally known as ak toprak, and are used by modern
villagers in the region for plastering the floors and
walls, by mixing with water (Mellaart 1962, 48;
Nurcan Yalman pers. comm.). It has already been
suggested that these deposits are likely to have been
used during the Neolithic for plasters (Mellaart 1962,
48). The plaster samples analyzed in thin section
include sparse shell fragments and, pending investi-
gations by the conservators and SEM with EDXRA,
do not appear to have been prepared by firing lime
to temperatures of 850-900 C (Moorey 1994), in con-
trast to samples analyzed from a number of Neolithic
sites in the Near East, including one sample from
<::atalhoyiik (Kingery et al. 1988). There have been
some difficulties in distinguishing between organi-
cally bonded lime plaster and burnt lime plasters
particularly in weathered samples (Affonso 1996).
Similar white calcareous silty clay sediments
were used to plaster the walls at <::atalhoyiik. One
 1014 E w 1014

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s......
-u·
ro-
(f)
~
....
PI'
(")
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. J l'1l
rn
(J.)
0
g.
Vl l'1l
-dl:-------=
~
1013.50 1013.50 ;:;·
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Scale at 50cm intervals 0
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....
'"0
:::>'
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Figure 15.1. Microstratigraphy of two fire-installations in section 2, level V, south of V.61 (Fig. 14.3). 0
OQ
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 Wendy Matthews, Charles French, Timothy Lawrence & David Cutler
fragment of collapsed wall plaster from Area E has
been analyzed in thin section (Photograph 15.4). This
fragment is only 3 em thick, but includes 160 layers
of plaster. In thin section it is evident that the se-
quence comprises 80 couplets of plaster consisting
of a preparation layer of very pale brown calcareous
silty clay and a finishing coat of finer white calcare-
ous silty clay. The primary preparatory layer [1] is
4-6 mm thick, all subsequent preparatory layers are
only 24-720 f..lm thick. The finishing coats [2] are 12-
552 f..lm thick. The preparatory layers were stabilized
with the addition of 2 per cent stabilizers, and had
slightly irregularly textured surfaces on to which the
finer finishing coats of white calcareous plaster were
keyed in. The surfaces of the finishing coats by con-
trast were very smooth and compacted, indicating
that they may have been deliberately smoothed as
Mellaart suggested, perhaps using white or green
polishers which were found extensively at the site
(Mellaart 1962, 48). The materials and technology
employed throughout this entire sequence of wall
plasters are remarkably consistent.
Five blocks of mud brick and mortar have been
sampled for analysis in thin section, from levels XII,
VII, VI, and V. The source materials in mud-brick
samples from levels XII, VII and VI comprise silt
loam to sandy silt loam sediments with finely frag-
mented dark pigmented and charred plant remains
and some fragments of bone and burnt aggregates
(e.g. Photograph 15.5 [1]). The source materials in
level V comprise alluvial and alluvial fan deposits
with medium to coarse sandy clay loam to fine-
medium sandy silt loam particle sizes. There tends
to be fewer voids from plant remains in mud bricks
than floor plasters, at <2-5 per cent. Mortars gener-
ally include higher concentrations of heterogeneous
anthropogenic debris than mud bricks, including
charred plant remains, burnt bone, and occasional
flakes of obsidian (Photograph 15.5 [2]). Similar mor-
tars rich in anthropogenic debris were used four thou-
sand years later at the site of Abu Salabikh in southern
Iraq, c. 2500 Be (Matthews & Postgate 1994, fig. 15.7).
The plaster linings of fire-installations in sec-
tion 2 (Fig. 15.1) are generally made from well-sorted
fine and medium sandy clay loam alluvial deposits
(Photograph 15.6).
Impact of activities on floors and surfaces
Few of the floor surfaces sampled in thin section
have boundaries as smooth as those of the wall plas-
ters. Different zones of impact of activities on floors
and surfaces have been identified in micromorpho-
logical studies (Ge et al. 1993). The passive zone refers
306
to underlying deposits which are not affected by the
impact of activities. The reactive zone refers to un-
derlying deposits which are slightly altered by the
impact of activities, exhibiting cracks or compaction,
for example. The active zone refers to the interface
between surfaces and activities, where both floor
and occupation deposits may be reworked by tram-
pling for example.
Charred and siliceous remains of mats were
uncovered on floors during excavations at <;atal-
hoyiik in the 1960s (Mellaart 1967, pl. 120). Impres-
sions probably from mats or floor coverings have
been identified on the surfaces of some plaster floors
in thin section at <;atalhoyiik. Microlayers of silty
dust immediately above some plaster floors may
have percolated through floor coverings and have been
subsequently compacted. Trampled surfaces with
sub-horizontal cracks in the reactive zone and dis-
lodged aggregates of plaster in the active zone occur
in sequences of domestic deposits in sections 3 and 4
(Photographs 15.8-15.9 [1]). Pale yellow salts had also
impregnated the surface of the plaster floor in section 3
(Photograph 15.8 [1]). Further ethnoarchaeological
and experimental research and sampling is required
in examination of the impact of activities on surfaces.
Occupation deposits
In thin section we are studying the type, taphonomy
and contextual relationships of artefacts, organic re-
mains and sediments in each depositional unit. The
buildings at <;atalhoyiik were kept remarkably clean.
Many of the layers of occupation deposits on floors
and surfaces are less than 1 mm thick, ranging from
some floors on which there are not even any micro-
scopic residues, to 240-800 f..lm and, in exceptional
cases, 2.9 em thick. Levelling debris in Shrine VIII.25
was up to 4.5 em thick between plaster floors. Open
areas used as middens by contrast have several me-
tres of accumulated refuse (see Chapter 14).
Plant remains
In thin section it is evident that plant remains consti-
tute the largest class of residue from human activi-
ties, both within buildings and in open areas at
<;atalhoyiik, comprising more than 40 per cent of a
range of deposits. In the current three-year NERC
project we have been very fortunate to collaborate
with Mr T. Lawrence and Dr D.F. Cutler at the Plant
Anatomy section of the Jodrell Laboratory, Royal
Botanic Gardens, Kew, who have collaborated in
other archaeological projects (Gale & Cutler forth-
coming). Plant remains in thin sections from all four
sites in the NERC project have been identified by com-
 Multiple Surfaces: the Micromorphology
parison with the extensive reference collection of
plant anatomical microscope slides and library with
a wide range of plant anatomy atlases at Kew.
The variety of plant materials and anatomical
elements preserved in their depositional context in
the thin-section samples from <::atalhoyiik, is ena-
bling study of a range of human-plant relationships
at a critical stage in the development of agriculture
and complex settlements. A range of root, ?tuber,
stern, leaf, leaf sheath, husk, and seed/fruit anatomi-
cal elements have been identified. These are vari-
ously preserved as desiccated uncharred remains,
siliceous remains (Photograph 15.13), charred re-
mains (Photograph 15.7), calcareous ashes, and
pseudornorphic voids in sediments surrounding
plants which have since decayed (Photographs 15.10-
15.11). The charred plants range in size from several
microns to more than 2.6 ern. Identification, how-
ever, is not necessarily dependent on size, but on
whether diagnostic characteristics are present and in
the correct orientation for secure identification. Plant
anatomy identifications are usually based on obser-
vations of a given plant organ viewed in two or
three opposing planes. For example in leaves of
grasses surface views of the epidermis, combined
with transverse sections, are usually required to at-
tempt an identification. In the case of woods of di-
cotyledons and conifers transverse, tangential
longitudinal and radial longitudinal sections need to
be examined in order to see all of the potential diag-
nostic characters (Cutler 1978). The orientation of
plant remains in micromorphological thin sections is
by contrast dependent on the way in which the plant
remains were deposited and have settled due to grav-
ity. Although only one view is available for each
fragment of plant, there are often several fragments
of the same type of plant within any depositional
unit. If these fragments are in several different
orientations, they can provide a composite view of a
particular plant. Woody material is usually more
easily identified than herbaceous material because
there is a limited number of woody plants present in
the region, which are fairly well represented in the
Kew reference collection. The anatomical reference
material of the large range of native herbaceous plants
is not as comprehensive. Woods can, however, still
present difficulties because botanically closely re-
lated woods can be anatomically very similar and
very difficult to distinguish from one another, such
as Salix from Populus (Salicaceae) and Ulmus from
Celtis (Ulmaceae). Even Pistacia can be very difficult
to separate from the unrelated Ulmus/Celtis in ob-
lique sections.
307
A wide range of plant types have been identi-
fied and characterized in the micromorphological
thin sections. Identifications in the future will be
aided by analyses of charred wood and plant re-
mains retrieved by full-scale excavation and wet-
sieving and flotation, as these are three-dimensional
specimens which can be fractured and observed with
surface illumination or sectioned with a microtome.
These analyses will provide larger samples and sta-
tistics to complement analysis of rnicrostratigraphic
associations. Further modern reference collections
need to be built up of woods and other plant materi-
als in the region.
Interpretation of these rich plant remains re-
quires ongoing ethnobotanical research, like that con-
ducted by Fiisiin Ertug, Washington University, at
the acerarnic Neolithic site of A:;;tkh Hoyiik and sur-
rounding modern villages. A wide range of wild
plant leaves, sterns, seeds, tubers, etc. are still used
by modern villagers (Ertug pers. cornrn.). The chal-
lenge is establishing how these might survive and be
identified in the archaeological record (Hall 1987;
Evershed et al. 1992).
The charred plant remains identified at C::atal-
hoyiik include a wide range of anatomical elements
including: dicotyledonous and coniferous woods;
monocotyledon root, stern, leaf sheath and leaf; and
seeds and fruits which are listed below:
Wood
Celtis/Ulmus (hackberry I elm)
Chenopodiaceae- similar to Sa/sola, Sueda etc.
Pistacia/Ulmus/Celtis (pistachio/ elm/hackberry)
Quercus (deciduous white oak type)
Salix/Pop/us (willow/poplar)
Unidentified coniferous wood
Unidentified dicotyledonous woods with characters as follows
(apparently all different species):
1. bands of early wood vessels containing tyloses
2. moderately large vessels
3. rays rather tall 4-5 cells wide
4. rays mostly 6 cells wide and relatively short
5. semi ring porous, small- to medium-sized vessels and
medium width rays ?Prunus
6. very thin walled cells
7. very small vessels
8. very small vesels in radial chains, similar to Reaumuria
(Tamaricaceae)
9. very rounded medium-sized vessels
10. wide rays ?Balanites/Tamarix
11. diffuse porous woody herbacious perennial
Stem, leaf sheath and leaf
Gramineae (grasses)
including 'reed': probable Phragmites
also Arundo donax
 Wendy Matthews, Charles French, Timothy Lawrence & David Cutler
Cyperaceae - triquetrous stem
Unidentified monocotyledonous stems and leaves with charac-
ters as follows (apparently all represent different species):
1. large fibrous bundle sheaths, probably not a grass
2. large parenchymetous bundle sheath cells
3. one midrib bundle, two lateral air spaces and square margin
with enlarged cells at corners
4. longitudinal ridges formed of thick walled cells
5. stem -lacking any distinguishing features
Root
monocotyledon root
Seeds and fruits
cereal grains, including barley
unidentified fruits and seeds
A number of specimens of uncharred wood and plant
remains have been identified. These include:
Quercus (oak)
dicotyledonous wood with rays mostly 4 cells wide
Celtis pericarp
seeds type 4.1 and 4.2
tuber containing possible starch
In addition a range of well-preserved siliceous and
non-siliceous plant remains are observable in thin
section, often articulated. These include leaf and stem
epidermises with stomata, papillae, prickle hairs, long
cells and short cells; parenchyma, vascular bundles,
bulliform cells; culm nodes, husks and awns (Photo-
graph 15.13). It has proven difficult to identify these
siliceous plant remains despite their good preserva-
tion and articulation. Many of these are from mono-
cotyledons, especially grasses which may exhibit
considerable variation in the anatomy between dif-
ferent parts of the same plant, but similarities in the
anatomy between different species. Many sheets of
siliceous plant remains in thin section lie in longitu-
dinal, transverse or oblique sections, due to the ef-
fects of gravity. These orientations usually possess
fewer diagnostic characters than surface views of
epidermises, which occur less frequently. The study
of siliceous plant remains in thin section needs to be
complemented with analysis of articulated ancient
specimens extracted both from small bulk samples
and microstratigraphic blocks which can be handled
and oriented during analysis. During the course of
the c;:atalhoyiik project, identification of all of these
sample types will be aided by the compilation of a
reference collection of Gramineae and analysis of the
range of agents and mechanisms by which they are
likely to have been introduced to the site, including
dung. A reference collection of phytoliths from plants
in the Levant is being established by Rosen (1992).
308
We have compiled a basic series of morpho-
logical types of articulated siliceous plant remains.
To date 16 morphological types, some with sub-types,
have been drawn up. Siliceous remains of cereal-like
epidermises have been identified. As yet, it is still
not possible incontrovertibly to distinguish morpho-
logically between wild and cultivated grasses. We
have been able to identify siliceous and ?non-sili-
ceous fragments of the reed Phragmites and also
Arundo donax which are abundant in many deposits.
The term 'reed' is used in this report to refer to
coarse Gramineae stems and leaf sheaths. Conical
silica bodies possibly from Cyperaceae are also
present.
Some of the siliceous plant remains have melted
in temperatures greater than 600-800° C, and have
formed vesicular lengths and globules of silica, which
are <0.5 mm in size.
The calcareous ashes at c;:atalhoyiik are often
lozenge-shaped, c. 30 J!m in size. Micromorphologists
are developing identification of calcareous ashes us-
ing SEM with EDXRA on samples from experimen-
tal combustion, and compiling reference collections
(Wattez & Courty 1987). The lozenge-shaped ashes
at c;:atalhoyiik may resemble deciduous wood ash
crystals (Wattez & Courty 1987, figs. 1-2; Courty et
al. 1989, fig. 7.1a).
Nine samples of a variety of deposits within
the settlement at c;:atalhoyiik were examined for pol-
len content by Warren Eastwood (University of
Wales, Aberystwyth). A range of Monocotyledon,
Dicotyledon and conifer pollen grains were identified
(Table 15.1), but pollen concentrations are extremely
low. Pollen grains are also sparse in thin-section
samples. The significance of these grains is not
easily assessed for the following reasons. The pollen
grains may have been (a) originally present in the
alluvial or lake deposits from which bricks or plas-
ters were made, or (b) incorporated into the brick or
plaster at the time of manufacture, or (c) incorpo-
rated during the formation of occupation deposits,
or (d) introduced later by soil fauna. Pine pollen is
widely dispersed, so its presence cannot be regarded
as an indication of the local presence of pine trees.
The other pollen taxa are also well dispersed but
may be better indicators of local sources, including
derivation through plant materials brought onto the
site (e.g. matting and roofing). The pollen assem-
blage may also have been affected by differential
preservation, as suggested by the presence of
Compositae, which are generally decay-resistant. In
short, these pollen data allow no firm conclusions
regarding the environment or activities at the time
of occupation.
 Multiple Surfaces: the Micromorphology

Table 15.1. Pollen analyses conducted by W. Eastwood at the Palynological Research Centre, Institute of Earth Studies, University of Wales,
Aberystwyth.
c;:atalhiiyiik pollen appraisal report

Archaeological Section Deposit type Palynological Volume Microscope slide pollen appraisal
sample no. no. ref. no. processed
29 Occupation C::HEARC.93-I 1 cm3 I Quercus undiff. (T); I Chenopodiaceae undiff. (H); I Compositae,
deposit Liguliforae (H); Compositae, Tubuliflorae (H); 19 Gramineae (H); I unknown;
4 indeterminate.
30 3 Occupation C::HEARC.93-2 0.4cm3 I Compositae, Liguliflorae (H); 5 Gramineae (H); 3 indeterminate.
deposit
31 3 Open area <;:HEARC. 93-3 lcm3 Pinus fragment (T); 2 Chenopodiaceae undiff. (H); I Compositae,
deposit Tubuliflorae (H); 2 Gramineae (H); 48 Sparganium type cf. (A).
32 Mud brick C::HEARC.93-4 lcm 3 2 Pinus undiff. (T); I Chenopodiaceae undiff. (H); I Compositae,
Tubuliflorae (H); 2 Gramineae (H); I indeterminate.
33 4 Occupation C::HEARC. 93-5 0.15cm3 1 indeterminate.
deposit
34 4 Occupation C::HEARC.93-6 1 cm 3 31/2 Pinus undiff (T); 3 Compositae, Liguliflorae (H); 5 Compositae,
deposit Tubuliflorae (H); II Gramineae (H); 5 Sparganium type cf. (A); 3 indeterminate;
1 unknown.
35 2 Open area C::HEARC.93-7 1 cm 3 No pollen.
deposit
36 2 Open area C::HEARC. 93-8 1 cm3 I Pinus undiff (T); I Chenopodiacea undiff. (H); 2 Gramineae (H).
deposit
37 4 Floor C::HEARC.93-9 0.8cm' I Pinus undiff (T); I Chenopodiaceae undiff (H); I Compositae,
Liguliflorae (H); 4 Gramineae (H)

Note: Indeterminate includes grains which are crumpled, broken or obscured.

T: Tree
H: Herb
A: Aquatic

nivorous animals such as pigs for example has dense

Dung and coprolites
A range of dung pellets, digested plant remains, and
coprolites have been identified at <;atalhoyiik in a
variety of contexts including rooms, open areas and
fire-installations. Modern reference material of burnt
and unburnt dung from a range of animals and sta-
ble deposits has been studied in thin section and
compared to ancient dung from different regions of
the world, including the Konya plain as part of the
current NERC project in collaboration with S.M.
Anderson (Anderson 1995), and from <;ayonii Tepesi
in Turkey (Factor, J.L., 1991. B.A. Thesis, Harvard
University, cited in Brochier 1993, 47), in Iraq
(Matthews & Postgate 1994), Europe (Courty et al.
1991; Davidson et al. 1992; Canti in press) and India
(Courty pers. comm.). Dung has also been identified
by comparison of components in bulk samples of
modern and ancient dung (Brochier 1985; 1992; 1993).
Dung from modern species in thin section can
be distinguished on the basis of differences in the
type, nature and size of components and their struc-
tural arrangement, and the external morphology of
dung pellets (Courty et al. 1991, table 1). Dung from
cattle may be strongly layered and contain coarser
fragments than dung from sheep and goats which
tends to be more finely fragmented. Dung from om-
amorphous organic matter and may contain frag-
ments of phytoliths and bone. The nature of dung
from specific species varies according to age, diet
and season, and with careful study and reference
collections may provide information on animal be-
haviour, relationships with humans, and ecology
(Anderson 1995; Brochier 1992; Stewart & Stewart
1970) .
At least three principal types of dung/ coprolite
have been identified at <;atalhoyiik. Types 1 and 2
are characteristic of herbivore dung, type 3 resem-
bles omnivore coprolites. Type 1 has more readily
recognizable plant remains (Photographs 15.18-
15.19), than those in type 2. Extant pellet fragments
of type 1 are up to 13 mm in length. Inclusions are
unoriented and randomly distributed, and princi-
pally comprise abundant digested siliceous plant re-
mains, often of Gramineae, occasionally of tubers,
and abundant spherulites discussed below (pp. 322-3).
Type 2 has a fine fibrous structure, and includes
finely fragmented and digested plant remains (Pho-
tograph 15.24). This dung type does not contain
spherulites. Extant pellet fragments are up to 7.7
mm long and 1.05-4.2 mm in height, and are ovoid
in shape, and often compacted. These dung frag-
ments resemble sheep/goat droppings in stabling

309
 Wendy Matthews, Charles French, Timothy Lawrence & David Cutler
layers in the Early Middle Neolithic cave site of Arene
Candide, Finale Liguria, Italy (Courty et al. 1991,
figs. 4-5).
Type 3 comprises dense pale yellow amorphous
organic matter and includes pseuodomorphic voids of
plant remains, fragments of phytoliths
<150 J..Lm, and bone <5 mm (Photograph 15.25) and
is occasionally associated with hackberry pericarps <2.8
mm. Extant fragments are up to 21 mm in size. The
yellowish phosphatic organic matter is similar to that
in a human coprolite from Middle Saxon levels at
Maiden Lane, London, eighth century AD (Courty et al.
1989, pl. IVa). The organic aggregates from C::atalhOyiik
have less dark brown amorphous organic staining, and
may possibly be derived alternatively from pig or dog
coprolites, or ?food residues.
Positive identification of any of these dung re-
mains must await compilation of a wider reference
collection, and correlation of the physical character-
istics in thin section and under SEM with chemical
signatures, such as traces of bile acids, sterols and
coprostanols, which, if present, can be detected by
gas chromatography /mass spectrometry, and in
many instances are specific to, and therefore diag-
nostic of, different animal species (Bethel et al. 1994;
Evershed & Bethel in press). Dung which has been
disaggregated or transformed by trampling or
burning for example may be more difficult to iden-
tify.
Contextual variation in plant remains and dung
Contextual variation in plant remains was identified
in thin-section samples from the early urban settle-
ment of Abu Salabikh in Iraq (Matthews & Postgate
1994). In particular, a strong correlation was observed
between types of plant remains and different con-
texts and regimes of combustion. The highest con-
centrations of charred plant remains occurred in
enclosed cylindrical walled clay ovens where condi-
tions are likely to have been reducing. Layers of
siliceous plant remains and ashes were abundant in
open semi-circular hearths, where most of the car-
bon had been oxidized. Calcareous ashes were par-
ticularly abundant in large ventilated chambered
ovens. Four fire-installations have been sampled at
<::atalhoyiik. The two installations in section 2, had
been thoroughly swept out before replastering (Pho-
tographs 15.2 & 15.6), leaving only isolated aggre-
gates of in situ fuel, less than 2 mm thick. A much
thicker layer of fuel and burnt remains, 3.5 em thick,
survives in situ on the base of the fire-installation in
Shrine VIII.25, phase 4. A surprisingly wide range of
plant remains are present, these include:
310
charred wood Quercus (oak)
charred wood Celtis/Ulmus (hackberry I elm)
siliceous stem, leaf Gramineae (grasses, including
'reeds', i.e. Phragmites, or
Arundo donax)
siliceous dung pellet ?sheep I goat
calcareous ashes, lozenge ?deciduous wood
The variety of types and range in calorific values of
plant remains at <::atalhoyiik is much greater than at
Abu Salabikh. The larger differences in calorific value
and nature and rates of combustion of different plants
at C::atalhoyiik are likely to produce a much greater
range of juxtaposed burnt plant remains than at Abu
Salabikh. The calorific values of oak, hackberry and
elm woods for example are much higher than those of
Gramineae and dung. Further analyis of ethnoarch-
aeological and experimental burning conditions and
remains is required.
Within buildings and open areas at <::atalhoyiik,
a number of contextual variations in plant remains
and dung are emerging. These include variations
with regard to plant materials, anatomy, size and
abundance. The following table is a selective
list of key plant remains which co-occur in at least
two different examples of the same context type, and
appear therefore to be characteristic of that type of
context. Other plant remains may be present in these
contexts, but are generally less abundant, and some-
times more ubiquitous. The preliminary list in Table
15.2 is presented here in order to illustrate the nature
of the results which are emerging. The contextual
correlations are discussed with reference to other
variations in microstratigraphic sequences in the fi-
nal section of this chapter, and will be further tested
once the data base is complete.
Other components in occupation deposits
Other components in occupation sequences in thin
section include fragments of obsidian (Photograph
15.26), grindstones, red ochre (Photograph 15.12),
and unburnt and burnt bone (Photographs 15.9 &
15.13), shell, diatoms, and a wide range of aggre-
gates from different building materials and natural
sources (Photographs 15.8, 15.12 & 15.14).
Obsidian fragments are surprisingly sparse in
the samples analyzed. One fragment of obsidian, 2.45
mm in size, perhaps significantly occurs in one of the
refuse deposits with ?wood chippings and 'reed' re-
mains (Photograph 15.26). Obsidian piece esquillees
are one of the most common tool types at C::atalhoyiik
and are likely to have been one of the principal tools
used for wood working (Chapter 10). A wide range
of sophisticated wooden vessels were recovered from
the site during the 1960s' excavation, preserved by
 Multiple Surfaces: the Micromorphology

gates and 20-30 per cent

Table 15.2. Contextual variation in types of plant remains and dung.
Context type
Room - few white floor plasters
(Photographs 15.7-15.8!
Room- white floor plasters
(Photograph 15.15!
?Stable
(Photographs 15.17-15.19)
Open areas
(Photograph 15.25!
charred reed and wood <1
Deposit type Plant remains type Size range mm mm, in a discrete layer 0.2-
occupation deposits charred wood <2.1 4.9 mm thick, between layers
siliceous Gramineae including: <7.0
siliceous cereal-like fragments <1.0 with >40 per cent charred
'reed' and wood. Red ochre
occupation deposits charred 'reed'-like fragments <0.2
also occurs as isolated single
accumulated deposits digested siliceous Grarnineae <1.5 grains in floor make-up and
dung types 1 and 2 <13.0 occupation deposits in a
spherulites 0.005-0.020
range of contexts.
dumped single unit
(?burnt wood chips charred oak <10.0
+ ?basketry I matting
manufacture residues
charred 'reed'
obsidian
Deposition of components in
<0.5

?used as fuel) occupation deposits

dumped single unit
(?food cooking) cereal grains, incl. barley
burnt aggregates of
fire-installation plaster
dumped single unit hackberry stones
dung type 3, omnivorous
charring during extensive burning in level VIA in
particular (Mellaart 1964, 85-92). At least ten obsid-
ian fragments, 0.25-5.5 mm in size, occur in a thin
lens, 0.3-2.1 mm thick, in refuse deposits in an open
area in level XI Court 25. This lens clearly represents
a discrete depositional episode, between layers of
charred 'reed' and wood, and includes fragments of
bone <2 mm and 5-10 per cent heterogeneous aggre-
gates. The charred wood includes fragments of
Quercus, Salicaceae and Pistacia/Celtis/Ulmus.
Red ochre has been identified in significant
quantities in three contexts. The first context is as
two lenses of red ochre in the top of a small hole dug
into the top of large grave in section 3 (Photograph
15.12). These lenses of red ochre are 20-120 J..Lm and
24-360 J..Lm thick, and occur between two thin layers
of white plaster, which were subsequently capped
by a thicker layer of white plaster. The ochre is bright
salmon pink red in reflected light, very similar to
some of the red paints used in the wall paintings. It
is very dark reddish brown in colour in plane-
polarized light with high relief, and isotropic in cross-
polarized light.
The second context in which red ochre occurs is
in the upper 5 mm of 3.7 em of in situ burnt deposits
in the fire-installation of Phase 4 in Shrine VIII.25.
The red ochre occurs as a cluster 1.44 mm in diameter
and as aggregates <250 J..Lm in size comprising 2 per
cent of the deposit. The third occurrence is as discon-
tinuous micro lenses in a thin layer of refuse deposits
in an open area in level XI Court 25. The lenses of red
ochre are less than 0.48 mm thick and 7 mm in length,
and are deposited with heterogeneous mineral aggre-
Differences between depos-
<4.2 its which accumulated in situ
<12.0 and those which had been
<2.8
dumped were observed at
<21.0 Abu Salabikh (Matthews &
Postgate 1994, 190). Attributes
characteristic of trampling,
sweeping, and successive use and shaking of mats
or rugs were also identified. A range of similar dif-
ferences is emerging at (atalhoyiik. Many of the
thin lenses of occupation deposits at (atalhoyiik,
<0.2-1.0 mm, are compacted with a massive micro-
structure and an embedded (porphyric) related dis-
tribution (Photograph 15.16). By contrast, thicker
layers of accumulated deposits are less compacted
and have a complex packing void microstructure,
and inter-grain aggregate (enaulic) or bridged
(gefuric) related distribution between coarse and fine
components (Photographs 15.8-15.9). Microstrati-
graphic lenses occur within some layers of occupa-
tion deposits. Steeply sloping deposits in open areas
have been sorted by gravity.
Spatial and cyclical variation in deposition in
ritual contexts has been observed and studied in the
temple at Saar, Bahrain (Matthews et al. in press).
The plastered surfaces on top of the altar were regu-
larly cleaned after periodic burning at Saar. Layers
of deposits on top of the altar are very thin, <200 J..Lm,
and principally comprise fragments of burnt date
palm. Thicker layers of burnt date palm accumu-
lated around the bases of the altars. Clean plaster
floors and layers of sandy levelling deposits built up
away from the altars. The back rooms of the temple
were almost certainly used for storage, and had thick
layers of packing and plastered scoops or bases for
stored items.
Post-depositional alterations
There is evidence to suggest floors and occupation
deposits may in some instances have been removed

311
 Wendy Matthews, Charles French, Timothy Lawrence & David Cutler
from within buildings, resulting in a truncated hori-
zon. The juncture between wall plasters and floor
plasters has been examined both in the field and in
thin section, in order to identify any differences in
the frequency of replastering of floors and walls,
and to investigate whether there is any evidence for
truncation and removal of floors. There is no conclu-
sive evidence within the current sample of five
buildings with which to establish whether any
unconformities between the wall plasters and floor
plasters are the result of the irregularities in the wall
face and the generally less frequent replastering of
floors, or the actual removal of floors. This problem
in stratigraphic interpretation is compounded by the
practice of raising some floor levels by up to 60 em
as in level VIB to VIA in Shrine 10 (Mellaart 1964,
47-50), or reusing the tops of earlier walls as the base
of later walls (Chapter 14). In both of these instances
the stratigraphic sequence at the juncture with the
later floors would show multiple layers of wall plas-
ter for which there are no corresponding floors, until
underlying levels and sequences have been exposed.
In the large area of deep refuse deposits in field
section 3, one depositional layer includes large re-
deposited fragments of floor plaster comprising
multiple layers of orange and white plasters. In one
thin section of floors from the unexcavated building
east of building 32, level VII, there is an isolated
island of floors 4.2-5 mm in height, where at least
two layers of slightly sandy silt loam plaster, each
with at least two multiple layers of white plaster
finishing coat, have been removed from the rest of
this sequence. One informant during ethnoarch-
aeological research suggested that if the sequence of
floors within a building becomes too high, the floors
would be dug out and new ones laid (Nurcan Yalman
pers. comm.).
Many of the deposits at <::atalhoyiik are well
preserved with little post-depositional disturbance.
There has been some bioturbation from root and
insect activity, represented by channels and cham-
bers, which in many instances have been infilled by
disturbed sediments or soil faunal excrement. Sparse
modern root fragments have been observed in chan-
nels in thin section, particularly in field section 6,
where there are modern bushes on top of the section.
Reprecipitation of salts has resulted in local distur-
bance of the fabric of some deposits, including the
plaster floor surface in field section 3 (Photograph
15.8). Relics of ancient microfauna! eggs, ?parasites,
spores, microbial filaments and bacteria are present,
giving some indication of pre- and post-burial con-
ditions in the built environment, and agents of or-
312
ganic diagensis and decay. These remains require
further specialist analysis both in thin sections and
spot and bulk samples. Amorphous organic staining
and organic aggregates are preserved in a range of
contexts (e.g. Photograph 15.14), and exhibit bright
yellowish autofluorescent excitation colours in blue
light, suggesting that organic residues and phospho-
rus may be present.
Contextual variation in microstratigraphic
sequences
There are marked differences between microstrati-
graphic sequences within buildings and in open ar-
eas (Figs. 15.9-15.10). No deliberately prepared floors
or surfaces have yet been identified in any open
areas. This is in contrast to within buildings where
up to 99 per cent of sequences may comprise deliber-
ately laid floors, and only 1 per cent may comprise
accumulated deposits. Accumulated deposits within
open areas may be several metres thick (Chapter 14).
By contrast, the floors within buildings were kept
extremely clean. In some instances there are not even
any microscopic remains between successive layers
of plaster, as in the case of many of the floors in
samples from sections 7 and 9 for example. Where
there are accumulations of occupation deposits be-
tween plaster floors they range in thickness from 0.1
mm to 2-3 em. Many deposits are less than 0.5 mm
thick. One exception to this is an accumulation of
heterogeneous aggregates and organic-rich deposits
in a relatively inaccessible area to the east of fire-
installations in Shrine VIII.25, which has an extant
depth of 37 em.
Variation in microstratigraphic sequences within
buildings
The total depth of each of the microstratigraphic
sequences within the buildings studied ranges from
5.5-37 em (Fig. 15.2). With the exception of Shrine
VIII.25, each entire sequence of plasters and occupa-
tion deposits on floors and platforms is less than 10
em deep, and can be studied in one large thin sec-
tion, 13.5 x 6.5 em.
The horizontal and sequential application of
plaster on platforms, floors and low dividing ridges
is complex. The layers of plaster on the platform in
field section 9 are thinner and were more frequently
applied than the thicker layers of plaster on the adja-
cent floor (Fig. 15.3). Eleven coats of plaster each
with finishing coats of plaster were applied on the
platform, but only three layers of plaster were laid
on the floor. The low ridges in field sections 3 and 6
 Multiple Surfaces: the Micromorphology

40cm 40cm

30 30

20 20

10 10

0 0

10 10

20 20

E. of VII.32 S. of VII.32 S. of VII.32 VIII.25 Section 3 Section 3 Section 4 VIII.25 X/Vlll.25/15

(Platform) (centre) Platforms VIA/V VIA/V E. of VIB-A.47 (East of FI) ?Stable
+centre centreS. room Room with
bench

Plaster floors
Platform
Multiple layers of white plaster
Levelled debris
Domestic occupation deposits
Dung-rich deposits

Figure 15.2. Microstratigraphic columns illustrating the type, thickness and frequency of floors and deposits in
different contexts.

were plastered more frequently than the floors, per-
haps because they were more exposed to abrasion
and wear (Figs. 15.5 & 15.7). The floors in field sec-
tion 7 had irregular depressions which were patched
and plastered over and in some instances may relate
to truncated horizons (Fig. 15.4).
There is considerable spatial and contextual
variation in the type, thickness and frequency of
plaster floors and occupation deposits within some
buildings.
Shrine VIII.25
Spatial variation is particularly evident in a section
through the southern half of Shrine VIII.25 (Figs.
15.5-15.6). Thick irregular layers of heterogeneous
aggregates and organic-rich deposits accumulated
in a relatively inaccessible area between the eastern
wall and the fire-installations. In thin section (Photo-
graph 15.14), these deposits include large heteroge-
neous plaster aggregates <5 em, burnt aggregates,
charred plant remains <1 em, pale yellow salts, burnt
bone <5 mm, organic aggregates <1 em in lenses
more than 6 em in length, and dung (type 2: fibrous,
no spherulites). The plant remains include: charred
oak and ?pistachio wood, charred cereal grain frag-
ment, Gramineae epidermises, and hackberry peri-
carp. Fire-cracked stones occurred in the lowermost
of these deposits.
At least nine phases of periodic rebuild of
the fire-installations have been identified from

313
 ~
('[)
::l
0..
"<
~
~
.....
.....
::r
('[)

<
,'JJ
1007 1007
n
::r
~
....
ro-
[fl

>Tj
....
('[)
::l
n
(;.)
.......
7....,
>!'>-
1006.50 1006.50 s·
0
.....
::r
"<
r'
Scale at 50cm intervals ~

....('[)<
::l
n
Figure 15.3. Microstratigraphy of platform and floors in the building south of VII.32, section 9. ('[)

~
0
~
<
~
n
~
ro-
....
 N s

______ D G ~
s,...,.
>fj'
;:o
(fJ
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1009 L-___ 1009 Pr'
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w
I ,...,.
....... :::r
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....
0

0
8
....
'"d
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OQ
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Scale at lOcm intervals

-----
Figure 15.4. Microstratigraphy of floors in the building east of VII.32,section 7 (Fig. 14 .6).
 w

1007 1007
~
ro
::l
0..
'<
~
PJ
...,.
1006.50 1006.50
&
ro
~
Y'
Scale at SOcm intervals n
::l"'
...,~
;:o
Figure 15.5. Microstratigraphy of floors in Shrine 25, level VIII, section 6 (Fig. 14.20). Vl
'Tj
...,
ro
::l
n
VJ .?"
......
0\ ......J
§.
0
&
'<
1007.50 1007.50 r<
w ~
~
...,
ro
::l
n
ro
~
1007 1007 0~
<
0.:
n
c...,.
1006.50 1006.50
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Scale at 50 em intervals

Figure 15.6. Phasing of floors in Shrine 25, level VIII, section 6 (Fig . 14.20) .
 Multiple Surfaces: the Micromorphology
redistributed debris in Shrine VIII.25 (Fig. 15.6). Six
of the bases are extant, and were re-plastered more
than 2-6 times and reddened by burning during use.
A continuous lens of diatoms 150 !.liD thick may have
been applied as a thin layer of white silty plaster on
top of 240 !.liD of burnt remains at the base of the fire
installation in Phase 4. The diatoms have been iden-
tified as Epithemia ?adnata and E. sorex and Rhopalodia
gibba, which are epiphytic, occurring in fresh to brack-
ish water (Roberts pers. comm.). Layers of burnt fuel
and remains still occur in situ on the last base of
some of the fire installations. All of the bases were
infilled with aggregates from the destroyed super-
structure. In thin section the burnt fuel and remains
include: abundant charred oak and hackberry I elm
wood, siliceous Gramineae, calcareous ashes, dung
pellets type 2, burnt bone, and heterogeneous aggre-
gates.
The fire-installations were separated from the
western half of Shrine VIII.25 by a low plastered
ridge on the floor. The floors in the western half
were kept much cleaner and were frequently plas-
tered with multiple layers of thin white plaster, <0.12-
2.8 mm thick. Occupation deposits between floors
are very thin, often 0-250 l..lffi, occasionally up to 1 mm.
In thin section some plasters bear mat impressions
on the surface. The thin layers of occupation depos-
its include c. 10-20 per cent charred 'reed'-like frag-
ments <10-300 !.liD (Photograph 15.16), amorphous
organic staining <300 !.liD, and very sparse (<2 per
cent) shell, red ochre grains and siliceous Gramineae.
The periodic modifications of fire-installations
in the eastern half of the room coincide with modifi-
cations in the western half of the room. These modi-
fications are represented by periodic layers of levelled
debris with aggregates of fire-installation superstruc-
ture and white plaster, with sparse charred 'reed'
and wood fragments including probable hackberry
wood, <6 mm, which abut platforms in the south-
western corner of the room. The platforms were
raised, rebuilt and modified each time. Human bones
were found in the platform for phases 6-7. The lay-
ers of plaster immediately above these bones were
successively covered in red ochre/paint, close to the
western wall face. A slightly bell-shaped grave had
been cut through all of the surviving layers of plas-
ter and platforms. This grave contained a crushed
human cranium. There are some traces of a fire-
installation in this western corner in phases 6-7.
The range of contextual variations in micro-
stratigraphic sequences across any room will depend
partly on the number of rooms in each building.
Shrine VIII.25 is a single roomed building, in contrast
317
to other types of buildings at <::atalhoyiik, which
have two or more rooms, one room of which may
have fire-installations separate from a larger room.
When excavated, Shrine VIII.25 was 5.0 x 3.3 m,
16m2 (internal room dimensions), and had 2 plat-
forms, 3 fire-installations, wall paintings of nets
which Mellaart suggests may have been hunting nets
(Mellaart 1966, 180 & pl. XLIV), and two red ochre
burials. Mellaart classified this building as a 'shrine'
probably on the basis of the wall paintings and the
red-ochre burials.
In this limited sample of five buildings, Shrine
VIII.25 stands out firstly as the building with the
greatest depth of occupation deposits, at more than
37 em. The surviving sequence is more than three
times deeper than other buildings in the sample
group. Secondly, it has the highest number of multi-
ple layers of white plaster laid without an interven-
ing mud plaster, at 6 layers. Thirdly, it has the only
periodic accumulation of structural levelling debris,
coinciding with cyclical internal modifications.
Examination of the microstratigraphic evidence
suggests that this building was used for multiple
activities relating probably to both residence and
burial of the dead. Apart from periodic modifica-
tions, the fire-installations appear to have been in
constant use, and there are continuous accumula-
tions of thin well-maintained plaster floors with thin
layers of occupation deposits, which include some
domestic debris including Gramineae and, next to
the fire-installations, bone, organic aggregates and
charred wood. Humans were buried at several stages
during the lifetime of the building. The application
of red ochre/paint to the platforms above human
bones in the southwestern corner, and the presence
of red ochre in the last 5 mm of deposits in the fire-
installation of phase 4, suggest some ritual activities
associated in the first instance, at least, with burial.
Southern building section 3, level VIA/V
The only other complete section currently exposed
through a building in Area E occurs in the southern
half of section 3 (Fig. 15.7). This building has two
rooms, and is not on Mellaart' s plans, suggesting it
has been exposed by erosion since the 1960s. It has
been attributed to level VIA/V (Chapter 14). In the
field section, the smaller northern room is 1.64 m
wide, and the larger southern room is 2.92 m wide
(internal measurements). There is less evidence for
horizontal spatial variation in the microstratigraphy
in this particular section through the building, than
in the section through the southern part of Shrine
VIII.25.
 ~
ro
::s
0..
'<:
~
Pol
N .....
1013.50
.....
1013.50 ::r"
ro
~
!:!'
n::r"
Pol
>-t
1013 1013
ro-
Vl
>Tj
>-t
ro
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UJ 7
...... 1012.50 ,...,
00 1012.50
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Scale at 50cm intervals Pol
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>-t
ro
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n
Figure 15.7. Microstratigraphy of floors in a building in section 3, level VIA /V, east of VIA.42 court or V.9 (Fig . 14.4). ro
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Pol
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n
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 Multiple Surfaces: the Micromorphology
The most striking aspect of this building in sec-
tion 3 is a vertical change in the microstratigraphic
sequence which suggests there was a change in the
use of space from domestic to cleaner /?ritual activi-
ties (Photograph 15.1). This change in the microstrati-
graphic sequence was observed and recorded in 1993.
On re-examination of the section in 1995, it was evi-
dent that erosion had removed a further 2-4 em
from the section face to expose more of an irregular
cut which was visible in 1993. It is now clear that this
cut is the edge of a large grave with approximately
vertical sides which contains several human bones
which have been identified as toe and long bones by
Dr L. Martin (Fig. 15.7, northern side of large room).
The particular significance of this grave to our
dicussion here, is that the grave was cut from pre-
cisely the same level as the observed change in the
microstratigraphic sequence.
The earliest use of the building is represented
by a series of thick plaster floors and layers of occu-
pation deposits, associated with a plastered emplace-
ment which was probably for a pot set into the floor
(Photograph 15.1:1-2). This emplacement is 27 em in
diameter. Pots set into floors were found by Mellaart,
and contained small stones which probably served
as pot warmers (Mellaart pers. comm.). These pot
settings tended to occur in the central depressions in
rooms, and have been illustrated in association with
straw bedding in what may have served as a tempo-
rary refuse area (Time Life Books 1991,124-5). The
plaster floors in this phase of the building are thick,
1.0-2.5 em, and do not have a finishing coat of white
plaster. Overlying layers of occupation deposits are
also thick, at 2.0-3.0 em. In thin section (Photographs
15.8 & 15.13) these layers of occupation debris are
not very compacted and include charred wood, sili-
ceous Gramineae including fragments of cereal-like
?husk, calcareous ashes, burnt and unburnt bone,
and heterogeneous aggregates. These thick floors and
deposits rich in domestic debris associated with a
?pot emplacement suggest the building was initially
used as a domestic residence. Similar floors and oc-
cupation deposits were identified in a small room in
Area A-E hence VIA-B (Fig. 15.8 & Photograph 15.9).
The next sequence of deposits in the building in
section 3 relates to the digging of the large grave,
with some evidence for associated ritual activities.
The thick plaster floors and occupation deposits from
the first phase in the north of this room were cut by
the large grave which, unusually, was not placed
below a platform. A small hole had been cut into the
top of the grave close to the wall, shortly after the
grave had been dug and infilled. The hole is 12 em
319
wide and 10 em deep in section, and was filled with
dark ashy material. A series of deposits possibly
related to ritual activities have been identified in a
sample from the top of this hole in thin section (Pho-
tograph 15.12). This sequence of deposits comprises
a thin layer of white plaster, 84-200 J..Lm thick, which
was covered by a thin layer of silt loam ?plaster, 84-
250 J..Lm thick, with an undulating surface. This sur-
face was covered directly by a layer of red ochre,
20-120 J..Lm thick. Aggregates of white plaster, some
with multiple layers, and flecks of charred plant
remains accumulated on this ochre, perhaps relating
to modifications of features within the room. This
layer of aggregates, 24-360 J..Lm thick, was subse-
quently covered with a second lens of red ochre, 24-
360 J..Lm thick, with deposits with 10 per cent charred
'reed' -like plant remains. The slight depression at
the top of this hole was then covered by a thick layer
of white plaster, 2.8 mm thick. No other layers of red
ochre were observed in any of the subsequent se-
quence or samples in the room.
The later use of the building is represented by a
sequence of finely plastered floors which covered
the grave and were kept much cleaner. A collapsed
Bos jaw, three horn cores and a range of moulded
plaster features lay on the last floor. The 'mud' plas-
ter floors are thinner than those in the first phase,
only 1.0-6.0 mm thick, and usually have a finishing
coat of white plaster, 60-480 J..Lm thick. Occupation
deposits between floors are very thin and intermit-
tent, at less than 120-720 J..Lm. In thin section (Photo-
graph 15.15) these deposits do not include any burnt
aggregates, bone, or cereal-like remains, which are
characteristic of the first phase, and of domestic ac-
tivities. The deposits in this second phase include:
thin discontinuous lenses of 'fibrous' remains and
small fragments of possible compressed dung pellet
similar to dung type 2, which as yet are unidentified
(see pp. 309-10). Dung pellets occur in deposits on
top of the last floor in the building, where they are
intact and variously compressed (Photograph 15.24).
The ?dung pellet fragments between plaster floors are
up to 7.3 mm in length, and 0.6 mm thick. The pellets in
the collapsed debris are up to 7.7 mm in length and
1.05-4.2 mm thick.
In the adjacent small room to the north, there
are few deposits relating to the first phase of activi-
ties in the building. The late phase is represented by
the construction of a bench, which was coated with a
thick layer of white plaster. There are few remains or
indications of activities.
The coincidence of this change in microstrati-
graphy with the act of burial and use of red ochre
 Wendy Matthews, Charles French, Timothy Lawrence & David Cutler
N s
1013
1012.50
1012
Scale at 50cm intervals
Figure 15.8. Microstratigraphy of floors in a building in section 4, level VIB/A, north of VIA.46 (Fig. 14.5).
suggests the use of these areas, and perhaps the rest
of the building, changed from domestic to cleaner I
?ritual activities, perhaps from a residence to an an-
cestral shrine, after the death of human individuals,
possibly the inhabitants.
Use of space attributes
Although the current sample group is small, it is
possible to identify two general sets of micro-
stratigraphic sequences, the first of which can be
associated with clean /?ritual activities, the second
with more domestic activities. The characteristics of
these two groups, and current subdivisions are illus-
trated in a cladistic diagram with a preliminary list
of key attributes in Figure 15.9. The significant at-
tributes and interpretations proposed here will be
reassessed once the data base is complete and the
statistical significance of each attribute can be fur-
ther evaluated. As excavations proceed the sample
group will be considerably expanded and compared
to results from other interdisciplinary analyses. More
variation in microstratigraphic sequences and other
significant attributes are likely to emerge.
320
1013
1012.50
1012
In the current set of samples one of the most
distinguishing characteristics of microstratigraphic
sequences within buildings is the presence or ab-
sence of finishing coats of white plaster, which
although simplistic, appears to be significant (Fig.
15.9).
Where there are successive layers of plaster with
one or more layers of white plaster finishing coats,
overlying occupation deposits are either very thin or
absent, <1 mm thick, as in sections 7 and 9 and the
upper phase of section 3 (Photographs 15.10-15.11 &
15.15-15.16). The principal inclusions in the thin lay-
ers of occupation deposits comprise charred 'reed'-
like remains, <10-200 )lm. These sequences tend to
occur in large or elaborate buildings. The floors in
section 7 occur in a large building 9.44 min length,
which has thick accumulations of white plaster on
the walls. This building was heavily burnt and has
large charred juniper timbers (Chapter 17). It cur-
rently stands to a height of 2.73 m . The floors in
section 9 are covered in extensive layers of collapsed
wall plaster with multiple layers of red paintings
visible in section. The floors and the wall plaster in
 Multiple Surfaces: the Micromorphology

this building were burnt. The sequence in the upper
phase of section 3, as we have already mentioned is
associated with a collapsed Bos jaw, at least 3 horn
cores, and plastered moulded features.
Where there are few or no finishing coats of
white plaster as in the early phase of section 3 or in
the small room in section 4 (Fig. 15.8), the overlying
occupation deposits are generally thicker, at 0.5-2.0
mm. In thin sections (Photographs 15.8-15.9 & 15.13)
from both of these sequences accumulated deposits
consistently include burnt and unburnt heterogene-
ous organic and inorganic aggregates, small frag-
ments of bone <1.5 mm, charred cereal grain fragments
<5 mm, siliceous Gramineae up to 7 mm in length
including cereal-like siliceous plant remains <1 mm,
melted silica <360 Jlm, charred wood <2.1 mm and
calcareous ashes <30 Jlm. There are few floors to the
east of the fire-installations in Shrine VIII.25. Here
occupation deposits also include organic aggregates
and charred plant remains and appear to be domes-
tic in character (Photograph 15.14).
No finishing coats of white plaster have yet
been encountered during new excavation of floors in
a small room in a large building in a separate com-
plex at the northern end of the mound, room 70 in
building 1. This room has a well constructed fire-
installation, and distributions of lentils, peas, and
acorns on the floor. The larger room, room 71 by
contrast, has thick layers of white plaster on a large
platform, and ritual fixtures.
Variation in microstratigraphic sequences in a
?stable and open areas
A significant proportion of the site at <;atalhoyiik
comprises open areas rich in discarded refuse (Chap-
ters 7 & 14). A range of deposit types in open areas
has been sampled for micromorphological analysis.
The cladistic diagram in Figure 15.10 illustrates the
principal microstratigraphic characteristics of the
major deposit types in the field. Detailed micro-
morphological characteristics await completion of
the data base. In thin section it is possible to identify
individual depositional episodes and thereby pro-
vide contextual links and associations between the
rich artefactual, organic and sedimentary components
in single depositional units in these open areas.
Plant remains constitute the largest class of resi-
due in open areas. Clear differences in the types of
plant remains in depositional layers, corresponding
to different activities are emerging (Table 15.2, pp.
310-11).
Organic aggregates, ?omnivorous coprolites dung
type 3, are more common in refuse deposits in open
areas than in occupation deposits within buildings.
These aggregates include fragments of ?digested bone,
hackberry pericarp, and phytoliths (Photograph 15.25).
It is not entirely clear whether most of the organic
refuse was burnt within buildings in fire-installa-
tions before being dumped in open areas, or whether
it was burnt in the open areas after dumping. There
are clear instances of both, and both have implications

Microstratigraphic sequence Observations Use of space interpretations Associated features Sample locations

few or no accumulated deposits cleanl?ritual - - - - - - - - - - - - s e c t i o n ?

building east of VII.32

clean - - - - - - platform - - - - section 9

Plaster floors with
white plaster finishing coats
building south of VII.32
charred reed-like plant remains - - - cleanl?ritual - - - - wall paintings - - - section6
red ochre in fire-installation and ned ochre burials Shrine VIII.25: south-central
sparse fragments in occupation deposits platforms and western areas
red ochre/paint on platform

few accumulated deposits cleanl?ritual - - - - - Bas jaw and hom cores - section 3
red ochre lenses moulded sculptures 5 building, upper sequence
occasional ?dung pellets

Plaster floors with few or no
white plaster finishing coats
- charred wood domestic - - , - - - - pot emplacement - - section 3
cereal-like plant remains 5 building, lower sequence
fragments of bone
heterogeneous burnt and unburnt aggregates ' - - - - - - - - - - - section4
building N of VIA.46y

Few laid plaster floors - - - charred wood burning and ?cooking - - fire-installation - - - section 6
charred cereal grain Shrine Vlll.25, southeastern area
organic aggregates

Key
Plain text microstratigraphic field observations
Italic text micromorphological observations
Bold use of space interpretations

Figure 15.9. Preliminary guide to microstratigraphic attributes diagnostic of uses of space within buildings.

321
 Wendy Matthews, Charles French, Timothy Lawrence & David Cutler
for analysis of the contextual associations of activity
residues. This will be examined by analysis of burn-
ing on all other artefactual, and organic and inor-
ganic remains in open areas, retrieved during
excavation and controlled wet-sieving and flotation.
On the basis of attributes studied in the field,
deposits in open areas can be divided into two major
groups, those with depositional layers which are
more or less horizontal, and those which are steeply
sloping (Fig. 15.10).
Four distinctive types of horizontally depos-
ited sequences in particular were observed, three of
which have been studied in thin section.
One very distinctive sequence comprises dung
rich deposits in a roughly walled space in level X/
VIII Court 25/15, which current evidence suggests,
may have been a stable for herbivores (Fig. 15.11 &
Photograph 15.17). As yet, it is not possible to deter-
mine whether this area was roofed or unroofed, be-
cause the deposits have been very heavily trampled,
any evidence of wind or water-laid layers, for exam-
ple, would have been largely reworked. The sequence
comprises thin interbedded lenses of orange-brown,
grey and white silt loam to sandy silt loam deposits,
10YR 6/4light yellowish brown and 10YR 6/2light
brownish grey (Photograph 15.17). In thin section
(Photographs 15.18--15.20 & 15.22) these deposits princi-
pally comprise interbedded layers of orange organic-
stained deposits rich in dung pellet fragments and
dung-derived components which include partially
digested plant remains, occasional diatoms and abun-
dant spherulites. The plant remains include digested
Gramineae stems and leaves, with sparse ?tubers.
Microstratigraphic sequence Observations
interbedded layers of
orange-brown and
white deposits
scooped hollows with
rubified substrate
horizontal deposits
heterogeneous layers - - - rich in plant remains with
thick layers with - - - - rich in plant remains - - - - - - re-deposited refuse -
massive bedding
steeply sloping deposits heterogeneous layers
Key
Plain text microstratigraphic field observations
Italic text micromorphological observations
Bold use of space interpretations
Figure 15.10. Preliminary guide to microstratigraphic attributes diagnostic of uses of space in open areas.
The spherulites in these deposits are sub-
rounded and small, 5-20 J..Lm in size. They have a
moderately high birefringence and an extinction cross
in cross-polarized light. These spherulites have been
examined at Kew, and by Dr M. Canti, Ancient Monu-
ments Laboratory, English Heritage and Dr D.
Samuel, McDonald Institute, University of Cam-
bridge. Identification is problematic because a range
of organic and inorganic compounds crystallize in
radial or concentric structures and exhibit an extinc-
tion cross (Canti in press). A number of common
organic and inorganic compounds can be ruled out.
The spherulites in Court X/VIII.25/15 are definitely
not characteristic of any plant materials. They are
not calcium oxalate druses which occur in many
dicotyledons and have a much spikier form. Nor are
they starch grains which have a lower birefringence,
and stain with iodine potassium iodide. The spher-
ulites did not stain on contact with iodine potassium
iodide. The spherulites do not resemble coccolith
microfossils, which also exhibit an extinction cross,
but tend to have a plate-like structure, and are discs
not spheres and may appear eliptical in thin section.
The size, shape and optical properites, of the
spherulites in the Court X/VIII.25/15 resemble
spherulites which have been identified in the dung
and gut of modern animals (Brochier 1992; Canti in
press), and in dung pellets and dung related depos-
its on a wide range of archaeological sites, including
the PPNB sites of Cafer Hoyiik and <;ayonii Tepesi
in Turkey (Brochier 1985; 1993), Abu Salabikh in
Iraq and Tell Brak in Syria in the current NERC
micromorphology project, and regions elsewhere in
Use of space Sample locations
interpretations
dung pellets, digested plant remains, - - ?stable section6
spherulites, organic staining, and salts Court X/Vlll.25/15
with strong parallel orientation and
linear parallel distribution
pale ash and highly fired aggregates - high temperature - - section 3
burning, ?industrial northern area
1
accumulating refuse section 3
strong parallel orientation Court42
linear parallel distribution
complex packing voids section6
CourtXI.25
section 6
unoriented and randomly distributed building X/Vlll.27 infill
rich in plant remains with - - - - accumulating refuse - section 2
strong parallel orientation western area
linear parallel distribution
complex packing voids
322
 1006 1006

~
E.
~

.u·;:c
(J)
.::...,
Pr'
n
ro
rn
w ::;.
N
w ro
~
;:;·
...,
0
s
0...,
'"0
;:r
0
0
OQ
Scale at SOcm intervals '<:

Figure 15.11. Microstratigraphy of ?stable deposits in Court X/VIII.25/15, section 6 (Fig. 14.20).
 Wendy Matthews, Charles French, Timothy Lawrence & David Cutler
the world (Courty et al. 1989; Canti pers. comm.).
Spherulites from Court X/VIII.25/15 were kindly
examined under SEM with EDXRA by M. Canti, in
order to examine their three-dimensional structure
and elemental composition. These spherulites are
slightly dumbell shaped in one axis (Photograph
15.21), and principly comprise calcium and silica.
Further research is required in order to establish the
relationship of spherulites to digestive processes, and
variation according to animal species, age, diet, pas-
ture substrate, and depositional and post-deposi-
tional processes and environments.
This sequence of deposits in Court X/VIII.25/
15 has been compared to thin-section samples of
modern dung and stabling in the region of Pmarba~1
in the Konya plain and A~1kh Hoyiik on the edge of
Cappadocia in Turkey, which were collected by Seona
Anderson, for an M.Sc. dissertation at the University
of Sheffield (Anderson 1995). The sequence in Court
X/VIII.25/15 most closely resembles two modern
samples from winter stables for sheep and goats
which were roofed (Photographs 15.22-15.23). The
modern samples similarly contain digested plant re-
mains, organic staining and spherulites, and exhibit
pronounced horizontal layering and cracking due to
the compaction and trampling of moderately dry
droppings and decay of some organic remains. De-
posits from Court X/VIII.25/15 were also sampled
for a range of comparative chemical, physical and
mineralogical analyses, which should aid assessment
of whether these deposits are derived from in situ
stabling within the settlement. In particular, gas chro-
matography /mass spectrometry analyses will be con-
ducted by Dr R.P. Evershed and colleagues at the
University of Bristol in order to detect any surviving
traces of bile acids, sterols and coprostanols, which
are specific to, and therefore diagnostic of, different
animal species. Distributions of phosphorus and salts
in these deposits will be analyzed by Dr D.A. Jenkins
and colleagues at the University of Wales.
If comparative and interdisciplinary analyses
confirm that these deposits are the remains of in situ
stabling at C::atalhoyiik, the results will have important
implications for studies of early agricultural settle-
ments and ecology, already suggested by research at
the earlier PPNB site of C::ayonii Tepesi (Brochier 1993).
The second distinctive deposit type in open ar-
eas at C::atalhoyiik occurs in a series of shallow scoops
in the northern area of section 3 which are c. 65-80
em wide and 15-20 em deep. Deposits within these
scoops comprise pale ash with highly fired aggregates,
and may derive from industrial activity. Underlying
deposits have been rubified by burning. These de-
324
posits will be sampled in 1996.
The third and most common type of deposit
comprises heterogeneous layers of refuse rich in plant
remains, and constitutes the bulk of deposits in open
areas with horizontal layering. These deposits have
strong parallel referred and related orientations and
linear parallel referred and related distribution pat-
terns, from periodic dumping and settling of depos-
its, visible both in the field and in thin section. The
deposits sampled in section 3 are dark reddish brown
from in situ combustion of smouldering refuse rich
in plant remains and ?omnivorous coprolite frag-
ments. Some deposits have a much higher sediment
content, but these are less frequent, and include
weathered building materials.
The fourth type of deposit sampled is also rich in
plant remains and refuse, but has massive bedding
and unoriented randomly distributed components, vis-
ible both in the field and in thin section. The massive
deposit in level IX infills a severely truncated build-
ing in level X/VIII.27, and represents redeposited
refuse, dug out from another open area elsewhere.
The microstructure has complex packing voids which
are characteristic of many dumped deposits.
Many of the steeply sloping deposits in open
areas such as those sampled in section 2 have hetero-
geneous layers from periodic dumping, and parallel
orientation and distribution from sorting and set-
tling by gravity. Some of the largest fragments of
wood and richest samples of plant remains come
from the post-level VI dump in section 2, including
those with ?wood chippings and basketry /matting
remains. There are also periodic layers rich in weath-
ered sediment and eroded mud brick.
Conclusions
Micromorphology is yielding sensitive information
on spatial and temporal variation in multiple sur-
faces and deposits at C::atalhoyiik. It is enabling mi-
croscopic analysis of the depositional and contextual
relationships of components within the sequences of
thin plaster floors and occupation deposits within
buildings, which are often less than 1 mm thick, and
from single depositional episodes within the multi-
ple layers of refuse in open areas.
In particular micromorphology is enabling iden-
tification of the source materials and technology
employed in the manufacture of floors and architec-
tural materials, and should be further integrated with
palaeoecological sampling. The micromorphological
evidence strongly suggests, pending analysis by SEM
with EDXRA, that the white floor and wall plasters
 Multiple Surfaces: the Micromorphology
were prepared from Neogene-Quaternary soft lime
deposits which comprise up to 95 per cent pure car-
bonates of calcium and magnesium and outcrop to-
day within 5 km of the site, and were mixed with
water and occasionally vegetal stabilizers, as sug-
gested by Mellaart (1962, 48). The white plasters in
the samples analyzed do not appear to have been
prepared by firing lime to temperatures of 850-900°
C in contrast to samples analyzed from a number of
Neolithic sites in the Near East, including one sam-
ple from <;atalhoyiik (Kingery et al. 1988).
The floors and surfaces exhibit a range of at-
tributes characteristic of different impacts from hu-
man activities, including sub-horizontal cracks and
dislodged aggregates suggestive of trampling, peaked
boundaries and fine lenses characteristic of probable
mat/rug impressions, and impregnation with salts.
A wide variety of plant types, anatomical ele-
ments and materials have been identified, preserved
within their depositional context in thin section, ena-
bling study of taphonomy and a range of human-
plant relationships at a critical stage in the development
of agriculture and complex settlements. A variety of
herbivore and ?omnivore coprolite fragments occur
in thin sections of deposits in fire-installations, build-
ings and open areas. A probable stable area has been
identified in Area E. It is represented by a thick
sequence of interbedded layers of dung, organic stain-
ing and salts, which resembles deposits in thin sec-
tions of ethnoarchaeological samples from modern
dung and stable deposits from the Konya region, in
particular two samples from winter stables for sheep
and goats. Identification of the dung in ancient sam-
ples requires integration of physical and chemical
analyses, in particular gas chromatography /mass
spectrometry analysis for traces of bile acids and
coprostanols which, if present, are specific to, and
therefore diagnostic of, different species. A range of
discrete single depositional episodes have been iden-
tified in open areas, including discard of small wood
fragments and obsidian, perhaps from wood-work-
ing, and charred cereal grain and burnt fire-installa-
tion plaster, probably from cooking.
Many of the deposits at <;atalhoyiik are well
preserved with little post-depositional disturbance.
There has been some bioturbation from root and
insect activity. The occasionally extensive charring to
depths of up to three feet at <;atalhOyiik has resulted
in remarkable preservation of organic materials, in-
cluding charred textiles, fur, human tissue and
wooden vessels and their contents (Mellaart 1964,
85-6). The bright autofluorescent excitation colours
of organic materials within charred plant cells, in
325
organic aggregates and coprolites and amorphous
staining in thin section, suggest organic residues and
phosphorus may be present.
Although the current group of samples is small,
recurrent sets of microstratigraphic and micromorph-
ological attributes are emerging which can be associ-
ated with different classes of activity (Figs. 15.9-
15.10), in particular domestic-related deposits on the
one hand and cleaner/?ritual deposits on the other.
Horizontal and vertical changes in microstratigraphic
sequences have been identified within several build-
ings at <;atalhoyiik, providing sensitive indications
of variation in spatial and temporal uses of space
and activities, independent of architectural elements.
There is considerable evidence to suggest the use of
at least one area of a building from level VIA/V in
section 3 changed from domestic to ritual activities,
after the digging of a large human grave.
The micromorphological information will be
more potent when it is drawn from a larger sample
group and when it is combined with further inte-
grated multidisciplinary analysis both of components
in thin section and from other samples and remains.
In particular organic and inorganic analyses of de-
posits will enable integration of chemical and physi-
cal characterizations and identification of traces of
activities, and will aid identification of potentially
'hidden' components. Controlled volume wet-sieving
and flotation will provide larger sets of information
on three-dimensional contextual variation through
time. The new relational data base for thin-section
description and interpretation is greatly aiding data
sorting and statistical corroboration of the signifi-
cance of observed attributes and interpretations in
different contexts. Further ethnoarchaeological and
experimental sampling of occupation deposits is re-
quired for study of the dynamic effects of human
activities and natural agents on depositional se-
quences in the built environment. It is hoped that we
have been able to illustrate some of the questions
and issues which microstratigraphic and micro-
morphological analyses can address at <;atalhoyiik.
Acknowledgements
We wish to thank the Natural Environment Research
Council for funding this research and S.M. Anderson,
M. Bower, Dr J. Sunbury, Dr M. Canti, Dr M.A.
Courty, W. Eastwood, F. Ertug, Professor U. Essin,
Dr. R.P. Evershed, Dr D.A. Jenkins, Professor M.K.
Jones, M. Nesbitt and Dr D. Samuel for kindly offer-
ing helpful advice and assistance on individual as-
pects of the research.
 Wendy Matthews, Charles French, Timothy Lawrence & David Cutler

Photograph 15.1. The microstratigraphic sequence in this building suggests there was a change in the use of space
from: i) domestic activities attested by relatively thick plaster floors and burnt occupation deposits [1], associated with
a plastered emplacement perhaps for a pot [2] , to ii) clean/? ritual activities attested by the sequence of fine white and
orange plaster floors [3] which are associated with a Bos jaw, horn cores and elaborate plastered features [4]. Building
in the south of section 3, level VIA /V. Scale = 20 em.

Photograph 15.2. Block sample for micromorphological analysis in the process of being cut out from a sequence of
multiple layers of burnt plaster in a fire-installation. Building from level V in section 2, Area A. Sample (:h93 .08,
H:13.5 em, W:6.5 em, depth 8-10 em.
326
 Multiple Surfaces: the Micromorphology

Photograph 15.3. Modern sample of soft lime deposits which occur within 5 km of c;atalhoyiik and closely resemble
materials used in Neolithic white plasters . These deposits comprise up to 95 per cent pure carbonates of calcium and
magnesium, and are used today for plastering floors and walls in surrounding settlements. Sample (h94.50. Cross-
polarized light (XPL). Frame width= 7.2 mm.

Photograph 15.4. The first 41 layers of a sample of wall plaster are visible here in sequence from left to right. These
plasters were laid as couplets comprising: [1] a pale brown silty clay preparatory layer, 24-720 Jlm thick, with vegetal
stabilizers which have since decayed leaving voids in the sedimentary microstructure, and [2] a finer denser finishing
coat, 12-552 Jlm thick, which was keyed into the irregular surface of the preliminary coat. The outer surfaces of these
finishing coat are very regular and sharp, and were probably smoothed or burnished. Sample (h94.24. Collapsed
fragment in Area E. XPL. Frame width = 7.2 mm.
 ~ -
,, .

::2
(!)
:::::
0..
'<
~
Q.l
.....
.....
::T
(!)

~
!:!'
n::T
Q.l
'"t
ro-
CJJ
'Tj
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:::::
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w 7
N
CXJ >-l
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0
.....
::T
'<
r'
Q.l
~
'"t
(!)
:::::
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(!)

~
tj
Q.l
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n~
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Photograph 15.5. Mud brick [1] and mortar [2] from the Photograph 15.6. Many fire-installation plasters have a
earliest building uncovered by Mellaart, Xll.25. The mortar coarser particle size than floor plasters, and closely resemble
comprises heterogeneous burnt and unburnt anthropogenic alluvial deposits sampled in a palaeochannel adjacent to the
debris including fragments of charred plant remains, bone, site. Each plaster has been baked up to 1-2 em from the
and volcanic glass. Sample (:h94.13. Area E, section 6. Plane surface [1]. Only discontinuous lenses of burnt remains
polarized light (PPL). Frame height= 7.2 mm. <2 mm thick [2] survive between each layer of plaster [3].
Sample (:h93 .08. Area A, Section 2, level V. PPL. Frame
height = 7.2 mm.
 ·Multiple Surfaces: the Micromorphology

a b

Photograph 15.7. Identified plants in thin section include:

a) transverse section , charred wood, Quercus, deciduous white oak type. Sample (:h93.12. Open area, Area A, section
2. PPL. Frame height= 7.2 mm;
b) transverse section, charred wood, Salix/Poplus, willow/poplar. Sample (:h93.12. Open area, Area A, section 2.
PPL. Frame width = 7.2 mm;
c) transverse section, charred wood, Chenopodiaceae similar to Salsola and Sueda for example. Sample (:h94.10. Open
area, Area E, section 6, level IX. PPL. Frame width= 4.4 mm;
d) charred triquetrous stem of Cyperaceae, Cyperus/Carex/Scirpus. Sample (:h93.07. Open area, Area A-E, section
3. PPL. Frame width= 1.76 mm.

329
 ~
(!)
::::
0.
'-<
~
PJ
,..,.
,..,.
::r"
(!)

~
!!'
n
::r"
PJ
.....
ro
(fJ

>Tj
...,
(!)
::::
n
w 7
w >-1
0
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0
:;
'-<
rPJ
...,~
(!)
::::
n
(!)

~
a
PJ
<
5:
nc
.....
ro
...,
Photograph 15.8. Initial sequence of thick plaster floors [1 & Photograph 15.9. A similar sequence of thick plaster floors
31 and occupation deposits [2] in section 3, probably associ- [1 & 3] and occupation deposits [2] probably related to
ated with domestic activities. These deposits include charred domestic activities, includes bone and charred and siliceous
wood, siliceous plant remains, calcareous ashes, bone, and plant remains, including a cereal-like remains. Sample
burnt aggregates. The surface of the plaster floor [1] has sub- (h93.01. Area A, section 4, building north ofVI.46. PPL.
horizontal cracks and is impregnated with pale yellow salts. Frame height = 7.2 mm.
Sample (h93.03. Area A-E, section 3, southern building,
level VIA-V. PPL. Frame height= 7.2 mm.
 ~
~
.u·
ro
[Jl
~
.....
.....,
ll>
()
ro
'!!
(.;J
(.;J &
>--' ro
~
r:;·
.....
0
s0
.....
'1j
::>
0
0
OQ
'<

Photograph 15.10. Later sequence in section 3 of thin plaster
floors [1] with finishing coats of white plaster [2] and occupa-
tion deposits (<0.2 mm thick), associated with clean/?ritual
activities. Sample (:h93.03. Area A-E, section 3, southern
building, level VIA-V. PPL. Frame height= 7.2 mm.
Photograph 15.11. Comparative sequence of thin plaster
floors with multiple couplets of white plaster, and sparse
occupation deposits. Linear and curvilinear pseudomorphic
voids from decayed vegetal stabilizers are clearly visible in the
plasters [1]. Sample (:h94.21. Area E, section 7, building east
of VII.32 . XPL. Frame height= 7.2 mm.
 (1)
<
::s
0..
'<:
~
Pl
.....
.....
7 ::s"'
(1)

~
!!'
n::s"'
Pl
'"'!
ro-
Vl

~
(1)
::s
(')
UJ 7
UJ ....,
N 6 §'
0
5 .....
::s"'
'<:
r'
Pl
4 ~
'"'!
(1)

3 ::s
(')
(1)

2 ~
Cl
Pl
1 <
0.:
n~
.....
ro-
>-t

Photograph 15.12. Microstratigraphic sequence of ?ritual deposits in the small hole in the top of the grave in section 3, comprising lenses
of: [1] thin white plaster, [2] silt loam ?plaster, [3] red ochre, [4] aggregates of white plaster, [5] red ochre, [6] deposits with finely fragmented
charred plant remains, and finally [7] a thick capping of white plaster. Sample (:h93.06. Area A-E, section 3. Reflected light (RL). Frame
width = 7.2 mm.
 Multiple Surfaces: the Micromorphology

. . 1.
. . . •, J.l:'
.. ...
•
~ . .
~

Photograph 15.13. Detail of probable domestic occupation deposits in section 3, including fragments of bone [1],
cereal-like husk [2], and siliceous grass epidermis [3]. Sample (h93.03. Area A-E, section 3, southern building, level
VIA-V. PPL. Frame width= 1.3 mm.

Photograph 15.14. Deposits rich in organic staining [1], salts [2], aggregates of burnt fire-installation plaster [3],
and charred plant remains, east of the fire-installations in Shrine VIIJ.25. Sample (h94 .02 . Area E, section 6. PPL.
Frame width = 7.2 mm.
333
 ~
ro
::1
0..
'<
3::
~
......
::::1"'
ro
~
!:!'
n
::::1"'
lll
>-t
ro-
w
'Tj
>-t
ro
::1
(")

~ .
··..· ' • .·. · . ·'. •.('V~ ·-;·
,.···~ -~ - •.
' ,... ~ · . '!' ... . · • . ' ::::1"'
~ ·. .0>. •
.... »!L"'~'
~.,;. W·@ · . .•, ..;.· ;.- • •• ., .~~ 1; '• · .. ·. _ . •. ··. ..li!i:.i
·. .,;~. ··.··;· ; ·.·.
~ ~ <.ol: •:· 1 ' · · \:•·· - . _-Iii:- --! i t _ - - ' - -" 4 \iJ
''*' 'L:.,.'f::;
,.....~, Jt":)'_~N; ·- ·-- >•,_\ ~- ~ - ·- . . ·:'+. ._.L_..,.;,_•' ~
.~ . ' §'
0......
::::1"'
'<
r'
lll
~
>-t
ro
::1
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ro
~
tJ
lll
<
5:
n
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......
ro-
.....
Photograph 15.15. Thin layer of compacted fibrous deposits Photograph 15.16. Thin lenses of sandy silt loam [2] and occupation deposits rich in
[1] below a thin layer of white plaster [2] in the later sequence charred 'reed' -like plant remains [3 1, between white plaster floors in Shrine VIII.25 [1
of deposits in section 3, southern building. Sample (h93.03. & 4]. Sample (h94.07. Area E, section 6. PPL. Frame width= 1.3 mm.
Area A-E, level VIA-V. PPL. Frame height= 1.3 mm .
 Multiple Surfaces: the Micromorphology

Photograph 15.17.lnterbedded layers of dung-rich deposits and salts in Area E, Court 25/15 level X/VIII. Sample
(:1194.15. Section 6, west. Scale= 50 em.

Photograph 15.18. Lenses of salt [1], dung pellet type 1 [2], and organic stain ing [3] in Court 25/15 level X/VIII.
Sample (:1194.15. Area E, section 6, west. PPL. Frame width= 7.2 mm.

335
 ~
ro
::s
0..
'<
~
C)
......
......
::s-
ro
~
!!'
n::s-
Cl
.....
(i)
rn
"11
.....
ro
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n
VJ ?"
VJ
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'<
r'
C)

~
.....
ro
::s
n
ro
~
CJ
C)
<:
0.:
nc
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(i)
Photograph 15.19. Detail of dung pellet in Photograph Photograph 15.20. Detail of dung pellet, same view as Photograph .....
15.18, illustrating partially digested plant remains, including 15.19 in cross-polarized light illustrating abundant spherulites. The
fragments of Gramineae stem and leaf, and ?tubers. Sample spherulites are 5-15J.l1n in diameter, and have a moderate
(h94.15. Area E, section 6, west, Court 25/15 level X/VIII. birefringence with a cross of extinction, in contrast to the isotropic
PPL. Frame height= 1.3 mm. plant remains. Spherulites have been found in the gut and dung of
animals such as sheep, goats, cattle, gazelle and pig, but further
research is required, before any associations can be confirmed.
Sample (h94.15. Area E, section 6, west, Court 25/15 level X/VIII.
XPL. Frame height= 1.3 mm.
 Multiple Surfaces: the Micromorphology

Photograph 15.21. Scanning electron microscope image of a spherulite from a bulk sample of deposits from Court 25/
15 level X/VIII in collaboration with M. Canti, English Heritage . Sample c;h95.85. Area E, section 6, west.

337
 ~
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0.
'<
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Q)
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"ri
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Q)

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ro
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>=
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Photograph 15.22. Sequence of dung-rich deposits in Court Photograph 15.23. Comparative sample of modern sheep/ "'
25/15 level X/VIII. PPL. Frame height = 7.2 mm. goat stable deposits from the Konya region, collected by Seona
Anderson, University of Sheffield, illustrating similar but less
compacted horizontal layering and dung pellet fragments.
PPL. Frame height = 7.2 mm.
 ~
s......
-c;·
ro
(fl
.::>-;
.......
PJ
n
(1)

(.).)
"'......
(.).) .-.~~i~~~~"~~-~1'·~~·& ::r
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0
9
0
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Photograph 15.24. Dung pellets type 2 [1] in debris lying
on the latest floor in the southern building in section 3. These
dung pellets have a fibrous structure with few recognizable
plant remains and do not contain any spherulites. Some
pellets are more compressed than others. Sample (h93.04 .
Area E. PPL. Frame height= 7.2 mm.
Photograph 15.25. ?Omnivore coprolite type 3, with
yellowish organic fine fabric , and fragments of bone, and
charred and siliceous plant remains and pseudomorphic
voids. Sample (h93.16. Area A-E, open area in south of
section 3, level VIA-V. PPL. Frame height= 1.4 em.
 ~
ro
::l
0..
'<
~
PJ
.....
g.
ro
~
,"'
n
::;-
PJ
...,
;:o
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ro
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n
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0
§'
0
g.
'<
r
tu
~
...,
ro
::l
n
ro
~
CJ
PJ
<
5:
n
~
;:o
...,

Photograph 15.26. Obsidian flake [1] and small tapered fragments of charred oak wood [2] in a layer in an open area with charred 'reed' and willow/poplar
fragments, which could perhaps represent remains from wood working and ?basketry/matting. Sample (:h93.12 . Area A, section 2. PPL. Frame width= 7.2 mm.
 Multiple Surfaces: the Micromorphology
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 Chapter 16
Luminescence Dating of Mud Brick from
Romola Parish
The technique of luminescence has been widely used
for dating a range of fired materials such as ceramics
and hearthstones, and for sedimentary deposits
which have been bleached by exposure to sunlight.
The fact that the fine silt component of mud brick
contains quartz and feldspar which are suitable for
luminescence dating, and that the process of manu-
facture involves exposure of completed bricks to in-
tense bleaching, indicates that such materials would
be directly datable by luminescence. This applica-
tion represents an important development in Mid-
dle and Near Eastern archaeology where most of the
buildings can only be dated indirectly by artefacts
and documentary materials, or by C-14 on timbers
which are often rare.
A pilot study was carried out dating two mud-
brick samples taken from <::atalhOyiik in 1994. One
sample was from level XII, the lowest levels reached
by Mellaart's excavations in the 1960s, and the sec-
ond from level III/IV, which are younger. Uncalibrated
radiocarbon dates exist for comparison for level III/
IV but not for level XII (Mellaart 1967).
Preparation
Initially a sample was taken from the interior of the
brick, however the apparent age was much older
than expected if the interior had not been adequately
exposed during manufacture (see results below). A
second sample was taken by carefully separating the
mortar from the brick surface and scraping off the
outer clay surface, which would certainly have been
bleached during drying of the brick.
Fine-grained samples were prepared from each
brick using standard techniques. These involved first
deflocculating the sample with Calgon, removing
organic material with H 20 2 and carbonates with
H 2S04 • The sample was washed through a 64 f..LID
sieve, retaining the material which passed through
343
~atalhoyiik
the sieve. The sample was then washed several times
with distilled water, then acetone in order to remove
all traces of chemicals from the previous treatments.
The sample was then dried. The 2-11 f..LID fraction
was isolated by settling in 6 crn3 acetone; first for 2
rnins. after which the supernatant was kept, then for
20 rnins. when the supernatant was discarded.
Twenty-four aluminium discs (1 ern diameter) were
cleaned and each one was placed the base of a flat
bottomed tube. The sample was suspended in ac-
etone and 1 rnl added to each tube. These were left
undisturbed to evaporate off leaving the grains ad-
hered to the discs.
Measurement
The ED was determined by the additive dose tech-
nique. Four discs of the natural signal were meas-
ured, and four discs for each of 5 additive dose points.
Irradiation was by a manually-operated Sr90 source,
delivering 14.3 Gy /min. Samples were measured in
a Rise automated reader, using a preheat of 220°C
for 5 rnins. for each disc and normalization by a 0.5
sec. exposure to the green light source and an expo-
sure of 30 sees. to stimulate the OSL signal. Detec-
tion was by a filtered photomultiplier tube with a
combination of GG420 blue/ green filters for excita-
tion and U340 for detection.
Dosimetry
The dose rate was determined by alpha counting
and thick source beta counting to determine the U
and Th contents and the total beta activity. The K%
content was derived from the U and Th ppm (Narnbi
& Aitken 1986). Water content was measured as a
percentage of dry weight. The cosmic component
was calculated to be 0.2 f..LGy (Prescott & Hutton
1988).
 Romola Parish

Results

The results are shown below of the samples from the These initial results are very encouraging, indicating
interior of the brick, the surface samples of both that the technique holds significant potential for es-
bricks, and the C-14 dates from Mellaart (1967) which tablishing a chronology for the site based on direct
have been calibrated for direct comparison. dating of the buildings.

Sample OSL age ED C-14 date BP

(surface) (interior) (Mellaart 1967)
References

level XII 9500±1500 14900±3360 not yet dated Mellaart, J., 1967. (:atalhoyiik: a Neolithic Town in Anatolia.
level III/IV 8000±1750 not dated 8695±202/8595±112 London: Thames & Hudson.
Nambi, K.S.V. & M.J. Aitken, 1986. Annual dose conver-
Sample U (ppm) Th (ppm) K% water%
sion factors for TL and ESR dating. Archaeometry 28,
level XII 2.07±0.32 7.85±1.03 2.16±0.28 1.30±0.5 202-5.
level III/IV 2.85±0.39 7.53±0.93 2.12±0.27 1.02±0.5 Prescott, J.R. & J.T. Hutton, 1988. Cosmic ray and gamma
ray dosimetry for TL and ESR dating. Nuclear Tracks
An estimated a-value of 0.05±0.01 was used for both samples. and Radiation Measurements 14(1 /2), 223-7.

344
 Chapter 17
Interim Dendrochronological Progress Report 1995/6
Peter Kuniholm & Maryanne Newton
The work of the Aegean Dendrochronology Project
has been for 23 years the building of long tree-ring
chronologies for the eastern half of the Mediterra-
nean with the aim of helping to bring some kind of
rational order to Aegean and Near Eastern chronol-
ogy from the Neolithic to the present (Kuniholm
1993; Kuniholm in press; Kuniholm & Kromer in
press; Kuniholm & Newton 1990; Kuniholm & Striker
1983; 1987). The following note sums up the
dendrochronological situation for <::atalhoyiik and
other Neolithic sites as of February 1996.
KEY SITES: <::atalhOyiik (570 and 60 year chronolo-
gies); Ko~k Hoyiik (224 year chronology and grow-
ing); A~1kh Hoyiik; Hallan <::emi; <::ayonii; Hacilar;
Kuru<;ay; Kastoria/Dispilio (300+ Late Neolithic sam-
ples expected in 1996); Yumuktepe/Mersin;
Bademagac; A~agipmar; Ihpmar; Kumtepe; Amuq
Survey.
Central to any dating of the Neolithic in Anatolia,
either dendrochronological or radiocarbon, is
<::atalhOyiik. With completion of the analysis of the
carbonized wood from the 1960s' excavations, we
have built a 570 year tree-ring chronology for the
site, against which chronologies from the renewed
excavations, as well as chronologies from roughly
contemporary sites, can be compared.
Some five hundred charcoal fragments left over
from the radiocarbon work at MASCA/University
of Pennsylvania (Stuckenrath & Ralph 1965; Stucken-
rath & Lawn 1969; Mellaart 1967) were kindly fur-
nished to us by the excavator, James Mellaart. The
570 year tree-ring chronology, with a possible 60
year extension on the early end, is internally well
replicated, comprising nine trees from proveniences
spanning Mellaart' s levels IV through VII. The graph
in Figure 17.1 presents the individual series in
stratigraphic order from the more recent level IV to
345
the earlier level VII. Note, however, that with the
absence of bark the end dates for the different levels
are not in fall-back order as one might expect.
Nevertheless, several interesting conclusions
may be drawn. Previous reports state that all wood
from contexts after level XI was worked (Mellaart
1966; Todd 1976). Fortunately, this is apparently not
the case. Sample CTL-16 (a post from level VII) was
collected in 1994 from an exposed scarp contiguous
to Mellaart' s level VII. This post was unworked, i.e.
it was stripped of bark but not otherwise shaped.
This provides a terminal year designation, impor-
tant for dendrochronology since only with terminal
years can the felling dates of timbers from different
contexts be related to each other with a precision of
one year. The terminal year for CTL-16 at relative
year 1437 is 132 years earlier than the last preserved
ring (relative year 1569) of CTL-6 from level VIB.
This tells us that the difference, in calendar years,
between the two timbers is at least 132 years, and
suggests that the life span of level VII and part of
VIB is likewise at least 132 years. The observation of
CTL-16 in the field furthermore suggests that care-
fully collected samples from the renewed excava-
tions can be expected to preserve terminal growth
rings (i.e. bark dates), thus enabling, through
dendrochronology, annual resolution to the intra-
site chronology.
The long tree-ring chronology from <::atalhoyiik
is equally helpful for refinements in external dating.
Many of Mellaart' s radiocarbon dates were on wood
that we can now demonstrate to have been long-
lived. The dates obtained in the 1960s did not take
into account the age of the tree, sometimes leading
(as Mellaart has pointed out) to erroneously early
dates. By knowing which rings are actually dated,
we hope, by combining dendrochronology with ra-
diocarbon analysis, to pinpoint the absolute dating
of the site.
 Peter Ian Kuniholm & Maryanne W. Newton

Catal Hoyi.ik Juniper Tree-Ring Sequences

Data Curves normalized by a twenty year running mean

CTL-4 (level VIB, House 28, Post)

CTL.Q (Level VI B, Shrine 1, Rootbeam)

CTL-12 (Provenience unknown)

CTL-17 (Level VII , Rootbeam)

Figure 17.1. 570 year
juniper ring-chronology
from several occupation
levels at Neolithic
1000 1100 1200 1300 1400 1500 1600 (atalhoyiik . (Material
Relative Years courtesy f. Mellaart.)

8400
-200 1 200
8300 DENDROCHRONOLOGICAL 8300
0_

co 8200
co ()~
'\"'
Cotol Hoyuk
8200
v Ring 1 = 7020 B.C.
())
8100 8100
CL
<(
w 8000 8000
>--
z 7900 7900
0
co 7800 7800
CL
<(
u 7700
- - - INTCAL93
7700
0
0 7600
<(
CL 7500
Col B.C.
-7200 -7000 -6800 -6600 -6400

346
 Dendrochronological Progress Report 1995 I 6
Since our dendrochronology of the eastern
Mediterranean is not complete back to the eighth
millennium, and we cannot yet convert our relative
dating system to calendar years, we have submitted
a series of decadal samples from the <;atalhoyiik
chronology to the AMS (Accelerator Mass Spectro-
metry) Laboratory at the University of Arizona for
wiggle-matching against the radiocarbon curve. Lots
A and B from the extreme ends of the <;atalhoyiik
sequence (Fig. 17.2) fit roughly at 7020±50 years BC
and 6500±100 years Be. We have selected eight more
decadal samples (Lots C through J) to see whether
the results obtained by the Arizona physicists will
allow us to pin down the <;atalhoyiik chronology
more precisely. When the results are available we ex-
pect to be able to report a wiggle-matched series that
is pinned down to ±40 years (±30 if we are fortunate).
The dendrochronology of at least 11 other
Aegean and Near Eastern Neolithic sites is being
actively investigated. Last summer we collected 222
samples from Late Neolithic Ko~k Hoyiik (Oztan &
Faydal in press), and the ring sequence thus far is
224 years and increasing as more samples are meas-
ured. It may eventually be long enough to overlap
with sequences from Chalcolithic Can Hasan, or
roughly contemporary sequences from Hacilar,
Kurw;ay, and Ihpmar. We expect some day to be
able to link these sites and <;atalhoyiik together
dendrochronologically, forming a single regional
chronology for the Anatolian Neolithic.
Even at this preliminary stage, the tree-ring
dates for <;atalhoyiik offer a remarkable improve-
ment on what has been previously available for any
stratified Neolithic site (cf. van Andel & Runnels
1995, where their best starting dates for the Thessalian
Neolithic are EN 7000, MN 6000, LN 5500). We think
tree-ring dates can improve significantly our under-
standing of the time involved in the transition from
hunting and gathering to settled communities, of the
dispersal of such communities, and potentially of
the rates of change within them. We thus look for-
ward to a level of precision in archaeological dating
in the eastern Mediterranean hitherto inconceivable.
Acknowledgements
The Malcolm and Carolyn Wiener Laboratory for
Aegean and Near Eastern Dendrochronology is
supported by the National Endowment for the
347
Humanities, the National Science Foundation, the
Malcolm H. Wiener Foundation, the National Geo-
graphic Society, the Samuel H. Kress Foundation,
the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological
Research, and individual Patrons of the Aegean
Dendrochronology Project. We thank the radiocarbon
laboratories at Heidelberg (conventional) and Ari-
zona (accelerator) for their help with wiggle-matching.
References
Kuniholm, P.I., 1993. A date-list for Bronze Age and Iron
Age monuments based on combined dendro-
chronological and radiocarbon evidence, in Aspects
of Art and Iconography: Anatolia and its Neighbors:
Studies in Honor of Nimet Ozga~, eds. M.J. Mellink, E.
Porada & T. Ozgii~. Ankara: Tiirk Tarih Kurumu
Bastmevi, 371-3.
Kuniholm, P.I., in press. Long tree-ring chronologies for
the eastern Mediterranean, to appear in the theme
volume of the 29th International Symposium on
Archaeometry. Paper delivered in May, 1994.
Kuniholm, P.I. & B. Kromer, in press. A 285-year wiggle-
matched chronology for the Early Bronze Age at
Kiten, Bulgaria, in Studia Praehistorica 15 in Memoriam
James Harvey Gau. Sofia: Academy of Sciences.
Kuniholm, P.I. & M.W. Newton, 1990. A 677 year long
tree-ring chronology for the Middle Bronze Age, in
Studies in Honor of Tahsin Ozga~, eds. K. Emre, B.
Hrouda, M.J. Mellink & N. Ozgii~. Ankara: Tiirk
Tarih Kurumu Bastmevi, 279-93.
Kuniholm, P.I. & C.L. Striker, 1983. Dendrochronological
investigations in Greece: 1977-1982. Journal of Field
Archaeology 10(4), 411-20.
Kuniholm, P.I. & C.L. Striker, 1987. Dendrochronological
investigations in the Aegean and neighboring re-
gions, 1983-1986. Journal of Field Archaeology 14(4),
385-98.
Mellaart, J., 1966. Excavations at <;:a tal Hiiyiik, fourth pre-
liminary report, 1965. Anatolian Studies 16, 165-91.
Mellaart, J., 1967. Catal Huyuk: a Neolithic Town in Anatolia.
New York (NY): McGraw-Hill.
Oztan, A. & E. Faydal, in press, VI. Muzeleri Kurtarma
Kazlian Semineri. Ankara: Tiirk Tarih Kurumu.
Stuckenrath, R., Jr & B. Lawn, 1969. University of Pennsyl-
vania radiocarbon dates XI. Radiocarbon 11(1), 150-
62.
Stuckenrath, R., Jr & E.K. Ralph, 1965. University of Penn-
sylvania radiocarbon dates VIII. Radiocarbon 7,187-99.
Todd, LA., 1976. c;atal Hayak in Perspective. New York
(NY): Cummings.
van Andel, T.H. & C.N. Runnels, 1995. The earliest farm-
ers in Europe, Antiquity 69,481-500.
 Chapter 18
<;atalhoyiik: the Anthropology of an Archaeological
Presence
David Shankland
Between 1992 and 1995, whilst Assistant Director,
then Acting Director, of the British Institute of Ar-
chaeology at Ankara, much of my time was taken up
with the re-opening of <;atalhoyiik, an event which
caused ripples throughout the archaeological com-
munity in Turkey. However, as well as possessing
an administrative interest, these developments in-
trigued me professionally. I am trained as a social
anthropologist in Britain. In Britain, unlike America,
departments of anthropology and archaeology are
often separate. Perhaps trammelled by this institu-
tional separation, it appeared that anthropologists
and archaeologists from Britain who come to work
in Turkey often have very different ways of approach-
ing the study of human societies.
In spite of these differences, it seemed to me
that social anthropologists might have certain assets
if pressed into an archaeological enquiry. They are
good at social contexts: at appreciating the inter-
connectedness of the institutions of social life. They
are also adept at sensing the difference between what
people say goes on, what people say should go on,
and what is actually found on the ground. This ex-
perience could be potentially useful, for example,
when attempting to use comparative DNA analysis
of domestic bone remains to speculate how a kin-
ship structure may have been: anthropologists have
often faced the problem that whilst kinship systems
are by definition based on biological relations be-
tween people, the fit between the biological and the
social patterns is very difficult to clarify. 1
More abstractly, I have a sense that anthropolo-
gists as a whole have reacted rather differently from
archaeologists to the contemporary preoccupation
with the conditions within which research is con-
ducted.2 Archaeologists seem often split between
politically-correct post-modernist relativists, and
349
empiricists, oblivious that there is such a thing as
social theory at all. This sometimes gives rise to an
over-emphasis on the social creation of reality in the
one camp and on the minute and bare presentation
of the archaeological record in the other. 3 It is axi-
omatic today that an anthropologist must examine
the power relations between researcher and re-
searched, be aware that the creation of knowledge
may be gender-influenced, that the investigation may
have a profound effect on the community with whom
they are living, and that their findings may be used
for political purposes. However, some anthropolo-
gists seem to have been able to accept the need to
face these problems without losing faith in the em-
pirical basis of their results. This willingness to sit on
the fence: to accept both that the world is real and
that knowledge is invariably context-bound/ I also
thought might be useful, especially when applied to
an investigation of the way that archaeologists go
about obtaining their data.
These impressions were gained through work-
ing with archaeologists in an intense though un-
systematic way. In order to put them to the test, I
decided to search for a village in which to conduct
fieldwork, but one close to a current excavation. Dr
Hodder kindly gave his encouragement to the enter-
prise. Accordingly, I conducted fieldwork in 1995 at
Kii<;iikkoy, the closest village to <;atalhOyiik. Whilst
I followed the normal practice of living with the com-
munity (who generously provided me with a house),
fieldwork was deliberately timed to coincide with the
third recent season of fieldwork at the site, which took
place between 15th September and 30th October 1995.
The remarks below are based on that season's work,
but they must inevitably be preliminary. They are
offered tentatively, with the full knowledge that they
will need revising and refining in the future.
 David Shankland
Kiic;iikkoy
Kiic;iikkoy is a village of some one hundred house-
holds set in the midst of the Konya plain, about
twelve kilometres away from <;umra, the nearest
sub-province centre. The villagers' main economic
activity is agriculture, there being little industry and
as yet no significant tourism in the immediate area.
The winters are cool and wet, but the summers are
long and arid. Their fields have been systematically
irrigated since early this century, though for the last
three years the water supply has been disrupted, in
part due to a major new irrigation system in the
process of construction (Konya Ovasz Sulama Projesi).
In compensation, individual wells increasingly draw
ground water to spray directly on to crops. The wa-
ter thus obtained is sufficient at present, but the
water table is falling rapidly.
The land is flat and extremely fruitful, giving
yields of wheat up to I in 40. Most households own
some land, a typical holding being about 30 doniim 5
distributed unfenced around the village settlement.
As well as wheat, other primary crops are sugar
beet, melons and beans. Many households also main-
tain flocks of sheep or herds of cattle, the main em-
phasis being on sheep. The number of beasts owned
by a household varies greatly, but is often large: two
hundred is regarded as being a good-sized flock, but
by no means unusual. The flocks are culled regu-
larly, and the beasts so selected sold in local markets
in <;umra or Konya.
Nearly every house is surrounded by a large
wall, within which are usually found a barn to keep
straw, a separate out-house in which to keep sheep
and a garden in which are grown tomatoes, cucum-
bers, apples, figs, grapes, large radishes, melons and
marrows. Some household complexes include also a
bryer to rear cattle, and a guest room set apart from
the main dwelling in which a man may entertain
visitors without disturbing his household. Whilst
we had insufficient time to conduct a detailed sur-
vey, it is clear that the great majority of households
are patrilineal and patrilocal, and are usually com-
posed of a married man, his wife, and their children,
often with one or both of the man's parents. It is
unusual to find people who are not related living in
the same household, though the occasional shep-
herd, usually a migrant from a poorer area of the
country, may be offered accommodation in the
bryer during the winter months. Whilst house-
holds interact and cooperate with their relatives
and neighbours, each acts as a largely independ-
ent agricultural unit: nearly all the labour required
350
is supplied by the household, and the household
live off the products of their labour, whether by
direct consumption or by disposing of them for
cash.
In the centre of the village lies a mosque, whose
dome and minaret can be seen from afar across the
fields. Near the mosque is also a primary school, and
opposite that, a cemetery. There are no large public
buildings but for the mosque, though facing it are a
row of grocers, where dry goods such as soap, razor
blades and cigarettes are sold, and a tea-house, which
opens in the afternoon and continues service until
far into the night. Women avoid walking across this
open space when they can, keeping to the back al-
leys between the houses. Men occupy it freely, the
older, more pious men sit around the mosque, and
the younger men the tea-house. Overall, when cir-
cumstances permit, men occupy the public spaces of
the village: they operate machinery, plough the fields
and tend its crops, and women work in the gardens,
look after the homes and children.
In short, Kiic;iikkoy is in many ways a typical
central Anatolian Turkish village, fortunate that it is
the possessor of such very rich fields and adequate
water supply, better integrated into the national
economy than villages further to the east, but still
less exposed to the outside than any villages in the
Aegean coast, pious but not aggressively so. Many
of the villagers have migrated to Germany, Konya or
Istanbul, but those who are left are actively pursuing
household-based agricultural production more lu-
crative but similar organizationally to the traditional
subsistence economy practised so commonly by other
Anatolian settlements until recently. 6
Kiic;iikkoy and ~atalhoyiik
The villagers have had a long association with
<;atalhoyiik, which lies within the village boundary,
about a kilometre away from the main settlement.
When the site was first surveyed and dug in 1961-
65, the excavation team lived in the village school
and in the school-teachers' lodgings. Though James
Mellaart brought his own skilled workmen to work
at the site, some people at the village were also em-
ployed there at that time. The villagers recall the
finds being shown in the schoolhouse as they were
dug up, and some men remember as children going
to the site and watching as the excavation took place.
During the years that the site has been untouched,
its watchman was drawn from the village, and, on
his retiring in 1992, he was replaced by two younger
men, both also from Kiic;iikkoy.
 Anthropology of an Archaeological Presence
Since the site has been re-opened in 1993, there
have been on average about fifteen workmen em-
ployed at the site during the season. The present
dig-team have lived at C::umra, twelve kilometres
away during the excavation, but relations are en-
tirely cordial between the village and the excavators.
The first initiation into the life of a community can
be misleading, but at the end of the period of field-
work in 1995, it seemed to me that in spite of the
cordiality, and welcome, that the villagers have
shown toward the excavation, the overall inclination
of those villagers who have not become part of the
excavation team is one of polite but rather mild curi-
osity: that the site is there, and it is perhaps interest-
ing, but that, so far, it plays little significant part in
the life of the village.
Lines of enquiry
Whilst time was short, two broad lines of enquiry
were pursued in 1995. The first, a consideration of
whether village life can help our understanding of
life at C::atalhoyiik; the second, an examination of the
setting of the archaeological research at the site, what
might be called the anthropology of archaeology. By
'village life', I mean any aspect of the village which
may be of use. This includes information that the
villagers may be able to provide on the whereabouts
of other sites in the area. Whilst prosaic, it is an area
where anthropology may be of the greatest assist-
ance. Anthropologists are trained to create a relation
of trust between a community and themselves, one
based on living in the community and on speaking
their language. Archaeologists rarely have the op-
portunity to become fluent in the language of the
people where they excavate, cultivating rather a serv-
iceable patois in order to communicate with work-
men and officials. Nor do they have often the
inclination to billet in villages for long periods, con-
structing instead dig-houses in which they can exist
in isolation from the communities among whom they
are excavating. This separation and loss of intimacy
is particularly significant in Anatolia, where the rich-
ness of the archaeological record is only matched by
the oft-found desire of the villagers to hide what
they can from authority, either from caution or the
aim to exploit the sites themselves. Indeed, whilst at
Kii<;iikkoy, I was surprised at the enthusiasm and
the regularity with which the villagers showed me
otherwise quite inconspicuous sites in their fields,
adding that they would not dream of being so con-
fiding with someone with whom they could not com-
municate directly.
351
A template
When approaching such a small-scale community, it
is very frequent that an anthropologist examines one
particular institution or aspect of social life and at-
tempts to show in as much detail as they can the way
that it fits in with the activities of the community
where they are researching. It would seem in theory
possible that a detailed picture of the way of life in
the village related to one important part of their
agricultural activity might provide a template with
which information from the site can be compared
when it is available. By 'template', I do not mean a
direct comparison between activities, or between the
material culture of the excavation and the village: I
mean rather an investigation into every aspect of
care and upkeep of their beasts from birth to death,
the division of labour (including gender division)
and ownership when nurturing young, the division
of labour when culling, pasturing and milking, and
the role that the animals play in ritual activity, and
finally the use to which their products are put after
death, showing in each case how they inter-relate
with the other activities in the village which are
going on at that time. The end results would be a
series of patterns of activity, showing where people
at different times of the day, at different times of the
year conducted what activity, the focus being al-
ways the relationship between animals and humans,
but the ethnography to include also a wider indica-
tion of the activities of the community at any point
in these cycles.
There is little detailed, systematic information
published on the daily life of an Anatolian village,
therefore such a study has the definite merit of being
a potentially useful contribution to social anthropol-
ogy.7 Theoretically, as an investigation in social an-
thropology and archaeology, it could be justified
like this: using the present to understand the distant
past is today largely the province of ethno-
archaeology, having been driven from social anthro-
pology by the successful efforts of the early modern
practitioners: Malinowski, Radcliffe-Brown and
Evans-Pritchard in particular. 8 That battle may have
been necessary. Today, however, this need is over
and the study of the distant past can be re-incorpo-
rated into the discipline without loosing the theo-
retical insights which have been gained.9 One (though
certainly not the only) way that this re-incorporation
could be done is to stress that the pattern-like nature
of social events in rural communities is comparable
by epoch. Life at C::atalhOyiik was clearly connected
with animals in many respects. In order for them to
 David Shankland
maintain this aspect of their society, there must have
been certain regular, cyclic activities within their com-
munity which were concerned with animals. Some
of these activities will be discernable in the archaeo-
logical record. By presenting a model of how a
present-day society runs this aspect of their lives,
and by having to hand the infinitely suggestive re-
sources of a living, local society to supply clarifica-
tion of any particular point, the understanding of
the way that this was achieved at C::atalhoyiik can be
forwarded. 10 Indeed, if it turns out that the people at
C::atalhoyiik lived in sedentary, repeated homogenous
units, where the division of economic, kinship and
ritual labour is largely dominated by gender and not
by intra-sex professional specialization or class,
then, whilst the ideological differences between the
two communities may be great, the similarities in
social and economic organization may be striking
indeed.
The re-opening of ~atalhoyiik
The enquiry outlined above has to recommend it
that it contains the possibility of its own failure: it
will have been unsuccessful in its primary aim, how-
ever disappointing that may be, if in fact it is found
to be not at all relevant to the archaeological investi-
gation at the site. Investigating the setting in which
research takes place, our second line of enquiry, is
more difficult to justify in the sense that even after
every aspect of the operation of the site has been
examined from every point of view, the way that
such knowledge would change or enhance interpre-
tation of the results obtained there is not yet clear.
It may be sufficient encouragement, however,
to note that at present the circumstances in which
archaeological research is conducted are shrouded
in obscurity. Excavations in Turkey started more
than a century ago and are continuing apace today.
The results of these labours are presented in site
reports, monographs and papers. The finds are placed
in museums within Turkey. Beyond this we know
almost nothing of the circumstances or consequences
of these digs. Anecdotal evidence tells of a complex
juggling of academic renown and influence, finan-
cial strictures, local political prestige, national eco-
nomic and political considerations, strikes, good and
bad cooks, and struggles with local labour forces. By
the time research has reached the official presenta-
tion stage all is streamlined into concise explanation
accompanied by slides showing neat trenches and
labelled artefacts. Whether the economic circum-
stances of the local people have been radically
352
altered, whether they wished for the excavation to
take place at all, whether political battles have been
fought over the heritage being explored, how the
knowledge from the site has been used, who has
benefitted from the excavation, all this is unrecorded
and unexplained.
These considerations are acute in the case of
C::atalhOyiik, where the finds at the site relate di-
rectly to debates concerning nationalism, cultural
heritage and politics in Turkey as a whole. The mas-
sive (and in retrospect, still astonishing) changes
which Atatiirk implemented between 1923 and his
death in 1937 transformed the Ottoman Empire into
a secular republic. In an attempt to provide theRe-
public's citizens, of very diverse background, with a
new collective identity, Atatiirk stressed the Ana-
tolian, rather than the Islamic roots of this new na-
tionY The systematic excavation of the Hittite,
Neolithic and earlier periods combined with the es-
tablishment of Institutes of Pre-History in the Uni-
versity of Istanbul and the opening of the Hittite
Museum in Ankara (later the Museum of Anatolian
Civilizations) which the finds from C::atalhoyiik have
helped to stock, all testify to this emphasis.
Today, whilst Republican Turkey has changed
greatly since its inception, the protection and inves-
tigation of its diverse cultural heritage is still taken
very seriously. There is an extensive network of ar-
chaeological museums throughout the country,
within which are recorded and displayed the finds
of their respective provinces. The General-Directo-
rate of Monuments and Museums, part of the Minis-
try of Culture, coordinates these museums, and
devotes a considerable part of its resources to exca-
vations run by them. The General-Directorate also
considers all applications by foreign teams who wish
to work in Turkey, checks that they have sufficient
resources to maintain their projects, encourages them
to publish their results and to consider the conserva-
tion aspects of any intrusive work which is done.
C::atalhoyiik is very much a part of this overall,
supervised endeavour, and the site's continuing im-
portance is indicated that in the Anatolian Civiliza-
tions Museum, the amount of space given to the site
has been increased, and a female figurine from it
featured on the front of a recent catalogue (Fig. 18.1).
An evaluation of Atatiirk' s reforms lies outside
the scope of this chapter. However, it is certain that
he struck an answering chord in many people, not
just those in authority. Even in the remotest villages,
people recall learning about the site from their school
text books or from television programmes about
Anatolia's past, and appreciate its importance. Finds
 Anthropology of an Archaeological Presence

from the site are used by people of different persua-

sion all over Turkey, feminist, left-wing, intellectual
and Republican to demonstrate the truth of their
way of viewing the world. Media interest in its re-
opening has been intense. It is likely that interest
will grow even more as the excavation moves into
areas of the mound which have not yet been explored.
Independently of the media, bureaucracy and
large urban centres, <::umra, the local town, also
wishes to link its name with the site, and indeed, has
done so already. The town municipality have three
times held a '<::atalhoyuk Melon Festival': twice dur-
ing the late seventies, and for a final time in 1981.
The people in the town who organized this festival,
some of whom I was able to meet in 1995, explain
that they sat down, and tried to envisage the things
for which <::umra was most famous. They concluded
that these were <::atalhoyuk and melons. They re-
paired the back-road from Konya to <::umra, which
passes by the site. They invited dignitaries from An-
kara and Istanbul to participate in celebrations last-
ing two days. During the course of these days, they
held an opening ceremony at which melons were
handed out free. They also held sports races, a com-
petition for the best-tasting melons, and brought in
folklore groups and musicians from the surround-
ing area. For the invited dignitaries, they also ar-
ranged a visit to the site, which culminated with a
lecture given by the then head of the Director-Gen-
eral of Antiquities. Prizes for the races consisted of a Figure 18.1. Imagery from (atalhoyuk on the front
medal with a figure of a seated figurine from cover of a recent catalogue of the Anatolian Civilizations
<::atalhoyuk juxtaposed with a melon (see Fig. 18.2). Museum in Ankara.
Today, the same design is still used by a youth radio
station, <::umra radio (Fig. 18.3).
All this means that running the site will have to
be a tactful balancing between sometimes conflict-
ing interests. It also means that the physical conse-
quences of the excavation, for example where and
how the finds are housed, will be potentially a con-
troversial issue. The site itself will receive a growing
number of visitors, and permanent facilities will con-
tinue to be built there to meet the demand of re-
searchers and tourists. The local population also will
perforce be involved in this development, and it is to
them that we now turn.

Excavations and local villages

Whilst not all archaeological sites integrate with their

host communities in the same way, it is likely that
they often follow a pattern. If not known already,

Figure 18.2. Medal from the (umra melon festival.

353
 David Shankland
Figure 18.3. Logo of the C::umra youth radio station .
the site is identified through survey, or through a
local museum alerting the authorities to the pres-
ence of artefactual evidence which is worth preserv-
ing . Excavation begins. If the site is large, or
interesting enough, excavation carries on for a
number of years. A dig-house may be erected at that
time, and a watchman is appointed. If the site ap-
pears important, it begins to gain close attention
from the authorities and the press as a potentially
significant part of the nation's cultural heritage. Fa-
cilities and even a museum may be erected at the
site. If it is attractive and well-placed it becomes
visited by tourists and, as it takes its place in tour
guide schemes, it may draw an ever increasing
number of people. Finally, large hotels provide for a
constant stream of visitors to the site, particularly if
attracted by the presence of incidental natural at-
tractions, such as the Christian Churches at Capa-
doccia or the Roman remains at Pamukkale.
Different people and organizations become in-
volved, therefore, at different stages in a site's devel-
opment: the archaeologists from the outset, the press
a little later, senior bureaucrats and politicians later
still when any national significance is clear, and fi-
nally investors and businessmen. The local village
inhabitants are involved from the very outset of
the project. They will be acutely sensitive to any
opportunities that such direct contact with the out-
side world offers, though I suspect that the effect on
their community is often rather small until touristic
354
development begins. Even so, the way small rural
communities react to social change is incredibly com-
plex, and it is important not to over-simplify the
way any intrusion leads to different forms of adjust-
ment and accommodation. 12
At <:;:atalhoyuk, whilst work is now being un-
dertaken to develop the site in various ways, includ-
ing the construction of permanent accommodation
and research facilities, the site was little permanently
changed by the presence of the archaeologists. Only
a small fraction of the site was dug. A fence was
built around the mound, and a small, though rather
intrusive, watchman's house constructed next to the
mound. Tourists did not come in large numbers, and
those who did were able to look at the remains of the
early trenches, and they had no opportunity to spend
money. Now that the site has been opened up again,
the effect on the local community is still economi-
cally rather small. The working season has been short,
only six weeks. The fifteen or so workers who are
drawn from the village represent almost the sole
extent of its surplus labour: the remainder of men of
suitable age being either busy in their fields or hav-
ing emigrated. Whilst the prospect of cash is always
welcome, and there are always a few poor folk, the
village's comparative wealth means that the money
coming in through workmen's wages is of little sig-
nificance in the village economy as a whole. This, of
course, may change very quickly if land needs ex-
propriating, or if the villagers perceive a chance to
invest in service industries around the site.
The villagers' and the archaeologists' world-views
compared
The ideological aspects of the villages' interaction
with the excavators and the research are difficult to
describe succinctly. However, it is interesting to con-
trast the two world-views. Archaeologists come from
outside the area, excavate and evaluate every part of
the mound. An intensive survey around the site at-
tempts to do likewise with the other sites and mounds
in the area. Ultimately, and inevitably, the archae-
ologists will sift, ignore and overlook much of the
evidence of the past in the area which does not ad-
dress their immediate enquiry, but those which they
do take note of will be used to support the archaeolo-
gists' collective view of the world and its past epochs.
It is easy to overlook that the sites lie in the
villagers' home environment, where they have lived
for generations, and that, just as do the archaeolo-
gists, they possess a coherent sense of the past of the
area, invest some of the local mounds with meaning
 Anthropology of an Archaeological Presence
and ignore others and, those mounds that they do
take notice of, interpret in such a way that fits in
with their collective conception of the past. For ex-
ample, the question of a possible link between the
present inhabitants of Kii<;iikkoy and the people who
lived at <;atalhoyiik occasionally arises. Some men,
are reluctant to feel that they, as Muslims, should be
linked to the figurative art at <;atalhoyiik. Rather,
they say that Greeks (Rum) used to possess fields in
the area, and that though these people departed for
Greece as part of the population exchanges of the
twenties, they may be the true descendants of the
people who used to live at the mound.
In contrast, the villagers positively affirm a con-
nection with remains which partly overlap with the
site at <;atalhoyiik, remains which we would regard
as being part of a Byzantine settlement. They refer to
the area where they are found as 'old village', Eskikoy,
and say that the people of Kii<;iikkoy are the de-
scendants of that community. The story as it is usu-
ally told goes as follows: at the time when Anatolia
was occupied by small, nomadic Islamic states, there
used to live there a leader (bey) and his people. He
had two sons. The younger of those two sons fell out
with his elder brother, and left the community. He
moved to the site now known as Kii<;iikkoy, and set
up home there. When some time had past, his father
called him back, and told him that it was time to
make peace with his elder brother. He did so. Ac-
cordingly, his father said that there was now no
impediment to his moving back permanently to his
community. The younger refused, saying that he
had now established himself with house, horses and
men in his new settlement. Kii<;iikkoy today takes its
name after the younger brother who was its founder. 13
The villagers often add that hindsight has shown
their forebear to be justified in this decision, because
Kii<;iikkoy has grown and flourished, whereas
Eskikoy has fallen into ruins.
Other sites have a distinct place in a wider cos-
mology which includes the supernatural, and the
spirits of those gone. Many of the larger mounds are
regarded as being protected by the previous inhabit-
ants of the area. Several men told me of occasions
when they have tried to dig into them but were
prevented by a feeling of terror coming across them,
or by a terrible rushing wind which nearly blew
them off their feet. They link these frequently to a
talisman. For example, one man explained that his
father decided to investigate a local mound, along-
side which was a ruined house. He took along with
him a friend to help him dig, and a mosque hoca to
lend spiritual support. On the way, they saw a white
355
rabbit, but did not think much about it. When they
tried to dig, they found that their way was barred by
a huge stone, and when they tried to get past this,
they heard voices howling telling them to stop. They
gave up. My informant explained that the white rab-
bit was a talisman, placed there to protect the mound
by those who used to live by it. If they had shot it
before they had started, then there would have been
no impediment to their digging up the mound.
Interaction between the villagers and the
excavators
We have noted that the villagers do not usually show
an intense curiosity as to the results which will come
from the site. In part, this reluctance appears to be
due to a strong anti-intellectual streak in the village,
one which discourages systematic speculation about
the past. For example, a man told me that he went to
the site before it was discovered by survey, and no-
ticed that there were old artefacts there. He thought
that they might come from the Stone Age (ta~ devri),
but no-one was particularly interested in this thought.
When the excavation began, he was shown to be
correct in his speculation, and told his friends, 'Look,
I was right!', whereupon they laughed at him, and
said, 'What a philosopher we have among us!'.
Any way of thinking must filter the reception
of new views otherwise it would be unable to retain
cohesion at all. To this extent, it is not surprising that
such checks on enquiry are part of the village life.
However, it is important to note just how very co-
herent the overall collective memory of the villagers'
past remains, even in the face of the radically differ-
ent approach of the archaeologists. I think that this
stems in great part from the fact that they are al-
ready aware of the multiplicity of past civilizations
in their land and have linked these already in a
coherent way with their sense of being Islamic. An-
swers are already in place which cope well with the
challenge brought by the presence of archaeologists
in their midsts.
That the villagers are not deeply affected by the
findings of the site may seem unimportant: in any
case the archaeological presence is intermittent, and
the villagers have to get on with their lives whether
the academics are there or not. However, this issue
is more important than might first appear. The ar-
chaeologists are few, but they are an active part of a
rational, enlightenment world-view which is very
close to that originally conceived, and imposed on
the population of Turkey by the Kemalist revolu-
tion.14 Administrators, intellectuals, politicians, both
 David Shankland
local and national are aware of this and are happy to
use the material from the site to endorse that world
view. The local politicians at <;umra, who publicized
the site as part of their melon festival were of course
doing so in part to increase the attention given to
their town by Ankara, but they were of the Republi-
can People's Party, and it is no coincidence that they
should have chosen a local prehistorical site nearby
as a key part of their campaign. Nor is it a coinci-
dence that the only group apparently to use the sym-
bol today are a youth radio playing secular pop
music. The villagers' response is thus more than
simply the passive reaction of a small community to
an academic world which is foreign, it is indicative
of the scale of differences between two world-views,
world-views which are being played out in Turkey
as a whole as this chapter is written, and it is not at
all clear which will dominate. <;atalhoyi.ik has al-
ready played a role in this struggle, and, situated
between the village and the outside world, will con-
tinue to do so in the future.
Conclusions
To conclude: the initial aim of the research project
was to conduct conventional anthropological field-
work within a village community whilst bearing in
mind any possible relevance to the archaeological
enquiry going alongside it. In the event, the pres-
ence of the excavation forced me to take into account
the interaction between the archaeologists and the
village community, leading in turn into an interest
in the socially intrusive aspects of the archaeological
enterprise. Whilst the results of the ethnographic
investigation will not be clear for some time, and the
anthropologist's greatest use may be as a cultural
dragoman liaising between the local people and the
archaeologists, I am convinced that almost any rea-
sonable attempt to bring the two disciplines together
must be good for both.
However aware archaeologists are of the social
context of the research they are conducting, they
have not integrated this as yet into the way that they
conventionally present their excavation results in
Turkey. It is impossible to say as yet whether an
attempt to take these things into account at <;atal-
hoyi.ik will in fact significantly change the academic
results from the site, but the very large gulf between
the complexity of the research and the simplified
way results are usually presented is disconcerting.
Much archaeology practised within Turkey has po-
litical and national heritage interest, and the future
of all excavations in the country will depend on
356
which of a number of factions comes to control the
management of cultural heritage in the country. Fur-
ther, as well as any ideological influence, excava-
tions, particularly large ones, must have a very
significant effect on the economy of village commu-
nities as they develop, particularly on those less well-
off than at Ki.i<;i.ikkoy. A sustained social interest
into these side-effects of excavating, even if ostensi-
bly not part of the archaeological project, would at
least be a way of rendering the context of archaeo-
logical enquiry more open, and perhaps lead to a
fuller discussion of its place in Turkey today.
Notes
1. Cf. the debate sparked by Gellner (1987).
2. I should make explicitly clear that my comments
in this article refer to social anthropology as it
appears to be developing in Britain.
3. Cf. Mitchell (1995, xiii-xiv) for a similar observa-
tion referring to the aridity of some classical ex-
cavation reports.
4. Gellner was a leading figure supporting this view
(e.g. Gellner 1992), but it also is held more widely.
See, for example, the recent volumes published
in celebration of the fourth decennial conference
of the Association of Social Anthropologists of the
Commonwealth: among them, Strathern (1995).
5. Officially 940 m 2, traditionally, the amount one
man can conveniently plough in a day with one
pair of oxen.
6. Cf. Sirman (1988), who describes the successful
adaption to the market economy of household-
based farming in a village in the west of Turkey.
7. The standard work on Turkish villages in
Anatolia remains Stirling's Turkish Village (1965).
Since then studies have usually concentrated on
exploring one particular theoretical point rather
than attempting a general picture; for example,
Delaney's (1986) investigation into gender, au-
thority and religion in a village near Ankara (cf.
Hann 1993).
8. Evans-Pritchard (1981) vividly evokes this struggle.
9. This could be stated even more strongly: Evans-
Pritchard's teacher, Seligman, was prepared to
write social anthropology in archaeological vol-
umes as a matter of course (e.g. Seligman 1932).
The anti-historical interdiction which came into
force after that, making it difficult for social an-
thropologists to feed their rapidly developing
conceptions and investigations of society into
either classical or prehistory, or, on the other
hand, to draw on their findings, has contributed
 Anthropology of an Archaeological Presence
toward a quite needless na:ivety on both sides.
10. Dr Louise Martin, of the Institute of Archaeol-
ogy, London, herself the bone and animal spe-
cialist at <;atalhoyiik, has kindly agreed to help
co-ordinate this part of the research.
11. Lewis (1961) is still the best introductory account
of these reforms.
12. Cf. Stirling (1974; 1993).
13. Kiir;iikkoy literally would normally mean 'small'
or 'little' village, but kiir;iik also may mean
'younger' in the sense of 'younger brother', and
it is in this sense that the villagers interpret the
name when telling the story.
14. Cf. the famous work of Mahmut Makal, a
Kemalist school teacher who went to work in an
Anatolian village, and described his difficulties
he encountered there (Makal 1954). Also
Shankland (1994).
Acknowledgements
This research was funded by the British Institute of
Archaeology at Ankara and the Charlotte Bonham-
Carter Trust, whom I would like to thank for their
support. I would like also to thank the General-Di-
rectorate of Museums and Antiquities for awarding
permission to research, and my ministerial repre-
sentative, Mr Liitfi Onal, for his great and cordial
assistance in the field.
I am grateful to my colleagues at the Department
of Archaeology, Lampeter for their very valuable com-
ments when this paper was presented as a seminar in
December 1995, and to Dr Hodder for his constant
inspiration during the preparation of this project.
References
Delaney, C., 1986. The Seed and the Soil: Gender and Cosmo[-
357
ogy in Turkish Village Society. Berkley (CA): Univer-
sity of California Press.
Evans-Pritchard, E., 1981. A History of Anthropological
Thought. London: Faber.
Gellner, E., 1987. The Concept of Kinship. Oxford: Basil
Blackwell.
Gellner, E., 1992. Post-modernism, Reason and Religion. Lon-
don: Routledge.
Hann, C., 1993. Culture and anti-culture: the spectre of
Orientalism in new anthropological writing on Tur-
key. Journal of the Anthropological Society of Oxford
24(3), 223-43.
Lewis, B., 1961. The Emergence of Modern Turkey. Oxford:
Oxford University Press.
Makal, M., 1954. A Village in Anatolia. London: Vallentine
Mitchell & Co ..
Mitchell, S., 1995. Cremna in Pisidia. London: Duckworth
&Co ..
Seligman, C., 1932. Egyptian influence in negro Africa, in
Studies Presented to F. LL Griffith, ed. S. Glanville.
London: Egyptian Exploration Society, 457-64.
Shankland, D., 1994. Social change and culture: responses
to modernisation in an Alevi village in Anatolia, in
When History Accelerates, ed. C. Hann. London: Ath-
lone.
Sirman, N., 1988. Peasants and Family Farms: the Position
of Households in Cotton Production in a Village of
Western Turkey. Unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Univer-
sity of London.
Stirling, P., 1965. Turkish Village. London: Weidenfeld &
Nicholson.
Stirling, P., 1974. Cause, knowledge and change: Turkish
village revisited, in Choice and Change: Essays in Hon-
our of Lucy Mair, ed. J. Davis. London: Athlone, 191-
229.
Stirling, P., 1993. Introduction: growth and changes: speed,
scale, complexity, in Culture and Economy: Changes
in Turkish Villages, ed. P. Stirling. Huntingdon:
Eothen, 1-16.
Strathern, M. (ed.), 1995. Shifting Contexts: Transformations
of Anthropological Knowledge. (ASA Decennial Con-
ference Series.) London: Routledge.
 Chapter 19
Conclusions
Ian Hodder
C::atalhoyiik is situated on the largest alluvial fan in
the Konya plain. Prior to twentieth-century inten-
sive water management regimes, soils around the
site were waterlogged for much of the year and in
the Neolithic the two mounds (east and west) were
probably situated either side of the <::ar~amba river.
We are still a long way from understanding
even the most basic characteristics of the subsistence
economy at <::atalhoyiik and surface work cannot
contribute substantially to this issue. We know that
there are domesticated cereals (Helbaek 1964), but
the relative paucity of grinding artefacts and the
initial trace element and teeth microwear studies
(Chapter 13) indicate a diet based on pulses and
tubers. Uncertainty remains about the domestica-
tion of animals at the site (Ducos 1988; Grigson 1989).
The regional survey has identified a wide range
of sites of different dates on the <::ar~amba fan. In
collaboration with the geomorphological survey it is
clear that the gradual spread of the fan can be
mapped. In addition, an important find has been
that sites completely buried by alluvium can be iden-
tified by studying dyke sections. Research into GIS
analysis of satellite images is being continued in
order to evaluate the potential for identifying buried
sites.
Excavations at Pmarba~1 have allowed parallels
and contrasts to be drawn with <::atalhoyiik, at least
with regard to the sixth millennium BC. The different
architecture in a rock-shelter context is perhaps un-
remarkable, but the lack of pottery and ground stone
indicates the potential for identifying differences be-
tween sites in the use of this landscape. Of great
interest in regional terms is the continuation of a
microlithic industry well into the Holocene in cen-
tral Anatolia. Future work at this site will allow a
developmental history to be built which appears ini-
tially to differ markedly from the Levan tine sequence.
Understanding the early Holocene sequence will
359
allow the appearance of <::atalhoyiik to be placed
within a longer trajectory of settlement, economic
and cultural change.
Site formation
The lower flanks of the mounds have been buried by
2-3 m of post-occupation alluvium. There are about
4.5 m of cultural material beneath the base of the
deepest trench left by Mellaart (that is below level
XII on the eastern mound). The Neolithic eastern mound
(at present 13.5 ha) comprises three eminences - a
main southern eminence clearly separated from a
smaller northern eminence. The eastern eminence is
low and is part of a large shelf which may continue
beneath alluvium round much of the mound. Cer-
tainly a flank of 'off-site' activity was discovered by
coring to the west of <::atalhoyiik East (Chapter 2).
The Chalcolithic western mound (8.5 ha) has not
been fenced in recent years and so has suffered much
worse erosion and disturbance. The cross-sections of
both mounds conform to the profiles predicted as
the result of long-term uniform erosion (Chapter 5
and Rosen 1986), perhaps with minor variation re-
lated to prevailing wind directions (Chapter 9).
The surface collections and scraping have al-
lowed an insight into the post-depositional proc-
esses at work on the site. The intensity of surface
collection on the two mounds, despite the small per-
centages of the total areas from which collections
were made (0.88 per cent of the eastern mound, and
1.00 per cent of the western), allowed clear patterning
to be identified which could be related to general
sub-surface trends and site formation processes.
High densities of wheelmade pottery in the south-
ern part of the eastern mound were shown by scrap-
ing (see below) to relate to a concentration of Classical
occupation in this area. On the western mound, later
occupation is concentrated in the eastern part of
 Ian Hodder
the mound.
2.44 per cent of the eastern mound was scraped
to reveal surface architecture and features over a
total of 0.33 ha. On the eastern mound Classical and
Byzantine buildings and burials are concentrated to-
wards the south. In addition, three 10 x 10 m areas
were scraped on the western mound although here
the technique was less successful due to later distur-
bance. Overall, a clear pattern could be observed
regarding fragmentation at different depths within
the soil in the scraped areas. Both bone and ceramics
have larger fragment size and thus better preserva-
tion with greater depth, where they are protected
from weathering, trampling etc.. Similar factors may
have affected the figurines (Chapter 12).
Study of the movement of Classical and wheel-
made pottery has been of special value in under-
standing erosional processes. High correlations
between wheelmade pottery and other artefact classes
in the northern scraped area suggest that much of
the contemporary detailed patterning is historic (post-
Classical) in origin. In more general terms, Classical
occupation has led to the masking of some distribu-
tions (bone densities, lithic artefact densities) and to
a diminution in size of bone fragments. Downslope
movement of sherds has been mainly to the south,
perhaps because of prevailing winds (Chapter 9), or
because of the shape of the mound in this part of the
site (Fig. 5.7). Smaller sherds and pieces of obsidian
and fragments of bone tend to occur towards the
lower and flatter slopes of the mounds. This may be
partly the result of the greater distance travelled by
smaller artefacts and partly the product of longer
periods of weathering and fragmentation.
The obsidian data suggest a picture rather dif-
ferent from the ceramics and the bone and this is to
be expected given the different size, fragmentation
and weathering characteristics of this material. Ham-
ilton (Chapter 12) suggests that larger items such as
clay ball and figurine fragments may not have moved
as far as the other, smaller materials. The different
fragmentation patterns for different types of figu-
rines suggest that post-depositional factors must
inter-link with varied and specific depositional prac-
tices.
R. Matthews (Chapter 7) estimates that prob-
ably no more than 0.5-1.0 m of archaeological de-
posits have been eroded from the surface of the
northern eminence of the eastern mound. Overall it
is clear that while detailed patterning of artefacts
has been lost through displacement and weathering,
general patterning can be discerned as long as site
formation processes are taken into account.
360
Date of latest Neolithic activity in different parts
of the site
One question that does seem to have found at least a
provisional answer is the relative date of the occupa-
tion on the top of the northern eminence. The ceram-
ics, obsidian and figurine data concur in giving a
position between Mellaart's levels V and VI. But this
conclusion also raises new questions. In particular,
was the northern eminence abandoned while occu-
pation continued on the higher and larger southern
mound in levels IV and above? The answer to this
question hinges on how much erosion has occurred
on the northern eminence. Were there levels above
the area mapped in Figure 7.2 which have since been
lost? Since this eminence was not so well protected
by Classical occupation, perhaps the observed build-
ing level was not the last on the northern eminence?
Such a possibility is supported by the fact that the
lithic and ceramic material found on the surface on
the northern eminence includes material later than
that found in rooms 70 and 71 during their initial
excavation in 1995. Later levels may have occurred
on this part of the site and been eroded off. How-
ever, the amount of this later material is slight and
the balance of evidence (Chapter 7) indicates the
uppermost level planned on the northern eminence
was probably the last.
The latest ceramic assemblage of the Neolithic
on the east mound derives from the eastern plateau.
The spatial and social organization of the site
The magnetometer survey (Chapter 8) has produced
a remarkable amount of detail over a large area (Fig.
8.3). The main problem in interpreting these plots is
the difficulty of ascertaining the dates of the features
identified. At least some of the walls in Figure 8.5
are undoubtedly Classical in date, and the extensive
ashy tip shown in Figure 8.4 is probably late also (as
identified in the scraping). Many of the features in
the southern part of Figure 8.3 are probably post-
Neolithic, while in other areas the degree of correla-
tion between known Neolithic buildings and features
on the magnetometer plot allows some interpreta-
tion of the plots as a whole.
On the northern eminence of the east mound, a
total area of 1900 sq.m has now been scraped to
reveal a continuous pattern of over 30 Neolithic build-
ings. The street identified here could not be followed
to the summit of the northern eminence because of
classical disturbance. The buildings in this area are
largely contemporary, with the possible exception of
 Conclusions
spaces 19,42 and 44-50 (Fig. 7.3), which may belong
to an earlier level.
The radial pattern and the straight lines in the
plan (Fig. 7.3), which are shown to extend further in
the magnetometer survey (Fig. 8.7a), suggest some
organization- but these characteristics of the build-
ing layout could have been the product of a need to
locate buildings on terraces encircling the summit,
and of the need to provide for water runoff (rain,
snow meltwater, or even drainage) from the top of
the mound. Certainly the removal of refuse from
buildings must have required a considerable degree
of organization. And there were parts of the site (the
so-called courts) given over to refuse etc. for long
periods (Chapters 14 & 15).
So far we have encountered no evidence for the
existence of large-scale public buildings. The six par-
allel walls and the lack of wall plaster in scrape area
980,1080 perhaps indicate something different and
distinctive, but this area on the north part of the
main mound needs further investigation. The site as
a whole appears to consist of two main elements:
houses, with varying degrees of elaboration of inte-
rior features, and open spaces, generally covered by
spreads of rubbish. This simple settlement constitu-
tion, and the evidence for crop processing, animal
tending (thick layers of dung within the settlement)
and obsidian manufacture interspersed amongst
houses, all support an interpretation of the site as an
elaborate village rather than as an urban settlement
with differentiated functions.
Certainly there must have been specialized func-
tions amongst the population at the site. The obsid-
ian mirrors and dagger blades would have required
a high degree of skill for example (Chapter 12). The
stone vessels and the beads obtained in exchange
may also indicate some degree of specialization. Con-
centrations of similar figurines in certain buildings
perhaps indicate specialized activities although the
variation may relate to abandonment processes (see
below).
The size of the site must not be exaggerated.
We have seen that at any one time not all of the site
may have been occupied and certainly the focus of
later occupation seems to have shifted away from
the northern eminence to the south and east. But
even in levels V and VI we must presume that large
areas of the site were given over to open areas for
refuse deposition etc .. In Chapter 7, R. Matthews
estimates total population figures for the eastern
mound ranging between 5000 and 10,000 persons.
Given that even within the built-up area houses may
have gone in and out of use, and given that the
361
'houses' may have included buildings with a wide
range of functions, the population, even at its maxi-
mum extent, may have been well below 5000.
In considering the artefacts from the buildings
excavated in the 1960s (Chapters 9 to 13), consider-
able caution must be exercised. The records avail-
able are lacking in detail; they are often incomplete
and inconsistent. But even if full records were avail-
able, it is not clear what the occurrence of artefacts in
buildings represents. The study of floors in sections
has demonstrated that they are normally swept scru-
pulously clean. Burnt buildings have often been
cleared out prior to a controlled process of burning.
Even in cases where accidental fires have trapped
artefacts on floors, it is unclear what the artefacts in
room 'fill' represent. Artefacts in fill deposits may
derive from the roof of a building, but they may also
derive from general surrounding deposits. The
micromorphology and study of the sections (Chap-
ters 14 & 15) have demonstrated a variety of proc-
esses leading to room infill.
It might thus be surprising if any correlations
between buildings and their contents could be
gleaned from the museum material. Nevertheless,
some initial indications of patterning can be observed
which will need to be explored during the excava-
tion phase.
The symbolic importance of the house in con-
trast to areas outside the house is indicated by the
prevalence of human or schematic figurines inside,
and animal or humanoid outside (Chapter 12).
Initial indications are that the fine bifacially
flaked obsidian points are concentrated in the more
elaborate 'shrine' buildings (Chapter 10). The fact
that cores too concentrate in the more elaborate build-
ings suggests some preferential access to or involve-
ment in obsidian. It is, of course, possible that this
type of patterning is the result of biasses in the col-
lection of data in the 1960s - for example, perhaps
greater effort was put into the recovery and record-
ing of artefacts in buildings thought to be 'shrines'.
Only further excavation can resolve such problems.
But for the moment, the data do suggest some corre-
lations between elaborate buildings, cores and
bifacially flaked obsidian artefacts. Given that many
non-complex buildings also have these artefacts, we
cannot argue for total control of production by an
elite. Rather, the picture is one of preferential access
and involvement.
The ceramic material does not indicate clear
repeated differences between the architecturally more
and less complex buildings. Although assemblage
composition does vary with architectural complexity,
 Ian Hodder
the nature of the difference is itself variable. How-
ever, there is some indication that the more elabo-
rate buildings are also the most 'progressive' in that
they contain innovative or unusual ceramic forms
(Chapter 9).
The largest numbers of figurines come from
very elaborate buildings, but on the other hand many
complex buildings have no figurines and many figu-
rines derive from non-complex buildings (Chapter
12).
Wason (1994) has argued for a low-level of so-
cial inequality at ~atalhoyiik based on the variation
in buildings and burials. He suggests that the pres-
ence of well-furnished child burials indicates some
degree of hereditary status. However, he notes that
there is no simple relation between 'rich' burials and
elaborate buildings. As Mellaart (1967, 82) points
out 'there is no relation between the size of a build-
ing or the abundance of its decoration and the pov-
erty or richness of the burial gifts of the dead below
its platforms' (see also Hamilton, Chapter 12).
The faunal evidence surviving from the 1960s'
excavations is not adequate to allow variation be-
tween building types to be studied. But a lack of
clear distinction between 'shrine' and 'non-shrine' is
also suggested by the initial micromorphological
work, which indicates that in 'Shrine' VIII.25 there
were multiple activities relating to probable resi-
dence and burial of the dead (W. Matthews, Chapter
15). The fire-installations in the building appear to
have been in constant use, and there is a continuous
accumulation of thin well-maintained plaster floors
with thin layers of occupation deposits which in-
clude some Gramineae and, next to the fire-installa-
tions, bone, organic aggregates and charred wood.
Burials occurred at several stages in the lifetime of
the building.
Even on the cleaner (more formal or 'ritual')
floors in the section 3 building (W. Matthews, Chap-
ter 15) dung pellet fragments of herbivores were
found. This evidence indicates that at least young
animals were brought into even more elaborate build-
ings, and it serves further to blur the distinction
between 'shrines' and 'non-shrines'. Reconsideration
of the 1960s' data has indicated no clear separation
between 'shrines' and 'non-shrines'. The complexity
graphs in Figures 1.3 to 1.7 indicate a continuum of
variation between more and less complex buildings
in terms of architecture and internal fittings.
The scraping (Fig. 7.3) indicates an overall dif-
ference between more and less elaborate buildings.
More elaborate buildings on the northern eminence
362
include 70-72 with a plaster feature in the centre of
the north wall and 86-88-89 with a large pair of
cattle horns in space 89. This suggests that 'shrines'
are not confined to the area excavated by Mellaart.
The overall accretionary or organic process is clear
in a number of ways. No two buildings in the north-
ern scraped area in Figure 7.3 are identical. The over-
all impression is of buildings packed against each
other so that all available space was used in an accre-
tionary and opportunistic manner. Some of the
stratigraphical evidence too (Chapter 14) suggests
that buildings might be added next to earlier ones as
part of the gradual growth of the mound. All this
appears to suggest a decentralized pattern of growth
and organization, within which differences can be
identified between more or less elaborate buildings,
and which is also structured by general requirements
such as drainage and access.
The microstratigraphic evidence (Chapter 15)
has distinguished two types of occupation within
buildings, although these types can both occur within
one building and do not correlate in any simple way
with 'shrine' versus 'non-shrine'. One of the most
distinguishing characteristics is the presence or ab-
sence of finishing coats of white plaster on the floors.
Where such finishing coats occur, overlying occupa-
tion deposits are very thin or absent. Such floors
occur in rooms with elaborate sculpture or painting.
Where there are no finishing coats of white plaster
on the floors, the overlying occupation deposits are
generally thicker and include a wider range of 'refuse'
such as burnt and unburnt organic and inorganic
aggregates, small fragments of bone, charred cereal
grain fragments, silicified plant remains, melted silica,
charred wood, and calcitic ashes.
It is too early to be able to classify such differ-
ences as ritual and domestic. We need much more
detailed contextual understanding of the use of space
at ~atalhoyiik before variation in the amount of oc-
cupation debris left on floors can be understood.
But, for the moment, it is clear that although differ-
ences between buildings which are more or less com-
plex architecturally can be identified, there is no
overall and absolute separation of functions which
might be termed ritual ('shrine') versus domestic
('non-shrine'). A general lack of clear rules or struc-
tures is suggested by Hamilton (Chapter 12) in rela-
tion to both the spatial patterning of burials in houses
and the relationships between the sex and artefact
associations of burials. The overall fluid structure of
the occupation is also seen in changes of use of space
over time.
 Conclusions
Change through time
The mound at <;atalhoyuk is approximately 23 m
high (including the unexcavated lowest levels and
those below the level of the present plain). It was
thought by Mellaart to be divided into 12 levels,
with further unexcavated levels below.
In terms of overall change, the work on the
museum collections has provided useful results. Clear
ceramic sequences have been identified for the first
time. In the lowest levels, thick, low-fired and usu-
ally vegetable tempered pottery is found. From level
VIII this begins to be replaced by a thin, dark-faced
pottery and increasing numbers of closed forms
which reach a peak in level V. Above this, open
forms increase and there is a wider variety of types.
The obsidian indicates a trend from a flake-based to
a blade industry; there is also a potential decrease
through time in the prevalence of complete bifacial
retouch. Another possible trend through time is that
clay balls appear to be concentrated in the lower
levels (Chapter 12), whereas figurine representations
of women perhaps increase through time.
All this might be seen as confirming the overall
division of the east mound sequence into a series of
distinct levels. There is some evidence (Chapter 14)
that adjacent buildings used similar bricks as they
moved from phase to phase in concert. However, as
Matthews and Farid (Chapter 14) point out the
stratigraphic evidence is unclear except over small
areas. It remains possible that the overall stratigraphy
of the site is built up from small-scale, relatively
independent sequences of individual buildings. In
some cases there is clear evidence for organic (var-
ied) and independent growth and transformation of
buildings. The rarity of party walls at the site is
perhaps explained by the independence of each build-
ing - each architectural cell being repaired and re-
built separately.
In at least one building identified in section 3
there is clear indication of a change of use (W.
Matthews, Chapter 15). On the earlier floors there is
a wide range of domestic activities. After cutting a
burial through these earlier floors, the building is
used for a narrower range of activities and there is
evidence for 'ritual' features. The idea will be ex-
plored in future seasons that at least some buildings
go through a cycle of use from domestic to ancestral
shrine. The differences beween 'shrine' and 'non-
shrine' on the site may be as much temporal as spatial.
In the Mellaart area, 'doors' and crawlholes had
been blocked (Chapter 14). This blocking was often
363
not seen by Mellaart because he did not systemati-
cally remove plaster from the walls. The presence of
a 'door' between Houses 2 and 12 suggests that roof
entry may not have been the only form of access, at
least in some houses. The blocking of entrances may
have been a constructional feature, or it may have
been associated with the change in use of buildings
from domestic to (ancestral) ritual.
The notion of cycles of house use is re-inforced
by an observation of Mellaart (1966, 182-3) concern-
ing two burials in the 'Red Shrine' (VIII.31). 'What is
clear is that these two burials took place before the
erection of the shrine and the unusual features, the
painted platform and the orange panel with libation
hole, mark the position of the graves.' Mellaart (1966,
182-3) suggests that the building was constructed
over the burials, in memory of the interred.
The placing of animal and other figurines in the
walls of at least some buildings (Chapter 12) might
at least indicate a symbolic importance attached to
the construction of house walls. The overall impres-
sion is of an extremely complex and varied set of
processes by which buildings were built, used and
(as we shall see below) abandoned. The stratigraphy
is built up as a product of these intentional and
varied strategies.
Stratigraphy as a social process
Last (Chapter 9) suggests an emulative process by
which certain more elaborate buildings take the lead
in a ceramic 'style wars'. Given the apparently low
degree of social complexity at the site (Chapter 12),
symbolic competition could have been an important
process for creating social distinction. But was the
maintenance of a more elaborate building over time
also a matter of mobilizing resources? The lithics
suggest this may have been the case in that more
elaborate buildings demonstrate access to more com-
plex technologies (Chapter 10).
If the more elaborate buildings entail greater
mobilization of labour, both in construction (archi-
tectural complexity) and use, to what extent was it
possible to pass on privileged access to labour from
generation to generation? Were more elaborate build-
ings in one phase replaced by more elaborate build-
ings in the next? How structured and institutionalized
was power?
To begin to answer these questions it is possi-
ble to return to the Mellaart data. There are many
difficulties in evaluating the degree of continuity
between houses. Perhaps the most important is that
 Ian Hodder

different areas of the site were excavated at different continuities in buildings and the numbers of conti-
levels, and the recording of each level is uneven. nuities in elaborate and non-elaborate buildings. It
Nevertheless, the degree of continuity between lev- is apparent from this table that, of all the buildings
els is remarkable. Walls are built on previous walls in level n that can be seen as continuing in plan from
wherever possible (Chapter 14). There is some sub- level n-1, the vast majority retain the same classifica-
division and redefinition of space but very little tion as either elaborate or non-elaborate (in the terms
change in house lay-out. The very high degree of just defined).
continuity might be the product of building prac- This stability in the use of space is also seen in
tices in that, without the use of stone foundations, Table 19.2. Here the percentages of elaborate build-
mud-brick walls were best built on previous mud- ings that continue as elaborate buildings from the
brick walls. previous phase (n-1), or that continue into the next
But walls were often not rebuilt completely. It phase (n+ 1) are shown. Given that, as already noted
has become clear in the Mellaart area that the re- different parts of the site were excavated in each
building of walls often occurred in a gradual way, level, the degree of continuity in the location of elabo-
with only the upper parts of the walls repaired (Chap- rate buildings is remarkable.
ter 14). Thus the floor of, say, a level VIII room might In small parts of the area excavated by Mellaart,
be several metres below its corresponding phase of buildings can be followed through multiple levels.
upper walling. A wall might thus have overhangs as Here again, the degree of stability in the continued
a result of inaccurate alignment on earlier walls, with reconstruction of elaborate buildings is striking. For
the join plastered over (Chapter 14). example, E8 continues in use as an elaborate build-
Nevertheless, there are changes in the use of ing through 5 levels (VIII to V where it is renamed
space through time, even if walls themselves are E6). E14 is another elaborate building which contin-
continually rebuilt. Thus, buildings become used as ues through these 5 levels. Several other elaborate
open areas for refuse and vice versa. Buildings be- buildings continue through at least 3 or 4 levels (E1,
come more or less complex. In order to evaluate the ElO, E12, E4).
degree of continuity between levels in the location of In overall terms there is a high degree of
the more elaborate ('shrine'-like) buildings, a more consistancy or 'routinization' that cuts across 'lev-
elaborate or complex building was defined as one in els'. There are also specific continuities through time
the upper third of the complexity variation in Figures in the depositional practices found in particular build-
1.3 to 1.7. The following table shows the numbers of ings and in the art. For example, from level XII to
VIII building 29 was the focus for the deposition of
Table 19.1. The degree of continuity of elaborate and non-elaborate ceramics within the area excavated by Mellaart (Last,
buildings between different levels. Chapter 9). As regards the art, Dorothy Cameron
Levels
(pers. comm.) has noted a number of specific conti-
VIII-VII VII-VIB VIB-VIA VIA-V V-IV nuities in the motifs used from level to level in one
Number of continuities building. Certainly the elaborate building E10 has
of building 9 27 33 8 3
very similar bull and 'goddess' sculpture in VIB and
Number of continuities of
elaborate buildings 2 7 15 3 0 VIA. There are also continuities from VII to V in E1
Number of continuities in and E8, especially when contrasted with very differ-
non-elaborate buildings 5 12 17 0 2 ent painting in a different area at FV.l.
Given all this evidence for the handing on of
Table 19.2. The percentage of elaborate buildings in level n that resources, we might expect a great emphasis on an-
continue as elaborate buildings (a) from level n-1, and (b) to level cestor cults- that is cults which legitimate an indi-
n+l. vidual's access to certain stable and institutionalized
(a) VIII VII VIB VIA v IV rights. Indeed, many of the activities and art within
Number of elaborate
buildings 13 19 15 6 4
the buildings can be interpreted in terms of links
Number of elaborate with past inhabitants of buildings. For example, the
buildings which continue 2 7 14 3 2
Per cent 15 37 93 50 50 location of burials below platforms within buildings
(b)
links present inhabitants with the ancestors. The over-
Number of elaborate all focus on death and death rituals in the art (e.g.
buildings 4 13 19 15 6
Number of elaborate the vulture paintings) perhaps points in a similar
buildings which continue 2 7 15 5 2
Per cent 50 53 79 33 33
direction. The evidence of figurines with removable
heads perhaps suggests some link with death too,

364
 Conclusions
since headless figures are shown in the vulture paint-
ings. The association between women and danger-
ous wild animals has often been interpreted in terms
of some form of death and renewal symbolism. A
concern with continuity is perhaps also seen in aban-
donment rituals
Abandonment rituals?
Matthews and Farid identify four ways in which
buildings were infilled. The first involves burning
and infill with burnt structural debris. They note
that this is often localized and structured, suggest-
ing possibly ritual 'cleansing' or 'closing-off'. R.
Matthews (Chapter 7) notes local areas of burning in
the northern scraped area, and suggests a strictly
controlled use of fire within discrete buildings. The
second type of infill involves deposits with mud
brick and plaster relief fragments. Mellaart (1964)
had already suggested a deliberate process of aban-
donment in such cases. The third and fourth types of
infill sometimes involve short deliberate acts of depo-
sition of mineral sediments or refuse.
The recovery of groups of figurines on the floors
in a number of more complex and burnt rooms may
be interpreted as part of an abandonment ritual
(Hamilton, Chapter 12). The remarkably clean floors
(as confirmed in the micromorphological analysis)
also could be taken as indicating the deliberate na-
ture of the abandonment process.
Conclusion
We might end on a note of conjecture- a luxury
perhaps justified by our continued involvement in
an excavation project which over the long term might
allow us to answer some of the questions that have
been raised. The conjecture concerns change through
time. Mellaart (1966, 168) argued that there were
party walls in levels XII and XI. These rarely occur
higher in the sequence. While there are good struc-
tural reasons to support one house and roof against
another, the problem could have been solved, as it is
today in the region, by simply building thicker walls.
That separate thin double walls were retained im-
plies some concern with identifying one's own
boundaries. This emphasis on separate buildings is
supported by all the evidence for variability in lay-
out and contents of buildings. Mellaart (1966, 172)
also suggests that later levels (above VIB) were de-
stroyed in conflagrations. It has been suggested here
that much of this burning was controlled and ritual-
ized as part of abandonment procedures. It is
365
possible that through time, more and more effort
was invested in identifying separate households and
their ancestral rights.
A continuing process of competition is seen
through the sequence in ceramic innovation. But it is
perhaps also seen in the symbolic elaboration of
buildings. Returning to the complexity graphs in
Figures 1.3-1.7, it is evident that there is no overall
increase or decrease in the degree of difference be-
tween more and less elaborate buildings. A highly
differentiated set of buildings would have a concave
graph; less marked differentiation would result in a
smoother, more even graph. Looking though the se-
ries of graphs we see, if anything, a continual move-
ment back and forth between more and less
differentiated patterns. The lowest levels, especially
the first large sample in level VII, show smooth gra-
dations between more and less elaborate buildings.
But in VIB and VIA there are concave graphs and a
distinct, small group of very elaborate buildings can
be differentiated. In level V the graph smooths out
again, to be replaced in level IV by differentiation.
Level III shows a more even distribution of 'elabo-
rateness', which becomes more differentiated in level
II. It may well be that different parts of the site will
produce different sequences and it is likely that dif-
ferent measures of complexity will produce differ-
ent results. But the overall impression is of a
continually competitive and unstable process.
If, within this continual process, there is any
increased concern with access to rights, we might
expect to be able to see such changes within the
realms of production and the economy. The shift to
an obsidian blade technology in the upper levels
indicates social as much as technological changes.
Contextual analysis will be needed in order to see
whether this technological shift is related to increased
specialization of production. In Chapter 10 Conolly
suggests that, in terms of the distributions of obsid-
ian cores and bifaces, the differences between more
and less elaborate buildings become more marked in
the later levels. Economic changes through the se-
quence are very poorly understood and, as a result,
have not been discussed in this volume. One inter-
pretation of the faunal evidence is that cattle were
domesticated in the upper levels (Perkins 1969, 178),
although Ducos (1988) and Grigson (1989) have now
questioned the domestic status of the cattle. The in-
creasing investment in ceramics could be taken to
suggest an increasing specialization of production.
Hamilton (Chapter 12) notes possible changes in gen-
der roles or ideologies in the upper levels which
again may be related to increasing concerns about
 Ian Hodder
continuity, competition and ancestry in relation to
the house and domestic production and reproduction.
Overall, the tendency of our work so far has
been to demystify. By this I mean that the evidence
points to a relatively low level of socio-political com-
plexity. There is much variation from building to
building, but there are so far no clear public spaces
or ritual centres or specialized elites. On the other
hand, there is remarkable stability and continuity.
Long-term change occurs but within a continuity of
structure which is remarkable. Institutionalized dif-
ferentiation could be passed across the generations
with great efficiency. In understanding how this con-
tinuity of power was exercised, maintained and per-
haps increased through time we need to look into a
complex symbolic world in which the buildings were
the centre of rites of continuity and ancestors. We
may have demystified the site such that it looks
more like a large village than a town or urban centre.
But on the other hand, we are on the edge of a new
type of understanding of a mythical world deeply
embedded in a complex social system which bal-
ances somewhere between egalitarian and differen-
tiated, and which also transforms itself through time.
We struggle to reach understanding of something
which seems so unfamiliar- a large and complex
centre containing an enormous density of cultural
366
activity, and yet a way of life with the simplest of
structures. We struggle with the contradictions be-
tween stability and individual diversity, between
continuity and change, between egalitarian and
ranked. Demystification in one direction has only
opened up challenges in others.
References
Ducos, P., 1988. Archaeozoologie quantitative- les valeurs
numeriques a <;atal Huyak. (Les Cahiers du Quater-
naire.) Bordeaux: CNRS.
Grigson, C., 1989. Size and sex: evidence for the domesti-
cation of cattle in the Near East, in The Beginnings of
Agriculture, eds. A. Milles, D. Williams & N. Gardner.
Oxford: BAR, 77-109.
Helbaek, H., 1964. First impressions of the <:;atal Hiiyiik
plant husbandry. Anatolian Studies 14, 121-3.
Mellaart, J., 1966. Excavations at <:;a tal Hoyiik, fourth pre-
liminary report, 1965. Anatolian Studies 16, 165-91.
Mellaart, J., 1967. c;atal Hayak: a Neolithic Town in Anatolia.
London: Thames & Hudson.
Perkins, D., 1969. Fauna of <:;atal Hiiyiik: evidence for
early cattle domestication in Anatolia. Science 164,
177-9.
Rosen, A.M., 1986. Cities of Clay: the Geoarchaeology of Tells.
Chicago (IL): University of Chicago Press.
Wason, P.K., 1994. The Archaeology of Rank. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
On the surface: <;atalhoyiik 1993-95

After the excitement of its discovery and excavations in the early 1960s, the
world important site of <::atalhoyuk has remained dormant for 30 years. This
volume describes the first phase of renewed archaeological research at the site.
It reports on the work that has taken pla\e on the surfaces of the east and west
mounds and in the surrounding regions. It also discusses the material from
the 1960s' excavation in museums, which has been re-examined. The result is
that new perspectives can be offered on the internal organization and
symbolism of a site which is central to our understanding of the earliest
development of complex societies.

Editor:
Ian Hodder, Department of Archaeology, University of Cambridge,
Downing Street, Cambridge, CB2 3DZ.

Cover picture:
The number of wheel made sherds collected from each 2 x 2 m square on the east
mound, c;atalhoyiik.

Published jointly by the McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research, University of

Cambridge, Downing Street, Cambridge, CB2 3ER, and the British Institute of Archaeology
at Ankara, c/o British Academy, 20-21 Cornwall Terrace, London, NWl 4QP.

Printed by Short Run Press.

Distributed by Oxbow Books.

Cover design by Margaret Downmg.