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Abstract:
Scopus is a corporate-owned database of selected journals which they consider as high-
quality/top-caliber. It is owned by the Netherlands-based company Elsevier, and among
the typical bases of metrics used in global university rankings. As a result, Scopus-
centrism persists in the policies of Philippine universities and Philippine educational
and/or research agencies. In view of this, this paper is aimed at fulfilling the following
objectives: 1) present a critical introduction on Scopus and similar systems of abstract
and citation databases; 2) describe the dominance of Scopus-centrism among public
agencies and universities in the Philippines; and 3) present a critique of Scopus-centrism
in the Philippines. In general, this is a replication of Ramon Guillermo’s earlier study on
Institute for Scientific Information or ISI, published by Asian Studies in 2000.
1
This is a draft English version of the Filipino article “Bakit Dapat Manaliksik sa Filipino Ang Mga Pilipino?: Kritik sa
Scopus-sentrismo ng Mga Unibersidad at Ahensiyang PangEdukasyon at/o Pampananaliksik sa Pilipinas” published
in Malay 34(1) December 2021, pp. 47–64: https://www.dlsu.edu.ph/wp-
content/uploads/pdf/research/journals/malay/tomo-34/1/4-san-juan.pdf.
2
Category Criteria
Convincing editorial policy
Type of peer review
Diversity in geographical distribution of editors
Journal Policy Diversity in geographical distribution of authors
Academic contribution to the field
Clarity of abstracts
Quality of and conformity to the stated aims and
scope of the journal
Content Readability of articles
Citedness of journal articles in Scopus
Journal Standing Editor standing
Publishing Regularity No delays or interruptions in the publication schedule
Full journal content available online
English language journal home page available
Online Availability Quality of journal home page
Aside from Scopus, Web of Science (WoS) is another well-known research database
worldwide. Web of Science has been owned by Clarivate Analytics since October 2016.
It is listed on the New York Stock Exchange as CLVT. Its previous owner was Thomson
Reuters, and it started as the Institute for Scientific Information/ISI, also known as
Thomson ISI from 1992 to 2016. In relation to Thomson ISI, Guillermo’s earlier research
questioned and strongly opposed the excessive importance given by administrators of
the premier state university to ISI as the almost sole arbiter of high-quality research,
despite its Western orientation far removed from the realities and concerns of a former
colony. Such criticism is also valid when applied to Scopus-centrism, as discussed in this
paper.
3
There is a strong possibility that these incentives will increase in the coming years and
decades because CHED itself has a clear Scopus-centric direction, as evidenced by their
provision of incentives to publishers of journals listed in Scopus or those developing
journals to be included in its list. The said agency implemented the CHED Journal
Incentive Program (JIP) in accordance with CMO No. 53, S. of 2016. It covers the Journal
Challenge (JC) and Journal Incubation (JI). The JC is for journals already indexed in
Scopus or Web of Science, while the JI is for journals being developed to be included in
the Scopus or Web of Science list. According to the mentioned CMO, each JI grantee
received 500,000 pesos per year for three years, along with technical support from CHED,
while each JC grantee received 400,000 pesos per year for three years, also with
technical support from CHED.
Starting from December 1, 2018, CHED temporarily suspended the JIP, in line with a
memorandum dated November 29, 2018. Through a public Freedom of Information (FOI)
request sent to CHED on May 17, 2021, the author attempted to confirm the actual
2
Data is sourced from publicly accessible websites, except for the data regarding UST, which lacks publicly available
information, so it is based on the statement of an informant who’s a full-time faculty member of said institution (and
who prefers to remain anonymous).
5
funding given to each CHED-JIP grantee listed in CMO No. 50 & 66 s. 2017. Instead of
providing a direct answer, the FOI officer reiterated the public information stated in CMO
53, S. of 2016 in the correspondence dated May 27, 2021. The said FOI officer added
that “(t)he grants for 3 years for each grantee are subject to submission of
deliverables/targets listed in the CMO.” The details and thread of the FOI request can be
read on the Freedom of Information Philippines website.
In addition to CHED's Scopus-centric financial support and the cash incentives from
agencies and universities, another evidence of Scopus-centrism is the mention of Scopus
as one of the primary criteria for high-quality research. On the CHED website, one can
read this Scopus-centric analysis of the research situation in the country, which the
agency also uses as a justification to further promote Scopus-centrism: “...in 2015, only
28 out of 777 (3.6%) Philippine scientific and scholarly journals were able to make it into
the prestigious international collections of journals of Thompson Reuters’ Web of Science
(WoS) and Elsevier’s Scopus which proves that the country is far behind in science
publishing compared to its Asian neighbors and the rest of the world. CHED believes that
the inclusion of scholarly and scientific writings in these collections is not just a mark of
achievement but is also a factor in considering in terms of tenure, promotion, and other
scholarly recognitions.”
One of the declared goals of the Research Management Office of the Polytechnic
University of the Philippines (PUP) is to increase the number of articles published in
Scopus: “To exponentially increase the CHED-recognized/ISI/Scopus-indexed research
presentation and publications of all faculty and employees in all campuses and branches
of the University.” This is similar to the declared goal of the University Journal Publication
(UJP) of Bulacan State University/BulSU: “This journal aims to upgrade itself as a
Philippine journal towards the path to meet even just the minimum generally accepted
standards for Scopus, Web of Science indexability, and ASEAN Citation Index.” From the
public University Research Agenda of DLSU-Dasmariñas, one can also observe a similar
Scopus-centric declaration: “In the past five years, there has been a dramatic increase in
the number of publications by the university’s faculty researchers in journals that are listed
in Thomson Reuters and SCOPUS... it is now the goal of the university to raise its
publication performance...”
It is not surprising that publishing in Scopus-listed journals is included by universities in
their research agendas because the dominant university rankings also promote Scopus-
centrism. For example, in “THE World University Rankings 2020: methodology,” it is
directly mentioned that the Scopus database is the primary source for measuring
research productivity of ranked universities. Their rival, QS, also states in their “QS World
University Rankings–Methodology” (one of their quality metrics is “Citations per faculty”)
that the data is also from Scopus.
Based on the document review conducted, it is clear that Scopus-centrism is now a policy
preference for CHED, NRCP, DOST, and other government agencies. It is also a clear
6
preference of the top universities in the country. As a result, publishing in journals listed
in Scopus and similar entities (especially those in Clarivate Analytics or ISI) is gradually
becoming a preference, if not a primary criterion, for many universities in the Philippines,
whether for incentivizing their teachers or for faculty promotion and career advancement.
publication, you will be asked to pay Article Publication Fee and an optional payment of
PhP 800 (for Filipino Authors) and USD80 (for foreign authors) for Printing and Shipping
of the Journal per copy.”
Around 2014, on an old official website (Google site) of APJMR, a similar declaration of
“Publication Fee” was also posted: “If the paper is accepted for publication, you will be
asked to pay article publication fee of PhP 1,800 (for Filipino Authors) and USD50 (for
foreign authors) per paper not more than 5,000 words for both single and multiple authors.
Fee for each additional word is USD0.02. An optional payment of PhP 700.00 (Filipino
Authors) and USD70 (Foreign Authors) for Printing and Shipping of the Journal per
issue...You can also send your payment through PayPal using the Account Name:...with
additional charge of US$5 with the total of US$55 for online publication and US$125 for
Online and Print” (“PUBLICATION CHARGES”).
Considering that the journal is university-affiliated based on the ISSN database, there
should be no need for them to charge a publication fee since their university provides
funding. As of last check, their official website still states that they are the “Commission
on Higher Education Recognized Research Journal Incubation Grant for 2017–2019,”
although last November 29, 2018, CHED issued a memorandum declaring that the
CHED-JIP was “temporarily placed on hold starting December 1, 2018.” There is no public
reference indicating whether this journal received the full allocation of 400,000 pesos per
year for each CHED JI grantee (totaling 800,000 pesos because the program was
suspended in its second year), but there is sufficient evidence to assume that they did
receive the allocation based on their website’s display of the grant (refer to Fig. 1). Being
a CHED JI grantee automatically lends prestige to the journal, which could be a possible
reason for its extensive readership in a local database (refer to Fig. 4) and naturally
attracts teachers planning to submit articles to it.
It is also a red flag that there are journal articles about Tanzania, Nigeria, Kenya, and
other countries, even though the journal’s name does not cover the African continent
(although there are names in the editorial board from some African countries). There is
also no declared focus on subject matter and geographical area in the Author Guidelines
(it appears that they accept any topic from any country based on the lack of detail in this
aspect). Despite these red flags, this journal is still indexed in the ASEAN Citation Index
(a prestigious citation index, similar to Scopus but specific to Southeast Asia) up to the
time that the original Filipino version of this paper was published in 2022 (antedated as
2021 by the journal).
The red flags observed in the analysis of available information regarding APJMR are
evidence that there is no perfect process for screening/selecting journals for databases,
programs, grants, etc. If this happens in the selection process of a national agency, there
is a greater chance that it can also occur in larger databases. Therefore, one should not
blindly trust databases, whether they are large or small. Instead, it is better to carefully
evaluate each journal before submission.
The earlier critique by Guillermo (147) on ISI is still applicable to Scopus in general: “Will
the development of science in countries like the Philippines be pursued if the main
directions of scientific research are determined and dictated by countries that dominate
the world? ... No other group of scientists and experts can judge – not only on matters
related to quality but also significance of – any research conducted here in the Philippines,
if not specifically about the Philippines, other than Filipino academics themselves... The
constant search for the approval of former Colonial Masters in all ‘indigenous’ intellectual
activities is a classic symptom of colonial mentality.”
Curry & Lillis: “...achieving these valued English-medium publications adds burdens to
the work of many multilingual scholars. And no, they can’t just get their work translated—
even if scholars have funds for translation (which is expensive), it’s virtually impossible
for most scholars to find translators who have a high level of academic English and know
both the disciplinary content and the rhetorical conventions of academic journal articles...
policy makers and administrators often lack an understanding of what's needed for
English-medium publishing: financial resources to conduct research and attend
conferences to share knowledge and build networks, time to write, and funds to pay for
editing support for English text production.” They further added that the dominance of
English also contributes to the loss of local knowledge in local languages due to the taboo
against dual publishing: “Another consequence of the global push to publish research in
English is the loss of knowledge locally, as it may not also become available in local
languages given the taboo against ‘dual publishing’ of research. Not all local scholars or
students speak or read English, so exporting research produced in local contexts for
global, English-speaking audiences may hinder the development of local research
cultures and societies more broadly. And while English has long been the dominant (but
not only) language in scientific journals, pressures for English are now reaching social
sciences and humanities scholars. As a result, scholars who write about, for example,
Hungarian history are now being pushed to publish in English, even though a large part
of their research community is likely to be local or regional.” In the Philippines, this is
equivalent to Filipino researchers being obliged to write in English even if their topics are
about indigenous life in the Philippines or the lives and struggles of workers and farmers,
for example—topics that should be written in their own language if the main purpose of
research is to contribute to the community from which the data originated. Scientists and
researchers in science and technology are particularly affected by this reality, as English
is almost automatically used in research, also due to the global hegemony of English as
the language of science (Elnathan). Therefore, it remains a significant challenge for
Filipino scientists and science communicators to gradually bring their research closer to
the communities of the country by using local languages in their researches (Navarrio &
McKinnon).
journals listed in Table 3 are not monolingual in Filipino (unlike, for example, Malay journal
from DLSU or Daluyan from the Sentro ng Wikang Filipino/Center for Filipino Language
of the University of the Philippines, or Filipinolohiya from the Polytechnic University of the
Philippines, or Hasaan from the University of Santo Tomas), but instead have a bilingual
policy (accepting articles in English or in Filipino). In this context, Scopus-centrism is
tantamount to the automatic institutionalization of English hegemony – of English as the
dominant language of research – in the Philippines and the prioritization of the problems
and research agenda of foreign journals. Due to the lack of Filipino journals listed in
Scopus and the Scopus-centrism of universities, Filipino researchers are compelled to
align their researches with the problems and agendas of foreign journals just to be able
to publish in journals listed in Scopus, which can further marginalize the community-based
direction of developing countries’ own problems and research agendas, or lead to a very
ironic and unfortunate (if not self-defeating) situation where Filipino researchers continue
to discuss local issues and realities but in a language that most Filipinos do not typically
use.
Journal Name Publisher
1. Acta Medica Philippina University of the Philippines at Manila
2. Asia Life Sciences Asia Life Sciences
3. Asia-Pacific Social Science Review De La Salle University
4. DLSU Business and Economics Review De La Salle University
5. Humanities Diliman University of the Philippines
6. Journal of the International Society for International Society for Southeast Asian Agricultural
Southeast Asian Agricultural Sciences Sciences
7. Journal of Environmental Science and University of the Philippines at Los Baños
Management
8. Journal of the ASEAN Federation of ASEAN Federation of Endocrine Societies (AFES)
Endocrine Societies
9. Kritike Department of Philosophy, University of Santo
Tomas
10. Kritika Kultura Ateneo de Manila University Press
11. Mindanao Journal of Science and University of Science and Technology of Southern
Technology Philippines Press
12. Philippine Statistician Philippine Statistical Association
13. Philippine Studies: Historical and Ateneo de Manila University Press
Ethnographic Viewpoints
14. Phillippine Journal of Internal Medicine Philippine College of Physicians
15. Philippine Journal of Systematic Biology Association of Systematic Biologists of the Philippine
16. Philippine Journal of Veterinary Medicine University of the Philippines
17. Philippine Journal of Science Department of Science and Technology
21. Western Pacific surveillance and response World Health Organization Regional Office for the
journal : WPSAR Western Pacific
12
Table 3. Scopus-Listed Journals Published by Entities in the Philippines (Journals that Accept
Articles Written in the Filipino Language Are Set in Bold)
(Source: Author’s comparative analysis of SCImago data and downloadable data from Scopus as of April
2021, from the Elsevier website. In the SCImago list, there are 27 journals listed in the Philippines’ “Country
Rank.” However, some journals listed by SCImago are marked as “coverage discontinued in Scopus” as of
the actual year of publication of the original Filipino version of this paper (2022; antedated as 2021 by the
journal), such as the Philippine Journal of Nursing, or they are no longer published by a Philippine-based
official publisher, such as the Philippine Political Science Journal, which is published by Taylor & Francis,
a UK-headquartered company, as stated in the Scopus database (but the original registration of the print
issue is in the Philippines), or the Asia-Pacific Education Researcher, which is published by Springer
Nature, also a UK-headquartered company, as stated in the Scopus database (but the original registration
of the print and online issue is in the Philippines as well). As a result, only 21 journals were included in the
list created by the researcher. The details and impact of changes in the “official publisher” of some journals
originally registered by Philippine origanizations/entities could be a good topic for a separate paper.)
declared preference for “international” publications, which are usually synonymous with
publications in English. In connection with the third point mentioned, Filipino
teachers/researchers in disciplines such as Philippine Studies, Philippine History,
Philippine Literature, Indigenous Studies, and related fields are often compelled, against
common sense, to write in English or write more in English.
There will come a point where we will lose expert researchers in Philippine Studies and
other disciplines who are still proficient in writing in Filipino. We will also reach a point
where we will lose Filipino expert researchers in Southeast Asian Studies who are
proficient in writing in Filipino (in other words, Southeast Asian Studies in the Philippines
will only be conducted in English, which should not happen). In that case, since the use
of local languages will still prevail in data collection in the country (because 99% of
Filipinos are not English speakers), research in the Philippines or about the Philippines
will become COSTLIER and SLOWER. For example, questionnaires or FGD questions
will first need to be translated into Filipino or other local languages; then, there may be
interpreters during the actual conduct of the survey or FGD; and someone will need to
transcribe and translate the transcript, among other tasks. It will also come to a point
where the research participants (ordinary Filipinos) will not even be able to read or benefit
from research about them or produced by them.
in which they published. It is ironic that a publication that can be considered government-
/Filipino people-funded is not easily accessible to the public due to the Elsevier’s system
of commodifying research. Access to this article costs $41.95 (“for academic use”). Many
critics have exposed this exploitative system of the academic publishing industry, where
the workers, mostly underpaid teachers, contribute their articles that generate huge profits
for corporations like Elsevier, which then resell the research to universities whose
teachers produced the research in the first place, through subscription fees (Buranyi;
Fox). The data from MIT Libraries reveals the extent of corporate profits in this system:
“Elsevier is one of the largest publishers of scholarly journals in the world, publishing more
than 2,600 titles. Other large publishers are Taylor & Francis, Springer, and Wiley. RELX,
the parent company of Elsevier, had revenues of US $9.8 billion in 2019. (Elsevier's profits
account for about 34% of RELX's total profits.) By contrast, Informa, Taylor & Francis’
parent company, had revenues of US $3.6 billion in 2019. RELX reports its profit margins
at 31.3% for 2018.” Even during the pandemic, the mother company of Elsevier continued
to amass profits. It distributed £1.224 billion (82.4 billion pesos) to its shareholders in
2020 (Figure 3).
In March 2021, the Department of Science and Technology (DOST) of the Philippines
renewed its “journal access subscription” with Elsevier (“DOST renews journal access
subscription with Elsevier”). There were no publicly available documents regarding the
government expenses related to this subscription, so the researcher decided to obtain
the data by filing a public Freedom of Information (FOI) request on May 15, 2021. Initially,
the FOI officer did not provide a positive response, prompting the researcher to appeal to
the DOST authority following the process outlined in the FOI officer’s response. On May
29, 2021, the researcher received a letter from DOST via email. The said letter contained
the data (Table 4) initially requested through the public FOI request, which can also be
found on the FOI Philippines website. According to the letter signed by Mr. Alan C. Taule,
“The DOST-PCIEERD started subscribing Journal subscription from Elsevier and other
similar companies only in 2018... The grand total cost of DOST's Journal Subscription
from 2018 to 2021 is $1,008,385.00.”
16
more cost-effective to invest in the work covered by authors, universities, etc., as Neylon's
research has demonstrated.
Fifth point, it is the OBLIGATION of Filipino researchers to provide some form of service
back to the community, even just through research, to the nation that has funded the
education of many of them through the recently implemented free tuition scheme in public
universities and/or through scholarships in various universities, and considering that the
Philippine government has also allotted millions of pesos in direct and indirect grants to
private universities (from E-GASTPE and research grants to the voucher system and
Tertiary Education Subsidy/TES). In short, writing in the language of the people is a way
of expressing gratitude to the national community that subsidized the Filipino researchers’
education and/or researches.
The sixth point is that writing in the national language contributes to strengthening the
national language, which is an important element in social cohesion, especially in the
context of our multicultural, multilingual, and neocolonial country. The seventh point is
that the majority of data collected in communities across the country is in the local
language, so it is only fitting to “give back” the data in the form of researches written in
the local languages—at the very least, in Filipino. The eighth point is that almost all
journals in Filipino and bilingual journals that accept Filipino articles are open access and
freely available for all readers, contributing more to the dissemination of knowledge,
unlike many foreign-language journals that require payment for access. In the spirit of all
the points discussed, it is only right to gradually break the hegemony of English language-
dominated Scopus-centrism in universities and educational and research agencies in the
country by continuing to write in our own languages.
completely rejecting Scopus-centrism, the author also proposes taking the middle path
that considers the progressive possibilities of Scopus-centrism, aligning with the rapid
advancement of the national language according to the standards of “global
competitiveness” and actively participating in the nationalist and populist project of writing
more researches in the language of the people. The dominance of English as the
language of research – and in academia, especially in higher education – in the
Philippines has been unchallenged for a long time, due to the colonial—and now
neocolonial—language policy implemented by the government. Thus, it poses a
significant challenge for advocates of the Filipino language and journals that publish in
Filipino to try to capitalize on the potential of Scopus-centrism and gradually gain
recognition and support from educational agencies and universities for research written
in our own language.
One concrete step that Filipino journals can take is to initiate benchmarking (and if
possible, mentoring) with Scopus-listed journals in the Philippines. This benchmarking
can draw from the experience of Thailand in developing a national citation index
(https://tci-thailand.org/eng/), which measures research impact based on international
database indicators. In connection with this, the Andrew Gonzalez Philippine Citation
Index (AGPCI) initiative, the widest “journal indexing and citation database” for Philippine
journals (http://agpci.dlsu.edu.ph/home), started by De La Salle University, is
commendable. Such projects primarily focused on strengthening the quality of research
within the country can help ensure that local journals are guided and gradually directed
towards higher global standards by featuring local journals that serve as pioneers or
models in terms of caliber and quality. In this spirit, these projects can also contribute to
the strengthening of the “self-sustaining communicative community in the discipline of
Philippine Studies” (Guillermo), promoting and fostering national and inter-regional
discourse and discussions focused on the issues, interests, realities, and contexts of
Filipino communities within and outside the Philippines.
The standards of Scopus are indeed high in terms of the quality of articles, the quality of
editors and reviewers, the regular publication of journals on schedule, and other factors.
However, it is possible to achieve these standards, as proven by the journals in the
Philippines that have crossed the Scopus threshold or have reached the standards of
AGPCI, ASEAN Citation Index, and other similar national and regional databases. The
quality of submitted articles can be improved through regular journal writeshops and
partnerships between universities with graduate programs and professional organizations
that also publish journals. Meanwhile, the quality of editors and reviewers can be
enhanced by expanding the network of journals within and outside the Philippines. This
can be facilitated by the establishment of a local consortium or organization of journals
publishing in Filipino, as well as collaboration with Filipino intellectuals and professors in
foreign universities who have extensive experience and international prestige.
20
Meanwhile, ensuring the regular release of issues can be achieved through dedicated
support personnel solely focused on journal operations, in addition to an editorial board
typically composed of full-time professors who are also busy with their respective
institutions. For journals managed by universities, it is recommended to provide deloading
to teachers with journal assignments as editors. The Commission on Higher Education
(CHED) and other national agencies such as the Komisyon sa Wikang
Filipino/Commission on the Filipino Language (KWF) and the National Commission for
Culture and the Arts (NCCA) can provide grants to these journals for employing support
personnel. CHED can also consider allocating grants that can be used to provide financial
incentives to journal reviewers. If CHED and other agencies can allocate sufficient funds
for these purposes, it will undoubtedly accelerate the improvement and elevation of the
quality of Filipino journals, and it will also facilitate the increase in the number of local
journals listed in Scopus. To achieve this, it is necessary to encourage the national
government to increase the budget for Research & Development (R&D), approaching the
R&D budget of regional research powerhouses such as Singapore. The Philippines still
has a long way to go in this crucial aspect because, based on World Bank data, Singapore
allocates nearly 2% of its GDP to R&D, while the Philippines only allocates 0.2% of its
GDP.
To effectively assist universities in the intelligent and efficient use of larger public funding
for R&D, the leading universities in each region of the country can consider collaborating
in the transition towards becoming research universities that also promote the use of the
local language in research and consider local and national research agendas, through
any model suitable for their respective contexts (Demeterio and Felicilda 17–19). Through
this transition, the capability and confidence of local universities can be gradually
strengthened in establishing their own research standards that contribute to improving
the lives of communities in the country and society as a whole, free from the control of
corporations focused solely on private profit.
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