1976 - Magdalena Tatár - Two Mongol Texts Concerning The Cult of The Mountains

TWO MONGOL TEXTS CONCERNING THE CULT OF THE MOUNTAINS
Author(s): MAGDALENA TATÁR

Source: Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae , 1976, Vol. 30, No. 1 (1976),
pp. 1-58
Published by: Akadémiai Kiadó
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/23657243
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Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hung. Tomus XXX (1), pp. 1 — 58 (19 76)
TWO MONGOL TEXTS CONCERNING THE CULT

OF THE MOUNTAINS
BY
MAGDALENA TATAR
The cuit of the sacred mountains plays an important pa

golian populär cults. The worship of the sky and the earth i
origin but after the spread of Buddhism in addition to the sky
other natural powers, so called «master-spirits», continued t
shipped. The latter included one particularly interesting cult, th
tains, the popularity of which would, in itself, give enough gro
ing attention. The masters of sacred mountains were so greatly
in some areas they were thought to be equal with the sky an
grouped together under the name of trinity.1
The worship of the mountains is not only confined to
but is widely practised by Siberian peoples as well as Indian
Chinese, whose influence on the Mongols must be taken into
When Lamaism was propagated its propagators not only said
was not the true religion and that its bloody sacrifices were
1 The sky and the earth are two deities, between which a comparison has often
been drawn; they are already mentioned in the Orkhon inscriptions, Rannstedt, Zwei
uigurische Runeninschriften in der Nord-Mongolei (Helsinki 1913), pp. 17 —18, 29—30. They
frequently come up in Mongolian prayers, too, cf. e.g. Rintchen, Les matériaux pour l'étude
du chamanisme mongol I (Wiesbaden 1959), p. 57. In some région white horses were
sacrificed to the sky and black cattle to the earth; Heissig, A Mongolian Source to the
Lamaist Suppression of Shamanism in the 1 Ith Century: Anthropos 48 (1953) p. 493. On
trinity see Schröder, Zur Religion der Tujen des Siningqebiet (Kukunor): Anthropos XXXX
(1952, 1953), pp. 218, 229.
2 The cuit in Siberia was, in fact, Shamanistic, Harva, Die religiösen Vorstellungen
der altaischen Völker (Helsinki 1938), p. 246, Radloff,.4wsSibirien II (Leipzig 1893) pp. 8—9,
31. In Tibet the spirits of the big mountains, identified as the spirits of their beatified
heroes, are the patrons of the Teaching. Like the god of wealth they were either represen
ted as evil spirits or benevolent goddesses, etc. On the most worshipped Tibetan mountains
see Waddell, The Buddhism of Tibet or the Lamaism (Cambridge 1959), pp. 370—371.
Festivities were arranged in every season on the first day of which a sacrifice was perfor
med followed by horse races, arching, dances and theatrical performances. R.-A. Stein,
Recherches sur l'épopée et le barde au Tibet (Paris 1959), p. 452, H. Hoffman, Die Religionen
Tibets (Freiburg 1956), pp. 6 — 7.
Acta Orient. Hung. XXX. 1976.

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2 MAGDALENA TAT Alt
only persecuted the followers of

master-spirits (ejen) worshipped
in cases of places and mountains
the patrons of the Teaching, etc.3
faith» Buddhist texts were mad
manism or by translating the te
sidérable amount of control tha
cults, Converting, so to speak, t
sacred mountains and Mongolia w
transformation had taken place in
The cult of the mountains is of
ains as the title of qan, qayan, e
Qan Köküi,5 Kentei qan,6 Altai qan
Qan qada, etc., or burqan, boyda
qantu ayula,10 Afi boyda,11 Yelce b
Kesigtü, Mönglce qan ayula, Bat
3 jasaytu qan and Altan qan issue

banning blood sacrifices, ongyoda were replaced by Mahäkalas by the lamas, cf. W.
Heissig, A Mongolian Source pp. 507, 514—519, Heissig, Mongoleireise zur späten Goethe
zeit (Wiesbaden 1971), p. 131. Because of persécution shamans were to take refuge with
the Buryats, M. Changalov, Sobranie socinenij I (Ulan-Ude 1958), p. 486, G. Sanzeev,
Weltanschauung und Schamanismus der Alaren-Burjaten: Anthropos XXII (1917) XXVIII
(1928), p. 602. The fight between lamas and shamans, resulting in the lamas tolerating
the shamans cf. W. Heissig, Schamanen und Oeistesbeschwörer im Küriye-Banneri Folk
lore Studies III (1944), pp. 39 — 40.
4 Neyici toyin applied Yämantaka and Guhyasamaja prayers in place of shaman
songs, Heissig, A Mongolian Source, pp. 531, 516 — 519, on Aogi-Toyon-Dalai's activities
see Heissig, Mongoleireise, p. 127. There are a great number of texts referring to blood
sacrifices, see Coyijilsürüng, Buriyad modon bar-un nom-un tabun yarciy: Studia mongolica
I (1959)-16, pp. 3—14. Lamaist prayers in Mongolian, some of them are of populär
character, Coyijilsürüng, Buriyad modon bar-un nom-un yarciy-aëa: Studia Mongolica
III (1961): 1, pp. 116—124. On the conversion of the Tibetan sacred mountains, and the
activity of Padmasambhava see Waddell, The Buddhism, p. 371.
5 Heissig, Mongolische Handschriften, Blockdrucke, Landkarten (Wiesbaden 1961),
pp. 360, 691.
6 Rintchen, Les matériaux, I, pp. 36, 65, Heissig, Blockdrucke, pp. 386, 734.
7 Rintchen, Les matériaux, I, pp. 35, 56, 64 etc.
8 Rintchen, Les matériaux, I, pp. 29, 35, 56.
9 Rintchen, Les matériaux, I, pp. 65, 69.
10 Haltod — Heissig, Mongolische Ortsnamen (Wiesbaden 1966), pp. 23, 134, 28, 35.
11 Heissig, Blockdrucke, p. 364.
12 Haltod—Heissig, Ortsnamen, pp. 203, 96, 111,18, 23. The word ovoo also frequently
occurs in the names of mountains, e.g. Chongor ovoo in Ômnôgovï ajmag, Chanchongor sum.
Besides mountains, countries or places can have a religious name, e.g. Olzijt, in the
same country. The mountains are apparently given cultic names to win their master
spirits' goodwill. There is, for instance, a ridge in the above mentioned région, which

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TWO MONGOL TEXTS ö
The word qayirqan,13 o

liâmes were under tabo
qayirqan, YeJce qayirqa
for such worship names
speaking area, which te
territory, with the chro
The taboo comprised n
roundings where trees w
putting up tents or placi
Our data about the Shamanistic mountain .cuit are insufficient and he
terogenious. The taboo can safely be dated from the times before Buddhism
and they are widespread among Mongols. Our oldest data comes from the Secret
runs down in to a précipice on one side, forming a deadly trap for animais. Still it was
given the name of Ulaan cagaan cuvraga «Red white suburyan» in the hope that no one,
even if lost gets killed at this picturesque spot. It is also customary, of course, to name a
hill after its form, colour, etc. E.g. Ulaan uul «Red mountain» in a Darkhat sumun of the
same name.
13 According to my Khalkha informants from So

ulni nerîg xelddëggùi bdivj. The Darkhats say Qayirqan
tenger, so it is not only used for mountains, but it c
taboo.
14 Haitod—Heissig, Ortsnamen, pp. 190, 203, 20, Heissig, Blockdrucke, pp. 2

These texts yield a great number of other examples.
15 See V. A. Kazakevic, Sovremennaja mongoljskaja toponimika (Leningrad 19
We know of a union named Qan ayula. Sacred mountains and rivers are more fréq
the North, according to D. Banzarov, in the South they only worshipped Muna
the Yellow River, cf. Gernaja vera (St. Petersburg 1891), p. 22. Heissig, Blockdru
377, 717. Old chronicles mention them, e.g. Qangyai qan, Qarayuna qan, Kökei qan,
qan, etc, See: L. Ligeti, Histoire secrète des Mongols (Budapest 1971), pp. 151 —152
paragraph, I. J. Schmidt, Geschichte der Ostmongolen und ihres Fürstenhauses (S
burg 1929), pp. 105, 169, 99, С. Bawden, The Mongol Chronicle Altan Tobci (Wie
1955), pp. 60—61, 48th paragraph.
16 This is borne out by historié facts, see Ulaan chacart. Red. &. Nacagdorz (Ulaan
baatar 1961), pp. 8, 13, 11, 50, 170, which quote a sentence passed on a lama, called
Isidorji, for cutting down trees for firewood on Cinggiltü hill. Legends on how those
violating the tahoos were punished, M. Tatâr, Zur Frage des Obo-Kultes bei den Mongolen:
Acta Orient. Hung. XXIV (1971), p. 306. It has been noted among the Khalkhas that it is
customary for riders to get off their horse near the hilltop and continue their way on foot
up to the obo on e.g. Gurvan sajchan uul. Some hilltops were under taboo and forbidden
to visit in either ways, e.g. Darchad uul in Tôv ajmag Êrdênê sum. Sometimes the name of
the mountain, too, is under taboo, particularly for the time of the visit and those approach
ing the mountain should forbear pronouncing its name when having got within the
perimeter of three to four kilométrés from the foot of the mountain, so as not to risk
their good luck. That rule especially concerned hunters; even their wives were forbidden
to say where and why their husbands had gone out, if necessary they were to circumscribe
the place instead.
1* Acta Orient. Hung. XXX. 1976.

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4 MAGDALENA TATÂB,
History of the Mongols: Cingg

qaldun attributing his surviva
his life. Thankful he says his pr
his girdle hanging down from
prived of personal freedom and
until they die out.17
We have little knowledge as to
Mongol tribes had preserved a
these local deities were person
beliefs, this seems to have prese
In their minds the master-spirit
Western or benevolent tengris,
to live on the earth.18 The nam
and even detailed legends abou
Chilman Sagan nojon, the lord a
sun, who descended on the m
tengeri lives on the mountain
etc. A list from the data collec
ern qads and the areas where th
sacred mountains and were w
as the lords of the whole place
The old chronicles and legen
nation as to where the worship
17 Ligeti, Histoire secrète, pp. 60

18 The 99 tngria, that were rever
good and evil, black and white grou
other 44, the younger ones belong t
their origin from Eastern or Wester
and Western ones, e.g. The 90 Western qads are the offsprings of the 9 sons of Bucha
nojon babaj. Changalov, Sobranie I. pp. 291, 293, 305, 417. Sanzeev, Weltanschauung,
pp. 951 — 952 writes, that the black or Eastern qans do not live on mountains, so they
cannot be identified with mountain gods, although Changalov produces evidence for
that, too. Such a mountain god was worshipped on the Eastern slope of ChaSin hill,
see Sobranie, II. p. 122.
19 Changalov, Sobranie I, pp. 404 — 406, 454, 308 — 311, 305 — 306. The legends
reveal the relationship between the mountain gods and the other deities, e.g. Bagin
Ghangaj is the lord of the valley of the Unge river and as well as of the whole world, his
daughter was married to a mountain deity, one of the sons of Êsege Malan tengeri, II, p.
136. In some cases the lords of the mountains are identical with the lords of the taiga, e.g.
Ulan zala mergen dege (the correct form of the first part of the name is, obviously, Ulaan)
is the lord of Gharchag mountain, «eommissioned» to be the lord of the taiga by Chan
Sargaj nojon, p. 307. Some mountain gods are known for their special functions, e.g.
Nojon Toncho Ganzu is the lord of pole-cats, p. 351. — About the nine daughters of the
sky cf. 349 — 350, Charasagaj zarin (obviously zajrin i.e. zärin) p. 306, Tulman sagan
nojon is the patron of marriages, p. 307. cf. Sanzeev, Weltanschauung, pp. 538 — 560.

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TWO MONGOL TEXTS
say it can be assumed that before the spread of Buddhism i

for the Mongols to place their dead, especially the bodies of th
respectible members of the Community, on the mountains. Ja
his last will that his body shall be placed «on a high place»
Ong qan says «I am going to the highlands» (ündüt-te qaru'a
qaru'asu) alluding to his Coming death.20 Ginggis qan, accordin
tobci and Altan tobci, points out Muna qan as an ideal bur
people. Later on when he was taken to be burried the cart c
was stopped at the foot of the hill and would not go on until a
was delivered.21 Eseris body was found on a tree in the pas
Evidence for mountains used as burial places is abunda
Buryats. The old people placed there are specially called %
and offerings are brought to them on the hill. The places whe
buried are particularly revered, they became опдуош or z
death and if they were white they became benevolent spir
black they turned into malignant spirits harming people.23 Th
often cremated by the Buryats, their ashes put on branches of
20 Ligeti, Histoire secrète, pp. 168—171, § 201. Ibid. a promise to

and ail his descendants. On Ong qan see p. 116, § 164.
21 Schmidt, Geschichte, pp. 99, 105, Bawden, Altan tobëi, pp. 55,
of Munaqan is thought to have stemmed from the fact that Öinggis wa
Banzarov, Gernaja vera, p. 22. The relationship between the great qan
is established in folk songs, too, and the libation offered to Cinggis is
by offerings to mountains, rivers and yajar usun-u ejen. A song in pra
among others:
Quu-a dobun-i daban yabuju
Qangyai qan-i arulan yabu)u
Munan qayan-i arulan yabuju . . .
«He crossed the hills and the hilloeks
he walked on the Northern slope of Qangyai qan
he walked on the Northern slope of Munan qayan . .»
Rintchen, Les matériaux, I. pp. 54 — 57, 68 — 69. A similar place see pp. 64 — 65. The same
formula can be found in a prayer addressed to Beltügej, p. 95, as well as in texts addressed
to the différent suides, pp. 70, 72, 86.
22 W. Heissig—C. Bawden, Mongyol borjigid oboy-un teüke (Wiesbaden 1971), p.
63, Schmidt, Geschichte, p. 169.
23 Changalov, Sobranie I, p. 511, the most noted of them is Arban tàban zuraktan,
whose image was often painted on silk. Those white shamans who served them became
one of the servants of the mountain ongyons after their death, p. 472. The white shamans
took up «résidence» on the hill where their bodies were cremated after they died op. cit.,
II, pp. 153, 138—139. The cuit of the «elders» is only observed by the community they
belonged to, sacrifices are rarely performed by Buryats from other régions, op. cit., I, p.
483. Evil, black shamans were buried in the ground, too, p. 484, they were even killed
sometimes and buried in the ground so as to avert their harmful influence, p. 485.

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D MAGDALENA TATAR
in the trank. These tre

stood on hüls in the mid
garden with the tomb o
taboos protected from
their would-be burial pl
tification of the moun
instance, worshipped b
one of the ninety-nine
tains.25 The eagle was t
lord of Oljchon island.26
Chadän ongon, the r
tablished among the B
The représentations we
the top or àt the foot
mountain-tops they w
death of its owner and t
damaged they were repl
festive banquets. The d
owl-feathers on their
are here faced with th
As regards mountain
from Mongols living in
from East-Mongolia ab
Rock» true to his last w
eiders had had to be pl
or on the Southern slo
were buried at river h
24 Changalov, Sobranie I,
gods, too, were buried on
noticable with the Buryats
25 Sanzeev, Weltanschau
Sumeru, the name of the
443 — 444. In one mountain
too, is called nojin Baava
Collectanea mongolica (Wie
usually include the names o
deities are from the locali
pp. 474 — 475. In Tibet, too
the forefathers of the clan
26 Changalov, Sobranie
27 Changalov, Sobranie
28 W. Heissig, Ostmongo
source, pp. 501 — 506.

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TWO MONGOL TEXTS
lias knowledge of the «dwelling place» of their Shaman forefa

make pilgrimages there to pay tribute to them.29 Although
it was customary to bury their eiders in the Buddhist way they
placing their respestful eiders and important personalities on m
The Khallchas who live in the Southern part of the Gobi hold th
mountains has a burial-place with their ancestors on it.31
The names of the hills may also support the existence of th
we know of a mountain whose name is Mongyol yasu.32
As one administrative unit in principle included people belon
same tribe the worship of a common forefather can be spotted
cult claimed to belong exclusively to one Community. In Uvs
a mountain named Ongon ulaan worshipped by the aborigin
clan of Khalkha origin migrated there later. They wished to gai
of the mountain so they gave it a new name: Uusig duugarac
started worshipping it thereafter.33
Lamaism seems to hâve greatly influenced and altered th
the sacred mountains. Mergen diyanci lama connected Mun
Tibetan sacred mountains. The words of the prayers containe
the Faith, and started to include the names of Potala and Sumer
29 Darkhat traditions upheld the Buddhist oustom of not placing

peak of the mountains. Shamans were sometimes buried like common
pillar supported timber-huts, asars, erected on mountain-tops and by pr
their shaman paraphernalia and ongyons.
30 In contrast with the old children were not eeremoniously buried
placed anywhere.
31 The name of the mountain is Ölzijtijn chùrên. My informant's
somewhat ambiguous, he may have meant pre-Mongol burying rather th
Mongol age. In fact, the natives living in the area did not find this alien
dition, although the Buddhist way of disposing of the body was gener
practised by them.
32 Haltod—Heissig, Ortsname, p. 111.
33 Collected by G. Luvsancêrên.
34 G. Tucci—W. Heissig, Die Religionen Tibets und der Mongolei (S
pp. 413, 420. С. Bawden, Two Mongol texts concerning obo worship: OE
W. Heissig wrote about texts, Zur Frage der Homogenität der Ostmongo
mus: Collectanea mongolica (Wiesbaden 1966), pp. 91 — 93, or Mongolis
und folkloristische Texte (Wiesbaden 1966), p. 136. Mountain-prayers are
the four Maharajas. They are the lords of the four cardinal points, prote
and they descend onto the earth on the fifteenth and the thirtieth days
tarne the evil spirits. On their names, représentation and the new year
to them see A. Pozdneev, Ocerki byta buddijskich monastyrej i buddijsko
Mongolii (St. Petersburg 1887), pp. 28, 35, 67, 71, 162, 279. Sumeru pla
part in the lamaist conception of the uni verse. It is well-known and fr
in sagas and legends, even by the Buryats, who think that the fog is
hilltops by Sumeru. Changalov, Sobranie I, p. 417, the qads descended o

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ö MAGDALENA TATAR
of Jebcundamba qutuyt
sacred mountains gave
spirit patronizing Boyd
According to my inform
-chia gave new names
the Darlchat basin on th
in the South Tag nuury
i.e. Charmajn êchijn A
in the East Julchar su
In the winter of 1971
of information from th
sacred mountains. Chaa
chongor sum, is said to
spirits (luus) of the wa
vijn char nojon caught
that the «bridle» (nogt)
mounted so me times h
haphazardly linked. The
peak and thirteen obo
festivities coupled wit
the heaven, pp. 426 — 430,

the lords of the waters, et
35 Bawden, The Jebtsund
36 Rintchen, Schamanisc
Pantominen: Acta Ethnogr
explanation for the worsh
the Darkhats who had a monastery on Zûrch uul one of their mountains, which then
deserved to be worshipped. More probably, however, the monastery was built on the hill
because it had been regarded sacred.
37 The changes in the names of mountains, often made because the mountains
were thought to he «wild», probably meant, in many cases, that the mountains had heen
converted by the lamas. But we also have knowledge of cases when the form of the moun
tain was considered bad omen, and this hrought ahout the change of the name. For
instance in Uvs ajmag there was a mountain, called Bajaan ovo, «Rieh obo», which had
been called Moontog. But as its shape reminded of a beggar's hand, which was interpreted
as bad omen, to prevent catastrophes an obo was built on the top, compétitions and
feasts were held in its honour, five plates of desserts were placed next to it as food libation
(tavan tansag idêê) and its name was replaced by another one. (From G. Luvsancêrên's
manuscript.) A similar case is recorded in Ulaanhaatar: the hill of Dôniin garuu, on the
southern bank of the river Tuul, that helongs to the ranges of Bogd uul, showed a woman
kneeling down, when Seen from Gandan monastery, which made the lamas go after
women. In order to avert this bad influence a special oho was built on it where sacrifices
were performed, prayers read and gûrém practised.
38 Although many of the stones of the stone walls on Chaan uul were taken away,
especially from the parts within easy reach, to build the center of the ajmag, Dalanzadgad,

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TWO MONGOL TEXTS 9
In the same country, it is

and not particularly respecte
bird landed on its peak. The
for a yurta and all the anim
reached as far as the top of Ôg
east, eroding it as well.
The cult was not confined to one mountain within one area, there were
several such mountains to be worshipped. The Darkhats, for instance, con
sidered the following five mountains as most respectible: Ôndôr cacat, Dêl
gêrchaan, Chatgalyn ich uul, Zürch uul, and Büren chaan. The list, however,
varied from région to région within the same country. Those living North of
lake Chôvsgôl (a miscellany of Darkhats, Buryats and Uriankhais) chose to
worship the close Büren chaan mountain and Bajan uul on the mountain-top
near Chanch.39
The cult of sacred mountains was manifested in erecting différent altars

and performing sacrificial rites. The sacred mountains almost invariably in
cluded the obo, found in Tibet and sporadically in South-Siberia too. We also
know of stone altars used in Buryat-land on which the bones of the burnt
sacrificial animais were placed.40
Lamaism had its impact on the sacrificial rites themselves. It is only
from the Buryat land that we have a description of shaman conducted sacri
ficial rites. Horses or foals were sacrificed in honour of the mountain spirits.
Being a communal festivity it was attended by men, children of both sexes
except women. Around the sacrificial place nine birch trees were planted.
Four foals were sacrificed to Chan Sargaj nojon and Bucha nojon babaj,
and a goat to Sara Teche. The meat of the animais was cooked and
distributed among the participants. In the evening they gathered to watch
the shaman into whom the legendary forefather's spirit had moved and
who was seized by it. The rite that usually went on until midnight was
performed to invoke wealth and welfare. Other régions had their variants,
e.g., alcoholic spirits were, too, offered to the sacred mountains but they
the remains that are still seen there, clearly show they had been put together and built
from the black, voleanic stones of the mountain. There is another legend about these two
hüls. Ôgôômôr was Chaan uul's daughter and got married to where it stands today. While
she was aecompanied from her father's house to her new home she cried all the way
dropping black volcanie stones her tears that cover Chaan uul and the road between the
two hills. These stones are ealled here bêrijn nulïms «bride's tears».
39 On the four sacred mountains of Ulaanbaatar (Bayan jirüke, Cenggeltü, Boyda
ayula, Songgina), see Rintchen, Schamanische Geister, pp. 444—448.
40 Near Ustj-Orda, on Manchaj hill, too, there were fourteen stone altars built in a
semielliptical arrangement with two stairs leading up to them, Changalov, Sobranie, I, pp.
331, 357.

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10 MAGDALENA TATÄR
were never offered to Sara Teche, who, they believed, did not take
alcohol.41
The lamas, although practising blood sacrifices especially in magie rites,
were very much against it and tried hard to wipe it out from the populär
festivities held under their auspicies. That they were not entirely successful
is shown by our data about the goat sacrifice in spring as well as sheep sacri
fices that were practiced by the Monguors. In most places, however, smoke
sacrifices (bsang, ubsang-, Tib. bsan) started to take over their role at such fes
tivities, together with libation, food offering (baling, gdorma; Tib. gtor-ma) and
the flying of the wind-horses (kei mori, Tib. rlun-rta). The meeting retained
its communal character with all men présent excluding women and the meat
of the sacrificial animal meted out among all families and compétitions com
pleting it exactly as they used to be under the shamans.42 Although the pray
41 Sanzeev, Weltanschauung, pp. 950—951. Changalov, Sobranie, I, p. 308. Small

girls, sometimes attend the saerificial rite disguised as men, p. 357. Grand sacrifices are
given to the western qads on hill-tops by the Community (not hy one family), p. 516.
According to folksongs one of the characteristics (a form of reverence?) of the sacred
mountains is that people walk around them, Ghalch ardyn tuulï, Red. P. Chorloo (Ulaan
baatar 1967), p. 225. The mountain gods are remembered in other, non-communal rites.
In the rite of sagälcha, for instance, which is exorcising had spirits, brandy and wine are
sprinkled about for the spirits of the dead shamans and in reverence of chada ulän ôbôgôd.
When the dead are buried on hills, it is widely accepted to place bowls füll of alcoholic
drinks, food, whips, animal skins etc. on the trees surrounding the burial place. Changalov,
Sobranie, I, pp. 511, 387 — 388.
42 Similar tournaments and compétitions were common in Tibet, too, after the
saerificial rites for mountains. But here Gesar and other war goods were identified with the
sacred mountains whose fight is a Symbol of the struggle between good and evil. These
fights provided the story of the legende about the mountains. Cf. R.-A. Stein, Sur
l'épopée, pp. 446 — 447, 453. D. Schröder gives a detailed description of the rites of the
Mongours in his work, Zur Religion. The spirit of the mountain here carries a name of
Tibetan origin: Yifu-la. In spring a large-scale goat-sacrificial rite with libation and
incenseburning (Tib. gtor-ma) is performed to protect the crop and the mountains are
remembered on this occasion too. The mutton sacrifice, due between the goat sacrifice
and the harvest, are organized at a time defined by prophets. They are not automatically
organized every year, the décision it made by the prophets, The sacrifice сап only be
performed on hills and always on the hill where the goat sacrifice took place. It cannot
possibly be held in an inhabited area or in Valleys, and any transfer or change in the
saerificial site сап only be made after a new prophecy and in another year. It is entirely
communal with the whole village attending it except women and people under taboo for
some reason (e.g. for mourning). The saerificial animal should be sheep, as goat or other
animais are not accepted and the sheep has to be big enough to supply the meat all the
participants. The costs are shared. The rite Starts with a smoke sacrifice, which continues
to the end of the whole event. After the appropriate préparation the sheep is slaughtered,
its meat is cooked in kettles, then the oracle says his prayer and carries out the rite of
libation by taking some food out of the kettles, puts it in to cups and offers it to the
mountains and the sky. They appeal to the four cardinal points and the lords of the

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TWO MONGOL TEXTS 11
ers were recited by the lamas there

of the mountains as well as the victors. The festivities often included cam
dances performed by lamas wich personified Öayan Ebügen the représen
of old shamanistic spirits, among the figures of the lamaistic panthéon.4
The sacrificial rites for Qan KöJcüi mountain were conducted, accor
to my informants, by lamas. The joint festivities of qosiyun was alw
ganised in the middle month of the autumn, with food and drink sa
(the previous consisting mainly of mutton), the sacrificial prayer w
out by a lama (often in Tibetan, too) accompanied by other lamas play
drums and other musical instruments. To finish up the cérémonies,
titions were arranged near the obo. Apart from this civilians, nobilit
individually organised sacrifices, the latter could be held in summer
were, of course, not followed by sport festivities, naadams,.44
The ceremonies were organised on state level, too. Sacrifices for
uul south of old Urga were twice given each year, the first one in sp
the Manchu amban on the officiai order of the ruler, the second one giv
autumn by the Mongolian amban. Peking sent the mountain a specia
ance, a pûnlûû, that was placed in a hole in the house near the obo.
custom, as revealed from the text enclosed, was reinforced in the form
state protocol by the autonomous Mongolia under théocratie rule.
There are a great number of gods, masterspirits and cults in dire
nection with the worship of mountains. Their names are quoted in t
mountains for the protection of the crop. The banquet cornes after the sacrific
participants all divide the meat among themselves. It also may happen that the
and the sacrifice are held on différent days. See op. cit., pp. 827, 831, 835, 68.
43 Tucci—Heissig, Religionen, pp. 419 — 420, W. Forman—B. Rintehen, Lamaisti
sche Tanzmasken (Leipzig 1967), pp. 116—119. S. Hummel, Khum-bu-yul-lha, der weisse
Gott der Sherpa: Acta Orient. Hung. XX (1967), pp. 357—360.
44 We have some historical data from 1822 testifying to the Organization of moun
tain sacrifices (törü gereltü-yin 2-duyar on, 1-duyar sara) see Ulaan chacart, pp. 4, 19. That
sacrifices were followed by feasts for the common people and that the term «feasts» did
not only meant the food offering to gods, is borne out by one of Poppe's texts, Proiz
vedenija narodnoj slovesnosti chalcha-mongolov (Leningrad 1932), p. 14, cf. Banzarov,
öernaja vera, p. 20. The différent forms of naadam are described in the chapter about the
worship of Chentijmountain by a one-time lama in his memoire, 2ambal—C. Damdinsûrên,
Ôvgôn Zamhalyn jaria: Tùûvêr zochiol (Ulaanbaatar 1969), pp. 695 — 698.
45 Zambal also made mention of the Manchu amban, who was rather forced by the
Emperor to participate in mountain sacrifices than a volunteer. Body uul had its stud
farm of its own, with more than two thousand horses under the management of the
Mongolian amban. According to S. Luvsanvandan's kind information, such studfarms
were not rare, noblemen and high priests, too had them, but there were manz chaany
sùrêg or zas dacangyn sùrêg, too. These cannot have been revenuehorses, they probably
provided the meat and the koumis, etc. indispensable for the sacrifices, cf. Damdinsûrên,
Ôvgôn Éarnbal, pp. 693 — 695.

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12 MAGDALENA TATÄR
tended for the sacred mountains

rectly to them, and what is more
much in common with those perf
text first discussed will testify th
mountains, therefore they dese
more important as my informat
unable to differentiate among th
1. The cult most closely linked
is that of the master spirits of
milarity: Ehe yool, Qatun-u yoo
banks of rivers and shores of la
names of rivers, lakes etc.: Obo-yin
the names of waters; e.g. the Ba
allowed to call the river Orchon b
on its bank before they were driv
river they laid a bridge over the
the river were pronounced today
ferred to by the name of Chairch
the sacred waters, their banks are
banks and water dirtied by human
ed eleven, twelve or twentyseve
the Western deities, like the moun
of not only the river or lake in qu
zärin môngôtû êv was the lord o
lenga as well as of Irkutsk.48 Acco
46 Heissig, Blockdrucke, pp. 382, З

119. The Yellow River is also called Qat
say the old Qara mören was given the n
in it, see Schmidt, Geschichte, p. 103,
471b, W. Heissig, Die Familien und Kir
1959), pp. 32, 88. The names of the lo
of the water (rivers, lakes etc.), Chan
47 The word chajrchan was now app
rivers as well; the chajrchan mörön g
other name used in reverence of river
people are forbidden to eat fish.
48 Their leader is Gerel nojon, his w
mixed up with the wild water créatur
the Buryats. The lord of the rivers Irk
sagan nojon. A peculiar belief holds
stones Over the rivers, e.g. Ulan zala
311 — 314, 318, 294, 426 — 430, II. 12
in other prayers, too, op. cit., p. 502.
tainfather» and a «milk sea mother» (

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TWO MONGOL TEXTS 13
near the heads of rivers and the d

by some river heads. Baire, a Dark
lives by the spring of the Tenges, t
lives by Êvd. In this case the role of
the spirit of the forefathers have c
that the notion of a «beautiful coun
shamans was naturally linked wit
chad représentations show the pict
sun, the moon the sky and the eart
but they have no figures that could
and people are invariably depicted
As a resuit of lamaistic influenc
being identified with luuses, even b
were the least touchedby Lamaism.5
was worshipped by the Mongolian
Not only the sacred mountains
annually offered by the Buryats a g
munity, which took place among
leadership of the shaman. Women
made sure that every family had i
animal. Strangers, however, were no
«white food» (dairy products) brou
The skin of the animais was sewed
pipe and the lungs (pldü) inside and
festivities were accompanied by c
49 Some shamans visit these places and pay their tribute by falling on knees in
front of them.
50 This représentation is not plaeed on the mountains, they are kept in the
on the left of the entranee. Changalov, Sobranie I, p. 343. The human figures draw
cliffs on the bank of Lake Baikal, usually offered money and drink, are though
communal ongyons made during the great hunting, pp. 344 — 346.
51 The luus became widely accepted in the beliefs of the Mongols. Cha
records that the Buryats still thought that the thunderbolt is eaused by on
Eastern tngrie, or the lords of waters, Sobranie I, p. 300, others thought it is c
the angry luus, which is especially dangerous if its sleep is disturbed by winter s
52 Changalov gives a detailed description of the rite, Sobranie I, pp. 623 — 5
Sanzeev, Weltanschauung, pp. 973 — 974. According to some sources the lor
waters do not eat human beings, this explains why human sacrifices had ne
performed for them, what is more not all the big sacrifices involved the killing o
as offerings, but food made of milk and brandy etc. (sagagar tachicha). Sometim
was offered to them and so were the ribbons and pieces of silk hung on trees a
libation performed at road crossings. People prayed to them for rain and the rec
sick persons. The prayers for rain were passed on by them to Dolon chôchô ten
goddess of the sea had her own sacrificial rite. Changalov, Sobranie, II, pp. 205,

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14 MAGDALENA TATÄR
sacrifices сап be found elsewhere a

in the area of Tês sum, sacrifices p
of goats, whose skin prepared in
down branch at the source of th
and its meat consumed. Others w
their skin hung on a tree on th
running, too.
The Bayits hold that the lamas p
living in rivers (luus)ъг while re
khats say the lamas offered sacrif
of Chatgal.
2. The masters of a région are offen referred to as yajar usun-u ejed or
qan yajar usun&i by their collective names in the texts. These include the spirits
307, 313, 315, 359 — 360, 405, on the daughter of the sea p. 405,. It also says that the
lords of waters and the lord of Oljchon island play a part in the prophesying performed
with the Shoulder of the lamb, p. 363. White lamb is offered to Gürte zärin môngôtû êv,
whose паше indicates that it is in relationship with the worship of the shaman forefathers
p. 308.
53 San is to be read in hot weather and never in eold because they are asleep and
if they are woken up accidentally the luus get angry. They are offered food, incense and
drinks in June when the plants' growth is well advanced. A goat, too, is slaughtered, its
blood sacrificed at the river. The skin of the goat — the four legs left intact — is then
pulled on twigs and placed at the source of the river. This sacrifice, here apparently
linked with the cuit of the luus but obviously the same as the one mentioned above, is
performed as a rainmaking ceremony.
34 The Turkish équivalent (yir sub) of this expression сап already be spotted in the
Orkhon inscription, for instance: Tängri Umai, yduq Jär sub basa bästi âriné «Nebo
(boginja) Umaj, svjaäcennaja Rodina (Zemljavoda) — vot oni, nado dumatj, darovali
Orkhon inscription, for instance: Tängri Umai, yduq Jär sub basa bästi ärinc «Nebo
(boginja) Umaj, svjascennaja Rodina (Zemljavoda) — vot oni, nado dumatj, daroval
(nam) pobedu.» S. E. Malov, Pamjatniki drevnetjurkskoj pisjmennosti Mongolii i Kirgizii
(Moskva—Leningrsd 1959), p. 63. See similar texts in Thomsen, Inscription de l'Orkhon
(Helsingfors 1896), pp. 100, 104. On these traditions as practised by the Siberian Turkish
peoples see Harva, Die religiöse Vorstellungen, pp. 245 — 246, Radioff, Aus Sibirien II, pp.
7 — 8, 14—15. Its first Mongolian occurence is in 'Phags-pa scripts in the form of qajar
usun, meaning «territory», Poppe—Krueger, The Mongolian monuments in Hp'ags-pa
script (Wiesbaden 1957), p. 128. For example: qajar usu ya'u ke anu buliju tataju bu abtuqai
«They must not size or expropriate lands, waters or anything which is theirs.» Poppe,
The Monuments, p. 89, L. Ligeti, Monuments en écriture 'phags-pa. Pièces de chancellerie
en transcription chinoise (Budapest 1971), pp. 21 — 23, 27, 30, 45, 47, 51 — 52, 56, 60, 64,
66, 69, 79 — 81, 95. This meaning of «homeland, home country, birth place» has survived
in modem dialects with a slightly solemn overtone. Beside its everyday usage it used to
dénoté the deities of the locality, too: Kerülen-ü ködege arulan-u qan sayuysan yajar
usun cin-u. tende bölüge . . . Burqatu qan yajar usun nutuy cin-u . . . qotala bügüde yeke
ulus cin-u. qutuy-tu qan yajar usun cin-u tende bölüge. «Your lands and waters of Ködege
Arulan on the Keriilen, where you sat as qan; there they are! Your lands and waters and

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TWO MONGOL TEXTS 15
of the mountains.55 The Buryats pass o

mentioned elsewhere. These deities liv
identical with the masters of the mount
of the most important river or lake is
whole area. Their power is, however,
mountains and waters they have rib
passes and wading places. The Buryats
ing.57
3. There is a marked différence between the regional master spirits and
the lord of the whole world. The latter is called Bajarj Xarjgä by the Buryats
and say it has nothing to do with the cult of the shamans and forefathers.
As a Darkhat shaman said this god used to be called by the ancients altan
dêlchijn êzên whereas lamas called it luus or sabdag (Tib. sa-bdag). They had
tea or milk libation carried out by women in its honour. As a resuit of the
spread of Lamaism the Mount Sumeru is considered the lord of the whole earth
in some areas.58
pastures (the mountain) Burqatu Qan; .... all your whole great people; your lands
waters there they are!» Bawden, Altan tobii, pp. 60, 146. The expression of qan yajar u
is often found in folk poetry, Rintchen Les matériaux I, p. 5.
55 The expression of yajar usun-u ejed often turns up in mountain prayers, Heiss
Blockdrucke, p. 47, Heissig, Mongolische Texte, pp. 164—155.
56 The spirits of shaman forefathers are believed to take up residenee on mount
tops after their death and the prayers addressed to them often start with a descrip
of their «dwelling places», Changalov, Sobranie I, p. 495, 11. p. 149, cf. pp. 454, 3
There are allusions to this in shaman songs as in the following extract of a text fro
Dornogovï ajmag:
Chantaj gêrêês chold'joo doo

Chadan gêrtêê charija daa . . .
«Now I am leaving my yurta that has walls,
I am returning to my rock-yurta ...»
Mongol ardyn aman zochioolyn dêêz bicig, Red. M. Gaadamba, D. Cêrênsodnom, Studi
Folclorica V/1 (Ulaanhaatar, 1967), p. 101a. See similar texts in Poppe, Mongolische
Volksdichtung (Wiesbaden 1955), pp. 264, 266, 268, 270. The belief that gods live on moun
tains is to be found in Siberia, too, see Radioff, Aus Sibirien II, p. 31. K. Gerasimova
published valuable material about the différent local deities: Kuljt obo как dopolniteljnyj
material dlja izucenija êtniôeskich processov v Burjatii: E AN SSSR, Burjatskij Institut
Obscestvennych Nauk, Êtnograficeskij sbornikVjp. 5 (Ulan-Udê 1969), pp. 105 —144. See
also Sanzeev, Weltanschauung p. 599. The Buryats believe that the members of the snake
empire live on mountains, too, and that each locality has its own snake ruler, Changalov,
Sobranie I, p. 359.
57 The lord of the Oljchon island, for instance, was entitled to a churai type of
sacrifice; he was offered brandy, lambs and fürs, etc., Changalov, Sobranie I, pp. 360—362.
58 He is remembered by the Buryats every autumn with a horse sacrifice, see
Sanzeev, Weltanschauung, p. 971, Changalov, Sobranie II, p. 36. According to my Southern

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16 MAGDALENA TATAR
4. Besides Etügen ehe, the godd

often speak yajar-un e)ed of the
but texts comparing earth with he
of yajar usun-u e)\en and Etügen
Etügen ehe. The lords of the eart
which is of Tibetan origin.59 The
Buryats. Among the sacrifices of
bation, a drop of the drink spilled
ing to some of our informants the
to another is usually intended for
is given to the master of the plac
the spirits of the earth in autumn
Khalkha informants a libation of milk

while repeating the following:
Oron delxï
>
Ordîn erd
Gazar delxï nàiman aimâçj

Dewzid Lhânar ôrsô . . .
Together with a great many other deities this one is worshipped by the obo, too. Th
of changaj is sometimes considered identical with the lord of the woods (ojn êzin)
lord of the taiga with the Buryats, Changalov, Sobranie I, pp. 325, 307. He is worsh
as the lord of wild animais and hunters, Sanêeev, Weltanschauung, p. 951, and so t
prayers that hunters offer up before going hunting are also addressed to the patron
of mountains and spirits, see Bawden, Mongol Notes II: GAJ XII (1968), pp. 108, 110
Rintchen, Les Matériaux I, pp. 49, 113— 115, H. Serruys, Ofjering of the Fox, A Sham
Text frorn Ordos: Zentralasiatische Studien 4 (Wiesbaden 1970), p. 312. The words o
prayers allude to the convention that the offering must be performed on a high mou
Rintchen, op. cit., p. 52, Ö. Damdinsüriing, Mongyol uran jokiyal-un degeji jayun b
orosibai: Corpus Scriptorum Mongolorum XIV (Ulaanbaatar 1959), p. 123. In ord
avoid the harmful influence of the lord of woods they préparé ongyon, D. Zelenin
ongonov v Sibiri (Moskva—Leningrad 1936), p. 75. The Karagas, too, hold that moun
spirits are the lords of wild animais, Harva, Vorstellungen, pp. 390—392.
59 On Etügen see L. Hambis, Marco Polo, La description du monde (Paris 1955)
83, Mostaert, Le mot Natigay (Nacigay) chez Marco Polo: Oriente Poliano (Roma 1957),
pp. 95—101. The earth and the sky are mentioned together in the following texts, Rint
chen, Les Matériaux I, pp. 5, 54. See text on the relationship between the old, manysided
earth god and the luus as well as between Erlig qan and the Altan delekei in Heissig,
Schamanen im Küriye Banner, p. 64. On the worship of the earth god with other Altaic
peoples see Harva, Die religiöse Vorstellungen, p. 246; on the cuit of the Tibetan sa-bdag see
R.-A. Stein, Sur l'épopée, p. 451, Waddell, The Buddhism, pp. 371 — 372, 484, Schule
mann, Geschichte der Dalai Lamas (Leipzig 1958), pp. 155 —156, H. Hoffmann, Die Reli
gionen Tibets (Freiburg 1956), pp. 5 — 6.
60 On the lord of the earth see Changalov, Sobranie I, pp. 327 — 328, 444 — 446.
The Buryats look upon the earth and the sky as father and mother, II, 136, on drink

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TWO MONGOL TEXTS 17
The luus are listed among the lor

have eight ayimays. My ÜJümüci
the supremacy of the luus, there is
there is burqan there is cidlcür, too
the first two ones, and where a bur
The shamans and the luus act in s
mans had worshipped the lords o
those of the white luus, so there w
5. öayan Ebügen, — the prayer
the lords of the mountains and ri v
on the Jimistü ~ Jimisling hill,
clared himself the lord of all living
He is often remembered as then one who made the lords of the earth surrender
to him (yajar-un efed-i nomoyadqaqci), and called delekei-yin efen or yafar-un
ejen.63 This is symbolized by the dragon-head on his stick, which is the symbol
of the luus. The Bayits say as wolves used to be plenty in their country the
horses were driven onto the fields to graze at night after they had been sprink
led with milk, invoking, in this way, Öayan Ebügen'n protection over them. It
was also Öayan Ebügen they prayed to in the morning when they went out
hunting.
6. With the Buryats, Khalkhas and, as I have experienced, with the
Darkhats, too, the lonely trees in the bare countryside are under the protection
of taboos and the same applies to trees with parasitic plants whose leaves,
generally darker, stand out or to trees with thickened branches or stems. These
offering: I, 352. The following prayer to be said at libation was addressed to the local deity
of where the yurta stood: Ene gerün sabday-tur ergübe «I am offering my sacrifice to the
lord of earth of this yurta», Heissig, Schamanen im Küriye-Banner, p. 68.
61 Mo. luu, Tib. klu, Sanskrit naga, cf. Pozdneev, Oëerki byta, p. 377, Schulemann,
Geschickte, pp. 155 —156, Waddell, The Buddhism, pp. 371 — 372. The Monguors call the
earth god glu and to worship it they bury an urn füll of présents like the one they usually
bury under the obo, see Schröder, Zur Religion, pp. 229, 838. Earth as compared with the
sky is often symbolized by the dragons' king in texts, see Heissig, Mongolische Texte, p.
136. The snakes were worshipped by the shamans, too, but in a way différent from the
lamaist luus cult, see Changalov, Sobranie I, p. 329.
62 Heissig, Mongolische Texte, p. 136, Blockdrucke, pp. 48 — 52. On its Tibetan
worship see R.-A. Stein, Sur l'épopée, pp. 445 — 446, Hoffmann, Die Religionen pp. 6 — 7.
63 Pozdneev, Oëerki byta, pp. 83 — 85, the author mentions here that although the
lamas do not exclude it they do not consider it as one of the burqans; they look upon it
rather as a représentative of Shamanism. On its worship see A. Mostaert, Note sur le culte
du Vieillard Blanc chez les Ordos: Studia Altaica (Wiesbaden 1957). Often the Buryats,
too, picture mountain gods with a white head etc., but with them the mountain gods
certainly do not play such a universal rôle as with the rest of the Mongols, cf. Changalov,
Sobranie I, p. 307. It is well-known to the Kalmücke, see P. S. Pallas, Sammlungen histori
scher Nachrichten über die mongolischen Völkerschaften (St. Petersburg 1801), pp. 214 — 215.

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18 MAGDALENA TATÄB
are called ongon mod, bôô mod o

onto them, fume and food sacrifi
help people and protect the anim
can be found in places that are, in
The influence of Lamaism can be
there had been two kinds of bôô m
other by the lamas while common
favoured and honourable. If the
of the Taiga they had to do so at d
to the lords of the gallery fore
Mongolia decorated with Buddhi
prayer-flags with Tibetan inscr
of those sacrificed to the spirits (
on the top of a hill or on the hi
turned to the Nord.
7. The sacrifices performed at the obo are addressed to oron cha

according to what the Aga-Buryats hold; to oron changaj, the lord of the t
and waters in the belief of the Darkhats; to sabdag (Sivdêg), to the luu
local deity as the Bayits say; while the Monguors hold the sacrifices are add
sed to the spirit of the earth;65 the ÜJümücins insist they are for the luus.
only the Buryats who speak of Segên sebdelc tngri who they believe to be
lord of the obo and one of the Western tngris.ee Ail this leads one to thin
the obo is not the dwelling place of a certain spirit but rather a common a
for spirits of similar characteristics to which several of the figures in the l
panthéon, such as the lokapàla, the mahâràja, etc. were added.
64 The photo of such a tree is published by J. Schubert, Paralipomena mong

(Berlin 1971), p. 218, cf. also К. V. Vjatkina, Mongoly Mongolskoj Narodnoj Bespubliki:
Vostocno-aziatskij êtnografiëeskij sbornik. Trudy Instituta Êtnografii im. N. N. Miklucho
Maklaja, Novaja serija, T. LX (Moskva—Leningrad 1960), picture 22, p. 253, the picture
of a Yakut shaman tree: G. Nioradze Per Schamanismus bei den sibirischen Völkern
(Stuttgart 1925) 18, pp. 36 — 37, 41. In addition to the trees mentioned above
groves of the shamans are also under taboo with the Buryats and so is the tre
the shamans' hones are placed and so the cult is linked to the worship of sham
fathers and the lord of the world, cf. Changalov, Sobranie I, pp. 330, 389 — 3
tree thought to be the «shaman» among trees is also called a shaman-tree» as it
to be able to help people in trouble, op. cit. III, p. 40, however, the wood has its
III, pp. 79 — 80. We also know that trees play an important part in the initiatio
shamans, op. cit. I, pp. 377 — 379, II, p. 167, but Sanzeev says it is the spirit o
they worship in the libation offered to the roof tree of the yurta, Weltanschauung
973.
65 Schröder, Zur Religion, pp. 63 — 66, 831. cf. Gerasimova, Kuljt obo, pp. 105 —144.
66 Changalov, Sobranie I, pp. 56, 291, II, pp. 117—118.

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TWO MONGOL TEXTS 19
II
From the catalogues available it appears that there are manuscripts67

containing prayers to mountains, several of which have been published.68 We
know of a number of songs written in praise of the mountains but their ritual
value is rather doubtful as they concentrate primarily on the natural beauties
and the riches of the mountains, though allocations to the cult of the mountains
are plenty, e.g. Savdag lusyn oron «the abode of sabdag and luus», Dogsid bur
chadyn oron «the abode of the fierce deities and the buddhas», Chandmaa naryn
oron «abode of the sky-walkers» — these are the names by which the sacred
mountains are called.68
The two texts to be published herewith are différent from the abov
mentioned. The first manuscript contains a prayer composed by a lama
reverence of a sacred mountain, Matad qan, and the deities of other localities.
Bawden wrote about the block-print version of this manuscript, which had to
disseminated against the troubles in the country under the order of the J
cundamba qutuytu from the year 1893.70 The second text contains a law from
the age of the autonomy, which was to regulate the sacrifices offered to t
sacred mountains.
67 N. N. Poppe, Opisanie mongoljskich «Samaniskichb rukopisej I. V. : Zapiski I

(Leningrad 1932), pp. 184—185, N. N. Poppe—L.Hurwitz—H. Okada, Catalogue o
Manchu-Mongol Section of the Toyo Bunko (Tokyo 1964), pp. 97, 150. The 1937 catal
of the Ulaanbaatar State Library included some mountain prayers; special mention
be made of the Nr. 320—1271 about the document regulating the cult, written in M
and Mongolian languages.
68 Damdinsürüng, Jayun bilig, pp. 128 — 130, Haitod, Ein Schamanengesang, pp.
71 — 80, J. Schubert, Ein Ritual für die Berggottheit des X'entei Xagan: Collectanea Mon
golica (Wiesbaden 1966) pp. 235 — 247, Heissig, A Mongolian Source p. 508, Changalov,
Sobranie I, pp. 431 — 436, Rintchen, A propos du chamanisme mongol: Studia Orientalia
XVIII (1955) 4 pp. 14—15, cf. Pozdneev, Ocerki byta, pp. 377, 427 — 428. Only one of
these texts published by Haltod, is fully shamanistic. A dûdlaya similar to this was pub
lished by Poppe, too, Mongolische Volksdichtung, pp. 265 — 269.
69 Rintchen, Folklore mongole IV (Wiesbaden 1965), pp. 96, 185, Chorloo, Chalch
ardyn tuulï, pp. 225 — 231, the quotations are to be found in the latter work, pp. 225 — 226,
and 226 — 228. But these texts refer to the libation and the incense offerings for the
mountains as well as feasts and compétitions that followed the rituals.
70 Bawden, Notes on the Worship of Local Deities in Mongolia: Mongolian Studies
(Bibliotheca Orientalis Hungarica XIV) (Budapest 1970), pp. 59 — 66. Poppe describes a
probably close variant of this text in his catalogue, Opisanie, pp. 185 — 186. This has been
also mentioned by Heissig from the collection of the von Portheim-Stiftung in Heidelberg,
Mongolische Texte, p. 9, note 3. Matad: mountain in East-Mongolia, in Dornod ajmag,
South-East of Cojbalsan. There is a parish called Matad in the same région (Matadskaja on
Russian maps). Mongoljskaja Narodnaja Respublika (map) (Moskva 1966), pp. 14—15.
E. M. Murzaev, Mongoljskaja Narodnaja Respublika (Moskva 1952), pp. 135, 392, Haltod —
Heissig, Ortsnamen, р. 108a. Неге I should like to express my acknowledgement to 2.
Tômôrcêrên for his valuable assistance.

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20 MAGDALENA TATAR
1. The first manuscript come

80 mm, consiste of 16 pages, both
are numbered. It is written on
stamping is visible on the sixth
name, Sumkin, in the stamping o
ten with a paint-brush and in bl
14 lines. On the f.la and 16b a
of the owner who has not been
has a more général subtitle («The
beside it, the short title then i
betan letters. The text is decip
rendered to the prayers are writ
in new paragraphe in my tran
underlined probably by a foun
The graphie arrangement and
The stop after y and n is consis
In some cases j is used invariab
olja (10a). In the word where th
side of the letter, just like in M
the initial t, this is marked wi
graphical names consisting of t
where the first part has n at the
Bayangcayan (3b). I considered
and thought it unnecessary to
words, in common nouns that
will not be marked either as I c
(5b), ende (4a). The verb öggü- oc
with the Manchu orthography
an aleph were written e.g. sedkil
is used instead of yirtincït, (8b
yods in other words too, e.g. a
aâitu (15a). The case is reverse in
irigsen instead of iregsen (15b), d
the soft r in the spoken langua
part.
The text does not seem to be consistent in the usage of -dur and -tur
suffixes. They are inconsistently used within the same words, e.g. tayalal-tur
(7a), tayalal-dur (7b), yafar-tu (6b) and yafar-du (12a). Sometimes the suffixes
do not harmonize with the word, e.g. terigüten-luy-a (10a). Neun with n-stern
are used both as nouns with n or without и-stems, e.g. usun (lb, 4b) and usu
(4b, 10a). Their flectional forms are either correctly used or used like ideograms
with the regulär suffixes or with the suffixes used after the nouns with the n

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ТЛУО MONGOL TEXTS 21
stem dropping the n of the stem

(13a), usun-i (4b), usu-i (6b), ner-
The text has several extinct wo
ray (7a) or the obsolete plural of
Apparently the modern forms o
in the first syllable of these wor
monizing with that of the first
(4b), olon (lb), adili (10b). Spoken
as beleg (2b) instead of belge.
The style of the text is fairly ve
geographical names. Beside featu
of folk-poetry can be traced in it,
especially where he enlists his de
by a predicate with -mu suffix,
request. E.g. darulaydaqui-dur kör
deyiledeküi-dür gamayaljamu
The colophon is written in the
enlisting the reasons why the aut
golian.
[la] corji blam-a Agyvangdorji ber fokiyay-san tengri delekei yajar oron-u sang
takily-a orosibai: : Ayula sang. Hma.thad. ha.ni. sang.//
[lb] boyda blam-a ]ib)undamba burqan-a mörgümüi. takimui. itgemüi. öber-ün
törögsen nutuy ba. ayulaysan deleki yafar usun-u ejed-i takisuyai. kemebesü
idegen-ü füil alin bui-yin degefi beledbesü erkem ügei си bolba. agi arca terigüten-i
sitayafu eyin ögülegdeküi.
blam-a burqan nom ba. bursang quvaray-ud-ta bodi qutuy-i olan oltal-a
itgemüi bi: minu öglige ö(')gügsen terigüten Ъиуап-и kücün-iyer amitan-a tus
laqu-yin tula burqan bolqu minu boltuyai: [2a] kernen yurban-ta ögüle.
qamuy amitan amuyulang ba amuyulang-un siltayan-luy-a tegüldür boltu
yai. qamuy amitan jobalang ba jobalang-un siltayan-aca angpraqu11 boltuyai.
qamuy amitan jobalang ügei amuyulang-aca buu angjiratuyai qamuy amitan
oyir-a qola taciyaqu urilaqu qoyar-aca angjiraysan teg(^)si sedkil-iyer72 aqu bol
tuyai.
kernen yurban-ta ögüle.
bi öber-iyen nigen gsan-a vcarbani burqan bolbai. ôm bajar amirata küng
71 In place of anggijiraqu «to be freed».

72 In place of tegsi (tegsi sedkil, Tib. btan snoms, Skr. upekça, Less. 1185b.)
73 On god Amfta-kundali see F. Lessing—A. Wayman, Mkhas grub rje's Funda
mentals of the Buddhist Tantras (The Hague 1968), p. 118. This formula is offen used
in similar texts, see e.g. Heissig, Blockdrucke, pp. 54, 60, 238 — 239, Rintchen, Les
Matériaux I, p. 38.

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22 MAGDALENA TATÄR
dalai qan-a qan-a hum pat73 [2b] ta

laycin com usadbi.74
ôm sûva-a suidto sarva darma
com qoyosun kü bolbai. qoyosun
qayiluyad erdeni-yin yeke sab bolo
qayiluyad qamuy bujar tüidker-i
foyoy takil beleg bilig-ün mön cin
от sarva bad bar-a bar-a sür s
дата.
eyin minu sanaysan-u kücün ba. tegüncilen afiray.san burqa
kücün kiged nom-un ayar-un kücün-iyer minu alin sanaysad com
nutuy ba. ayuluysan deleki-yin dumdadu ya]ar-i ejelen sayuy
tümen kiged. coyöndör jotola turnen [3b] bayasyulangtu selemtü
yurban jiryalangtu öVjeitü urtu naran bulay badaraqu nereten bay
уurban qoromsoy-a ö( ' jggömer bayancayan bayandüsi köb b
*arsalang modon oboy-a erdnibadaraqu koke ger. kötöl moyaitu c
yannuur lüngtü sabar terigüten-dür orosiysan deleki-yin ejed ba.
ejelen sayuysan qongtarqarmangnai ongyooda saraöndör koke
büridü boro dabusu ulayanöndör qayantu nereten fibqulangtu cory
qangyai siübeltei qajiu cor)in terigüten-dür orosiysan deleki-yin
ged-i ejelen sayuysan matad qan kiged öndör ölfeitü küriy-e toson
asyatu bayan folge buyanöndör ulayandabusu belendalai tabun
kökebüri büridü loboqu tümendelger terigüten-dür orosiysan de
edeger-ün [4b] eki aday-un ayula talan modo, tere yosuyar torqu
bolqu boltuyai.
ay-a deleki-yin arban buyan-u beleg büriddügsen öVjei kisig
edlel-iyer delger. ene yeke mongyol qalq-a-yin nutuy-taki tuqai-
usun-u ner-e-i oroyulsuyai?1 kemebesü ene fabsar oroyulbasu bo
man-u törögsen nutuy ba. ayuluysan deleki-yin eki aday-
modo cilayu qadan asq-a yool usu folge namuy qufir derisü fam
ayci caylasi ügei [5a] buyan-u coy fibqulang badaraysan dalai
-iyar cenggilsen,78 yeke ridi [ms. r'dy] qubilyan auy-a kücütei en
mal-i ibegen asarayci tengri luus naiman ayimay deleki-yin efed
74 usadbi is in place of usadbai.

75 Distorted from Skr.
76 Tib. ston pa nid, Sanskrit êunya, Less. 1189b, on its kinds see L. Ligeti, Une
vocabulaire thématique du bouddhisme mongol (manuscript.), p. 52.
77 Similar instructions are often included in texts, see e.g. Poppe, Opisanie, pp.
185-186.
78 In place of cenggeldügsen.

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TWO MONGOL TEXTS 23
tüsimed bariydaycid cöm-i urin jalamui. ba

ajiran [ms. 'cV'] falaramu. emün-e erden
ayujim dotor-a. [5b] erdeni-yin sandali-u
olboy debsger-tür amuyulang sayiqan-iyar
sanayan-aca yaryaju darani mutur-a sam
san süü cai ariki ayiray taray uuray aya
yulir tosu terigüten eldeb idegen-ü degeji jo
qubcid eldeb [6a] olboy debesger arayatan gö
bös kkib terigüten edlel-i ergümüi. quyay du
ba. erdeni toryan-u cimeg jemseg bayisin ö
ergümüi. kölge mori temege qoni üker sar
sibayud-un sürüg-i ergümüi. agar janda
ünüd-i basyarayulun80 sitayaysan utayan
mui. qamuy bujar tüidker com ariyudqu
mungqay endegüü balamad-un erkeber
bujar burtay talbiysan qoroqai ariyatan gör
sen. modo oytalaysan cilayu qubqulaysan ul
ongyon yafar-tu81 bayudal [7a] jasaysan or
qaraysan aci tus-i medefü cay cay-tu ese ta
yajarun sim-e82 arbadqu-yin aray-a-tur ese
deleki-yin ejed-ün tayalal-tur qarsiysan
sasin-i ergümfilekü ügei törö-i keregsekü ü
quvaray-i kündülekü ügei ecege eke-i qay
ügei yabudasun-i83 focilaqu ügei yuyilag
ejed-ün tayalal-dur qarsiysan bükün-iyen d
gegekü mayu oblal-i örbedkekü amitan-i so
yayilaqu aldayulqu qayurqu basirdaqu qariy
ünen yildum-i sakiqu ügei jörigü yafiyuu
ejed-ün tayalal-dur qarsiysan bükün-iyen d
olan mayu ydbudal-i ögülejü güicesi ügei tu
tayalal-dur qarsilaysan sür buyan-i tan-i y
bultuysan oron-dakin-a sayin-i qomsoda
-iyar yabuysan-iyan cöm-i dayudan naman
cemü. ibegegeid minu a-a. man-u eyimü
calayai8i terigülegeid-ün jorimay arad-un e
79 Read agi (Artemisia frigida).

80 Cf. basgach, basguulach (Luv. 66a).
81 ongyon yajar is a place under taboo.
82 This word may mean the world of living
inanimate nature, Cêvêl, 847b.
83 Cf. Kalm. jowdPsn „Wanderer, Reisender" (Ramstedt, Kalm. Wb. 220).
84 Dictionaries do not contain this word in this form but cf. written Mong. 6aliyai,

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24 MAGDALENA TATÂE
delelci yajarun lcisig bayuraysan

auy-a kücün sür sülde-dür дет bo
boltuyai. yertincü dayayar gür
sayfamuni-yin gegen-e85 süsülen
abural-un oron mön-i tolidcu bu
run ölmi batudqafu olan bursan
boyda efed bolunqad noyad-un öl
tügemel törö-i [9b] tübsidken eng
edelel-dür qoorlayci dayisun qu
könögel-i usudqamu. y ai ursiy ke
fayilyulumu siregün qur-a casu
öyö(fe tabtai tayibung-iyar am
sanay-a [10a] yal tüimer usu ü
dolgisaqu terigüten-luy-a buu uc
raqu tariy-a ebesü boroy simetei
yulang kiy mör88 delgeren köbeg
nököd sadun-luy-a ucaran. alib
oron nutuy-dur öljei kisig-i toyt
gün amaray-iyar nayiraldun bay
adayu temege qota degüren qo
aman-u90 kisig bayuraqu ügei jay
ür-e ündüsü sanayan-a adili bü
[ms: s"'wr"'\ kümün [IIa] mal com
silayun foriysan kereg cöm-i güi
mal edelel cöm-i deleki-yin e/j
sönüg91 qoorlayci todqod-i daru
yulamu tögereküi-dür yafarcil
-dur körgedün. deyiledeküi-dü
eteged buruyu-iyar forimaylaqu
sakimu. yulpyysan-i jalafu tas
san-i seregülümü. aldaysan-i ol
calayai, caliy, saliy, (Less. 162a, 16

346b), meaning «lazy, careless». But
page in the text. The text variant in
my disposai had had cildas which was
85 Instead of the older gegegen re
86 Cf. Khal ôn(g), ôjôg (Luv. 322a,
87 Cf. Khal. soglo-, soolo-.
88 Written Mong. kei mori (Tib. r
89 Instead of the Classical asuru, cf. Khal. asar.
90 Instead of amin-u.
91 Read sönöge, cf. Khal. sônôô- «to destroy, exterminate».

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TWO MONGOL TEXTS 25
manan ibegemü. erlcilen könggecile

möküse92 edüge ene cay-un arad jör
[12a] yajar ibegeltü qayiraqad-taya
nidün-iyer qaraju tengri-yin ciken-
ügei ridi [ms: r'dy~\ qubilyan-iya
yabudal aburi büdügün dalda-i mede
ködögö. ongyon yajar-du qonoylaqu
üiledbecü [12b] untuyucaqu damarla
ügei qarin yabudal keregtü mini dem
ba. jici niyur bolyan95 ergükü )oyoy
yuyun jalbaraymd-i minu mön yo
burqan sayfamuni-yin jarliy-tur.
qotala tegüldür-iyer edlegtün. öber-
qan-u suryal üfegülegdekün bülüg
bürgülfilel96 )ula ba. jeli següder u
üjegtün mese-ece ülü ayuqu ken cu ü
biy-e-ece üliger abcu busud-ta [13b]
öglig bolyan ergüsügei. sngsar nirw
sayin aldar idege qubcid ed mal-un
yayun-iyar cu möküstekü ügei yeke
deleki-yin ejed minu a-a. ay-a yurb
nutuy-un arad-dakin-u buyan öl]ei ü
-iyer deleki-yin ejed-tür qarsi ügei c
boltuyai. oron-u efed-ün ali tayala
alal-i tan-i güiceldegülkü boltuyai. b
bida-nar [ms: b'd'] com eke köbe
tegünü kücün-iyer oron-takin daya
-yin ejed-i takiqui-tayan aldal дет
yabudal-i ayucilan külecemü. man-u
tus-un ordon-tayan degeresün98 jic
örösiyemü. oron-u ejed minu a-a. [1
92 6idal meküs «weak in power, feebl

93 Cf. Khal. ataarchach «to envy» (C
91 Cf. Khal. tochuurchach «to play a
«fun, joke» (Cêvêl, 547b).
95 Cf. Khal. nûûr charach «to do sg
tavich «to show favour or politeness», n
ete.
96 From bürügelje-, bürügülfe-, «to appear gloomy», Khal. bûrgêlzêch.

97 Vulgär form for belge.
98 Written Mong. tungyaya-, Khal. tungaa- «to let a liquid settle; to clear; to know,
think, judge (elevated style)» (Less. 842a.)
99 Probably for deger-e-ece ni «from above».

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26 MAGDALENA TATÀR
qutuy orosituyai. abural yurban

dakinis-un öljei qutuy orosituyai.
orosituyai. tngris oron-u ejed-ü
tükü-yin öljei qutuy orosituyai.
iyar cenggekü-yin öljei qutuy or
kernen öggülegdeküi yerü dege
yan-u sudur eng olan adis yekete
töbed-ün kelen böged yajar-un
eng-ün [16a] mongyolcuud med
baidal-i dayaldayulju100 ucir-iy
ügei böged. uy sanay-a-i üner-e s
sanabasu mongyol-un deleki-yin
ügeber joriyulju ucir joriy-iyan
öljei belge-tei bolbau gekü yadan-
süsüleldükü sanay-a olumu kem
sudur-ud-un [b]airi sanay-a-i ab
Translation
(la) This is the prayer of the incense offering to Heaven and Earth and to the
local deities as composed by the corji lama Ayvandorji (Dharmaräja La
Nag-dban rdo-rje). Incense offering to the mountain. Incense offering to Mata
qan.
(lb) I am bowing to the holy Jibcundamba Buddha, offering and applying to
him. When one intends to offer to his native land and to the spirits, lords of the
inhabited surface of the world as well as the local deities one préparés the best
of the food that is available, it does not matter what. Burning artemisia and
juniper, one is to say the following.
I am addressing myself to the lama, Buddha, the teaching and the con
grégation of monks so that I can win the degree of Buddha. Through the merit
of having offered my alms and through my other merits and because I having
helped the living beings, let I become Buddha! (2a)
100 For dayaldu-.

101 Compare Bur. yabSa-, «to bark,» (Cer. 763a, 116a), Kalm. jawii- «plaudern,
schwatzen, zu viel reden, babbeln» (Ramst. 217a), written Mong. yabsi- «to bark, to gabblè
to make no secret of one's intentions; to speak frankly» (Less. 420a), etc., but more рго
bably it must have been written for yaysital-a «firmly, solidly, toghtly», etc. (Less. 424b)
or for jabsi- «to take advantage, to be succesful or lucky.» The text in Appendix contains
the aberrant form yabastala or jabastala, the other one contains yabsital-a.
102 It is a Buryat dialectal form, ëêngi, öer. 714b, the other two variants have
singgi.

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TW О MONGOL TEXTS 27
Say this three times.

Every living being should go in pe
living being is to rid himself of sufferi
should be separated from peace tha
being, near and far, should be freed
of a well-balanced soul.
In a minute I became Yajrapäni Buddha. Ото vajra amrta kundall ha
hana hûrri phat. (2b) Ail impurities, obstacles, hindering démons présen
that offering and purifying ceremony were annihilated.
Orri svabhava suddho sarva dharma svabhava suddho harti. The offering
and purification became entirely void. (It is) in (this) sphere of voidness t
the syllable phroni emerged, and when it had diffused, there appeared a gre
récipient of jewel; in which the syllables ото ah, hum, emerged and as it
diffused it annihilated ail impurities and hinderance, and the ample, in
haustible food offering if hundred tas tes transformed into the ambrosia of t
essence of wisdom. (За) Ото 5h hum.
Ото sarva bad bar-a bar-a sûr sûr avardai-a avardai-a hôn bajar paran
дата.
By the force of this imagination of mine and by the force of
of ail Tathâgatas and by the force of the sphere of the Law b
imagined, Matad who dwells ruling our native land and the m
habited surface of the world and (ail the) other Lords of the
Tümen,103 and Coyöndör,104 Jotola,105 Tümen (3b) Bayasyulangt
the two Ulayanergi-s108 the three Jiryulangtu-s,109 Öljeitü,110
Bulay,112 Badaraqu,113 Bayan büridü,114 Ayuitu,115 the three Q
103 The old name of today's öojbalsan.

104 «Brightness Height», Haitod — Heissig, Ortsnamen, p. 62a.
105 See its photo in Murzaev, Mongoljskaja Narodnaja Respublika,
106 See similar geographical names in Haitod—Heissig, op. cit., p.
a place called Tümen, or Tümen Bayasqulangtu, «Ten-thousand» or «Ten
happy» is not known to us.
107 «Sworded».
108 «Red shore», Haitod—Heissig, op. cit., 189a.
109 «Blessed».
110 «Fortunate», Haitod —Heissig, op. cit., p. 125b.
111 «Long» (river), Haitod — Heissig, op. cit., 195a.
112 «Sunny spring», Haitod—Heissig, op. cit., p. 114b.
113 «Spreading large» mountain, Haitod — Heissig, op. cit., p. 10b.
114 «Rieh pond», Haitod—Heissig, op. cit. p. 19a.
115 Mountain «with caves», Haitod—Heissig, op. cit., p. 3b.
116 «Arrow holder» mountain, Haitod — Heissig, op. cit., p. 146b.

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28 MAGDALENA TATAR
Öggömer,117 Bayancayan,118 Ba
Arsalang,123 Modon oboy-a,124 E
yaitu,128Cinotu,129 Küisü,130 Cay
of the world dwelling, ruling the
Saraöndör,134 Köke deresü,135 Örb
öndör,139 Qaryantu,140 Jibqulang
Siübeltei,144 Qajiu,145 Cor)in,14
dwelling and ruling the East like M
117 «Generous», Haitod—Heissig, op.

118 «Rieh white», mountain, Haitod
119 «Rieh anvil».
120 «Depth» lake, Haitod—Heissig, op. cit., p. 97b.
121 «Abondant fortune», mountain, Hai tod —Heissig, op. cit., p. 22b.
122 «White», mountain, Haitod — Heissig, op. cit., p. 40b.
123 «Lion», mountain, Haitod — Heissig, op. cit., p. 7b.
124 «Tree-Obo» or «wooden-obo», Haitod — Heissig, op. cit., p. 110a.
125 «Gem-spreading», mountain, Haitod — Heissig, op. cit., p. 69a.
126 «Blue-yurta», Haitod —Heissig, op. cit., p. 99a.
127 «Pass», it can stand alone as a geographica! name, too, see Haitod — Heissig,
op. cit., p. 102b, or it may belong to the one preceding it.
128 «Snaky», mountain, Haitod — Heissig, op. cit., p. lila.
129 «Füll of wolves», we have knowledge of a spring and a mountain of the same
name, see Haitod—Heissig, op. cit., p. 52a.
139 «Navel», there is a mountain, a river and a lake of the same name. Haitod —
Heissig, op. cit., p. 103b.
131 «White lake», Haitod —Heissig, op. cit., p. 46a and 42b.
132 «Mud, clay», there is a mountain and a lake of the same name, Haitod —Heissig,
op. cit., p. 165a.
133 We have knowledge of a name Ongyod with which it may have some relationship,
see Haitod —Heissig, op. cit., p. 121a.
134 «Yellow height».
135 «Blue grass», Haitod — Heissig, op. cit., p. 99a.
136 Mountain, Haitod—Heissig, op. cit., p. 127a.
137 «Lakelet», but it may read together with the name preceding it, that is «1. Örböh.
138 «Greyish sait», lake, Haitod—Heissig, op. cit., p. 29a, 30a.
139 «Red height», mountain, Haitod—Heissig, op. cit., pp. 190a, 192b.
140 «Covered with caragana arborescens», mountain, Hai tod—Heissig, op. cit., p. 140b.
141 «Huge», mountain, Haitod—Heissig, op. cit., p. 89b.
142 «Provided with a drain-channel, outflow».
143 «Rieh Tamsuy», Tamsuy mountain occurs in the following place too: Haitod—
Heissig, op. cit., p. 177h.
144 Mountain, Haitod—Heissig, op. cit., p. 173a.
145 For Compound names of rivers and mountains which include word, see Haitod —
Heissig, op. cit., p. 132.
146 «The spring of Corji», (?), Haitod—Heissig, op. cit., p. 52b.
147 «High», mountain, Haitod—Heissig, op. cit., p. 126a.
148 «Fortunate monastery», Haitod — Heissig, op. cit., p. 125a.

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TWO MONGOL TEXTS 29
Toson,149Singda,150 Qadanköb,151 A
Ulayandabusu,156 Belendalai,157 Tab
Loboqu,160 Tümendelger,161 and
mountains, the plains and forest
they are, without hindrance and
It is here, in this space that one
saying «Oh, let us add the names
this Great Mongol land of the Khal
world, where happiness and luck ar
ness and fortune.»
I am calling on you all living in our native land and the world we live in,
on the mountains the first as well as last ranges, on those dwelling in plain
trees, stones, cliffs, boulder rocks, rivers, waters, meadows, marshland, licks,
grassfields, roads, passes and other places and (I am calling) (5a) you, tengr
who is spreading the light, the divinity of the infinite virtue, who is like the
sea and has been rejoiced by an incense offering, which keeps off troubles, the
one ab le to transform, possessing unusual strength, helping and protectin
the people, and livestock of this country, (I am calling) you all the dragon
the eight groups, the kings and queens of the world, the young princes, th
high-ranking officiais and their retinue. May you solemnly proeeed here
joyful splendour. Take your seat inside the interior, — which is spacious lik
the piain, — of the palace-tent of the Southern gem. (5b) Make yourselv
comfortable on the cushions and mats, made of silk, brocade and the skin of
wild animais, of the precious stone seat. We are offering you a feast, a me
from the best of milk, tea, brandy, koumis, yoghurt (taray), Colostrum, ayarca
öröm-e, delicious fruits, meat, meat soup, cakes, butter and other différen
foods, given from the soul, which has been prepared by enlightenment an
have been blessed and turned into a sea of ambrosia by incantation (dhäran
149 «Butter», there is a river and a mountain of the same name, Haitod—Heissig,
op. cit., p. 183b.
150 Haitod — Heissig, op. cit., p. 171a.
151 «Rocky depth», river, Haitod — Heissig, op. cit., p. 130a.
152 «Rocky place in a valley or a dale», mountain, Haitod—Heissig, op. cit., p. 9b.
153 «Rieh», mountain, Haitod—Heissig, op. cit., p. 18b.
154 «Meadow, lawn», river, Haitod—Heissig, op. cit., p. 93b, but it may read together
with the word preceding it, i.e. «Rieh meadow».
is5 «Virtue height», mountain, Haitod—Heissig, op. cit., p. 36b.
156 «Red sait».
157 tBelen sea», Haitod —Heissig, op. cit., p. 25b.
us «Five peaks», mountain, Haitod—Heissig, op. cit., p. 174b.
159 The form in Haitod — Heissig, op. cit., p. 74b. is Turban kööbör.
160 Cf. Lobqo sabar, Haitod—Heissig, op. cit., p. 105b.
161 «Ten-thousand spread (huge)».

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30 MAGDALENA TATÂR
gesture (mudrä), and contemplat

made of silk and brocade, différe
nivorous and herbivorous animais,
crape as well as other things. We a
ces, swords, and other knives, gem
tents, différent medicines, seeds a
a lot of carts, horses, camels, sh
(qayinuy), wild animais, carnivo
birds. We are burning aloe, sand
(6b) various kinds of scents, we ma
are offering a purification sacrif
drance should disappear. We, seeing
and savage, have burnt smelly or
and dirt, we have done härm to
vorous animais, we have angered
trees, upset stones, left carcasses i
and we have made quarters in sac
the lords of the world and have fo
their merey and to perform our sa
greatness actively enough, we have
and we were against the will of t
having enumerated all this we are
religion, we did not follow the law
masters, we did not respect the
fathers and mothers (7b) we did no
sangers and sent away beggars e
of the world in other ways, having
We have discontinued the good h
ed, harmed, suppressed, humiliated
the living créatures, we have sowed
we did not comply with the rules
(8a) and we offended the lords of th
all this we are praying for merey
finitum, summing them up (we s
ties and the lords of the world, we
although our destiny and we have
the good of this country, and th
having enumerated all this and all
(8b). Forgive us, have merey on us,
Because of our sins and the carele
of the leaders, because of the err
of the world and the land has de

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TWO MONGOL TEXTS 31
and offences committed against th

and the world, all this should be p
remedied. And as I believe in the l
(9a), in Brahma and Indra, as w
Buddha, and as I have knelt dow
world, glance at this place of yo
liefs with reverence, give strengt
the monks. Make their majesties
as well as the qans and the nobilit
and glory, ensure the universal
the harms of the enemy, thieve
mals demaging our patrons, peo
catastrophes, harms, quarreis, c
of storms, snow-storms, cold w
quiet! Keep off the malice and hos
derbolts and thunders, the descen
Make us happy with tranquil year
great profit, good crops, plenty
there be long lives and glory and
more sons, students, as well as app
and relatives, and fulfil whateve
ness and fortune in our country,
in agreement with true heart and
and wealth. Give us plains füll of
Give us the grace of infinite lives
happiness of having never interr
able size and servants. We wish t
(IIa) to be under helmet-like(?)
trying to achieve with honest mea
animais, wealth to you, lords of
enraged enemies, defeat the har
could not otherwise attain and remind us of which we are unaware. When we
are lost, please, show us the way out, when we are alone, please, keep us Co
pany. If we are oppressed please, liberate us. If we are defeated, please, defend
us. (IIb) Separate those striving for true honesty from those of evil intentions
Take care of us by reeeiving us from ahead and following us from behind
Straighten Up those who are bent and tie up what has got torn. Lift those who
are fallen and remind us of those long forgotten. Allow us to find those who
are lost and protect us in our fears. Protect us in daylight and help us at night
by guarding us. This is not reluctance, comfort loving or sowing off on my par
— my abilities and virtues are weak — the peoples of our âge are quarrelsome,
everything is in shortage, (12a) it is you, land of hope, helpful and sacre

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32 MAGDALENA TATÂB,
mountains (qayiraqan) we are tru

Seeing with your divine eyes, h
mirrors, help us openly with fear
duct and behaviour have been r
on the country side, in forbidde
taken a rest when travelling, ar
others like these, out of ignoran
without anger, ridicule, envy, jee
you for your long standing sup
your glory here is our offering o
give you plenty of joy while feas
you in prayer. The all knowing
avoid ail sorts of sins (13a) and
own soûls! This is what Buddha
consists of particles like twinkl
dreams, lightnings, and clouds.
so everybody should forbear fr
(13b) do not harm others. I am
dharma). Ail the happiness of sarr
coincidence and (long) life, virtu
may come to us ! Qurui qurui.16
cliné in anything. Oh, our lords
the blessing of the three gems
virtue, those of the people of thi
tendency without harming the lo
of the essence of the true faith
country, find everything you li
desire. Sacred mountains and we
like mother and children (14b) w
country happy in peace. Now th
of the world, if we have any sins
for our deeds of ignorance and
offering, listen to our prayer a
whenever we call you as you have
always your provision on us, o
our benevolent Master and our
three helpful gems be with us ! T
be with us! The blessing of the
162This exclamation marks the per

prayers as an interjection but with t
drinks etc., too. See Changalov, Sob

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TWO MONGOL TEXTS 33
blessing of seeing everything we

(15b) of rejoicing in peaee day an
These are the words to say. The b
to offer for sacrifices to the lords
proved to be blissful, this is how w
in Tibetan and some of the lords
prayers) failed to reach their go
know them. And since, translate
Tibetan, they were difficult to und
to Mongolian, it was difficult to
well and exactly. In my mind if
the Mongolian world and say our r
be but favourable for our qan Mon
the Contents (of the text) availab
into believers. So I compiled [thi
from sutras composed by the sai
2. The laws providing for the o
are enlisted under section 32 in t
The publication of the laws start
The printed parts that have com
tsov.183 А сору of the incomplè
Library of Ulaanbaatar and in Le
bably as early as at the time of the
is based on G. Kara's handwritten
National Library in Ulaanbaatar.
nowledgement for his willingnes
The laws were written In Uigu
graphy, in the officiai language us
the age it was written in, reflect a
güng) were still in use together wi
stitutions had been established, the
those in the age of the People's Rep
«minister» differentiating it rathe
it Calles the administrative chief o
of the traditional language of re
163 Vladimirtsov, Le régime social de

time of the autonomy see also Riasano
Hague 1965), pp. 139 — 144, 206-208.
164 The expression of terigün sayid was probably known and used well before the
time of the autonomy beeause it can be found in a polyglott Buddhist dictionary, which
also includes dotoyadu sayid, Ligeti, Une vocabulaire, p. 70.

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34 MAGDALENA TATAR
Jarliy-iyarw'° toytayaysan Mongyol u
XXXII.
[2a] Tayiqu takiylaqu yosulal-un qauli:

olan tayily-a-yin qayucin surtal-i yabuyulqu anu: nigen füil. ulus törö-
-dur kiciyenggüilen tngri [2b] yafar. ebüged-ün süm-e. siroy-yin e/jen.
-un efen-ü yeke mandal-dur öcin tayiqu yosulal büküy-yi inu. olan qariy
-un ifayur-aca yabufu iregsen qayucin surtal yosun-i dayafu yabuyulu
sasin-i tedkügci yeke Boyda qayan qayiraqan ayula. Qan Kentei ayula-yi
-yi tayiqu anu: nigen füil. bidan-u mongyolcud ifayur-aca erkilen
sasin-i tedkügci yeke Boyda qayan qayiraqan ayula. Qan Kentei ayula-yi
fil büri fun. namur qoyar cay-tur qayucin uday-a-bar tayilaytun: tayi
büri keregsekü üker qoni. darasu. boyorsoy : idegen-ü ferge füil-i Qalq-a-
ayimay uriddaca [3b] jarlan beled: Dotoyadu yamun-aca tayiqu edür-
ayiladqaysan-u qoyin-a farliy-iyar tayiqu bicig-ün üge fokiyafu sir-a c
ebkemel ayiladcu. deger-e-ece ayula-yin tngri-dür ergükü sumu küji to
Sang-un yamun-dur tusiyafu beledkegül: sasin-i tedkügci yeke Bo
qayiraqan ayula-yin tngri-yi tayilyaqui-dur. tabun yamun-u terigü
nigen kümün [4a] qan Kentei ayula-yin tngri-yi tayilyaqui-dur de
nigen kümün-i jisiyelen yaryaytun: nigen füil. sasin-i tedkügci yeke Bo
qayiraqan ayula-yin tngri-yi tayiqu terigün sayid mordaqui-dur. f
tayiqu bicig-i kiciyenggüilen egürcü falaqu ba. emün-e uduriduqu t
mön kü ayulan-u cayday-a cirig-i fakirqu fanggi. daruy-a nifeged-i [4
qoyar qafayuda fiysan yabuqu numu. sumu sayaday. selem-e fegüg
kümün naiman. qariyatu sayid-i dayaldun yosulan mörgükü beyise
ferge yekeken tüsimel qoyar kümün-i com Tüsiyetü qan. Secen qan qo
-aca tomilan yaryaytun: Qan Kentei ayula-yin tngri-yi tayiqui-dur
mordaqui-dur farliy-un bicig egürcü falaqu ba. emün-e uduriduqu. qoya
fiysan yabuqu dayalta dörben kümün-i dayalduyulumui. tusqayilan
[5a] mörgükü beyise. güng-i yaryaqu ügei. faruydaysan sayid. tay
-nar-i abcu yosulan mörgügtün: nigen füil. ayulas-un tngri-yi tayiqui-d
küriyen-ece corfi blam-a-nar-i yaryaqui-dur keregsekü bös ger. acilya
künesü uuyuly-a-yin ferge-yi dörben ayimay-аса beledken ög: uuly
mön kü ayulas-un sürüg-ece neyilegülün kereglegülküy-ece yadan-
takil bilig fula küfi-yin füil-i urida yosuyar [5b] blam-a-yin sang
yuluytun: nigen füil. ayulas-un tngri-yi tayiqu corfi blam-a-nar tayily
sin tegüsküi-lüge tngri-yin sitügen-ü emün-e küfi-yin sirege fiysaya
165 On usage of farliy by the emperor, especially when the order is addr
lamas, see D. M. Farquhar, Some Technical Terms in Ch'ing Dynasty Chinese
Helating to the Mongols: Mongolian Studies (Budapest 1970), pp. 121 —122.

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TWO MONGOL TEXTS 35
sayid kiciyenggüyilen jarliy-iy

dayalduqu tüsimed-i abëu tngri-yi
güged sögödügseger jarliy-un bidi
ungsiyul: ungsin [6a] tegüsmegc
buyantu darasu yurban Somo ergü
saban-dur sitayan166 takiylaysan-u
sögödtü yisünte mörgün yosulay
ayula-yin tngri-yi tayiqui anu: ni
-yi nigen uday-a tayilyaqui-dur k
üfejü. Sayin noyan qan ayimay-aca
-dur tegsilen sidkegül: jarliy-iyar
Dotoyadu yamun-aca tayiqu edür
-iyar tayiqu bicig. ergükü sumu. k
sutay-yin sayid-tur kürgegül. bus
qayan qayiraqan. Qan Kentei ayula
yuluytun:
Translation of the text
The Law Book of the Mongolian State established by the Order of the Ruler,
32.
(2a) Law on the ritual of the sacrifices to be performed. Order on the old ritual
of the sacrifices.
One article: On zealous prayers and sacrifices as performed at the great mandala
of the skies (2b), earth, the temples of the ancestors, the lord of the earth and th
lord of the sowing as ordered by the State. The law provides, that the tradition
and customs that have prevailed from ancient times to our days in many coun
tries under our supremacy should be duly observed. (3a) On sacrifices offered
to the deities of the Boyda qayan qayiraqan mountain, the patron of the Faith.
and the Qan Kentei mountain.
One article : We, Mongols, should offer our sacrifices to the deities of the mount
ains of Boyda qayan qayiraqan, the patron of the Faith, and Qan Kentei at
the usual time, twice a year, in summer and in autumn, just as we have done
from the beginning. The cows, sheep, wine, and cakes and other food to be
offered on all these occasions are to be announced (3b) and prepared in advance
by the four ayimays of the Qalq-a. The Ministry of the Interior fixes the days
166 A similar oeremony is held on the occasion of the naadam when the document
that bore the name of the ruler, that is of the Chinese Emperor, was burned in honour of
the Emperor and the participants made a bow in the direction of Peking. Damdinsùrên,
Ôvgôn Éambal, p. 697. 1

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36 MAGDALENA TAT À К
of the sacrifices and reports on it (to

it writes the words of the sacrifi
(to the ruler). The Ministry of Eco
and the silk to be offered from abo
an order issued by them. The sacrifi
ain of Boyda qayan qayiraqan, the
one of the ministers (4a) leading t
ministers should represent them at
ain.
One article: When the minister arrives for the sacrificial ritual of the god of
the great Boyda qayan qayiraqan mountain, the patron of the Faith, the
written order for the ritual should be received in reverence, accompanied and
introduced as officiais, by the leaders and Commanders of both the police and
the army in charge of the same mountain. (4b) The minister is to be received
and greeted with a bow by eight attendants, lined on either side of him, armed
with bows, arrows, quivers and swords; two beyise, güng and higher rank offi
ciais — all must be elected and sent from Tüsiyetü qan and Secen qan ayimay.
Four attendants must be appointed to receive, to escort and to lead up the
document of the order and the minister for the worship of the Qan Kentei
mountain. No beyise or güng is ordered for special escort (5a) or to do the bow
ing. The delegated minister and the lamas to perform the ritual must be re
ceived and greeted by bowing.
One article: When the corji lamas march out of the Cloister-capital for the per
formance of the ritual of the gods of the mountains, the cloth, the tents, pack
-camels, food anddrink and everything eise to be used on such occasions should
be prepared and provided by the four ayimays. Besides, the racehorses are to
be lent from the stud of the same mountains as agreed, it is only the sacrifice,
the présent, the lamp and incense that have to be provided (5b) from lama
stores according to the earlier custom.
One article: After the corji lamas, performing the sacrificial rite for the mount
ain gods having finished reading out the sacrificial prayer, the incense table
should be set up in front of the sacrificial place of the god and the minister
présenting rite should humbly offer the written document ordered for the rite,
place it on the table and then he should kneel down three times and bow nine
times according to custom in adoration of the god together with the officiais
accompanying him and then still on knees he should offer the written order
to the god and then have it read out by the officiai of the escort. Having read
it out (6a) they should kneel down three times, then bow nine times, then
getting up they should offer the god three cups of blessed wine. Having sacri
ficed the written order, the incense and the silk fabric by burning them in the
incense bowl, they should, true to the custom of «seeing the god out», kneel down
three times and salute bowing nine times. (6b) (Blank page).

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TWO MONGOL TEXTS 37
(7a) On the saorificial rite perf

god of Odqan tngri.
One article: When the time of the
tngri comes round in summer, th
cessary to the rite are to be provid
as it is rather close, which advance,
in the form of taxes. The minister
Uliyasutay. The day of the sacrifici
of the Interior (7b), who, having re
ciai carrying the written docume
the arrows, the incense and the silk
Minister of Uliyasutay.
The other rites should follows the sacrificial rite of the mountains of the
great Boyda-qayan qayiraqan, the patron of the Faith and of Qan Kenten
The importance of the first text, the sacrificial ritual lies in the fac
that it is written in Mongolian, as most of the rituals were in Tibetan. The
are any number of former lamas in Mongolia who remember hearing thes
prayers to the mountain gods read out in Tibetan. They could even quot
parts of the prayers in Tibetan, but попе in Mongolian. Howe ver, the tex
above was apparently meant for the people strictly adhering to lamaist tr
ditions. The beginning comprises a part of the lamaist creed (itegel), the en
meration of sins is clearly a confession text (gsanti).m At the same time t
author consciously testifies to the necessity of the native language and of the
replacement of the Tibetan localities and local spirits unknown to the Mongols
especially in a prayer for Mongols.
That the text is a late сору is unquestionable and we have no reason t
suppose that the сору ist made any altérations in it, he even retained obsolete
forms together with the name of the author. The reliability of the copyists is
also borne out by three other manuscripts at my disposai which show no signi
ficant différences, although they were copied by différent people and da
from three différent periods. The Mongolian history of literature knows
a lama by the name of Ayvandorp and of corji rank, who was called bicige
and whose service is dated from the 18th Century in the monastery town tha
used to stand in the place of the présent Ulaanbaatar. His two famous wor
contain elucidations on Dandin's theory of literature, his collection of ex
167 A similar itegel was published by G. Kara, Un texte mongol en écriture soyombo :
Acta Orient. Hung. IX (1969), pp. 2 — 38. The way the offerings are placed in the worsh
of mountains, such as the constructing of the 13 obos to the image of the 12 continen
was taken from the mandata. See J. Schubert, Das Reis-Magdala: Festschrift Well
(Leipzig 1954), pp. 584 — 593; G. Tucci, The Theory and Practice of the Mandata (Londo
1969).

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38 MAGDALENA TATÄfi
amples providing both theoretical and

the Mongolian literary and religious tex
he could be identified as the author of
which the text was written, apart from t
the copying at a later date, is classic, 1
variants at my disposai are from the th
the area traditionally called the Ayvandor
The place of origin of the third one is un
The second text, that of the modern
originally communal cuit, widely spread
tised by the Manchu emperor's représen
ciai holiday by the autonomous Mongol
mountains, Kentex, Boyda ayula and Od
sacred mountains were honoured is clearl
says that the reason why the obo of qosiy
should stand on the Gurvan sajchan mo
wide, is that the obo on Bogd uul near th
law draws up a strict hierarchy among
highest rank and to be most revered is
Odqan tengri of Qangyai ranks third.
Appendix
Herewith we publish the transcription of the manuscript marked Mong.

174 belonging to the Oriental Collection of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences.
It is a mutilated variant of the first text, différent, in many places, from the
classical orthography of the previous one. It measures 220 X 90 mm, its type
measuring 195x70 mm. It was written on modern Russian paper with paint
brush and in Indian ink and the sheet was lined with a pencil beforehand.
Leaf 12 is missing. Some words in the original сору were painted over in
red by the copyist. It is hard to read. The letter d usually used in midword
position occurs in initial position too, here marked by d. The letter n in the
middle of words is often linked to d with an intermediary g and I considered
168According to Rincên, Mongol biögijn chêlnij zùj, Udirtgal (Ulaanbaatar 1964),

pp. 175 —176 Ayvandorji lived under the first Jebcundamba qutuytu, but he lived under
the 5th Jebcundamba qutuytu according the order published by Bawden, Notes on the
worship, p. 59. His works: Jokistu ayalyu-yin toli-yi toytayaqu dangsan durasqal-yi todora
yuluyci and Jokistu ayalyu-yin toli-yi beye kiged cimeg-yin biSig Sinar ba yaman ]isiye-yi
durasqu dangsan, see Chùùchênbaatar—Tômôrtogoo, Mongolyn sojol (Ulaanbaatar 1968),
p. 53.
169 Heissig, Blockdrucke, p. 373.

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TWO MONGOL TEXTS 39
this variant together with the o

unmarked, for instance ende (4a).
[la] corf'yfi Ыат-а ayvandorfi Ъег f

takily-a orosibai: [lb] boyda blam-a b
törögsün nutuy ba. ayuluysan delek
idegen-ü füil alin bui-yin degefi be
ten-yi satayafu eyin ögülegdeküi
bodi qutuy olon oltal-a itegemüi bi m
-iyer amitan-a tuslaqu-yin tula bur
[2a] ögülen qamuy amitan amuyulan
boltuyai. qamuy amitan fobolang
boltuyai-. qamuy amitan oyir-a qola
sedf'ykil-iyer aqu boltuyai-. kernen
vacarbani burqan bolbai ôm bajar
ariyulaCyl-dur aysan bujar tüidk
usudf'ybai ôm sûba suidto saravan
com qoyosun ku bolbai. qoyosun c
qayiluyad erdeni yeke saba boloysan
qayiluyad qamuy bujar tüidker aHly
ügei foyoy takil beige belig-ün mön
\f'ürbdn-tan ögülen ôm saravan pat
bajar' bara('yn-a дата kernen yur
ba. tegüfyycilen afiraysan burqan
kücün-iyer minu ali sanaysad com
boltuyai ay-a deleki-yin arban buyan
со(уУу [3b] edlef'yi-iycr delger ene y
ayula yafar usun-u nerÇy-e-yi oroy
bolomui. man-u törögsen nutuy ba.
modo cilayu qadan asaq-a yool usun
ten-e ayj'yöi caylasi ügei buyan coy
sanf'yg-iyar cin('yggilegsen yeke
oron-u kümün mal-yi ibegen asar
barayf'ydaycid cöm-i urin falam
ende afiran falaramui. emüfyyn-e
-un dotor erdeni-yin sandali torf
besf'yger-tür amuyulang sayiqan-iy
ba. sanaysan-aca yar( ' yyafu dar
bolyan adisCylaysan suu, cai [4b]
tatan fims miq-a tatasi yulir toso te
ergümüi. torf'yy-a mangnuy qub(")
arasu qaday lorCyy-a mangnuy bös k

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40 MAGDALENA TATAR
duulay-a buu jidan selem-e terigü

bayisi\n\g örgöge eldeb em-e-ü
mor('yi temege qoni üker [5a] sar
-un sürüg-yi er С ygümüi. agur j
yulun sitayaysan utayan-iyar d
tüidker com ariyudqu boltuyai. c
er(jjkeber kengsigüü kir('jbusu
ariyatan göröged-yi qoor(jjlays
cilayu qub('jqula('jysan ulai [5b]
yajar-tu bayudal ja.saC yysan oro
tusa-yi meredejü \ = medejü]
rayulqi-a ba. yajar-un sim-e ar(")
delekiy-yin ejed-ün tayalal-dur q
cilamui sasin-yi ergümjilkü üge
takiqu ügei toyin quvaray-yi kü
aqamad-yi [6a] kündülekü ügei.
ügei. terigüten delekiy-yin eje
dayudan nama[n]cilamui. sayin
amitan-yi soyalan qooralaqu da
basirdaqu qariyaqu qayacaldayuK'У
ügei jörigü yajiyu-yi kiciyekü ter
bükün-iyen dayudan namancila
ögülejü güicesi ügei-yin tula tob('y
qar(jysilaysan sür buyan tan-n
qomsoday mayu-i elbegsigülkü m
namancilamui. ayucilan örösiye
olan mayu yabudal ba. jarim toy
endegüü-yin ciladasi-iyar delek
urbaysan oron delekiy-yin ejed-y
sad com ene ariyula( ' yl-iyar ari
rün-yin esürün qormus(u)da-na
sögödügsen-ü tula mön delekiy eje
sasin-yi kündülen sakiju boyda(
quvaray-ud tedkün kökiygülemü
öl(")miy-yi batudqan [7b] sür ji
tübsidken enkejigülemüi. öglig
qoor(jyia(jyyci dayisun quKj jya
nögel-yi usadqamu y ai ur( ' jsiy k
-ece jay il( ' )yulamui sirigün q
ügei öng öyeg tabtai tayiban-i
busud-un mayu sanay-a [8a] ya
ung( ' jjiqu yajar dolgisaqu terig

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TWO MONGOL TEXTS 41
дет ügei oljan as[i]y uciraqu lari('y

prya('}yu-lumu nasu urtu coy pb(
nar-iyar île daldan yekese asaran sa
sad-i daray-a-bar güiceldegülümü.
arad sidur(')yu sidkel [= sedkil]-
nayiraldun. bayilay elbeg-iyer cen
qotan degüüren qoni üker-ün kesig-
bayuraqu ügei jayay-a buyan-u kesig
yan-u adali büli jarucin-u kesig-i ör
-iyan yabudal-dur duulay-a metü
güiceldegülümü bida [9a] ögilig-ün e
efen qayiraqan-tayan dayadylmui
qoor('}layci todq-ud-yi daruyulamu
-lumu.tögereküi-dür ya)ar('}cilan.
qui-dur kör(jygedün deyildequi-du
ügei eteged burayu-iyar jorimyalqu-
dayan sakimui. yuljayiysan-yi jala
-nibos(')yanmar('ytay('}san seregü
sakimu. edür qarayuldun. söni ma
ya('}qu mini busu öberün cidal buy
qamuy bükün qomso yay('ycikü ege
yuyuqu falbaral bülüge. IngerÇyi-
sonosÇyfu gegen toli-bar tolidcu
-iyar-iyan iledten tedkemü man-u
daldan-yi medekü ügei-yin er(')kebe
уащг-tu qonoyulqu üdelekü bayuc
untuyuciqu damar(')laqu atayacaqu toyoraqu ös(y)lekü terigüten ügei qarin ya
budal kereg minu demfimüi. er('}ten-ece ibegen örö/'ysiye('yysan aci-yi acilaqu
ba. aci niyur Ьо1('Ууап er С ygükü joyoy baling edeger-i küliyen ab( ' ycu qurimÇ'y
la(")n cinggejü yuyun jal( 'ybariysad-i minu mön yosuyar bol(")yan jokiyamu
qamuy-yi ayiladduy('yci [10b] hurq( ' У an say( ' yfimuni-yin ]аг(уУ1ау-Шг ke
UnCycin yayun-ni cu buu üiled. buyan-yi qotala tegüldür-iyer edleg('ytün öberün
sedkil-iyen nomuyday('ytun ene ninu [= inu\ burqaÇyn-u suryal ü)egülegdegün
bülüge. quran üileddügsen yayun bügüden-ni odon bürgül)ile( ' )l jida ba. jali
segü(gyyder usun-u segü(y)äer cöberekü jegüden cikilyan egüle adili üfeg/'ydüle
mesi-ece ülü ayuqu ken cu ügei ükükü ami-i bügüdeger cegerlemüi öberün biy-e-ece
üliger ab('y6u busud-dan qoorla('yi buu üileddügtün kem[e]gsen nom-un [IIa]
ögilig bol('yyan er('ygümgei: sangsar nirvan-u sayin ölji coy joli kücün ucaral
nasu buyan sayin aldar. ner-e idege qub( ' )cid ed mal-un qamuy kesig iretüni-yi
qurui qurui. keyige-tü yayu-iyar cu möküs('ytekü ügei yeke kesig örösiy[e]müi
oytaryCyui-yin sang-tu bayan delkiy-yin ejed minu a-a ay-a yurban erdeni-yin
adastad ba. bidan nutuy-un arad-dakinu buyan ölfei nom-un cinar sayin bel('yig

193.255.88.137 on Fri, 03 Dec 2021 18:46:38 UTC
42 MAGDALENA TATÄR
-üd-ünkücün-iyer delkiy-yin ejed-tü

sür jib^yqulaCyng anu badaraqu bol
minu ene takil-aca yar('>cw tayalal
qad-nar ba. door-a qor( ' }yuduy( '}san
qan-iyar örösijü tegünü kücün-iyer o
edüge delkiy-yin ejed-i takiqui-day
mungqaCyy tenege-ün yabudal-yi
len-dü yabastal-a neyilelcekü ügei
büren-iyer medekü(y~)y-e bcrC'ykeli
efed-dü mongy(')ol-un idege bel[e~\d
joriy-iyan dayudafu ögülebesü qaran
geleü-yin yadan-a qng-ün mongyC
sitüjü olumu kem[e~\kü sanay-a si
bayiri sanay-a ab(")cu eyin eb('}s
ölfei buyan: nemekü boltuyai : 10.
Illustrations
I. Weapon-copies carved in wood originating from the обо of the top of Chaan uul in
Ômnôgovï ajmag. 1. Length: 53 cm, diameter at its thicker end: 8 cm; 2. Length: 22,5 cm,
diameter at its thicker end: 7 cm; 3. Length: 25,5 cm, diameter at its thicker end: 6 cm.
II. А баса burnt from clay originating from an anonyme mountain-top, some 50 km south
of Ulaanbaatar. Height: 2,5 cm, its largest diameter: 3,5 cm.

193.255.88.137 on Fri, 03 Dec 2021 18:46:38 UTC
TWO MONGOL TEXTS 43
k-:A

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44 MAGDALENA TATAR
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Acta Orient. Hung XXX. 1976.

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TWO MONGOL TEXTS 45
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1976 - Magdalena Tatár - Two Mongol Texts Concerning The Cult of The Mountains

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TWO MONGOL TEXTS CONCERNING THE CULT OF THE MOUNTAINS

Author(s): MAGDALENA TATÁR

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/23657243

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TWO MONGOL TEXTS CONCERNING THE CULT

The cuit of the sacred mountains plays an important pa

Acta Orient. Hung. XXX. 1976.

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only persecuted the followers of

3 jasaytu qan and Altan qan issue

Acta Orient. Hung. XXX. 1976.

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The word qayirqan,13 o

13 According to my Khalkha informants from So

14 Haitod—Heissig, Ortsnamen, pp. 190, 203, 20, Heissig, Blockdrucke, pp. 2

1* Acta Orient. Hung. XXX. 1976.

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History of the Mongols: Cingg

17 Ligeti, Histoire secrète, pp. 60

Acta Orient. Hung. XXX. 1976.

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say it can be assumed that before the spread of Buddhism i

20 Ligeti, Histoire secrète, pp. 168—171, § 201. Ibid. a promise to

Acta Orient. Hung. XXX. 1976.

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in the trank. These tre

Acta Orient. Hung. XXX. 1976.

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lias knowledge of the «dwelling place» of their Shaman forefa

29 Darkhat traditions upheld the Buddhist oustom of not placing

Acta Orient. Hung. XXX. 1976.

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the heaven, pp. 426 — 430,

Acta Orient. Hung. XXX. 1976.

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In the same country, it is

The cult of sacred mountains was manifested in erecting différent altars

Acta Orient. Hung. XXX. 1976.

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41 Sanzeev, Weltanschauung, pp. 950—951. Changalov, Sobranie, I, p. 308. Small

Acta Orient. Hung. XXX. 1976.

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ers were recited by the lamas there

Acta Orient. Hung. XXX. 1976.

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tended for the sacred mountains

46 Heissig, Blockdrucke, pp. 382, З

Acta Orient. Hung. XXX. 1976.

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near the heads of rivers and the d

Acta Orient. Hung. XXX. 1976.

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sacrifices сап be found elsewhere a

Acta Orient. Hung. XXX. 1976.

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of the mountains.55 The Buryats pass o

Chantaj gêrêês chold'joo doo

Acta Orient. Hung. XXX. 1976.

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4. Besides Etügen ehe, the godd

Khalkha informants a libation of milk

Gazar delxï nàiman aimâçj

Acta Orient. Hung. XXX. 1976.