Professional Documents
Culture Documents
o How did the roles played by central and local government change between the SLCP and
NSLCP?
▪ Could either SLCP or NSLCP have occurred had the central government played a
less prominent part?
o Analyse the approach of SLCP in terms of effectiveness, efficiency and equitability (using
the definitions of each outlined in the case).
▪ How does your analysis of NSLCP differ for the same criteria?
o In your opinion, what does the assessment that neither SLCP nor NSLCP achieved the ‘gold
criteria’ standard tell us?
▪ Is it possible to meet environmental and poverty reduction objectives in the same
PES scheme?
▪ If not, why not …. And if so, what should (N)SLCP have done differently?
Concerns over Food Security and Cost, Extension and the New SLCP
However, despite impressive early results, by 2007 there was increasing concern on the part of the central
government that the programme was placing an unsustainable financial burden on village administrations
charged with running the scheme and was increasing food insecurity as croplands were retired. This led the
government to suspend enrolment of new participants, to halve the level of cash payments to farmers and to
suspend a job training programme, redirecting the savings to local government in an effort to alleviate the cost
of managing the scheme (Howell, 2022).
In spite of the suspension of new enrolments, the government were concerned that the benefits achieved to
date would be lost once the scheme concluded in 2010. They feared that landholders would revert to cutting
down trees in order to reconvert forest to cropland once cash transfers were withdrawn (Howell, 2022: 1219).
They therefore decided to extend the projected conclusion of the scheme to 2015, albeit with enrolments still
suspended and cash payments to landholders remaining at their significantly reduced levels (Ren et al, 2020
and Howell, 2022).
The New Sloping Land Conversion Programme (NSLCP) was launched in 2015, aiming to revegetate a further
2.9 million hectares of degraded hillside land by 2020 but with significantly tightened rules to improve poverty
reduction by targeting the poorest rural communities while also addressing food security problems by
introducing much stricter rules on the land that was eligible for compensation. The new approach also gave
local (village-level) administrations and participating rural households much more autonomy over
implementation of the scheme at a local level (Ren et al, 2020).
Overall Results
The most recent analyses show strong results in targeting appropriate degraded land and thus in improving
reforestation. There was some deficiency identified in targeting, with landholders in a minority of cases
managing to secure support for fertile, flat land. Also, while the reforestation that resulted can be seen as
positive, this occurred in areas not considered appropriate for that activity, not least as the removal of fertile
land from the food production chain exacerbated food insecurity (Ren et al, 2020). While these deficiencies
were of concern, they were relatively limited, so didn’t significantly compromise environmental impact.
However, impact on poverty alleviation (the equitability target of the ‘gold criteria’) was much less satisfactory
(Ren et al, 2020). These issues arose early, with initial failures to provide sufficient funding for management
of the scheme leading to the decision in 2007 to halve cash transfer rates, resulting in a substantial shortfall in
the rate of compensation in relation to the loss of productivity arising from the ‘retirement’ of croplands (Xu et
al, 2010). The cancellation of job training was also found to have hindered the ability of households to make a
transition from farm-based work to non-agricultural employment, again undermining their ability to achieve
alternative livelihoods to compensate for shortfalls in subsidies (Howell, 2022: 1222). This combination of
factors effectively exacerbated poverty in the middle stages of the scheme.
These problems were further worsened by the lack of autonomy accorded to landholders and village
administrations to decide on how to implement the scheme locally - having enrolled, they were compelled to
meet their commitments even where compensation was inadequate to cover losses and with little ability to
adjust the terms to mitigate those losses (Xu et al, 2010: 7-12).
In the final analysis, the scheme was not assessed to have met the ‘gold criteria’ standard. While it had proven
relatively effective in targeting for environmental impact and efficiency, the programme fell well short of
achieving poverty reduction objectives (Ren et al, 2020).
Policy recommendations are that greater localised autonomy, stronger land use rights and more job training
opportunities were needed throughout in addition to adequate funding for management if the gold standard
was to be achieved (Howell, 2022 and Ren at al, 2020). Critically, also, compensation levels - and most
particularly in cash transfers - need to be sufficient to more than compensate for the loss of income arising
from ‘retirement’ of productive farm land if poverty levels are to fall (Wang et al, 2020).