2011 - (Ismail Fajrie Alatas) Becoming Indonesian The Bā Alawī in The Interstices of The Nation

Becoming Indonesians: The Bā ʿAlawī in the Interstices of the Nation
Author(s): Ismail Fajrie Alatas

Source: Die Welt des Islams , 2011, Vol. 51, Issue 1 (2011), pp. 45-74
Published by: Brill
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/41105369
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'W c DIE
WELT DES
BRILL Die Welt des Islams 51 (201 1) 45-74 islams
Becoming Indonesians:
The Bä 'Alawï in the Interstices of the Nation
Ismail Fajrie Alatas*

Ann Arbor, MI
Abstract
This paper examines the Bäc Alawï - a group of Hadramï diaspora acknowledged
as the descendants of Prophet Muhammad - in post-colonial Indonesia. In
particular, it observes the Bâ 'Alawï scholars' creative adaptation and manipulation
of their Sufi path, tariqa (alawiyyay in their attempt to secure their place within
the wider imagination of Indonesian nationhood while protecting their distinctive
genealogical eminence. In the twentieth century the tariqa, which had long
functioned to secure their identity, differentiate them from others and nurture
their diasporic consciousness, proved incompatible with the assimilationist
discourse of the nation. Further challenges came from Islamic reformism, preaching
egalitarianism increasingly defined public articulation of Islam, confronting the
Bâ 'Alawï's notion of Islamic authority. The Bâ 'Alawï scholars adapted by reshaping
of the tariqa rituals, shirting emphasis on Prophetic piety, expanding the Bâ cAlawï
textual community to include local scholars, and the projecting of a new form of
Prophetic authority in a framework of hadith studies. Such shifts were sustained
by the construction of a new Bâ cAlawï center in Kwitang, Jakarta, and the
cultivation of scholarly networks connecting the Bâ cAlawï and local kyais
(Indonesian Islamic scholars). More specifically, this paper observes the career of
three Bà cAlawï scholars and their efforts to reconfigure the discursive practice of
the tariqa in the early decades of the Indonesian republic. By presenting practices
* This article is based on the first chapter of my Masters thesis which I submitted to the
History Department of the National University of Singapore in 2008. I thank Professor
Michael Feener, Merle Ricklefs, Nico Kaptein, Hamzah bin Tahir and Chaider Bamuallim
who have read this article and suggested helpful comments. An earlier version of this paper
was presented at the Center for the Study of Religion and Culture, Universitas Islam Negeri
Syarif Hidayatullah, Jakarta (June 2008), and at the 6th annual Duke-UNC Graduate
Islamic Studies Conference, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill (April 2009).
© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 201 1 DOI: 10.1 163/15700601 1X556120

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46 /. E Alatas I Die Welt des Islams 51 (201 1) 45-74
recognizable to the dominant modes of Islamic reformism in the country, the Bâ

cAlawï succeeded in maintaining their visibility in Sukarno's Indonesia.
Keywords
Bâ cAlawï, tariqa (alawiyya> Indonesia, Hadramï, cAIl b. cAbd al-Rahmän al-Habashï,

£Alï b. Husayn al-(Attâs, Sälim b. Ahmad b. Jindän, Sufism
Although in this present eray Islam faces problems which are a thousand times
greater and more difficult than this question of the "sayid", nevertheless, in my
conviction, one of the blemishes of Islam today is this well-nigh idolatrous
sanctification of human beings.
Sukarno, first president of Indonesia.1
The independence of Indonesia in 1 949 brought about the gradual

strengthening of the state and the materialization of Indonesian
nationhood. Those with foreign backgrounds, such as Chinese and
Arabs, were viewed suspiciously, compelling them to adapt to new
political realities. The period was also an era when Islamic reformism
and modernism increasingly came to define public expressions of Islam,
shaking the foundation of traditional religious authorities.2 Develop-
ments of nationalism and Islamic reformism form the background to
the present discussion on the Bâ 'Alawï. This article observes the pro-
cesses by which three notable Bâ cAlawï scholars reconfigured themselves
and their Islamic teachings - as encapsulated by their Sufi path, the
tariqa (alawiyya - at the interstices of nationhood and Islamic reformism.
Such a reconfiguration was done through the reshaping of the tariqa
rituals, shifting emphases onto prophetic piety in a framework ofhadith
studies, and the institution of an expanded Bâ 'Alawï textual commu-
nity to include local scholars. Such shifts in discursive practices were
sustained by the construction of a new Bâ 'Alawï center in Kwitang,
Jakarta, and the cultivation of scholarly networks connecting the Bä
'Alawï and local kyais (indigenous Islamic scholars). By presenting dis-
cursive practices recognizable in terms of dominant forms of Islamic
reformism, the Bâ cAlawï succeeded in establishing a niche in the upper
1} Sukarno, Under the Banner of Revolution (Djakarta: Publication Committee, 1966), 309.
2) R. Michael Feener, Muslim Legal Thought in Modern Indonesia (Cambridge: CUP, 2007),
chapter 2.

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religious and political echelons of Sukarno s Indonesia. Before delving

into the twentieth century Indonesia, some introductory remarks
regarding the Bâ cAlawï and their tarïqa are needed.
The Bä 'Alawï & Their tarïqa

Bä cAlawï (children of (Alawï) is a term used to denote those descendants
of the Prophet Muhammad {sâdd) who settled in the Hadramawt valley
of southern Yemen. As the formative history of the Bä 'Alawï has been
the subject of several monographs, it will not be discussed here.3 One
vital development, however, does require some discussion; that of the
institution of the Bä cAlawfs own Sufi path {tarïqa).
In the thirteenth century, a Bâ cAlawï scholar, Muhammad b. cAlï
(d. 1255), instituted the tarïqa 'alawiyya (the Bä (Alawï path). Engseng
Ho defines this as a complex of constitutive elements consisting of a
canon of saints, texts, rituals, sacred places and genealogies.4 To this
can be added another element; the scholarly network in the form of
Hqdal-suhba (pledge of fellowship) binding people based on their adher-
ence to the tarïqa. These elements combined to generate and transmit
normative understandings of moral order. As a complex, the tarïqa is
a 'malleable discourse' that evolves as it confronts new historical con-
texts.5
One example of the tarïqa's malleability was its articulation in terms

of Prophetic piety by the Bä (Alawï luminary, cAbd Allah b. (Alawï
al-Haddäd (d. 1719). The eighteenth century was an era when practices
of mysticism centered upon the ideals and precedence of the Prophet
reached its peak in the Muslim world, as studies oïhadïth gained prom-
inence.6 In this context, al-Haddäd delineated the tarïqa as imitating
the Prophet internally and externally by following in the footsteps of
the aslâf (defined as the Bä 'Alawï's pious predecessors) and studying
3) See: O. Löfgren, "Bä cAlawï", in EP, 1, 828ff., and R. B. Serjeant, The Saiyids of
Hadramawt (London: SOAS, 1957).
4) Engseng Ho, The Graves of Tarimi Genealogy and Mobility across the Indian Ocean
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006), 41-47.
5) Ibid., 41.; Ibid., see the first part of the book: 'Burial'.
6) Bernd Radtke, "Sufism in the 18th Century: An Attempt at a Provisional Appraisal", WI,
36(1996), 360.

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the hadïthJ Articulating Sufism in the contour of Prophetic piety

afforded the Bâ cAlawï a position of prestige. As heirs to the Prophet,
they could present their intimate knowledge of the Prophets words and
deeds through the sibila dhahabiyya (the golden chain), a chain of
knowledge transmitted internally through the family from father to son
without external mediation. As al-Haddäd remarked,
They [the Bâ cAlawï predecessors] became the inheritors of the Messenger

And the commander of the faithful, Alï
And from the two grandsons [Hasan & Husayn] , they inherited
Then how many scholars and how many substitutes?8
Prophetic piety, therefore, functioned as the doctrinal justification of

the tariqa and validation of the Bâ cAlawï elevated status.
From its inception until early in the twentieth century, the tariqa
experienced substantial modifications. In subsequent sections of the
article, we will see how Prophetic piety was further reconceptualized
and redeployed to strengthen the doctrinal basis of the tariqa in light
of the challenge of Islamic reformism. Before looking at how twentieth-
century Bâ 'Alawï scholars reconfigured these elements a brief over-
view of the Bâ VUawï position in colonial Indonesia is needed.
The Bâ 'Alawï in the Netherlands Indies
By the eighteenth century, Bâ 'Alawï migrants had settled in various

parts of Southeast Asia. Their prestigious genealogy and scholarly cre-
dentials accelerated their integration into local elite kinships, forming
the creole cultural nexus in the archipelago.9 The assimilation process,
however, was asymmetrical.10 Although the Bâ 'Alawï married local
women, they did not marry their daughters to non-Bâ 'Alawï, citing
the doctrine oikafâ'a (parity in marriageability) as a justification. Such
a practice served to integrate the Bâ cAlawï into local kinship structures
7) See especially his famous work: cAbd Allah b. 'Alawï al-Haddäd, al-Nasä'ib al-dïniyya
wa-1-wasäyä al-ïmâniyya (Tarïm: Dar al-Hâwï, 1994).
8) cAbd Allah b. (Alawï al-Haddäd, al-Durr al-manzùm li-dhawï al- uqul wa-l-fuhum
(n. p.: privately printed, 2003), 553.
9) For more information see: Ho, Graves of Tarim, chapter 6.
10) Ibid., 173-187.

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while simultaneously enabled them to maintain distinctiveness through

carefully defined lines of descent.
The late-nineteenth century witnessed new social and political devel-
opments facilitated by a web of new technologies including print, tele-
graph and steam travel. Michael Feener argues that these developments
not only assisted European expansion but also created new opportuni-
ties for connections and exchanges of ideas amongst Muslims.11 One
result of these developments was the dissemination of new ideas such
as Islamic reformism developed in Cairo, borne out of interaction
between Muslim scholars and European modernity.12 Challenging the
epistemological bases of traditional Islamic thought and practice,
Islamic reformism bypassed the authority of established scholars and
their scholastic tradition by arguing for direct access to scriptures.
The same technological developments precipitated a surge in Hadramï
migration to Southeast Asia. While previously migration was limited
to relatively small numbers of Bâ 'Alawï and perhaps other wealthy
Hadramïs, cheaper steam travel made the crossing possible to more
Hadramïs from the lower and poorer social groups.13 From both direc-
tions, the improvements in transportation also made possible renewed
connections between Hadramïs in the Indies and the homeland.
Professing the need to protect the economic interests of the indige-
nous population, the Dutch divided the population of the Indies into
three legal categories: Europeans, Foreign Orientals {vreemde osterlingen)
and the indigenous (inlanders) .14 In 1866, the colonial authority
enforced the quarter and pass systems (wijkenstelsel & passenstelsel),
stipulating that Foreign Orientals such as Hadramïs live in quarters
separate from the indigenous population, and requiring them to carry
n) R. Michael Feener, "Islam, Technology & Modernity in the Nineteenth and early
Twentieth Centuries", in The New Cambridge History of Islam, vol. 6 (Cambridge: CUP,
forthcoming), chapter 2.
12) See: Michael F. Laffan, Islamic Nationhood and Colonial Indonesia: The Umma below the
Winds (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003), chapter 6.
13) Feener, "Islam, Technology & Modernity".
14) Although Foreign Orientals were officially equals of the natives, they were subjected to
different laws, jurisdiction, education, quarters and dress. See: Huub de Jonge, "Dutch
Colonial Policy Pertaining to Hadhrami Immigrants", in Ulrike Freitag & William
G. Clarence-Smith (eds.), Hadhrami Traders, Scholars and Statesmen in the Indian Ocean,
1750s- 1960s (Leiden: Brill, 1997), 96.

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50 LE Alatas I Die Welt des Islams 51 (201 1) 45-74
passes to travel outside.15 Such policies of parochialization had the effect

of interrupting the integration process between Hadramïs and the
indigenous population.
In 1901, members of the Hadramï community in the Dutch East
Indies founded Jamciyyat al-Khayr, which aimed at the establishment
of modern Arab schools and the strengthening of Arab identity.16 In
1914, they set up their own newspaper, thereby creating a reading space
which sustained a Java- wide Arab imagination.17 The bourgeoning
Hadramï community also acted as patrons to the development of mod-
ern Islamic movements, most notably Sarekat Islam, while projecting
themselves as 'natural leaders' of the indigenous population. These
developments served to form modern Hadramï identity and to reinforce
and reconfigure a Hadramï sense of paternalism toward the indigenous
population by employing the modern framework of race and ethnicity.
The modernizing agendas of the Hadramï bourgeoisies, however,
were different to that of traditional Bâ (Alawï scholars such as 'Uthman
b. Yahyä (d. 1931). 'Uthman clung to the tarïqas paradigm of religios-
ity, campaigning for the internalization of Islam, traditional education,
veneration of the asldf and combating unorthodox articulations of
Islam.18 Influenced by Sunni political quietism, cUthmän championed
colonial rust en orde> which brought him into close collaboration with
the Dutch colonial authority. While he utilized the Dutch to support
his agendas, colonial government in turn exploited 'Uthmän in their
efforts to control the articulation of Islam.19 For the reformists, however,
cUthmän's version of Islam was intolerable.
15) Ibid., 97-101.

16) Natalie Mobini-Kesheh, The Hadhmmi Awakening: Community and Identity in the
Netherlands East Indies, 1900-1942 (Ithaca: Cornell Southeast Asia Program, 1999), 36f.
17) Sumit K. Mandai, "Forging a Modern Arab Identity in Java in the Early Twentieth
Century", in Huub de Jonge & Nico Kaptein (eds.), Transcending Borders: Arabs, Politics,
Trade and Islam in Southeast Asia (Leiden: KITLV Press, 2002), 174.
18) Azyumardi Azra, "A Hadhrami Religious Scholar in Indonesia: Sayyid 'Uthmân", in
Freitag & Clarence-Smith (eds.), Hadhrami Traders, Scholars and Statesmen, 257. See also:
Nico Kaptein, "Arabophobia and the Aversion against the TarekaP. How Sayyid 'Uthmän
became advisor to the Netherlands Colonial Administration", in Ahmed Ibrahim Abu
Shouk & Hassan Ahmed Ibrahim (eds.), Hadhrami Diaspora in Southeast Asia: Identity
Maintenance or Assimilation? (Leiden: Brill, 2009), 22-44.
19) Azra, "A Hadhrami Religious", 254.

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The advent of colonial modernity granted some in the East Indies

with elevated social standing as a result of increased wealth. This new
form of authority contributed to the development of critical attitudes
among the wealthy non-Bä cAlawï Hadramïs toward Bâ 'Alawï domi-
nance.20 Subsequently, these sentiments received their strongest articu-
lation in the idea of egali tarianism preached by Islamic reformism. Thus
in 1915, several Hadramï modernists - Bâ 'Alawï and otherwise -
established Jam'iyyat al-Isläh wa-1-Irshäd al-cArabiyya (The Arab Asso-
ciation for Reform & Guidance), better known as al-Irshad.21 Similar
to the Jam'iyyat al-Khayr, al-Irshad continued the modernization
agenda of the Hadramï community, however, it campaigned for mod-
ern Arab ethnicity, egalitarianism and modern homeland in Hadramawt.22
The Irshadi Saläh al-Bakri wrote a two-volume history of Hadramawt,
challenging the dominant Bâ 'Alawï narrative, while arguing instead
for an egalitarian, rational and modern Hadramawt.23 Al-Bakri and
other reformers critiqued the Bâ cAlawï and castigated their tarïqa-
complex as superstition (kburafät), projecting it not as the means of
establishing authority over indigenous Muslims in the Indies, but rather
as the root of social problems in the homeland.
The intense clashes between al-Irshad and the Bâ cAlawï involved
high profile public polemics. Among the many points of contention,
the doctrine of kafä'a upheld by the Bâ 'Alawï received major attention.
Ahmad Surkati (Surkittï), the founder of al-Irshad, for instance, main-
tained that the doctrine of kafa'a as found in several works of some
Shâfi'ï jurists was without sound basis in scripture.24 The Irshadis also
tried to export their ideas to the homeland while the Bâ cAlawï did their
utmost to block them.25 In 1927, the Bâ cAlawï founded their own
organization called al-Räbita al-cAlawiyya (the 'Alawï League). Inten-
20) L. W. C. van den Berg, Hadramaut dan KoloniArab di Nusantara, translated by Rahayu
Hidayat (Jakarta: INIS, 1989), 124.
21) Mobini-Kesheh, Hadhrami Awakening, 54f.
22) Ibid., chapter 3.
23) Saläh al-Bakri al-Yäfi% Tärikh hadramawt al-siyâsi (Cairo: Mustafa al-Bâbï al-Halabï,
1936).
24) Huub de Jonge, "Discord and Solidarity among the Arabs in the Netherlands East
Indies", Indonesia, 55 (1993), 73-90.
25) Mobini-Kesheh, Hadhrami Awakening, 122.

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52 LE AUtas I Die Welt des Islams 51 (201 1) 45-74
sification of ethnic particularism, patronizing stance towards the indig-

enous Muslims and now endless conflict and commitment to a faraway
homeland served to separate the Hadramïs from Indonesias growing
nationalist movement at that time.26 The Hadramïs became the others
within, as they were gradually excluded from nationalist movements,
such as the Sarekat Islam and other Indonesian political imaginations.27
These developments in turn provoked reactions from amongst the
Indies-born Hadramïs who felt more Indonesian than Arab. Among
them, Abdul Rahman Baswedan (d.1986) called for a separate group
of Indonesian-born Hadramïs.28 He contended for the cessation of
conflict between Bä 'Alawï and non-Bä 'Alawï Hadramïs by opening
another space of dissension, that between Hadramïs born abroad and
Indies-born Hadramïs. Baswedan s appeals led to the formation of Per-
satuan Arab Indonesia {PAI, Indonesian-Arab Union) in 1934, which
was transformed into a political party in 1940.29 The PAI fought for
total integration with indigenous Indonesians and actively took part in
national struggles.30 For the PAI, it was not enough to be Indonesian;
one also had to be a nationalist Indonesian.31
Toward the end of the Japanese occupation, Indonesian Hadramïs
were able to extricate themselves from the colonial category of 'Foreign
Orientals'.32 Owing to the PAIs efforts, their status was not questioned
following independence. They were welcomed to remain in Indonesia
and implicitly acknowledged as citizens.33 Their post-colonial experi-
ence was better than that of their brethren elsewhere who were subjected
26) Laffan, Islamic Nationhood, 189-195.

27) Robert van Niel, The Emergence of the Modern Indonesian Elite (The Hague: W. van
Hoeve, 1970), 112.
28) Suratmin, Abdul Rahman Baswedan: Karya dan Pengabdiannya (Jakarta: Departemen
Pendidikan & Kebudayaan, 1989), chapter 3.
29) Hamid Algadri, Politik Belanda Terhadap Islam dan Keturunan Arab di Indonesia (Jakarta:
Haji Masagung, 1988), 116-119.
30) Ibid., 129.
31) Ibid., 119.
32) Harry J. Benda, The Crescent and the Rising Sun: Indonesian Islam under the Japanese
Occupation 1942-1945 (The Hague: W. van Hoeve, 1958), 128.
33) Algadri, Politik Belanda, 132.

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to expulsion and repatriation.34 Legally, however, the status of the

Hadramïs remained ambiguous.
The 1950s witnessed the end of Indian Ocean-wide Hadramï cos-
mopolitanism. Now, they had to be content as a minority of a particu-
lar nation with no existence except through the mediation of
nation-states. Such circumstances demanded caution as "what had
looked cosmopolitan in earlier days looked unpatriotic now."35
With the failure to secure integration constitutionally, Hadramïs in
Indonesia had only one solution: to fully integrate themselves to the
society.
Complete integration posed its own dilemma to the Bä 'Alawï. What
would happen to genealogical purity? Certainly, practical integration
would greatly inhibit genealogical imaginations. And what would hap-
pen to the sacred places in Hadramawt, when they had to forgo their
Hadramï identity? These were the challenges faced by 'Uthman's
successor, Habib Ali al-Habsji (cAlï b. cAbd al-Rahmân al-Habashï,
d. 1968). Active during the first-half of the twentieth century,
al-Habsji was at the forefront of the Bä 'Alawï leadership and in the
process, he became the epitome of the tarïqa in Indonesia. Al-Habsji
constructed a new 'national' center for the tarïqa in the Batavian suburb
of Kwitang. In its development, al-Habsji was joined by two others
scholars, Habib Ali Alatas ('Alï b. Husayn al-'Attâs, d. 1 976) and Habib
Salim Ibn Jindan (Sâlim b. Ahmad b. Jindân, d. 1969). The activities
of these three scholars were integrated, involved and engaged with Kwi-
tang. The careers of these scholars illustrate the adaptation of the Bä
cAlawî into a new context different from the PAI's agenda. They
embarked on self-conscious efforts to reconfigure the tarïqa to adapt
to the challenges posed by Indonesian nationhood and Islamic
reformism.
34) For instance in 1948, following the incorporation of Hyderabad into India, 7000
Hadramïs were evicted and repatriated to Aden. See: Omar Khalidi, "The Hadramï Role
in the Politics and Society of Colonial India, 1750s to 1950s", in Freitag & Clarence-Smith
(eds.), Hadhrami Traders, Scholars and Statesmen, 80f.
35) Josef van Ess, "Sufism and Its Opponents: Reflections on Topoi, Tribulations and
Transformations", in Frederick de Jong & Bernd Radtke (eds.), Islamic Mysticism: Thirteen
Centuries of Controversies and Polemics (Leiden: Brill, 1999), 41.

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Constructing a New Center: Habib Ali al-Habsji
Ali al-Habsji, known popularly as 'Habib Ali Kwitang', was arguably

the most popular and respected Bâ cAlawï scholar in modern Indonesia.36
A third generation, Indonesian-born Hadramï with an indigenous
mother, al-Habsji personified the creolized Hadramï of pre-colonial
Indonesia. He was born in Jakarta in 1 870 and since childhood attended
the classes of 'Uthmân.37 When ten years old, al-Habsji was sent to
Hadramawt to be immersed in the culture and ways of his ancestors.
There, he studied under numerous Bâ cAlawï shaykhs.3S Al-Habsji then
went to Mecca to study under several scholars connected to the late
Shâfi'ï muftì Ahmad b. Zaynï Dahlân (d. 1886), who was an ardent
defender of grave visitation and veneration of saints.39 The other major
inspiration for al-Habsji came from the nineteenth century Bâ 'Alawï
scholars who were dismayed by the failures of earlier political adven-
turism following the breakdown of the 181 1 Bâ VUawï-led armed insur-
gency to establish a state under their rule in Hadramawt.40 Unsuccessful
politically, these scholars altered their strategy and became focused
instead on internalizing Islam, mission and education.41
Like his teacher 'Uthmän, al-Habsji followed the Sunni tradition of
political quietism, accommodating power structure, while attacking
unorthodox articulations of Islam. In a treatise entitled al-Kalimât
al-hisänfi mä yanfa'u li-l-insân, written in Malay in 1919, al-Habsji
launched an attack against the rampant use of amulets.42 Such a criti-
que resonates with al-Habsjis political stance, given that the usage of
36) Habib (pl. habä'ib) is the honorary title bestowed upon Bâ cAlawï in Hadramawt and
Indonesia. The term, however, is usually reserved for the Bä 'Alawî with strong scholarly
credentials.
37) Drg. H. Muhammad Syamsu As., Ulama Pembawa Islam di Indonesia (Jakarta: Lentera,
1999), 259, 262.
38) 'All b. Husayn al-' Attas, Taj al-aWäs (alä manàqib al-habïb al-qutb Sâlih b. 'Abd Allah
al- 'Attas (Kudus: Menara Kudus, 1979), vol. 2, 179.
39) Anne K. Bang, Sufis and Scholars of the Sea: Family Networks in East Africa, 1860-1925
(London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003), 72.
40) Ulrike Freitag, Indian Ocean Migrants and State Formation in Hadhramaut: Reforming
the Homeland (Leiden: Brill, 2003), chapter 3.
41) Bang, Sufis and Scholars, 73f.
42) lAlï b. 'Abd al-Rahmân al-Habashï, al-Kalimät al-hisân fi ma yanfa'u li-l-insân, third
edition (Jakarta: Maktabat al-'Aydarüs, 1956).

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amulets was a major characteristic of anti-colonial insurgencies all over

the Muslim world. He accused amulet users of creating havoc in the
country and rebelling against authority.43 Shattering the myth of the
amulets invincibility, al-Habsji branded the use of amulets as shirk
(idolatrous) and vicious bid1 a (blameworthy innovation) by citing sev-
eral Prophetic hadiths.44 Quoting the eminent hadith scholar Ibn Hajar
al-'Asqalânï, al-Habsji categorizes trust in amulets as "ignorance and
deviation".45 He then quotes a Malay poem written by (Uthmän,
Some of them printed money (rupiah)

Some of them authored Sufi books
Some of the amulets devoid of secrets
Fooling the ignorant among men
The nearby amulet becomes potent
While he himself becomes hurt46
Al-Habsji ends by asking Muslims to repent for their wrongdoing and

advises them to follow the Prophet's path by learning Islamic theology,
law, ethics and Sufism, "all of which are easily accessible as they have
been translated by our teacher [...] cUthman [...]".47 Al-Habsji therefore
followed the trajectory of 'Uthman, reflecting the traditional Sunni
position politically and articulating a shari'a-oviented Sufism in terms
of Prophetic piety.
As will be discussed further below, energized discourses of Prophetic
piety were central to various modern reformist projects in twentieth
century Islam. Al-Habsji s appeal to authority, however, was of another
kind: espousing a metaphysical conception of prophetic authority elab-
orated by modern Sufis, like the Lebanese Yüsuf al-Nabhânï (d. 1932).
In his various works, al-Nabhäni defended Sufism and its metaphys-
ics - especially the significance of the Prophet - against diatribes from
reformists, whom he described as "the arch-innovators of the time".48
43) Ibid., 15.

44) Ibid., 14, 16.
n> Ibid., 16.
46) Ibid., 18.
47) Ibid., 11.
48) G. F. Haddad, "The Righteous Life and Blessed Works of the Poet of the Holy Prophet,
The Pious Erudite Imam al-Qâdï Yûsuf al-Nabhânï", http://www.sunnah.org/history/Scholars/
al-nabhani.htm, viewed 27 March 2008, 3f.

77.28.84.132 on Wed, 29 Sep 2021 05:26:22 UTC
What differentiated them from the reformists was the Sufi presupposi-
tion that the Prophet is still living with a cosmological significance to
the universe. In this regard, they subscribed to the long intellectual
tradition connecting them to Ibn cArabï that was an important element
in the maintenance of the tarïqa.®
In a letter dated 1902, al-Habsji introduced himself to al-Nabhânï
and expressed admiration for his works, which he had enthusiastically
collected.50 Moreover, al-Habsji translated al-Nabhânïs work entitled
Khulâsat al-kalamfï tarjïh din al-isläm into Malay. This short work is
a practical manual for Muslims to follow the Prophet in their everyday
experience. In the prologue to the Malay version, al-Habsji praised
al-Nabhânï as a scholar who loves the Prophet and his family.51
In his public lectures, al-Habsji limited himself to addressing the
components of Prophetic piety shared by the reformists. His genius lies
in his management of both the reformist and Sufi elements in the face
of reformists' criticism of Sufism and redefinition of Islam in a rigid
scriptural framework. He maintained cordial relationship with the lead-
ers of al-Irshad such as Surkati.52 In addition, al-Habsji maintained his
connection with the Indonesian nationalists. He was even asked to lead
the funeral of the nationalist leader Husni Thamrin.53 Thus, when most
Hadramis became disillusioned with the Sarekat Islam, al-Habsji
remained a member of the organization.54 Although developing cordial
relationships with the reformists, al-Habsji resumed ties with the
49) For a thorough exposition of the development of this idea see: Valerie J. Hoffman,
"Annihilation in the Messenger of God: The Development of a Sufi Practice", IJMES,
31 (1999). 351-369.
50) Yüsuf b. Ismâcïl al-Nabhànï, Jâmï karâmât al-awliyâ' (Malang: Dar al-Haddäd, n.d.),
vol. 2, 362f.
51) {Alï b. cAbd al-Rahmân al-Habashï, Shifa' al-asqâmfï tarjuma khulâsat al-kalâm (Jakarta:
privately printed, 1908).
52) Sâlih b. (Alï al-Hâmid, Rihlat jäwä al-jamîla (Tarïm: Tarïm li-1-Diräsät wa-1-Nashr,
2002), 47.
53) Al-Habsji also led the funeral prayer of an eminent Indonesian intellectual, Hoesein
Djajadiningrat, on 12 November 1960, when he was 90 years of age. See: G. F. Pijper,
"Professor Dr. Pangeran Ario Hoesein Djajadiningrat. 8 december 1886-12 november
I960", Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 117, 4 (1961), 408. I thank Nico
Kaptein for giving me this information.
54) Van Neil, The Emergence, 112.

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traditionalist Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) leaderships without formally join-

ing the organization by continuously visiting NU centers in East Java.55
This was reflected during the 1959 NU congress in Jakarta, when the
chairman-general, K. H. Wahab Chasbullah, requested al-Habsji to
recite the concluding supplication.56 Such flexibility won him popular-
ity among the elites of both nationalist and Islamic camps.
Presenting Prophetic piety in a highly accessible format became
al-Habsji's hallmark. The greatest accomplishment of al-Habsji, how-
ever, was in developing a mass-based following. Apart from teaching,
al-Habsji worked as an intermediary trader, retailing goods to various
hamlets surrounding Jakarta. The geographical mobility his work
entailed enabled him to develop close relationships with village-based
kyais and community leaders, through whom he gained access to the
masses.57 His eloquent and passionate speeches in colloquial Malay -
famous for making people cry in remembrance of God and the
Prophet - spread his renown.58 Soon, the children of these elderly kyais,
who would themselves become kyais, began to study under him.
Following the establishment of networks with local kyais, al-Habsji
organized a weekly gathering, held every Sunday in his home in
Kwitang. Thousands of Muslims were mobilized by their respective vil-
lage kyais to come and learn from al-Habsji.59 In 1937, he built his own
mosque near his house, further consolidating Kwitangs image as an
Islamic center.60 In regular weekly sessions, al-Habsji recited and trans-
lated al-Haddäd's al-Nasä'ih al-dtniyya, articulating the tariqa in the
form of Prophetic piety. Stressing not only the imitation of Muhammad s
'external' deeds but also his 'internal' spirituality differentiated
al-Haddäd's understanding of Prophetic piety from that of the reform-
ists. Al-Habsji thus established a space for discussions of Sufism and its
practices within parameters recognized by dominant reformist dis-
courses of Indonesian Islam at that time. Prophetic piety as taught in
55) K. H. Abdul Hayyie Nairn (Interview, 22 January 2008).

56) Alwi Shahab (Interview, 28 October 2007).
57) Abdurrahman al-Habsyi (Interview, 26 January 2008).
58) Abï Bakr b. cAlï b. Shihäb al-Dïn, Rihlat al-asfär wa-akhdh al-ijäza wa-1-ilbäs min
al-sälihin wa-l-'ulamä al-abrär (Jakarta: privately printed & published, 2000), 112.
59) K. H. Abdul Hayyie Na im (Interview, 22 January 2008).
60) Al-'Attäs, Täjal-a'räs, vol. 2, 182.

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58 LE Alatas I Die Welt des Islams 51 (2011) 45-74
Kwitang strengthened the Bä 'Alawï position by representing them as

the transmitters of the Prophetic sunna.
Beyond the weekly session, al-Habsji also instituted the annual cel-
ebration of the Prophets birthday {mawlid) connected to the Sufi cos-
mology in signifying the living nature of the Prophet. The mawlid 'has
been an important ritual in Sufism as it is held that the Prophet is
spiritually present during the recitation and that Prophetic blessings
descend on the site of recitation, especially when his descendants are
present. In 1918, al-Habsji began to organize an annual mawlid celebra-
tion in Jam'iyyat al-Khayr, which was moved to Kwitang following the
building of the mosque.61 Al-Habsji s mawlid attracted thousands from
all across Java - including both Bä 'Alawï scholars and Javanese kyais -
in the hope of receiving Prophetic blessings.62 Following the mawlid in
Kwitang, many hamlets around Jakarta organized mawlids, inviting
al-Habsji and other Bâ cAlawï. As descendants of the Prophet, they were
seen by the local community as the purveyors of Prophetic blessing and
thus, a mawlid Vas not complete without their presence.63 In popular-
izing the mawlid, al-Habsji integrated Sufi metaphysics with popular
articulations of Islam in a way that was recognizable to their critics.
While the Sunday sessions strengthened the Bä cAlawï scripturally,
therefore, the annual mawlid reinforced them spiritually.64
The gathering of students and kyais helped to establish Kwitang as a
significant center of Indonesian Islam. This was meticulously main-
tained by al-Habsji who utilized the gathering to enhance the social
standing of village kyais by requesting them to address the audience.
Thus, in the heyday of Kwitang, several village kyais from around Jakarta
such as Abdurrazak Makmun, Abdullah Syafe'i and Muhammad Na im
addressed the gathering, thereby increasing their respective reputations.65
61) Shihâb al-Dïn, Rihlat al-asfär, 104.

62) K. H. Abdul Hayyie Nairn (Interview, 22 January 2008).
63) Ibid.
64) It should also be noted that in the beginning of the twentieth century, the practice of
standing during the recitation of the mawlid was vociferously criticized by the reformists.
For a detailed observation of this phenomenon see: Nico Kaptein, "The Berdiri Mawlid
issue among Indonesian Muslims in the period from circa 1875 to 1930", Bijdragen tot de
Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 149, 1 (1993).
65) K. H. Abdul Rasyid Syafe'i (Interview, 28 October 2007).

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As their reputation rested on Kwitang s endorsement, these kyais became

ardent supporters of the center. Al-Habsji also supported his local stu-
dents by directly endorsing them. When the young kyai Syafi'i Hadzami
wrote his book al-Hujaj al-bayyina, al-Habsji wrote a foreword and
recommendation for the book.66 Al-Habsji therefore succeeded in con-
structing Kwitang as a new center of the tarïqa with a mass-based fol-
lowing by reconfiguring scholarly networks and recasting the tarïqa to
conform to public articulations of Islam in modern Indonesia. In his
hand, the tarïqa was no longer an arcane mystical and genealogical
complex. It became a popular religious expression centered on scriptural
Prophetic piety and devotion, maintained through a mass-based da'wa
(missionary) movement and articulated through popular spiritual prac-
tices such as mawlid celebrations.
Kwitangs role as a major Islamic center received national coverage
during the Japanese occupation, when it was used to announce Japan s
Islamic policies. Several important statements were read by the head of
the Shümubu (the Japanese army office of religious affairs) in Kwitang,
which was then broadcasted on radio.67 Al-Habsji s adaptability was
again apparent during the Japanese occupation, developing cordial
relationships with both the Japanese and nationalist leaderships. In a
widely-covered event in Kwitang in 1942, in the presence of the
Japanese and Indonesian dignitaries including Sukarno and Hatta,
al-Habsji read the Friday sermon in Indonesian rather than in Arabic.68
Although advocated by the reformists, among the traditionalists it was
unthinkable. Such an act symbolized al-Habsji s conscious self-presen-
tation as an Indonesian scholar who could work with both nationalist
and Islamic reformist leaderships, thereby further cementing Kwitang s
central position in post-colonial Indonesia.
Although al-Habsji reconfigured the Bâ cAlawï scholarly network to
include village kyais, he did not neglect the old Bâ 'Alawï network. For
instance, he continued to visit Bogor, West Java, where an eminent Bä
cAlawï scholar, 'Alawï al-Haddäd (d. 1955), resided. Many times,
al-Habsji would bring along his local students to introduce them to
66) Ali Yahya, Sumur yang tak Pernah Kering (Jakarta: Yayasan Al-Asyirotusy-Syafi'iyyah,
1999), 45.
67) Benda, Crescent, 120-31.
68) Ibid., 243, n. 29.

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other Bä 'Alawï scholars.69 While Kwitang became a center for the

Indonesian masses, Bogor remained the center of the Bä cAlawï elite.
It was in al-Haddäd s house that al-Habsji became acquainted with a
Hadramawt-born scholar, Habib Ali Alatas, who was to become al-
Habsji s constant companion.
Forming a Textual Community: Habib Ali Alatas
Habib Ali Alatas was born in Hurayda, Hadramawt, in 1889. He

studied first under Ahmad b. Hasan al-'Attäs and in 1912 traveled to
Mecca, studying under Shaykh 'Umar b. Abï Bakr Bä Junayd (d. 1935).70
In 1920 Alatas arrived in Batavia and resumed his study with several
Bä cAlawï scholars resident there. He lived for a while in Bogor to study
with cAlawï al-Haddäd and it was there that he also came to know al-
Habsji. Alatas became a constant companion of al-Habsji and active in
the activities of his center in Kwitang.
In Kwitang Alatas established ties with local kyais. Although he was
not an orator, Alatas became famous as a teacher instructing advanced
pupils. While Kwitang remained a popular religious gathering, young
local students of al-Habsji were referred to Alatas for further instruc-
tion. From his home, Alatas taught several scholars, who subsequently
became influential, such as Abdullah Syafe'i, Tohir Rahili and Syafi'i
Hadzami.71 Alatas also gave weekly classes in schools established by his
pupils such as Syafei s Asy-Syafi'iyyah and Rohili s at-Tohiriah.72 As did
al-Habsji, Alatas actively endorsed his students. For instance, he
instructed a Bä 'Alawï, Ahmad Alatas, and a kyai, As'ad Zainuddin, to
study under his pupil, Syafi'i Hadzami.73 Alatas therefore intensified
the kyai network established by al-Habsji. His legacy rested on a cohort
of local pupils whom he personally supervised and later became influ-
ential Indonesian scholars.
69) K. H. Abdul Rasyid Syafei (Interview, 28 October 2007).

70) al-'Attâs, Tâjal-aWâs, vol. 2, 617f.
71) Alwi Shahab, Al-Habib Ali bin Husin Alatas , Republika, 13 May 2UU6.
72) K. H. Abdul Rasyid Syafi'i (Interview, 28 October 2007); K. H. ShaugiTahir (Interview,
26 October 2007).
73) Ali Yahya, Sumuryang tak Pernah Keringy 82, 210.

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Alatas' signal contribution to the reconfiguration of the tarïqa in

post-colonial Indonesia was his work, Täj al-a'räs (Crown of the Brides),
finished in 1953. This 1652-page book is a hagiography of the nine-
teenth century Bâ cAlawï saint Sälih b. cAbd Allah al-cAttas (d. 1863),
his teachers, contemporaries, students and others in his circle. The work
forms an encyclopedia of Bâ 'Alawï scholars and those connected to
them spanning from the seventeenth to the twentieth centuries, con-
necting various places around the Indian Ocean, forming an extensive
scholarly ecumene. Täj al-a(räs offers an alternative vision of commu-
nity, one that is highly cosmopolitan and fluid based on shared knowl-
edge and tradition.
Although Täj al-a(räs is an heir to the long literary tradition of taräjim
(biographies), it is primarily a response to the Bâ cAlawï dilemma in
post-colonial Indonesia, insofar as it attempts to integrate the Bâ 'Alawï
into a mainstream Indonesian national narrative. While the first volume
deals with scholars from the Hadramawt, the second covers numerous
Bâ 'Alawï scholars in Indonesia. Before discussing them, however, Ala-
tas treats the history of the Islamization of the archipelago by charting
the history of Demak, Ban ten and Jakarta, arguing that many of their
Muslim rulers and court officials were Bâ 'Alawï.74 One proof adduced
in support was his drawing of the genealogy of Maulana Hasan uddin,
the first ruler of Banten, connecting him to the Bâ 'Alawï lineage.75 The
discussion continues to tell the history of Portuguese and Dutch colo-
nization, highlighting the social and religious roles of Bâ 'Alawï schol-
ars like Husayn b. Abu Bakr al-cAydarûs (d. 1755), the saint of Luar
Batang, Jakarta.76 He concludes by describing the Indonesian struggle
for independence under the leadership of Sukarno. The book therefore
presents a different version of Indonesian history that highlighted the
role of Bâ TUawï engagement not as a foreign minority, but as an inte-
gral component of what came to be Indonesia.
Täj al-a'räs not only functioned to redraw Bâ 'Alawï canon of saints
to include those who lived in Indonesia, but more importantly it gen-
erated the imagination of Bâ (Alawï sacred spaces in the country. For
74) al-cAttäs, Täjal-a'ms, vol. 2, 38 Iff.

75) Ibid., vol. 2, 384.
76) Ibid., vol. 2, 392.

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example, after putting forth the biography of the saint of Luar Batang,
Alatas writes,
Because of his eminence in the sight of God, abundant amounts of Divine

Mercy descends on his tomb as a culmination of his pious deeds and his pure
intentions in his words and actions, solely for the sake of God. There is no
doubt that this [Divine Mercy] be impressed upon the pilgrims [to the grave]
according to their intentions and objectives.77
Alatas ends by reminding pilgrims to visit the adjoining grave of

al-'Aydarüs' Indonesian pupil, Haji Abdul Kadir, stating that, "those
who do not visit Haji Abdul Kadir, will have their pilgrimage not
accepted."78 Texts such as this helped to map public imagination of local
Bä VUawï sacred space onto an Indonesian geography while including
prominent local Indonesian kyais into the narrative. The Täj al-a'rds,
therefore, generates a sacred space for the tariqa in Indonesia. This
function was facilitated by the frequent tours to Bâ cAlawï tombs and
sacred places around Java on which al-Habsji and Alatas brought their
local pupils. As such, the combinations of texts, places and mobility
combined to create local centers of the tariqa in the country.
The two contributions of Alatas, that of forming an elite cohort of
non-Hadramï students and writing a text integrating Bâ cAlawï tradi-
tion with an Indonesian narrative, combined to create a new tariqa
'alawiyya textual community. In this way, the local students of Alatas
became familiar with the tradition of the tariqa, its rituals, texts, canon
of saints and sacred places. Another novelty of high significance is the
considerable attention given to the Bâ cAlawï in casting them as an
important element in the narrative of the nation. If formerly the textual
community revolved around Bâ 'Alawï elites, now it welcomed the
participation of the kyais. This new textual community in turn served
to strengthen and corroborate the popular articulation of the tariqa
centered in Kwitang. Although Alatas' textual community only covered
a handful of kyais, this did not mean that it was limited as they trans-
mitted the texts to the masses. The textual community, therefore, con-
tinued to expand ever since its birth in Alatas' study-circles.
77) Ibid., vol. 2, 393.

78) Ibid.

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One important factor accelerating such expansion was the fact that
for the kyaisy this scholarly ecumene was extended to them by Alatas.
A clear demonstration of this can be seen in Alatas' ijäza (formal autho-
rization) to Syafi'i Hadzami, which is important to quote at length:
In the Name of God the Compassionate, the Merciful

Praise be to God who has made isnâd [chain of narration] the key to the gate
of assistance. May blessings and peace be upon our master Muhammad, the
first in the chain of isnâd, who came to him Gabriel bearing specified revelation.
And to his family and companions, the transmitters of connected hadith,
who elaborated this outlines after him. And to those who came after them,
who yearn for this flowing fount [of knowledge] .
And among them, God willing, the most-knowledgeable (al- alluma) son,
Haji Muhammad Shâfi'ï Hadzämi b. Muhammad Sâlih. I have authorized
him with what is accurate from my cognizance (diräya) and what is permitted
for me to narrate (riwâya) from the sciences of exegesis, tradition, law, Sufism
and their preparatory disciplines from the rest of sciences, whether expressed
(mantüq) or understood (mafhüm). Also, [I have authorized him] with all
the books he read with me on hadith, Prophetic biography (sïra) and others,
throughout the long period [of study] , as I have been authorized by my
teachers.
Among them was the shaykh of all shaykhs of his time, al-Habïb Ahmad
b. Hasan al- Attas from our town Huraydha in Hadramawt. And the shaykh,
the last of the authenticators [of lines of transmission] (muhaqqiqin) , 'Urnar
b. Abï Bakr Bä Junayd in Mecca. And al-Habïb Husayn b. Muhammad
al-Habashï, the Shâfi(ï muftì in Mecca, the Protected. And the Sïbawayhi79
of his age, Shaykh Muhammad b. Ali Balhuyùr. And Shaykh Ibrahim Fu'adah
al-Misrï, who resided in Mecca. And Sayyid All b. Muhammad al-Battïh
al-Ahdal, the mufti of Zabïd in Yemen, [whom I met] when he performed
the hajj. And Shaykh Yüsuf b. Ismâ'ïl al-Nabhânï, the chairman of the sharia
court in Beirut [whom I met] in his last hajj, during the course of my study
in Mecca. And my other teachers mentioned in my book Tâj al-a(râs (alâ
manâqib al-habib al-qutb Sâlih b. (Abd Allah al- ( Attas.
I hereby request the son, Hajj Muhammad Shâficï, to propagate to the
path of God, and to teach the ignorant. And [I request that he shall cultivate]
piety in both private and public. And [I pray that he] shall never forget me
in his supplications whether solitary (khalwd) or in company (jalwa). And
we end this with praise to God, the Lord of the universe.
79) Sïbawayhi (d. 796) was the greatest grammarian and linguist of the Arabic language in
the classical period.

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This is written in Jakarta, the capital of Indonesia on Saturday, 5 Muharram

in the year 1395 after the migration of Muhammad, for whom is reserved
the best salutations and the most fragrant greetings.
Uttered by his words and instructed for its writing, by the slave in need
of God, al-Habïb cAlï b. Husayn al-'Attäs80
Through this form of initiation, Alatas was able to formally connect

the local kyai to the extensive scholarly chain mapped by the Täj al-a{räs.
As is well-established in Islamic intellectual tradition, on completion
of a students training the teacher bestows on him an ijäza authorizing
him to teach what he has learnt. This entails a shift in intellectual status,
from student to scholar. Such a privileged yet subtle position could only
be publicly recognized when the textual community itself had expanded.
Until his death in 2006, Hadzami continued to teach his teachers
magnum opus, continuously enlarging the textual community. It is
understandable that the kyais would want to expand the textual com-
munity since apart from securing the elevated position of the Bâ £AIawï,
it also advanced their own repute.
Managing Prophetic Authority: Habib Salim b. Jindan
In 1940, al-Habsji and Alatas were joined in Kwitang by a young Bä

(Alawï scholar from Surabaya, Salim b. Jindan, whom they met in
Bogor. Playing a different role from his two colleagues, Ibn Jindan
perfected the gradual reconfiguration of the tarïqa by assembling a
unique form of Prophetic authority in conversation with the reformists.
Ibn Jindan was born Surabaya in 1906. He was first educated in a
government school (volkschool) and continued his study in the Khay-
riyya school.81 In his younger days, he traveled extensively around the
archipelago to study under numerous teachers. Among his teachers were
80) This ijäza (authorization) was given by Habib Ali Alatas to his student K. H. Syafi'i
Hadzami one week before his death on 16 February 1976. The text is my translation of
the original Arabic found in Ali Yahya, Sumuryang Tak Pernah Kering, 289f.
81) cAbd al-Rahmän b. Muhammad al-Mashhur, Shams al-zahirafi nasb ahi al-bayt min
banï 'alawï furu( Fätima al-Zahrâ wa-amïr al-mu'minïn 'Ali (Jeddah: 'Älarn al-Macrifa,
1984), vol. 1,297.

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Hadramï as well as Indonesian scholars, among them the eminent kyai

Cholil of Madura.82 Soon, Ibn Jindan became an active preacher. In
1935, he embarked on a year-long tour of the archipelago, preaching
while collecting hadïth and historical sources. He was warmly received
by the inhabitants of each city he sojourned and delivered fiery speeches
on devotion to God and the Prophet.83 One hallmark of his speeches
was the fact that when quoting an hadïth, he also always included its
complete chain of transmitters (isnâd). Such practice reaffirmed Ibn
Jindan's position as a muhaddith {hadïth scholar) in Indonesia, thereby
helping to establish credentials that could be enthusiastically recognized
by modern reformists.
In contrast to al-Habsji's tactical quietism, Ibn Jindan was no pacifist.
In 1943, he was imprisoned for eleven months by the Japanese for
openly refusing to perform saikeirei (bowing to the Emperor).84 Such
act brought him closer politically to prominent reformists such as Haji
Rasul.85 Following the Dutch reoccupation of Indonesia, Ibn Jindan
actively campaigned for national independence. He was imprisoned
and tortured for the second time during the first police action in 1947.86
In 1957, Ibn Jindan became a fervent critic of Sukarno's Nasakom,
culminating in the anti-communist stance adopted by the convention
of Sumatran Muslim scholars in Palembang.87 Ibn Jindan's political
activism reflects his self-realignment from being a member of a diaspora
into a fully-fledged Indonesian activist. What differentiated him from
the PAI activists, however, was that despite reacting to outside influ-
ences he still maintained the Bâ cAlawï's prominence. In other words,
82) Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Dubayän, "Kitäb rawdat al-wildân li-Sàlim b. Jindän: diräsa
naqdiyya tahlïliyya", Islamic Quarterly, 47, 3 (2003), 234f.
83) al-Mashhür, Shams al-zahîra, vol. 1, 298.
84) Ibid.
85) Benda, Crescent, 124.
86) al-Mashhür, Shams al-zahïra, vol. 1, 299.
7) Nasakom was a synthetic ideology promulgated by Sukarno consisting of nationalism,
communism and religion. Sukarno's closeness to communism, coupled with centralist state
policy, generated dissatisfaction among non-Javanese military commanders that developed
into a full rebellion against Jakarta, forming the Revolutionary Government of Republic
of Indonesia (PRRI) in March 1957. Seen in this way, the convention was a highly
politicized event.

77.28.84.132 on Wed, 29 Sep 2021 05:26:22 UTC
he expressed his thoughts within the framework of the Bâ VUawï tradi-

tion.
In 1940, Ibn Jindan migrated to Jakarta and joined al-Habsji and

Alatas in Kwitang. Many local students of al-Habsji such as Syafe'i and
Rahili began to frequent Ibn Jindan s house, where he instructed them
in hadïth and da'wa methodology.88 He also wrote an encyclopedia of
hadïth narrators, designed to help his students in their pursuit oí hadïth
studies.89 Similar to Alatas, Ibn Jindan s classes strengthened the Bä
cAlawï-/&y/w bonds. While Alatas reinforced it in a meaningful particu-
laristic connection, in the form of the Bâ cAlawï textual tradition, Ibn
Jindan incorporated the network into a ta'ifat al-muhaddithïn (group
of hadïth scholars), thereby forming a common link with modern Sunni
reformism. In his advice to his children and students, Ibn Jindan
remarked,
Let none of you fail to be included in the sincere ta'ifat al-muhaddithïn as

this is the pure Prophetic knowledge; it is the cause for safety and security.
Leaving it is the cause of discrepancy and destruction.90
Such incorporation into the tâ'ifat al-muhaddithïn was a response to

the prevalent mood among the reformists in Indonesia. During the
1940s and 1950s study of hadïth became popular among Muslim
reformists exemplified by the founding of the Lajnah Ahli-ahli Hadith
Indonesia (Association of hadïth Scholars of Indonesia) in 194 1.91 Such
development was further illustrated by Ahmad Hassans annotated
translation of Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalänis Bulügh al-maräm. Prior to this,
critical study of hadïth was rarely taught in the pesantren (traditional
Islamic boarding school), and thus, the move towards the study of
hadïth as a direct source of law marked a shift in the recognition of
authority.92 By directly grasping the hadïth, one bypasses scholastic
traditions. The isnäd of the reformists, however, derived not from tra-
88) Syamsu As, Ulama Pembawa Islam, 270.

8y) Salirti b. Ahmad b. Jindan, Durrat al-hijâl p masbahir al-rijal (manuscript, n.d.;.
90) Ahmad b. Nawfal b. Jindan, Ray han al-jinänfi manäqib musniä al-akwän al-habib Sälim
b. Ahmad b. lindan (Jakarta: privately printed, n.d.), 9f.
91) Feener, Muslim Legal Thought, 48.
92) Ibid., chapter 2.

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ditional chains but from "new media forms, new educational methods
and new intellectual derivations."93
Against this challenge, Ibn Jindan defended the authoritative form
of hadith studies, employing discourses familiar to the reformists and
framing them in such a way as to project the Bâ cAlawï s eminence with
regard to authoritativeness in transmission. This strategy is clearly
reflected in a work narrating eight hadïths that Ibn Jindan received from
various teachers, carefully noting their chains of transmitters connect-
ing back to the Prophet. In the introduction to this work, Ibn Jindan
discusses the science of hadïth by quoting from several eminent hadith
scholars recognized by the reformists such as al-Suyûtï and Ibn Hajar.
He then mapped out the prerequisites to validating the reliability of an
hadith. He continuously emphasized the vitality of the isnäd, claiming
that without it no authority can be recognized.94 By employing the
authorities of hadith scholars revered by the reformists, Ibn Jindan
established his own place as someone who could both fulfill the require-
ments of reformist rigor and bring with him another level of Prophetic-
derived authority in doing so. Such a different level of authority is
clearly reflected in his claim that the most authoritative group to trans-
mit Islam were the Bâ 'Alawï as,
They are the most precise among men in the precision of the connected
Prophetic hadïths (al-musalsalät al-nabawiyya) . Most of them possess preserved
narrations enabling them to imitate those descriptions in their wayfaring
and path. [...] They are the most accurate in the adherence of the path
because they are the righteous inheritors of the Chosen One [...] and they
are from the people of his house, thus the most righteous to stand and
propagate his knowledge.95
Ibn Jindan therefore utilized the impetus of renewed hadith interest to

strengthen the position of the Bâ cAlawï as the true inheritors of Islamic
orthopraxy. By re-packaging the Bâ 'Alawï eminence in the garb of
hadith studies, Ibn Jindan successfully communicated his arguments in
a form recognizable to the reformists.
93) Azyumardi Azra, The Origins of Islamic Reformism in Southeast Asia (Crows Nest: Allen
& Unwin, 2004), 152.
94) Sälim b. Ahmad b. Jindän, Baläbil al-akhbâr fi salâsil al-akhyär (manuscript, n.d.), 11.
95) Ibid., 1 If.

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Ibn Jindan also demonstrated his mastery of Prophetic traditions in

a book stressing the importance of studying genealogy by supporting
it with hadith PG The work argues for the importance of Bâ 'Alawï Pro-
phetic genealogy in the context of independent Indonesia. By focusing
on genealogy, Ibn Jindan evades the framework of ethnicity prevalent
among the Hadramïs in the 1920s while simultaneously reinforcing an
important element of the tariqa. Using genealogy as a focus, Ibn Jindan
combined prestigious genealogy of the Bâ 'Alawï with Indonesian
nationhood. Such mechanism is clearly visible in the title page, where
he wrote his name as "Sälim b. Ahmad b. Jindan al-(Alawï [the Bä
cAlawï] al-Husaynï [the Husaynite] al-Indunisï [the Indonesian]".97
While Ibn Jindan utilized the direct approach to the scriptures cham-
pioned by the reformists, he did so to refute their position on conflict-
ing issues such as kafä'a, thereby reaffirming the Bä 'Alawfs eminence.
He argued that by knowing the genealogy, marriages between those
without equal pedigree can be prevented.98 Here Ibn Jindan refers to
the concept of kafä'a practiced by the Bâ cAlawï and criticized by the
reformists as being based on legal scholasticism and not the scriptures.
The reformists rejected legal scholasticism in favor of direct access to
the scriptures. In discussing the kafä'ay Ibn Jindan maps out different
rulings of the four schools while detaching himself from them in favor
of a direct approach to the hadith. Utilizing his mastery of hadith crit-
icism, Ibn Jindan argues against the four schools who rejected kafä'a,
demonstrating that many of the hadiths cited to reject kafä'a were
uttered in a period of emergency, subsequently amended by the Proph-
et.99
Ibn Jindans position as a muhaddith was presented to the masses in

highly-performative acts of hadith transmission. His students
like Abdullah Syafe'i annually invited Ibn Jindan to his school to nar-
rate hadith to the students.100 During his tours of the archipelago, he
96) Sälim b. Ahmad b. Jindan, al-Tahdhïb fi l-ansâb wa-l-akhbär wa-usül al-ta'rïb (man-
uscript, n.d.).
97) Ibid., 1.
98) Ibid., 66.
99) Ibn Jindän, al-Tabdhïb, 68.
100) K. H. Abdul Rasyid Syafe'i (Interview, 28 October 2007).

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transmitted hadïth in different centers of Islam. For instance, during

his visit to Palembang in 1 941 , he was invited by local scholars to speak
and narrate hadïth to the extensive congregation in the grand mosque.101
He then formally transmitted it in a performative manner by recalling
the isnäd back to the Prophet and officially 'gave' the hadïth to the
audience. He also disseminated a printed isnäd to distribute to those
who requested hadïth. In these printed isndds, the Bâ cAlawï predeces-
sors were presented in an integrative format with notable muhaddithïn
recognized by the reformists thereby projecting the Bâ cAlawï as an
integral part of the mainstream Sunni hadïth lineage.102 Such a perfor-
mative act together with his works on hadïth generated a powerful form
of Prophetic authority. That is, the Bâ cAlawï and their center in Kwi-
tang were projected as the authoritative inheritors of the Prophet, dem-
onstrated by their possession of hadïth. Such an image is a
reconfiguration of the Bâ 'Alawïs prior Sufi position which was highly
criticized by the reformists. In turn, the new image helped them to
secure their eminence in post-colonial Indonesia.
Pledge under the Tree
Shortly before his death in 1968, al-Habsji, during the weekly session,
declared that he formally bound his son Muhammad and his three local
101) Kms. H. Andi Syarifuddin, Kunjungan Habib Salim bin Ahmad bin Jindan ke Palembang
(Palembang: privately printed, 2005), 10.
102) The text of Ibn Jindan s printed isnâd that I read came from a copy of the mass-produced
document kept by a local Palembang scholar of aristocratic background, Kyai Kemas Haji
Ismail Umary b. Kyai Kemas Haji Umar. He was a student of Ibn Jindan who also wrote
a work on Ibn Jindans several visits to Palembang. This work was finally systematized,
romanized and published in a privately-printed booklet by his son, Kemas Haji Andi
Syarifuddin, in 2005 under the title Kunjungan Habib Salim bin Ahmad bin Jindan ke
Palembang. Appended to the main body of the work are liturgies and isnäds transmitted
by Ibn Jindan, profiles of Ibn Jindans friends in Palembang and photos of his visits. The
printed isnäd was for the hadïth of handshake. The handshake symbolizes the physical
contact by which spiritual blessings are believed to be transmitted, and thus, for the Sufis
especially, a handshake connected ultimately with the Prophet through the mediation of
various Muslim scholars is seen as a potent symbol of authority. At the end of the isnâd,
Ibn Jindan gives a brief explanation and translates the contents of the transmitted hadïth
into Indonesian.

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70 /• E Alatas I Die Welt des Islams 51 (201 1) 45-74
students, Abdullah Syafe'i, Tahir Rahili and Fathullah Harun under a

pledge of fellowship Qiqd al-subba).m This event marked the culmi-
nation of al-Habsji, Alatas and Ibn Jindan's efforts to reconfigure the
tarïqa and its structure in post-colonial Indonesia. The bond which
used to bind only the Bâ 'Alawï had been enlarged to include kyais from
the network of their expanding textual community. This brotherhood
represented a shared center and teachers, together with internally recon-
figured rituals, texts and sacred spaces, and cemented by Prophetic
authority stemming from its character as tä'ifat al-muhaddithïn. The
pledge symbolized the reconfiguration of the tarïqa, representing its
adaptation to modern Indonesian political and cultural contexts.
Al-Habsji s death received national attention when it was formally
declared by the Secretary of State who instructed the citizens to fly the
national flag at half-mast.104 During the funeral, Ibn Jindan initiated
Muhammad as his fathers successor.105 Less than a year later, Ibn Jindan
passed away leaving Alatas as the remaining patriarch of Kwitang while
Muhammad continued his father s tradition and organized the weekly
sessions. Dignitaries and foreign diplomats still frequented the center
and under Muhammad, Kwitang became more 'Indonesian', exempli-
fied by his usage of the title K.H.S. (kyai haß sayyid) rather than the
usual habïb.m As will be discussed below, such arrangement was altered
as domestic politics shifted.
In 1970, Golkar, the political machine of Suharto and his allies began
to garner mass support. Worried by the prospect of defeat in the upcom-
ing 1971 general-election, Golkar expanded aggressively to take in every
possible constituency.107 In the words of Rahman Tolleng, Golkar
needed to "utilize societal infrastructure", where "traditional leaders
should be employed for Golkar's needs."108 In early April 1971, just

104) "Ulama Terkenal Habib Ali Alhabsji Meninggal Dunia", Kompas, 15 October 1968.
106) "Islam Agama jang Satukan Ummat", Beuta Yudha, 5 February 1970. The title kyai
haji sayyid is a remarkable synthesis of an Indonesian title (kyayi haji) and an Arab
genealogical title (sayyid). It indicates al-Habsji s level of integration to the local religious
structure while at the same time securing his genealogical difference.
107) David Reeve, Golkar of Indonesia: An Alternative to the Party System (Singapore: OUP,
1985).
108) "Sekber-Golkar di Pusat Perhatian", Express, 17 October 1970.

77.28.84.132 on Wed, 29 Sep 2021 05:26:22 UTC
/. E Alatas I Die Welt des Islams 51 (201 1) 45-74 J 1
months before thé election, K. H. S. Muhammad al-Habsji, Chairman

of the Islamic Center at Kwitang, declared that he had joined Golkar.109
He was shortly joined by his son-in-law and Ibn Jindan s son, Novel.
This unilateral decision sparked angry protests from the predomi-
nantly NU kyai supporters of Kwitang. Reacting to pressure to support
Muhammads decision, Alatas left Kwitang in protest, never to return.110
His departure proved to be decisive, providing the kyais every reason
to disassociate themselves from the center. Consequently, the kyais
decided to punish Muhammad by preventing their students from
attending the sessions. The first to do so was the kyai Abdurrozak Mak-
mun and his decision was followed by other kyais.111 Instantly, Kwitang
was deserted by three quarters of its former supporters including all the
kyais. Only the Bâ 'Alawï still attended the sessions led by Muhammad
and Novel. Overnight Kwitang became nothing more than a Hadramï
Arab gathering. The pledge of brotherhood between the Hadramï
sayyids and local kyais had been dramatically broken.
Muhammad and Novel took an active part during the 1971 general
election as they attempted to use their religious authority to persuade
Muslims to support Golkar. Pamphlets were distributed aerially all over
Java containing the photo of Muhammad, his declaration of entering
Golkar and a Qur'anic verse, "indeed, well-pleased was God with the
believers when they pledged their allegiance unto thee [O Muhammad]
under that tree" (Qur'an 48:18), a clear reference to the banyan tree
symbol of Golkar.112 During the campaign, Muhammad warned Mus-
lims not to become hypocrites, to support Golkar now and not to
choose another party in the ballot box.113 More daringly, Novel even
referred to the Prophet as the "great leader of Golkar".114 Both Muham-
mad and Novel clearly utilized what the first generation had constructed
and channeled it for political objectives. With the victory of Golkar,
Muhammad was rewarded with funding to renovate and expand the
109) "Sekber-Golkar: JangTerjakup dan Terkatup", Express, 12 April 1971.

110) Zed Alatas (Interview, 19 Tanuarv 2008).
m) "Nahdlatul Golkar dari Kwitang sia. Djombang", Tempo, 17 April 1971.
lU) Alwi Shahab (Interview, 28 October 2007).
113) "Sikap Keliru: Mahasiswa dan Generasi Muda jang tak ikut Pemilihan Umum",
Indonesia Raya, 1 May 1971.
114) Ibid.

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center. Thus on October 1971, President Suharto himself went to Kwi-

tang to inaugurate the center, formally bestowing a new name, Islamic
Center Indonesia.115 Such genial relationship with Suharto continued
to be enjoyed by Kwitang until Muhammad's death in 1992.
The disintegration of Kwitang, however, did not mean that the tarïqa
was abandoned. In contrast, new centers organized by Kwitang s former
students continued to propagate and transmit the teachings of the
tarïqa. Thus, many kyais continued to read al-Haddâd s work in their
gatherings where Bâ 'Alawï liturgies were also recited.116 More impor-
tantly, the former supporters of Kwitang continued to maintain con-
nections with other Bâ 'Alawï scholars and centers outside Jakarta they
once visited as part of al-Habsji s entourage. The disintegration therefore
brought about the redrawing of the network resulting in its further
expansion beyond the confines of the old Jakarta web centered on Kwi-
tang.
Tarïqa, Tradition, Transmission & Transformation
This article highlights the importance of the tarïqa 'alawiyya in

extending, securing, and maintaining public appreciation of the Bä
cAlawï, while also underlining the fact that the tarïqa is not an auton-
omous, socially-disembodied tradition largely concerned with timeless'
religious issues. Rather, the tarïqa should be viewed as a historically-
situated discursive tradition that cannot be divorced from changing
forms of social practice. This, however, does not mean that as a dis-
cursive tradition the tarïqa is merely a dependent variable of the
changing social structures on the implicit analogy of ideological super-
structure and social base.117 Rather the discursive tradition gives orga-
nized expression to concepts and theories already embodied and
115) "Presiden Resmikan ICI", Kompas, 18 October 1971.

116) K. H. Abdul Rasyid Syafe'i (Interview, 28 October 2007). For example, K. H. Syafe'i
Hadzami always ends his classes by reciting a Bâ 'Alawï liturgy, see: Ali Yahya, Sumur
yang Tak Pernah Kering, 323f.
117) Talal Asad, "The Idea of an Anthropology of Islam", in John A. Hall & Ian Jarvie (eds.),
The Social Philosophy of Ernest Gellner (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1996), 388.

77.28.84.132 on Wed, 29 Sep 2021 05:26:22 UTC
/. E AUtas I Die Welt des Islams 51 (201 1) 45-74 73
extended through time within the tradition itself.118 The Bâ cAlawï tra-
dition in this sense is best understood as a instructive discourse which
relates to both past and future through the medium of the present.119
That is, it continually looks back to its history and accumulated dis-
courses to maintain its presence in the midst of present challenges, in
the hope of securing its future.
Such a dynamic conceptualization of tradition highlights its constant
maintenance and transformation through contestations with contend-
ing discourses. Thus, tradition encapsulates continuity and coherence
on the one hand, and diversity and vitality on the other. In this case,
Alasdair Macintyre s definition of tradition is highly useful. Macintyre
maintains that tradition is,
an argument extended through time in which certain fundamental agreements

are defined and redefined in terms of two kinds of conflicts: those with critics
and enemies external to the tradition who reject all or at least key parts of
those fundamental agreements, and, those internal, interpretive debates
through which the meaning and rationale of the fundamental agreements
come to be expressed and by whose progress a tradition is constituted.120
Understanding tradition as a set of fundamental agreements highlights

its continuity while its constant redefinition in terms of conflicts gives
its vitality. Looking at the tariqa from this perspective helps us to chart
its diachronic development in light of new challenges. While Macintyre s
conception of tradition as a space of argument leaves out the question
of the body, however, this article additionally underlines the importance
of embodied practices and performatives in the transmission of tra-
dition through time.
The approach developed in this article enables us to study the tariqa
as a historically-situated discursive tradition. Talal Asad, in his oft-
quoted essay on the Tdea of Anthropology of Islam', notes that the
object of an Anthropology of Islam would be "to understand the his-
torical conditions that enable the production and maintenance of specific
1 18) Alasdair Macintyre, Whose Justice? Which Rationality? (Notre Dame: University of Notre
Dame Press, 1988), 390.
119) Asad, "The Idea", 398.
lzu; Macintyre, Whose Justice?, 12.

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74 I. F. Alatas I Die Welt des Islams 51 (201 1) 45-74
discursive traditions, or their transformation - and the efforts of prac-

titioners to achieve coherence."121 Looking at such a dynamic historical
development is what I have attempted to do in this article. I have
observed the various efforts of Bâ (Alawï scholars in maintaining and
transforming their tariqa in a coherent way, in communication with its
past as well as the historical conditions that have generated contending
discourses.
This mode of diachronic analysis of the tariqa preserved a sense of
discursive agency of the Bâ 'Alawï scholars as the practitioners of the
tariqa through their self-conscious efforts at transforming and adapting
their tradition. These scholars communicated with the shifting social
and political landscapes as well as other prevalent discourses and in
doing so managed to transform the tariqa into a more accessible form
of Islam for the broader Indonesian public.
To be able to effectively present this authoritative transformation of
the tariqa, Bâ cAlawï scholars were compelled to reconfigure their
authority in light of changing Islamic practices and reasoning that
emerged from shifting social and historical conditions. This meant that
preserving the tariqa (aUwiyya necessarily implied projecting its author-
ity in a form recognizable as authoritative to non-Bâ 'Alawï Indonesian
Muslims. Understood in this way, this study of the changing self-pro-
jection of the Bâ cAlawïs religious authority ultimately charts the devel-
opment and reconfiguration of Islamic authority in post-colonial
Indonesia.
121) Asad, "The Idea", 401.

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2011 - (Ismail Fajrie Alatas) Becoming Indonesian The Bā Alawī in The Interstices of The Nation

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2011 - (Ismail Fajrie Alatas) Becoming Indonesian The Bā Alawī in The Interstices of The Nation

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Becoming Indonesians: The Bā ʿAlawī in the Interstices of the Nation

Author(s): Ismail Fajrie Alatas

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/41105369

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Ismail Fajrie Alatas*

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 201 1 DOI: 10.1 163/15700601 1X556120

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recognizable to the dominant modes of Islamic reformism in the country, the Bâ

Bâ cAlawï, tariqa (alawiyya> Indonesia, Hadramï, cAIl b. cAbd al-Rahmän al-Habashï,

Sukarno, first president of Indonesia.1

The independence of Indonesia in 1 949 brought about the gradual

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religious and political echelons of Sukarno s Indonesia. Before delving

The Bä 'Alawï & Their tarïqa

One example of the tarïqa's malleability was its articulation in terms

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the hadïthJ Articulating Sufism in the contour of Prophetic piety

They [the Bâ cAlawï predecessors] became the inheritors of the Messenger

Prophetic piety, therefore, functioned as the doctrinal justification of

The Bâ 'Alawï in the Netherlands Indies

By the eighteenth century, Bâ 'Alawï migrants had settled in various

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while simultaneously enabled them to maintain distinctiveness through

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passes to travel outside.15 Such policies of parochialization had the effect

15) Ibid., 97-101.

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The advent of colonial modernity granted some in the East Indies

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sification of ethnic particularism, patronizing stance towards the indig-

26) Laffan, Islamic Nationhood, 189-195.

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to expulsion and repatriation.34 Legally, however, the status of the

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Constructing a New Center: Habib Ali al-Habsji

Ali al-Habsji, known popularly as 'Habib Ali Kwitang', was arguably

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amulets was a major characteristic of anti-colonial insurgencies all over

Some of them printed money (rupiah)

Al-Habsji ends by asking Muslims to repent for their wrongdoing and

43) Ibid., 15.

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traditionalist Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) leaderships without formally join-

55) K. H. Abdul Hayyie Nairn (Interview, 22 January 2008).

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Kwitang strengthened the Bä 'Alawï position by representing them as

61) Shihâb al-Dïn, Rihlat al-asfär, 104.

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As their reputation rested on Kwitang s endorsement, these kyais became

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other Bä 'Alawï scholars.69 While Kwitang became a center for the

Forming a Textual Community: Habib Ali Alatas

Habib Ali Alatas was born in Hurayda, Hadramawt, in 1889. He

69) K. H. Abdul Rasyid Syafei (Interview, 28 October 2007).

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Alatas' signal contribution to the reconfiguration of the tarïqa in

74) al-cAttäs, Täjal-a'ms, vol. 2, 38 Iff.

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Because of his eminence in the sight of God, abundant amounts of Divine

Alatas ends by reminding pilgrims to visit the adjoining grave of

77) Ibid., vol. 2, 393.

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