Salat in Indonesia: The Social Meanings of an Islamic Ritual

Author(s): John R. Bowen

Source: Man, New Series, Vol. 24, No. 4 (Dec., 1989), pp. 600-619
Published by: Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland
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 SALAT IN INDONESIA:
THE SOCIAL MEANINGS OF AN ISLAMIC RITUAL

JOHNR. BOWEN
Washington St. Louis
University,

Although the saldtritualof worship is centralto Islam it has received relativelylittleattentionfrom

anthropologists.Three Indonesian cases are examined here. In each case a disputeconcerningthe proper
performanceof the saldthighlighteda particularset of socio-polhticalmeanings.A wider arrayof cases is
explored and a generalmodel of theritualis proposed in which a discourseofconformityto theprophetic
example servesas a common element. The general anthropologicalneglect of the ritualis explained in
termsof its lack of fitwith currenttheoriesin which ritualis viewed as based on a symbolicor iconic
core.

Among the world's major religiousrituals,surelythe Islamic ritualof worship,the

salat,has been one of the most intractableto anthropologicalanalysis.Althoughit is
centralto theMuslim's religiousrepertoire,it is usuallyaccorded onlya briefmention
in studiesofIslamiccommunities.1Partofthe difficulty maybe, as Tapper and Tapper
(1987) have argued,thatanthropologists and Islamicistsalikehave neglected'ordinary'
Islamic ritualsas having more to do with a 'Great Tradition' than with local social
meanings.But in IslamicsocietiesofAsia, Africaand the Middle East, discourseabout
salat oftentakes on broad and deeply-feltreligious,social and politicalsignificance.
The taskfacinganthropologists studyingthesesocietiesis to account fortheparticular
ways in which the salatritualtakeson local social meanings.I develop one approach
to understanding salatsignificancethroughthe analysisof disputesabout the ritualin
threeIndonesiansocieties.I thensuggesta generalmodel forthe studyof thesalatand
itsimplicationsforcurrenttheoriesof ritualmeaning.
The salatritualis one of severalactivitiesincludedin the categoryof 'ibadat*, the
ritesand practicesthroughwhich one worshipsGod. Narrowlyinterpreted,'iba-dat is
the domain of explicitlyprescribedactivitiesofworship,mostnotablythe 'fivepillars',
which are the confessionof faith,the salat, fastingin the month of Ramadhan,
almsgivingand the pilgrimageto Mecca. Broadlyinterpreted,'iba-dat encompassesall
the activitiesoflife,fromspecificritesto everydaydressto the conduct of science. In
between the fivepillarsand 'lifeas 'iba-dat'
lies a wide rangeof Islamicactivitiesfrom
which Muslimsin particularsocietieshave constructeddistinctive, local ritualreper-
toires that include rites of passage, sacrifice,recitationsof the Qur'an and the
commemorationsof birthsand martyrdoms.2
Most Muslimswould agree that,regardlessof the degreeof theirown conformity,
regularperformanceof the salatis required of all Muslims.3The ritualbegins with
ablutions,afterwhich theworshipper,eitheralone or in congregation,performstwo,

*The initial accent in the word 'ibddat(also presentm the termsdu'dand jama 'ah), is represented
in thisarticleby an invertedcomma.

Man (N.S) 24, 600-19

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 JOHN R. BOWEN 601

threeor fourritualcycles(thenumberdependingon the timeof day) in the direction

of Mecca. In each cycle the worshipperexecutes a fixed sequence of movements
(standing,prostrating, kneeling,sitting),each accompaniedby a fixedArabicrecitation.
The recitationsinclude praisesof God, affirmations of His oneness,a generalrequest
fordivineguidance and, at the beginningof each cycle,two or more versesfromthe
Qur'an. They may also add privateprayers(du'd) to theirrecitations.The salatshould
be performedfivetimesdailyin normalcircumstances, and the Fridaynoon worship,
which includes a sermon,should be held in congregation(jama'ah). My analysisis
limitedto the social meaningsattachedto theseobligatorysaldtperformances. Special
salatsare held on the two major feast-daysof the year (afterthe fastingmonth and
duringthe pilgrimage),afterburial,and as a partof otherritualsof supplication(see
Wensinck 1953).
The structureof the salat ritualis derived fromtraditions(hadith)regardingthe
statementsand actions of the Prophet Muhammad. Disputes over ritualprocedure
usuallyturnon differing interpretationsoftheseprophetictraditions.4 Some Islamicists
(Graham 1983; Denny 1985: 98) claim thatthe distinctivecharacteristic of Islam is
preciselythisconcernforcorrectness in ritualpractice(orthopraxy) basedon conformity
to the historicalprecedentof the Prophet. But local understandings of ritualare as
much shaped by social and culturalcontextas by scripturaldisputations.A properly
anthropologicalapproachto the saldtmuststudyitslinksto otherbeliefsand practices
in particularIslamicsocietiesas well as itsplace in Islamicdoctrine(Eickelman 1982).
A more complete analysisthan thatofferedhere also would extend to the emotions
and thoughtsthataccompanyworship.
I have selected three cases fromIndonesia to explore the social meaningsof the
salat.In each case a disputeoverritualprocedurewas motivatedbylargerdebatesabout
thenatureofcommunityand society:in theprovincesofAceh, a debateabout political
unity;in highlandGayo society,a debate about the limitsof properritualcommuni-
cation;in the capital,Jakarta,a debate about urbanformsof sociability.All threecases
were shaped in partby a broad movementof Islamicreformin which scholarshave
rethoughtthe formand meaning of Islamic rituals.The modernistmovement that
emergedin Cairo in thelate nineteenthcenturysoon attractedadvocatesin Indonesia
(Noer 1973). DifferentIndonesianreform-oriented associationsdeveloped particular
critiquesof traditionalreligiouspractices.Some, such as the self-styled 'young group'
in the
(kaummuda) West Sumatra,emphasised appropriateness of modern schoolsand
scienceforMuslimsthroughoutIndonesia;others,suchas theAceh reformmovement
POESA discussedbelow, placed regionalunityin the forefront. These movements
shareda call fora returnto scripturalsources,the Qur'an and hadith,as the major or
even sole guide to ritualpractice.Confrontations between reform-oriented Muslims
and thoseMuslimswho defendolderprocedureshave lenta particularurgencyto local
discussionsof the salatin twentieth-century Indonesia.

amongtheAcehnese
Salat as struggle
In the province of Aceh, on the northerntip of Sumatra,the saldthas shaped the
language of religiousdisputeby supplyingthe idioms in which alternativesocio-re-
ligiousmodelshavebeen evaluated.Provincialleadershaveviewed thesaldtasproviding
the image of the ideal societyand of the impedimentsto its realisation.

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602 JOHN R. BOWEN

Aceh came underDutch controlonlyaftera protractedstrugglebetween 1873 and

1910, a strugglein which some traditionalrulersallied themselveswith the Dutch
againstforcesled by Acehnese religiousleaders 'ulama). In the face of dissension,
collaborationand the economic crisisof the 1930s, a group of scholarscame together
in 1939 to formthe Union of 'Ulama throughoutAceh (POESA, Persatoean Oelama
Seloeroeth Atjeh).POESA leadersbegan a campaignforsocial and religiousreformin
public meetingsand in newspapersthatcirculatedthroughoutAceh. Members of the
movementdominatedtheprovincialleadershipofAceh in theJapaneseperiod (1942-
45), throughthe Social Revolution of the late 1940s, and on both rebel and loyalist
sidesin the Darul Islam rebellionof 1953-62.5
POESA leadersurged otherAcehnese to unite and awake to the threatposed by
thetrueenemiesofIslam,whichtheyidentifiednot as externalforcesbutas thepassions
and self-interestofindividuals.They arguedthatthemeansto overcometheseenemies
were the dutiesof 'iba-dat,
and particularlythe salait.By punctuallycarryingout these
dutiesone would increaseone's power of reason (aqi) and the abilityto controlone's
behaviour(Siegel 1969: 115-19). Only when individualshad first improvedthemselves
would the perfectsocietybe realised.It would risefromthejoint submissionof all its
membersto God in a mechanicalsolidarityof universalsaldtperformance.
If the salatprovided the means to realisethatsociety,it also provided,in fleeting
moments,itsvisiblemodel. Individualswho came togetherforthecongregationalsalat
bestexemplifiedthe'profoundmoralegalitarianism' (Kessler1978: 212) ofthereformist
vision.6 Consider the addressby the Aceh governor,Daud Beureueh, to 6,000 wor-
shippersafterthe saldtcelebratingthe day of pilgrimagein 1964 (Siegel 1969: 263-6):
The entire communitymust, five times a day, face toward Mecca and, at the proper time, pray the
daily prayers.So, too, for the whole Islamic community,we must come together.We are with God,
we face toward Mecca. When we pray in assembly(bedama'ah), we are face to face with each other
afterprayer.The poor confrontthe rich, the evil confrontthe learned, the weak confrontthe firm,
and the humble confrontthe proud.

POESA leadershighlightedjust thosefeaturesofthesalatthatsupportedtheirpolitical

project:thethis-worldly disciplineit imposedon theindividualand the egalitarianand
universalcharacterof the congregation.They played down otherpossibleinterpreta-
tionsof the ritual,such as itspower to place the worshipperin a directrelationwith
God. Given thisparticularconstrualof social meaningon the salat,the reformists saw
as politicallythreatening in ritualperformance.Such particularisms
local particularisms
were not difficult to find,because, in the words of one POESA commentator,'the
inhabitantsof each region [of Aceh] took pride in 'having theirown 'ulama (Nyo
Neunan, quoted in Morris1983: 86). As long as the 'local 'ulama'confinedthemselves
to such minormattersas fixingthe timeforthe fastingmonth,POESA could tolerate
them.A few of thempromotedalternativeritualrepertoires, however,and had to be
opposed. One leadersingledout forparticularly sharpcriticism fromthe 1930s onwards
was the Habib Seunagan on the west coast of the province.
The firstHabib had establishedhimselfas a local religiousfigurein the Seunagan
area in the 1860s. He was succeeded by his son's son, called the Young Habib, some
time in the 1920s and then by the latter'sson, Habib Quraish, in 1971.7 The first
Habib based his claim to spiritualauthorityon two kindsof transmission: genealogical
descentfromtheProphetMuhammad and the directtransmission ofspiritualexercises
fromthe foundersof the NaqsyabandiyyahSufiorder(taniqa).He proclaimedhimself
the kutub(Arabic qutb,'axis, pole') for worshippersalong the west coast, with a

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 JOHN R. BOWEN 603

four-levelhierarchy ofreigiousauthorities reachingdown to thevillageprayerleaders.8

The Habib's followersengaged in a numberof idiosyncraticritualpractices(and
continuedto do so in the 1980s), includingchewingbetel and 'drinkingwaterwhile
submerged'duringthefastingmonth(on thegroundsthatneithercountedas a normal
act of takingliquids), substituting
chantsforthe specialsalact
prayersperformedduring
thefastingmonth,and circumambulating the graveofthefirstHabib on the tenthday
of the monthofpilgrimageas a local substituteforthe tawaf;the circumambulation of
the Ka'ba in Mecca. The Habibs held thatthese practicesbroughtthe worshipper
closerto God by increasinghis or her innerknowledgeand made theperformanceof
outerritualunnecessary.9 Otherpracticesemphasisedtherole oftheHabibs as spiritual
mediatorsbetween worshippersand God. The firstHabib promulgateda distinct
confessionof faiththatproclaimed'There is no God but Allah,thisHabib is trulythe
body of theProphet' (Snouck Hurgronje1906: 14). The second Habib substituted for
the cry of Allahu akbar('God is great') his own version,Allahu ku akbar('God and
myselfare great') (Tengku Zakaria Yunus, interview1981).10
These ritualinnovationsdivertedthe religiousattentionof the Habib's followers
fromthesalattowardtheHabib himselfThey did so by emphasisingone ofthefeatures
thathad been neglectedby POESA, namely,the relationof the individual
of the salact
worshipperto God. This centredritualorientationhad politicalimplicationsas well.
It channelledauthoritytowardsthe Habib ratherthan the provincialauthoritiesand
POESA. It also discouraged the regularpractice of salactand thus prevented the
provincialunificationthroughritualunityhoped forby the POESA leaders.By 1939
POESA had begun to sendspeakersto Seunaganto denounce theHabib (Pauw 1981).
The Habib was able to maintaincontroloftheWest Aceh religioushierarchythrough
the 1960s, however. He foughtthePOESA-led province-widerebellionof the 1950s
and opposed the Islamicpoliticalparties.The provincialIslamicleadershipwas never
able to prohibitthe organisationbut has issued decreescondemningitspractices.
The focus of criticismby POESA and the Aceh Council of 'Ulama has been the
socialandpoliticalimplicationoftheselocal ritualinnovations,nottheirritualpropriety
perse. Indeed, the firstPOESA leader in Seunagan (and a great-grandson of the first
Habib) declaredthattemporarily rulesin orderto encourageconversion
relaxingfasting
to Islamhad been appropriate.His criticismwas of the Habib's neglectof regularsalat
(TengkuZakariaYunus,interview1981). Similarly, theCouncil of'Ulamaihasobjected
less to the ritualinnovationsthemselvesthan to theirsubstitutionfor the salat. Ali
Hasymy (the head of the Council since 1981, a formerPOESA leader, and former
governor)approvedoftheefforts byNaqsyabandiyyah Sufiordersto seekinnerstrength
throughmeditationand chanting,but criticisedthesocial consequencesofabandoning
the regularperformanceof obligatoryworship(interview1981).
These movements [such as the Habibs'] thinkthatman can approach God and become one with him,
since man and God are the same in being. Now, once you have climbed to a level close to God, you
do not have to perform 'ibadain an externalway any more, but only in an inner way. This idea can
lead to extremedeviations,such as the leaders marryingand having sex with the wives of theirfollo-
wers, on the grounds that the lattermarriagesare only external,but that theirown relationshipswith
these women are inner.

At issue in the conflictbetween the Acehnese leadershipand such local movements

as that of the Habib Seunagan has been not doctrineor even orthopraxy,but the
politicalimportanceof universaland uniformsalact performancethroughouttheprov-
ince. This patternofpoliticaldiscourseabout Islamhas continuedwithregardto new

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604 JOHN R. BOWEN

movements.The Council of'Ulama banned an East Aceh movementin 1984 because

the group taughtthat'the Fridaysalatcould be performedat home'.11 An outbreak
of religiousviolence on the northcoast in May 1987 was tracedto a group in West
Aceh thathad been banned by the Council for teachingthatsalat,fastingand the
pilgrimageneed not be performedby those who had attainedthe level of gnosis
The moralbankruptcy
(ma'rifat). ofthismovementwas supposedlyprovenwhen some
of itsfollowerswere unable to performthe salatcorrectly.12

amongtheGayo
Salat as communication
In thenextcase ritualformitselfbecametheobjectofdispute.While Acehnesereligious
leaders have consideredthe salat as instillingproper attitudesin the individualand
therebyleading towardsa bettersociety,most of the 200,000 Gayo in the central
highlandshave perceiveditas an act ofcommunicationbetweenworshippersand God.
Itsperformanceanchors-repeatedly,daily- a view of ritualas communication.This
view underliesmany other,less frequently performedrituals.Gayo village ritualhas
profoundmoral importancein thatit maintainslinksin a communityconsistingof
livinghumans,ancestors,spiritsand God. ReformistMuslims,whose influencehas
been limitedto the major town of Takengen and environs,have challengedthisidea
of communityand threatenedthe ritualbasis of the villagemoraluniverse.
In the village-complexof Isak, where I lived fortwo years(1978-80), virtuallyall
men and women performedthe saldtfromtimeto time,some quite regularly,others
less so. Because Isak Gayo see the salatas a set of communicationsfromhumansto
God, theyreason thatit should be performedin an audible way,just as people must
speak out loud when talkingwith one another.When a religiousteacherexplained
the difference between his views and thoseof the town-basedreformists, he criticised
the practicesof the latteron the groundsthattheyfailedto fulfilthe conditionsfor
proper communicationas set out by the Prophet Muhammad. When townspeople
recitedthe obligatorytextsof the saldt,he noted, theysaid them quietlyand quickly:
At the end of the worship, when one says 'subhanallah' twelve times, they just run through the
repetitionsin theirminds, going much fasterthan you could say them [out loud]. They reallyjust say
'semelah, semelah'; theydo not enunciate it correctlyto themselves.13

They are wrong, because the Prophet Muhammad said that the tongue and heart should work
together,not the heartby itself If I say somethingto you without makmg a sound, can you hear me?
Of course not. You have to talk out loud foranyone to understandyou.

In the late 1920s Gayo began to studyunder reform-oriented teachersin Aceh,

Minangkabau or Java, and many became convinced thatvillage religiouspractices
representeddeviations (or 'illegitimateinnovations', bid'a) from the example and
teachingsof the prophetMuhammad. Gayo reformists tended to live in or near the
town of Takengen, and theirreligious orientationswere partiallyshaped by their
associationwithtradersand educatorsfromelsewherein Sumatra,manyofwhom also
held refonmist views. These views were similarto thoseofPOESA, althoughtheGayo
triedto maintaintheirdistancefromthelowland Acehneseleadership.In theircritique
of salact
practicetheyinterpretedcertainscripturalpassagesto the effectthatthe saldt
worshippershould say neitherthe Qur'anic versesnor the initialbismillah out loud.
Villagersgenerallyhave stuckto theirview thattheymustpronounceclearlythewords
of the salatif God is to hear them. The audibilityof saldtrecitationbecame an issue
throughoutIslamicIndonesiain the 1930s and 1940s. Advocatesofeach positionwrote

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 JOHN R. BOWEN 605

prayermanualsin which theymarshalledhadithto buttresstheircase.14

In the late 1930s these disagreements led to mass exoduses fromsome villages.In
Isak a group of about thirtyhouseholds(of about 200 total),swayedby the reformist
argumentbut rebuffedby the rest of the community,decided to build theirown
mosque in which to performthe salat in theirown fashion.The village religious
leadershipcomplained to the Dutch authoritiesand theirlocal Gayo representative,
who (correctly)saw Islamicreformism as incipientlyanti-colonialand preventedthe
constructionof the mosque. The reformist familiesleftIsak foruninhabitedterritory
northof Takengen where theyestablishednew villages.In the 1980s the reformist
salatwas performedmainlyin the town and in new districts, while a modifiedversion
oftheolderformwas retainedin oldervillages.The issuecontinuedto lead to disputes
whenevera new mosque was opened and a protocol had to be established.
Why would theissueofan audiblesalact have led to thesedeeply-felt and long-lasting
local disputes?The answerlies in the importanceof a theoryof ritualcommunication
to village ritualpractice as a whole. The reformistattack on the village way of
performing thesalatwas perceivedas an attackon thattheoryand a threatto themoral
communityof the living and the dead thatit sustained.Refonmists,for theirpart,
considereda wide rangeofGayo ritualsto involveillegitimate communicationbetween
humans and spirits.Their attackson audibilityin the salat were motivatedby the
implicationsvillagersdrewfromitforotherrituals.They accusedvillagersofimproperly
assumingthatritualspeech was in some way like everydayspeech, and of failingto
followstrictly the Prophet'sown exemplaryconduct.
The areaofdisputedritualthuscame to includeallactivitiesin whichcommunication
was at issue. In the performanceof funeralritualthe moral quality of the dispute
becomes apparent.The Gayo see theircommunityas includingspiritsofdeceasedmen
or women who interactin various ways with the living (Bowen 1984). The living
begin reconstructing social relationswith the spiritof a deceased personon the nights
immediatelyfollowingthe death. Relatives and neighboursof the deceased gatherto
chantQur'anic verses.These sessions,called shamadiyah (Arabicshamad,'eternal'),last
untilwell aftermidnight,and food is servedat intervals.Sometimesincenseis burned.
In the 1980s nearlyeveryonein Isakparticipatedin shamadiyah, and participants agreed
thatverseswere sent(somewhere)when theywere chanted,thatthenumberofreciters
timesthe numberof repetitionsyieldedthe amount of merit(pahla)transmitted, and
thatthetormentexperiencedbythespiritofthedeceasedwas correspondingly lessened.
Participationin thesesessionswas feltto be the moralresponsibility of all neighbours
and relativestowardsthe deceased because it had a direct,practicaleffecton his/her
well-being.
Villagersdifferedwith respectto how theythoughtthe chantingfunctioned,but
these differences remainedin the implicit(or whispered)backgroundof rituallife;
theywere not aired in public. Some villagers,in privateconversations,said thatthe
spiritof the deceased directlyexperiencedthe meritof the chantsand the tasteof the
food. The incense createda path along which the food and the chantstravel,they
claimed. Other villagerspresenteda sharplydifferent interpretationof the same ritual.
They considereda chantingsession to be merelyone of many occasions on which
humanspleased God by recitingscripture.They pointed out thatthe mostimportant
verse forshamadiyah chantswas Sura 112, al-Ikhlas(known as the 'Kul hu' afterthe
firsttwo syllables)because itcontainedthenameofGod and emphasisedHis uniqueness.

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606 JOHN R. BOWEN

(Itis alsoone oftheversesmostfrequently recitedin thesalatbecauseitis one ofthe

shortest.) BecauseGod heardHis nameHe waspleasedand therefore well-disposed
towardsthe deceased,theysaid.Even some religiousscholarswho disapproved of
manyviliagerituals participatedin shamadiyah.Theyviewedthechantsas identical to
anyotheroccasionon whichscripture was recited.The local government religious
official, forexample,participatedbutwasparticularly carefulto distancehimselffrom
thefood-and-incense interpretation oftheritual.'Iffoodhappensto be offered, we
can eatit',he said,'butifnotwe cannotaskforit'. Ifthereis foodwithoutprayer,
he added,he wouldnotattend.
The shamadiyah thusconstituted a sharedpracticalframework withinwhichindi-
vidualswereable to retaintheprivatecertainty of theirown, differing, theological
convictions. Whatunitedthemwasthebeliefthatbydoingwhatever itis theydidby
chanting, theysentsomething somewhere withtheeffect ofbenefittingthedeceased.
Audiblerecitations, channelsof the communication to theunseenworld,and the
welfareofthedeceasedwerelinked.
Thislinkwasdeniedbyreformist teachers.Theyforced theissuebypublicly denying
(insermons andin everyday discussions)thatthedeadcouldbe partofa community.
Theyquotedhadith to theeffectthatthedeadcouldneither hearnorreceivepresents
ofchantsorfood.In theirview,to attenda shamadiyah sessionwasto actas ifthedead
did havethesepowers,and thusto committheoffenceof 'illegitimate innovation'
(bid'a). The dispute
overmortuary ritualformmadeitnecessary forhighpublicofficials
toholdtwokindsofrituals: oneforthereformists andoneforthetraditionalists among
theirfollowing (Bowen1984).
Now we can betterunderstand the fullforceof the argument aboutthe salat.
Seemingly unimportant in themselves, thesmalldetailsofsaldtperformance havebeen
takenby Gayoon bothsidesofthedebateto implyparticular ideasaboutthenature
ofconumunication. The reformist critique ofvillagesaldt
practice wasaimedata broad
rangeofvillageritualsofwhichshamadiyah was onlyone (othersincludedritualsof
planting andhealing).Buttheirwarrant fordemanding reform ofsalatnecessarily
was
thefailureofthatpracticeto conform to theprophet's example,notitsimplications
forotherrituals.The sameis truefor'traditionalist' villagerssuchas thereligious
teacherquotedabove:he basedhisargument thatsalatmustbe pronounced audibly
on a claimabout the prophet'sown position.Broad issuesof the natureof the
socio-ritual community weredisputed interms offaithfulnesstothehistoricalexample
setbytheprophet.

inJakarta
Salatas boundary-maintaining
Disputesaboutthesaldtin the thirdcase centredon the threatposed by a closed
congregational community forpluralisticandurbanforms ofsociability. the
InJakarta,
nation'scapital,mostpeople live in small,tightly-packed neighbourhoods called
'[urban]villages'(kampung).Each neighbourhood is composedofpeoplefrommany
different ethnicgroups,fromdifferent partsof the countryand speakingdifferent
languages.One focusof community forthe Islamicmajority in Jakarta
has been
congregational saldtperformance in the neighbourhood mosque or prayer-house.
Worshipbringstogether all residents,
overriding otherdistinctions.
Mosque youth
groups(remaja organise
mesjid) festival
celebrations
andmayserveas aninformalpolice
force.In a fewcasesthemosqueshavebeenthepointsofassembly foranti-government

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 JOHN R. BOWEN 607

rallies.More often,theyhave been theplace forrelativelyopen discussionson current

social and politicalissues.The mosque, and the congregationalsaldt,is able to serve
as the centreof communityin mobile, polyethnicJakartapreciselybecause it is open
to all.5
In the 1970s some urbanitesperceived the open characterof the mosque to be
threatenedby a movementcalled IslamJama'ah.16The name came to be applied to
any and all exclusivisttendencies,especiallyas made manifestin a refusalto perform
thesaldtwithothers.The founderof themovement,NurhasanUbaidah (1908-1982),
had spentseveralyearsin Mecca where he claimed to have been inspiredto reformist
('Wahhabi') teachings.In the 1950s he opened a seriesof religiousschoolsin different
partsofJava.By thelate 1970s he had createdat leasttwentyschoolsin EastJavaalone.
In Jakartaand other large cities Nurhasan created prayergroups,with the Jakarta
membershipestimatedat 23,000 by 1976.17AlthoughtheAttorneyGeneralprohibited
the organisationin 1971 it continuedto thrivethroughthe 1970s untila flare-upof
publicityin 1979 led to widespreadpublic demandsforits suppression.Nurhasan's
deathin 1982 spelledan end to thecentralorganisation, althoughtheschoolscontinued
to functionin the 1980s.
IslamJamai'ahspokesmendescribedthe goals of the movementas reconstructing
correctproceduresforthe salatand otheracts of worshipby imitatingthe conduct of
the Prophet.18Nurhasan forbadeany books other than the Qur'an and hadithfrom
hisschoolslesthispupilsbe led astray,and directedthatsermonsbe held onlyin Arabic.
These practiceswere not themselvesunusual; many traditionalteachershave given
sermonsin Arabic in Indonesia despitethe near-totallack of Arabic comprehension,
and the mainstreamreformist groups also advocated relianceon Scriptureover sub-
sequentworksofinterpretation. IslamJama'ahworshippersreportedly performedtheir
salatin a manneridenticalto thatof otherreformist groups (Thayib & Zuhdi 1979:
33).
The featureof IslamJama'ahritualthatarousedalarminJavawas not the sequence
ofstepsin theirsalacts,
buttheirexclusionofnon-membersfromcongregational worship.
They erectedtheirown mosques in villagesand citiesand forbadetheiruse by others.
In atleastone viliagetheyshavedtheirheadsand did notwear theotherwiseubiquitous
Indonesian black cap, distinguishing themselvesin a way thatbore directlyon the
techniquesofthesalait, in which theforeheadis supposedto touch the grounddirectly
withoutthe interventionof hairor headcovering.
The exclusionof outsidersfromthe salatwas based on two generalfeaturesof the
movement:a strictinternalreligioushierarchyand boundary-maintaining normsof
personalpurity.A spokesmanforthe movementdeclaredin 1979 thattherecould be
no propersalatoutside of a congregation(jama'ah) and thata congregationwas only
legitimateif it was based on an oath of allegiance (bai'at) to a leader (amir).19The
movementalso taughtthatthe sala-twas only valid if the worshipperhad successfully
avoided physicalcontactwith those not involved in the movement. A followerwas
forbiddento eat with outsiders.Clothing had to be re-washedforsaldtuse if it had
been washed by an outsider.Sexual intercoursewas seen as particularly polluting,and
therewere reportsof divorcesbased on the refusalof one partnertojoin the group.20
All Muslimsmustobservepurification rituals(tahara)fortheirotherrituals,including
the salat,to be valid. 'Purityis halfthe faith',said the Prophet(Tritton1953), and the
rulesand conventionsthatdistinguish thepure fromtheimpureare importantfeatures

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608 JOHN R. BOWEN

of everydayMuslim life.But fromthe mainstreampoint of view purificationrituals

also make possibleuniversalsocial intercourseamong all Muslims. They guarantee-
indeed sanctify-thepurityof all personswho execute them.By creatinga new, more
restrictivecode, IslamJama'ah denied the possibihtyof such universalsociability,a
denial othersfoundmorallyoffensiveand sociallydangerous.
IslamJama'ahrulesand behaviourwent beyond ritualpurityto implythe perma-
nentlypollutedstatusof all outsiders.Many feltthe refusalto eat with others,or even
to shakehands,as an attackon pan-Indonesiansymbolsofsociability.The exclusiveness
of the group was viewed as symbolicof the most dangerousformof Islam: exclusive
and un-Indonesianin spirit,rigidand potentiallysubversivein doctrine,and potentially
anti-Chineseand inflammatory in action,summedup in thephrase'Islam fanatik'.By
the late 1970s villageand urbanyouthgroupsbegan to act againstthe group,pulling
down the separatevillagemosques and sending'education teams'to argueinterpreta-
tions of Scripturewith the IslamJama'ah leaders. As of late 1987 the government
continuedto receivedemandsfromotherIslamicorganisationsthatit close down the
IslamJama'ahschools.21
Because of the publicitysurroundingIslamJama'ah theirname began to be used
foranyindividualor groupwho performedthesaldtin a closed setting.It was applied
to a numberof highlyvisible and successfulJakarta'personalities'in the music and
filmindustrieswho, perhapsmoved by a renewed sense of Islamic piety,had built
theirown prayerhouses where theyinvitedteachersto lead worshipand give educa-
tionalspeeches (da 'wa). The mosque youthgroupsin the communitiessaw theprayer
houses as signsof IslamJama'ahaffiliation and took actionagainstseveralof the artists.
In September1979 the youth group in the neighbourhoodof the popular actor and
singerBenyaminS. boarded up the frontof his house. They complainedto the press
thathe had broughtan Islamicteacherto lead prayerinside the house forseventyto
ninetypeople ratherthanprayin the nearbymosque with everyoneelse, thus'going
on his own' (menyendinr) ratherthan'being withthepeople' (bermasyarakat). These two
expressionsare particularly in Indonesia; the latteris includedin the
culturally-loaded
stateideology of Pancasila.The followingFriday,Benyaminshowed up at one of the
two communitymosques forthe congregationalsalat.Afterparticipating in worship,
he publiclygave thekeysto hishouse and to theprayer-housebehindit to 'thepeople'
(masyarakat) of the neighbourhood.The contextforthe returnwas as significant as its
content:prayerwas returnedto thepublicsphere.In an interview,however,Benyamin
was indignantat the public criticisms:
I used to drinkbeer,havingdancingpartiesat my house,no one said anything.
Now, nothing's
happenedyet,peopleattack-youwantI shouldjust getdrunkall thetime?Justwantto da'waand
peopleattack,I getanonymous it getsscary!22
letters;
Neighbourhood mosque groupsinJakartaand othercitieshave interpreted Islamic
boundary-creating conduct (in saldtor in, forexample,dressstyle)not as emblemsof
allegianceto a universalIslambutas claimsthatone is betterthan'thepeople'. Whether
or not, as was alleged, the Jakartaartistswere membersof IslamJama'ah (and the
question occupied Jakarta'sinvestigative journalistsformany months),separatesaldt
congregationswere seen as indicativeof an exclusivistsocial orientation.Benyamin
and otherssuspectedof being IslamJama'ah followersroutinelyparriedjournalists'
queries by statingthatthey'performedsaldtanywhereat all', thusclaimingto be 'of
the people' by joining in open worship.23In thisway the sala-thas become a testof

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 JOHN R. BOWEN 609

one's willingnesstojoin thecommunity,toparticipate

in new,urbanformsofsociability
throughworship.

Salat and society

in Indonesia
In each of the threeIndonesiancases a social group has emphasisedcertainfeaturesof
the salatin its efforts
to defineor maintaina particularsocial form.The disputesthat
ensued have implicatedwidersocial,politicaland religiousvalues,but theyhave been
argued explicitlyas competinginterpretations of the role and formof the salatitself.
The reformist leadersof Aceh held up the congregationalsalatas the perfecticon
ofa perfectsociety:religiously-conscious individualsheighteningtheirreasonthrough
acts of submissionto God. These leaders highlightedtwo featuresof the salat that
provideda model and a meansforrealisingthatsociety,namely,theegalitariancharacter
of the congregationand the everydaydisciplinethatworshipimposed on theindivid-
ual.24 They foundthe negativeimage of thesefeaturesin the religioushierarchyand
rituallaxityof communitiessuch as thatin Seunagan. The largerissuesat stakewere
the recoveryof the province fromdecades of division,but the religiouswarrantfor
the criticismof local communitieswas their purportedneglect of their religious
obligationsand, in particular,of the salat.
For Gayo villagers,by contrast,communicationbetween worshippersand God was
a focus for the interpretation of salat.Worship, so viewed, served as a legitimating
model forcommunicationwithall mannerofunseen,morallysignificant interlocutors,
includingspiritsofthedead, 'owners' ofthefarmland, variousprophetsand God. Gayo
reformists objected to such broad-basedcommunicationas tantamountto polytheism;
theirconcern focused theirobjectionsto village saldtpracticeon its communicative
aspect,theaudiblerecitation.Both sidesto thedisputesoversalatjustified theirpositions
not in termsof the local socio-culturalimportanceof communication,however,but
in termsof theimportanceoffollowingtheprophet'sexample.Because debatesabout
worshipwere perceived as Islamic matters(ratherthan specificallyGayo ones), they
tookplace in a framework wheretheinterpretation ofscripture was ofhighestauthority.
Membersof the IslamJama'ahsectsoughtto createa religiouslypure congregation
withina pluralistsociety.They did so by carefully protectingtheirperformanceof the
salat from impurities.They limited physical contact with others,demanded strict
obedience of the sect leader and prohibitedthe consultationof sources other than
scripture.These actionsall contributedto maintainingthe group'sboundaries.Here,
as in the othertwo cases, those opposed to the sect were troubledby the social and
religiousimplicationsofsalatperformance.They objectedpubliclyto theexclusiveness
of IslamJama'ahworshipas socially(and politically)damagingto the solidarityof 'the
people'.
All threedisputeswere deeplyintertwinedwith nationalpolitics.In the post-1965
New Order,Acehnese provincialleaders,Gayo reformists and the mosque groupsin
Jakartahave been strongsupportersof the nationwide Islamic party.The Habib
Seunagan and IslamJama'ahhave equally stronglysupportedthe stateparty,Golkar,
for fear that a stronglyIslamic governmentwould seek to compel uniformritual
conduct.25Indonesian Islamic politicsinvolves a wide arrayof issues,rangingfrom
economic developmentto corruptionto thecontrolofeducationalpolicy,but,at least
in some instances,disputesabout the natureand formof the salact have become foci
forthesebroaderdisputes.

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610 JOHN R. BOWEN

The power ofthesalatas a centralsocialmodel in Indonesiacomes fromitsobligatory

and, when performedin congregation,public character.It makes public particular
ideas about the arrangementof men and women in social life:about hierarchy,social
boundariesand the natureof communication.Other Islamic obligationshave taken
on similarlysalientsocio-politicalrolesin particularpartsof the archipelago:mortuary
ritualinJavanese(Geertz 1959) and Gayo (Bowen 1984) societies;the alms (zakat) in
Malaysia (Scott 1987); sumptuaryrulesin nineteenthcenturyMinangkabau (Dobbin
1983). But the salact
appearsto serveas a generallyprominentintersectionof religious
disputationand politicaldiscoursein IslamicIndonesianlife.

Towardsa generalmodelofthesalat
Our discussionof the Indonesiancases returnsus to the issue raisedat the beginning
of thisarticle,namely,how can we understandthemeaningof thesaldtin thebroader
comparativestudies of Islam and ritual?I suggestthat discourseabout salat is one
possiblefocusforthecomparativestudyofIslamicsocieties.But thesalatis much more
thandiscourse.Worshippersexperiencea wide arrayof thoughtsand emotionswhen
engaged in salat,and theyface choices and constraints in constructingeach worship
event.The depthand forceof the worshipexperiencecontributesto the importance
attachedto debatesabout worshipform.
Worshipmay have quite different effectson the individual'sthoughtsand feelings
and no generaldescriptionofthisdimensionofworshipis likelyto be valid. The range
of worshipexperienceis apparenteven fromwrittenaccounts of worship.For some
Sufis,forexample, the salatprovided a means of union with God; forothers,it was
an interruption oftheirconcentratedrapture(Schinmmel 1975: 148-55). Some described
a heightenedawarenessofsubmissionand intimacywith God: 'The prostration of the
body is the proximityof the soul', wrote the poet Rumi (quoted in Schimmel1975:
153). Al-Faridwrote of the union with God duringthe event: 'both of us are a single
worshipper...'(Schimmel 1975: 153). Prescriptivewritingsoftenemphasisedthe im-
portanceof humilitybeforeGod. Al-Ghazzali made humilitya felicityconditionfor
theritual:'If a man does not know humility,his salatis invalid' (Wensinck1953: 499;
see also von Grunebaum1951: 12). The term'salat'literallymeans: 'to bow', and the
bows and prostrations (sujud)of theritualmay engenderemotionsofpious submission
in manyworshippers(Padwick 1961: 6-11). The gesturesof prostrationand feelings
of submissiontogetherconstructa 'religion of worship and dependence' (Gilsenan
1973: 184) or islam(lit: 'surrender,submission').
But otherMuslimshave emphasisedtheself-control and disciplinethatfollowsfrom
regularperformanceof salat.Many Acehnese saw the salatas a source of strengthfor
reason (aqt) in itsstruggleto controlpassions.Regular worshipthusbecame a sign of
another'srationalityand was one basis fortrustand co-operation in businessaffairs
(Siegel 1969: 98-198). (Compare Weber 1958 on worshipas a signof trustworthiness
in U.S. Protestantism.) Gayo men also attestedto feelingsofself-control derivedfrom
salatperformance, especiallyat timeswhen theywere engagedin spiritually dangerous
pursuits,such as studyingesotericsubjectsor learningspells.They spoke oftheactivity
of worship,physicalas well as linguistic,as orderingtheirthoughtsand keepingthem
from'becoming dizzy' in the face of new, powerfulknowledge.26 Other Gayo men
and women said thattheyworshippedprimarilybecause it was requiredof them,or
because theyfearedtheconsequenceson theDay ofJudgement iftheydid notworship.

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 JOHN R. BOWEN 611

Areas of choice within the salat frameworkallow for the ritualexpressionand

reinforcement ofparticularemotionaland cognitiveorientations.The worshipper(or,
in congregation,theworshipleader,imam)maychoose anyQur'anic verseforrecitation
in each ritualcycle (rak'a) afterthe obligatoryverse, al-Fatiha.A worshippermay
choose to recite one or more of the shorterverses,eitherbecause of limitationsof
timeor knowledge,or because ofitscontent.Some Gayo mentioneda preferencefor
verse112 (al-Ikhlas)because itaffirmed God's oneness(see also Padwick 1961: 108-19).
For manyworshippers, however(especiallynon-Arabic-speaking worshippers, includ-
ing nearlyall IndonesianMuslims), the semanticmeaning of theseversesmay be of
secondaryritualimportanceto theirsacredqualityas thewordsofGod. The worshipper
repeatsback to God his own words. Ifthesalatis an 'intimateconversationwithGod',
as the Prophetis said to have characterisedit (Wensinck 1953: 498), then formany
the subjectof the conversationis the worshipper'shumilityand submissionrendered
in stereotypicterms.The worshippermay lengthen(and deepen) his experienceby
choosing a particularlylong verse and drawingout its recitationsilentlyor aloud,
perhapsin an elaboratemelodic pattern.
A worshipperalso may add a prayer(du 'a) near the end of worship,oftendrawn
fromtheQur'an or froma stockof 'traditional'prayers(Padwick 1961: 209-19). Some
Gayo men and women consultedbooks in which thedistinctiveefficaciesofparticular
prayerswere explained:one prayerkeptaway tormentafterdeath;anotherkeptaway
Satan during sleep. The worshippermay shape the ritual in other ways as well:
performing theoptionalqunutprayerin themorningworship(or not),addinga midday
prayerto the Fridaycongregationalservice,worshippingalone or in congregationat
othertimes.
The individualstructuring ofworshipin turnshapesandis shapedbypublicdiscourse
about itsproperform.Three modes of thisdiscourse(among, surely,others)may be
indicatedhere: the historical,the diacriticand the iconic. By 'historicaldiscourse'I
mean discussionof the relativefaithfulness of particularpracticesto the example set
bytheprophetMuhanmmad and elaboratedinlaterconmmentaries. For centuriesMuslim
scholarshave analysed,justifiedand disputedthe formof saldtby siftingthroughthe
numerousreports(hadith)about the prophet'sstatementsand actions.Their disputes
have turnedon the reliabilityof particularreports(or, more precisely,of the person
transmitting it), not the beautyof a recitationor the symbolicqualityof a gesture.If
theProphetreciteda particularverseor stood in a particularway duringworshipthen
it should be replicatedby his followers;if not, then it must not be performed.
'Illegitimateinnovation'(bid'a) is nottoleratedin actsof 'ibadat.This historicaldiscourse
has itsmore and less 'learned' variants,as the Gayo example indicates.Villagerswho
were not schooled in hadithsnonethelessreferredto the prophet'sexample as a way
ofjustifying theirpositionson worshipform.
The historicalorientationof much Muslim discoursecontributesto what Graham
(1983: 63) calls its 'fundamentallyritualist orientation',by which he refersto an
overridingconcernwithconformity to ritualnormsin carrying out centralritualduties.
In designingsalats,individualworshippers,prayerleaders and teachersjustifytheir
selection of gesturesand recitationsby referenceto Muhammad's example. The
personal sense of submissionto God and to Muhammad reportedby worshippers
correspondsto thisdiscourseof conformity.

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612 JOHN R. BOWEN

The particularhistoricityofsalatdiscoursedistinguishes it fromthatof otherIslamic

rituals,forexample,the pilgrimage(hajj). The pilgrimagecontainsmultipleinstances
of commemorationofpastevents.The pilgrimis directedto rememberHagar's search
forwater,Abraham'swillingnessto sacrificehis son, and Muhammad'sfirst pilgrimage
fromMedina to Mecca as he/she carriesout particularstepsof the ritualsequence.
These commemorativemeaningsare known to manyMuslimsthroughoutthe world;
theyare also indicatedin pilgrimagemanualsand taughtto prospectivepilgrimsbefore
theirjourney.27Muslimsnot on the pilgrimagecommemorateAbraham'sobedience
to God by sacrificing an animalon thetenthday ofthepilgrimagemonth.Gayo spoke
of thiscommemorativemeaning. (Some also statedthatthe animal sacrificedwould
be available for transportto Jerusalemfor the Day of Judgement.)By contrast,a
worshipperdoes not commemorateMuhanunad's firstsalactwhen he worships;he
performsit as Muhanunad eventuallycame to prescribeit. This is not to saythatsome
worshippersmay not have Muhammad in mind when theyworship (althoughI did
nothearofsuchimaginingsin Gayo orAcehnesediscussionsofsalat),butthatdiscussion
and teachingabout the ritualcelebrateit as conforming,not commemorating.
But conformity and 'ritualism'alone do not explainthe richsocial significancethat
we found attachedto the salact in Indonesia. There and elsewhereMuslims construe
the salatto bear on contemporarysocietyin at least two ways. In a diacritic bestowal
of meaningMuslimstake differences in the performanceof the ritualas signsof social
distinctions,withoutthe ritualdifferences themselvestakingon a semanticor repre-
sentationalvalue. Members of such categoriesor groups also may impute an iconic
meaningto an aspectof worship,in which theytake the formof the ritualto model
or diagramfeaturesof society. These modes of discourse often are supportedby
demonstrationsof theirhistoricalwell-foundednessbased on hadithinterpretation.
Thus the historicaland the social discoursesoftenintertwine.
The most elementaldiacriticreadingof the saldtis one thatidentifiesworshippers
as Muslimsover and againstnon-Muslims.As an obligatory,frequently performedand
sometimespublic ritual,worshipfunctionsin manyIslamicsocietiesas a primarysign
of Muslim identity.Ritual practiceas the basic textof affiliation allows an expanding
religion to be maximallyinclusive; this aspect of Islam has been most extensively
studiedalong itsWest Africanfrontier. The Hausa, forexample,querya newcomer's
religiousaffiliationnotwith'Areyou a Muslim?',butwith'Do you pray?'(Trimingham
1968: 62; see also Nadel 1954: 235).28 In theVolta basina three-tiered categorysystem
developed of 'learned' Muslims who were somewhatliteratein Arabic, 'those who
and pagans,allowing chiefsto enterthe second categoryand yet retain
pray [salact]',
earlierbeliefsand practices(Levtzion 1968: 108-9). Within the categoryof Muslims,
the greateror lesserfrequencyof salatperformancemay be a badge of social identity
anotherMuslim group. In Java,forexample,conscientioussala-t
vis-d-vis performance
was taken to distinguish'purer' Muslims (santn)from others (Geertz 1960: 127).
Relative degrees of attentionto saldtmay also be importantelements in ethnic
self-definition.Writingof tribally-organised pastoralsocietiesin Iran and Afghanistan,
R. Tapper (1984) describestheway Pashtu-speaking Durranisclaimthattheirattention
to worshipmarksthem offfromall 'Uzbeks' (non-Pashtu-speakingSunnis). Basseri,
by contrast,distinguishthemselvesfromthe settled,'mullah-dominated'Persiansby
referringto theirown neglect of ritualobservance.

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 JOHN R. BOWEN 613

Details of the salat also can take on socially distinguishing meaning. In eastern
Indonesia,forexample,the dailyfrequencyof worshipdividesthe Sasak people into
two categories:the 'Five Timers'and thosewho arelessobservant,the 'Three Timers'
(Bousquet 1939). As such distinctions become the raw materialforpoliticalstruggles
theymay appear to turnon ritualdetailsthatare withoutintrinsicsocial meaning.In
northernNigeriain thelatenineteenthand earlytwentiethcenturiescrossingthearms
duringthe sala-t(ratherthanlettingthemhang at the sides) became the major distin-
guishingmarkforboth a Sufireformmovementin Kano and themessianic(Mahdiyya)
movementin neighbouringSokoto, causing'widespreadconfusion'among Nigerians
and British(Paden 1973: 200-1, 179). In Ibadan such distinctionsin saldtbecame
emblemsof Hausa and Yoruba identity(Cohen 1969: 152-6).
As well as servingas differentiating emblems,salactdetailsmay be the focus for
strugglewithina social or culturaldomain. In such cases the partiesto a disputemay
representissuesoflocal power and identityas iftheywere primarily, or even entirely,
issuesofconformity to theprophet'sdirectivesand example.Hadithscholarship, which
purportsto transcendlocal imperatives,then takes on immediatelocal import.For
example,along theborderbetweenAfghanistan and thenBritishIndia a major dispute
eruptedin 1896 between the followersof two religiousleaders(mullahs).At issue was
whetherthe index fingershould be raised duringworship. The eminentmullah of
Hadda had declared,based on his perusalof the relevanthadith,thatthe fingershould
be raisedat a certainpointin theritual.He was opposed by themullahofManki (who
interpreted thetraditions butalsoby theEmirofAfghanistan,
differently) who, desirous
of any means of undercuttingthe Hadda mullah's authorityin the area, issued a
prohibitionagainstfinger-raising. The eventualvictoryby theHadda mullahincreased
his influencein the struggleagainstthe Britishin the frontier region.29As thesetwo
examplessuggest,it is on thefrontiers of Islamthatsuch diacriticmeanings('indexing'
authority)are mostprominent.
Differencesin salatproceduretakeon iconic as well as diacriticmeaningwhen they
are seen as diagramsor depictionsof a wider set of social or ritualrelations.30This
diagrammaticrelationbecomes socially or politicallyimportantwhen it is taken to
implythosewider relationsas well as depictthem (as a 'model for'as well as a 'model
of). The threeIndonesiancases involved such a perceivedimplication.Aceh leaders
view saldtas a templatefor the futuresociety. Gayo villagersand reformists alike
perceived audible recitations in as a
worship implying general channel of communi-
cationbetweenhumansand spirits.Similarly, followersand opponentsofIslamJama'ah
saw itsclosed,hierarchicalcongregationsas standingfora generalimage ofhierarchical
authorityand social exclusiveness.These and othercases suggestthatcongregational
worshipis particularly likelyto be takenas implyinga specificformof societyat large.
When worshippersjoin in congregation,theymusttranslatemultiple,and normally
separable, orderingsby rank, age, gender and wealth into a single, public social
arrangement (see also Cohen 1969: 136-8). (Thus futureresearchmightfocuson how
genderand rankdistinctionsshape the salact over space and time.)
As the above examples indicate,argumentsabout salactinvolve combinationsof
historical,diacriticand iconic modelsofdiscourse.A certaindegreeofrhetoricalpnmacy
is accorded to historicalarguments,in thatdebates about the 'design criteria'of the
salatcentreon issues of historicalaccuracy.Partiesto the Gayo and Afghandebates,
forexample,althoughmotivatedby a varietyof considerationsand interests, presented

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614 JOHN R. BOWEN

how to interpret
theircases as 'applied historiography': the historical(haditth)
material.

Islamicworship
and ritualtheory
The case of the salact
may help to indicatethe limitsof recentgeneralformulations of
the natureof ritual.Among the richestand mostcomprehensiveof thesestudieshave
been the analysesby Bloch (1974: 1986) and Tambiah (1968; 1981) of ritualmeaning.
Bloch, Tambiah and others(Barth1987; Munn 1973) have expanded the scope and
power ofearliersymbolic(Turner1967) and pragmatic(Malinowski1965) approaches
by incorporating thehistory,variationand politicalrole ofritualsinto accountsoftheir
meaning. These studiesprovide a nrchhistonrcaland symbolicframeworkfor the
comparativestudyof ritual.At the same time,theymay have prematurely limitedthe
domain of ritualmeaningto a subsetof existentritualforms:those in which a stable
symbolicor propositionalcore can be identified.Tambiah (1981: 153), forexample,
refersto the 'duplex existence'of ritualas:
. . . an entitythat symbolicallyand/or iconically representsthe cosmos and at the same time indexi-
callylegitimatesand realizessocial hierarchies.

This approachis usefully(and, in the cases Tambiah studies,convincingly)pluralistic.

But it is also dualistic:it separatestwo domains of ritual's'existence'-semantic and
iconic, on theone hand,and pragmaticand political,on the other.In theircase studies
Tambiah and Bloch have given the semanticdomain a communicativeand historical
primacyoverthepragmatic.In hisanalysisofTrobriandmagic (1968), Tambiah argues
thatthe semanticcontentof the spells,their'innerframe',providesa 'blueprintand a
self-fulfillingprophecy' (1968: 200) forpracticalactivities,their'outer frame'.The
native semantic interpretationof the spells makes possible their pragmaticvalue.
Similarly, he discoversin theThai topknot-cutting ceremony(1981: 155-60) a constant
semanticand iconic core, the centralfeatureof which is an image of the mountain
abode ofShiva. On thiscore is constructeda variableindexical,politicalmessagewhen
officiants indicatethe rankof the individualby varyingthe size of the image.
In quite similartermsBloch (1986: 157-95) bases the politico-economicpower of
the Merina circumcisionritualon itsstablesymbolicor propositionalcore. He shows
how thepoliticaluses oftheMerina circumcisionritualchangedover a two-hundred-
year span while the 'centralsymbolicstructure'remainedessentiallythe same (1986:
157-65). Ritual's power lies in itsabilityto representthe world as unchangingand as
beyond the creativepowers of the individualactor (1986: 189-91). One must not
confuseBloch's argumentthatrituallanguage,being 'impoverished'(1974: 60), should
not be treatedas an explanationto be decoded (1974: 178-82) with his argumentthat
participantsdo in factdecode the ritualas if it were a representation of reality.For
Bloch, ritualcan be an instrument of controlpreciselybecause it misrepresentsreality
to social actors(1974: 77-9; 1986: 189).
Tambiah and Bloch disagreeover thepoliticalfunctionsassumedby representation,
but theyconvergestrikingly on a model in which the ritual'sayssomething'and on
thebasisofitspropositions'does something'.Both writersrelyexplicitlyon a particular
theoryof language use, namely,Austin's (1962) studiesof performatives (Tambiah
1981: 127-8; Bloch 1974: 67). The Austinianapproach has been criticisedfor its
construalof speech functionsor pragmaticsas dependenton, or secondaryto, their
transparent semantico-referential value (Silverstein1987).

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 JOHN R. BOWEN 615

The approach demands that one explain the apparentloss of semanticclarityin

rituals.Bloch assertsthatritualwords'driftout ofmeaning'(Bloch 1974: 74). Tambiah
(1981: 165) suggeststhatritualsmayundergo'ossification'.Whereasinitially participants
in ritualsare able to perceive the representation of cosmologicalideas in rituals,over
timethissemantictransparency is lostas ritualsundergo'meaningatrophy'(1981: 163).
Rituals increasein 'tedium' (1981: 161) as participants repeatmodules of a ritualover
and over with relativelylittlerelationto immediatecontextand littleappreciationof
semanticcontent.Tambiah holds out hope fora reclarification of semanticmeaning
to participants:movementsof religiousrevivalism,he argues(1981: 165), attemptto
renderritualssemanticallyclear. Semanticand pragmaticmeaningstake on opposite
ethicaltinges.Semanticmeaningis 'the fragrant', 'messianichope', 'religiousrevival
and reform',whereaspragmaticsis 'the fetid','indolentroutine' and 'the pragmatic
interestsof authority, privilege,and sheerconservatism'(Tambiah 1981: 165-6).
Leaving aside the issue of the advisabilityof makingan ethicalcase even implicitly,
forone mode of meaningover others,I findthe analysesby Tambiah and Bloch of
theirrespectivecases elegant and convincing. Other anthropologistsas well have
assumedthatritualspossessan intrinsic,semanticcore, even ifthatcore has yet to be
found.31Among Islamicrituals,some do possessa set of constantsymbolicand iconic
representations. The pilgrimageis one such case, for reasonsmentioned earlier(its
commemorativeemphasis);theShi'i ta'ziya(dramatisation ofthemartyrdom ofHosain)
is another.And, at leastin Turkey,the Prophet'sbirthdayrecitations(mevlud,Arabic
mawlid)also have a centralsymboliccomponentconcernedwith genderand salvation
(Tapper & Tapper 1987).
As a generalmodel of ritual,however,the formulations advancedby Tambiah and
Bloch onlyreinforcethe generaltendencyin Islamicistcirclesto favourritualswith a
highlysymboliccontent.Dramas,sacrifices and othercommemorativeritessmellmore
'fragrant' to the social anthropologistthandoes the apparent'tedium' of the sala-tand
otherworshipactivities(a 'tedium'thatis,in fact,seenbymanyMuslimsas therepeated
obedience of God's commands).The prostrations and recitationsin the salat do not
have theintrinsicsymbolicrichnessofthe Ndembu milk-tree,Trobriandspellsor any
circumcisionrite.Movement of Islamic reformand revivaloftenhave attemptedto
purifythehistoricallinksbetween theprophet'ssaldtand currentpracticeby opposing
symbolicelaboration(thusan exceptionto Tambiah's [1981: 165-6] generalassociation
of revivalismwith semanticinterpretation). Some anthropologists of Islamicsocieties
thushave looked elsewhereforsuitablyrichdomainsto analyse.Barth(1961: 135-53),
forexample,failingto findin Basserirituala symbolicallyadequate representation of
society,complains of their of
'poverty ritual', and Peters (1984: 214) elevates ritual
sacrifice,a typeof ritualmore familiarto thesocial anthropologist, to thestatusof 'the
core of Islam'.32
The salatis not structuredaround an intrinsicpropositionalor semanticcore. It
cannot be 'decoded' semanticallybecause it is not designed according to a single
symbolicor iconic code. In particulartimesand places Muslims have construedthe
salatas conveyingiconic or semanticmeanings,but as partofparticularspiritual,social
and politicaldiscourses.The threeIndonesiancases,and the briefperusalof examples
elsewhere,suggestthe wide varietyof salat meanings.These cases also suggestthe
importanceof the historicaldiscoursewithinthe fieldof 'speakingabout salde. The
further comparativestudyofMuslimworshipmaybroadenthegeneralanthropological

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616 JOHN R. BOWEN

pictureof the place of ritualsin social life.

NOTES

I pursuedfieldwork in Gayo societyin 1978-80andin severalshorttripssincethattimeandin West

Aceh in 1981. Gayofieldwork was fundedby theSocial ScienceResearchCounciland theFulbright-
HaysProgram, and sponsored by theUniversitas SyiahKuala m BandaAceh. An earlierversionof this
articlewas delivered to theDepartment ofAnthropology, University CollegeLondon;theSoutheast Asia
Studiesseminar, University of Kent,Canterbury; and theAmericanEthnological Societymeetings, St
Louis. I shouldliketo thankparticipants at thosesessionsand Lois Beck,David Edwards,Dale Eickel-
man,PeterHeath,BruceKapferer, NancyTapperandthereviewers forManfortheircomments.
1 Amongtheexceptions areSiegel(1969) on Aceh and Cohen (1969) on Nigeria.Bothstudiesfocus
on thechangmg politicalsignificance ofsaldt. Briefreferences to salatareincludedin othermonographs,
e.g. Nadel (1954) forNigeria,Geertz(1960) forJava.Ferneaand Fernea(1972) discussgender-based
variation in overallritualparticipation in theMiddleEast,and R. Tapper(1984) analyses therelationof
ntualto socialidentity in threetribalsocieties.
2 Islamicistdiscussions of Islamicritualemphasise themoreorthoprax and universal traditions(Denny
(1985); Graham(1983); von Grunebaum(1951)) whereasanthropologists emphasise locally-specific rit-
uals thathave a greaterdegreeof symboliccontent;see especiallyTapper and Tapper's(1987) fine,
detailedstudyof the Prophet'sbirthday ritualin Turkey.I findthe tensionbetweenthosetwo ap-
proachesto be indicativeof the tensionin Islamitselfbetweenlocal elaborations and trans-cultural Is-
lamictraditions (seeRoff(1987)).
3 I use theArabictermsalatthroughout thearticle.The PersianandTurkishequivalent is namaz; the
termsembahyang, 'worship',is oftenusedin Indonesia.All threetermsconnotesubmission through pros-
tration beforeGod. The following description ofbothIslamicattitudes andsalat performance attempts to
capturethebroadareaofconsensus amongMuslimsofdifferent doctnnalorientations and cultural tradi-
tions.Differences withinthisareaofconsensus stemfrom,inter alia,theexistenceoffourdistinct schools
oflaw (madhhab), Sunni/Shi'l contrasts, individualinterpretationsofntualnormsandsocio-cultural van-
ation(e.g. in the rolesof hierarchy, genderdistinctions and self-styledorthopraxy in constituting local
identity). Wensinck(1953) surveys theformsand history ofsalat, furtherdescriptions areto be foundin
Lane 1860 forEgyptandJuynboll (1930) forIndonesia.Beyondtheorthoprax consensus areinterpreta-
tions,particularly by Sufithinkers, of 'ibadat as merelyexternal activitieswhichmaybe discarded once a
levelofgnosisis reached.
4 Wensinck(1953) listsseveralsuchdisputes andtheircorresponding hadith;Robson (1963) is a trans-
lationof a standard compendium of prophetictraditions on worship.In Indonesia,as in otherIslamic
countnes,theauthorsofworshipmanualscompileand translate hadith thatsupporttheirparticular posi-
tions.The mostfrequently consultedmanualsin theAcehneseand Gayoregions, wherethebulkofmy
fieldwork hastakenplace,werethoseby Abbas(1976),who followstheShafi'ilaw school,and Hassan
(1979),who advocatesthedirect,'rational' interpretationofscripture.
5 Siegel (1969: 98-133) placesPOESA in the contextof socio-economicchangein Aceh; Morris
(1983:75-93),in thecontextofthestruggle bytheprovinceforregionalautonomy.
6 Siegel(1969: 108-15).For similar ideaselsewhere see Nakamura(1983: 135-9),onJava,andKessler
(1978), forMalaya.See also remarkson the pilgrimage in Siegel (1969: 260-75) and Kessler(1978:
217-18).
7 Quraish indicatesthefamily's claimto descentfromthetribeof theprophetMuhammad.In Aceh
theword habib also indicateda claimto descentfromtheProphet.Information on the earlyhistory of
themovement is foundin Nota (1935); all othermformation and quotations, unlessotherwise specified,
weregathered withtheassistance oftwostudents fromtheUniversitas SyiahKuala duringtwoshorttrips
to Seunaganin AugustandNovember1981.
8 Such hierarchies werefoundin Sufiordersthroughout theIslamicworld.For comparable casessee
Schimmel(1975: 199-200).On theNaqsyabandiyyah ordersee Margoliouth (1953).
9 Valuingmner(bathin) experienceoverouter(zahir) behaviouris a basicSufiteaching, althoughnot
all Sufisagreethatouterritualmaybe neglected.Indeed,Siifipracticehas vanedfromexactingly fre-
quentperformance ofsalat, to itsneglectin favourofothermeansof obtaining religiousecstasy(Schim-
mel 1975: 148-55).
10The ku,"me",is a Malayinsertion intotheArabicphrase.
1 Tempo, 30 May 1987,p. 16.

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 JOHN R. BOWEN 617

12 Tempo,23
May 1987, p. 13.
13
In Gayo, 'semelah' means 'one-half; the reformist, ratherthan praisingGod, is rattlingoffirrelevant
Gayo phrases.
14
Among the most importantIndonesian writerson the topic, Abbas (1979: 229-44) concludes that,
because the Prophet is reportedto have utteredthe opening statementof intentto prayboth audibly and
inaudibly at different moments, the matteris up to the indcvidual.Hassan (1979: 91-5), arguingfor the
strictreformistposition, claims that only the reports of silent intent-declarationsby the Prophet are
reliable and that,because we may only worship as did the Prophet, anyone who pronounces it out loud
has committed bid'a, 'illegitimateinnovation', and will burn in hell. See also Robson (1963: 165-8).
Gayo also argued over whethera normal noon worship should follow the Frndayservice.
15 Virtuallynothinghas been writtenon Islam in Jakarta.Krausse (1978) provides a usefulgeographical
overview of kampungs. I have based the above descriptionon my own observationsin a number of
different Jakartakampungs,including eight months' residence in one mosque-centredlower-middle-class
neighbourhood.
16 Jama'ah is used to referto the broad consensus of Muslims (as in the phrase, Ahli Sunnah wal
Jama'ah, the 'people of custom and of the community')or to designatea congregationof worshippers.
17 Tempo,15 September 1979, p. 48. In the absence of any study of the movement, informationon
Islam Jama'ah unfortunatelyis limited to press reports: Tempo, 15 September 1979, pp. 48-54 and 10
April 1982, pp. 61-62; Thayib & Zuhdi (1979.)
18
Drs Nurhasyimin Tempo,15 September 1979, pp. 51-2.
19 ibid. It was rumoursof plans to establisha shadow governmentfor Indonesia, with Nurhasan as the
supreme amir,thatled to the prohibitionof the organisationin 1971.
20
The Islam Jama'ah movement could be compared to the urban Sufi ordersthatare of major socio-
political importancein other Islamic cities, e.g. Cairo (Gilsenan 1973) and Ibadan (Cohen 1969). Both
types of movement enable people to create or maintain a sense of religious and social identitywithin a
larger,heterogeneous population. I find it perplexing, and worthy of furtherstudy, that Sufi orders,
althoughprevalentelsewherein Indonesia, are relativelyunimportantin Jakarta.
21Jawa Pos, 10 November 1987.
22 Tempo,15 September 1979, p.54. Benyammn's reactionswere echoed by other artistsalleged to be
members of Islam Jama'ah. They contrastedtheir formerlydissipatedlives in discos and bars with the
moment when they 'became aware' of Islam and began to prayand studyenthusiastically.
23 Tempo,15 September 1979, p. 53.
24
It is preciselyon this point thatAcehnese contrasttheir own behaviour to that of the Gayo. They
claim that Gayo allow their kin ties to interferewith their business acumen, whereas Acehnese remain
rationalindividualiststhanksto theirsaldtand thus are betterbusinessmen(Siegel 1969: 249-50).
25 As a result,those villages in the Seunagan sub-districtthat were controlledby the Habib Seunagan
at the time of the 1977 national election voted 70 to 90 per cent. for Golkar, while those outside his
control voted for the Islamic party with similar majorities (Seunagan Sub-districtOffice vote tallies,
1977).
26 As the use of 'men' mdicates, even less studyhas been made of women's worship than of men's.
For an exemplaryanalysisof a differentIslamic ritualfroma gender-sensitiveperspectivesee Tapper &
Tapper (1987).
27 Husain (1972) is a particularlyrich example in English; in Indonesia Shlddieqy (1983) is widely
used.
28 The use of ritual compliance as the main test of religious affiliationis, of course, hardlyunique to
Islam. Wilfred Cantwell Smith (1978: 21) has made a similarargumentregardingthe Roman identifica-
tion of religio with rntual.
29 David Edwards, personal communication (1989) based on lettersin Peshawar DistrictArchives. See
also Churchill (1976: 807 n.i).
30 An additional iconic reading of salat has been proposed by some Muslims, particularlySufis, in
which the physicalpositions assumed in the ritualstand for the lettersof the name Adam and the entire
ritualis seen as a momentarysacrificeof the worshlpperto God (Schlmmel 1975: 148-55).
31 In highland New Guinea studies the difficulty of elicitingconsistentsemantic exegeses fromlocal
actorshas led to a debate over the necessityof such exegesis (Gell (1975); Brunton (1980); Barth (1987))
without challengingthe assumptionthatsuch a comprehensivesymbolic account of ritual could be ob-
tained eventually(Wagner 1984). The ur-house where these accounts will be found serves as a sort of
Holy Grail trope forpartisansof the 'culturalaccount' (Wagner 1984).

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618 JOHN R. BOWEN

32
On the relative neglect of Islamic ritual in anthropologysee Antoun (1976: 163), Peters (1984:
187), Tapper & Tapper (1987: 7).

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Sglat en Indonesie: les significations sociales d'un rituel Islamique

Resume
Quoique le rntuel'salat' de venerationsoit centrala l'Islam, il a re,u relativementpeu d'attentionde la
part des anthropologues. Trols cas indonesiens sont etudies ici. Dans chacun des cas une discussion
concernantla performanceadequate de 'salat' soulignaitun ensemble particulierde significations SOC10-
politiques. Une collection de cas plus ample est exploree et un modele generaldu rituelest propose dans
lequel un discours de conformitea l'exemple proph6tique sert d'element commun. La negligence
anthropologique generale de ce rituelest expliquee en termesde son manque de correspondanceavec
les theories courantes dans lesquelles le rituel est envisage comme base sur un noyau symbolique ou
iconique.

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