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American History: Part 1 / Lesson 4: The Civil War through Reconstruction

Lesson 4 Overview

As America grew, so did the conflict over slavery. The idea of manifest destiny pushed
Americans west but they brought their ideas and values with them, including their opinions
for or against slavery. This lesson begins with an examination of how the country grew
geographically and how the slavery issue impacted every new state that joined the Union.
You’ll study the Civil War, the events that led up to it, the battles of the war, the impact on
American citizens, and the aftermath of the war. You’ll finish by looking at how the country
tried to heal itself after the war, looking at Reconstruction and its successes and failures.

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Lesson Objectives

Describe slave life and the southern argument for not banning slavery

Summarize the abolitionist movement

Analyze how the concept of manifest destiny in uenced issues such as religion, race, money, patriotism, and
morality

Explain how adding new territory led to sectional division and a need for compromise

Explain how issues in Kansas showed the problem with the use of popular sovereignty

Recognize how the outcome of the election of 1860 signaled the end of compromise between the North and South

Describe key events of the US Civil War

Analyze the contributions of civilians to the Civil War e ort and the War's e ect on them

Describe successes and failures of Reconstruction

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Slave Life and the Southern Argument for Not Banning Slavery

Content in this assignment is from American History: From Pre-Columbian to the New
Millennium(http://ushistory.org/us) by the Independence Hall Association, used under
a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.
(https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/)

The Peculiar Institution

“The peculiar institution” is a euphemism for slavery. Slavery’s history in America begins
with the earliest European settlements and nominally ends with the Civil War, yet its echo
continues to reverberate loudly. Slavery existed in both the North and the South, at times in
equal measure. The industrialization of the North and the expansion of demand for cotton
in the South shifted the balance so that it became more of a regional issue, as the
Southern economy grew increasingly reliant on slave labor. As is always true in history,
cultures grow and thrive in all conditions. Two interdependent cultures emerged in the
American South before the Civil War—the world the slaveholders created for themselves
and the world of their slaves. Even though slaves weren’t permitted to express themselves
freely, they could resist in other ways.

Although African slaves had been brought to British-controlled America since the time of
Jamestown colony, American slavery adopted many of its defining characteristics in the
nineteenth century. The cotton gin wasn’t invented until the 1790s. This new invention led
the American South to emerge as the world’s leading producer of cotton. As the South
prospered, white Southerners became more and more nervous about their future.
Plantation life became the goal of all the South, as poor yeoman farmers aspired to one
day become planters themselves. Rebellions and abolitionists led Southerners to establish
an even tighter grip on the enslaved.

Even amidst the bondage in the South, there was a significant population of free African
Americans who were creating and inventing and being productive.

The Peculiar Institution refused to die. Great Britain had outlawed the slave trade long
before its former American colonies. New nations in the Western Hemisphere, such as
Mexico, often banned slavery upon achieving independence. But in America, political,
religious, economic and social arguments in favor of the continuation of slavery emerged.
Slavery became a completely sectional issue, as few states above the Mason-Dixon Line
still permitted human bondage. These arguments also revealed the growing separation in
the needs and priorities of the Northern industrial interests versus the Southern planting
society, all of which culminated in the Civil War.

The Crowning of King Cotton

Removing seeds from newly picked cotton is not as simple as it sounds. Cotton is sticky
when removed from the plant, and pulling the seeds from its grasp is difficult. Throughout

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the 1700s, cotton production was expensive because of the huge amount of labor
necessary to remove the seeds. All was changed with the invention of the cotton gin. What
once was painstakingly slow was now relatively fast. By the end of the 18th century,
demand for cotton was increasing as power looms were able to turn out great quantities of
cloth. With the cotton gin, Southern cotton plantations could now supply the world’s
demand.

Prior to the invention of the cotton gin, the farming of cotton was a long and tedious process.

Ironically, the man who would make cotton king was born to a Massachusetts farmer.
Almost immediately after graduating from Yale University, Eli Whitney traveled south. While
staying at the Savannah plantation of Mrs. Nathanael Green in 1792, the widow of the
Revolutionary War general, Whitney created the device that changed the world. Whitney
built a machine that moved stiff, brushlike teeth through the raw cotton. To his delight, the
teeth removed a very high percentage of the nettlesome seeds. Up to this point, it took up
to 10 hours to produce a pound of cotton, with very little profit. The cotton gin ultimately
grew to produce a thousand pounds of cotton per day with relatively little expense.

As an indication of the impact of this invention, the total amount of cotton being exported
was about 138,000 pounds in the year the cotton gin was invented. Two years later, the
amount of cotton being exported rose ten times to 1,600,000 pounds. Before the gin, the
prevailing thinking of the leaders of the country was that slavery would gradually disappear.
This all changed when slaves could be used to cultivate millions of pounds of cotton for
markets all over the world. Eli Whitney never made a cent on his invention because it was
widely reproduced before it could be patented. Determined to duplicate his inventive
success, he developed the milling machine, which led to the development of
interchangeable parts and the northern factory system. This one individual played a great
part in creating the industrial north, as well as the plantation south.

This phenomenal and sudden explosion of the success of the cotton industry made slavery
more important to Southern society. Prior to this, most thoughtful Southerners, including
Washington and Jefferson, had seen slavery as an evil that must eventually be swept
away. But with the Southern economy now reliant on cotton, these beliefs were seen as
old-fashioned, and slavery now was seen by whites as an institution to be cherished. That
cotton was king was now well understood in the South. It became the foundation of
Southern economy, Southern culture, and Southern pride.

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Slave Life and Slave Codes

Slave life varied greatly depending on many factors.

Life on the fields meant working sunup to sundown six days a week and having food
sometimes not suitable for an animal to eat. Plantation slaves lived in small shacks with a
dirt floor and little or no furniture. Life on large plantations with a cruel overseer was
oftentimes the worst. However, work for a small farm owner who wasn’t doing well could
mean not being fed.

The stories about cruel overseers give a view of some of this horrible treatment. The
overseer was a paid white farm worker whose job was to get the most work out of the
slaves; therefore, overseers often resorted to violence and humiliation as punishment to
keep the slaves working as hard as the overseer demanded. When slaves complained that
they were being unfairly treated, slaveholders would sometimes be very protective of their
“property” and would release the overseer.

In some cases, a driver was used rather than an overseer. The difference between the
overseer and the driver was simple: drivers were slaves themselves. A driver might be
convinced by a master to manage the slaves for better privileges. Drivers were usually
hated by the rest of the slaves. These feelings often led to violence.

Large plantations often required some slaves to work in the plantation home. These slaves
enjoyed far better circumstances. Domestic slaves lived in better quarters and received
better food. They sometimes were able to travel with the owner’s family. In many cases, a
class system developed within the slave community. Domestic slaves didn’t often associate
themselves with plantation slaves. They often aspired to arrange courtships for their
children with other domestic slaves.

As slavery spread across the South, many states passed slave codes, which outlined the
rights of slaves and the acceptable treatment and rules regarding slaves. Slave codes
varied from state to state, but there were many common threads. One couldn’t do business
with a slave without the prior consent of the owner. Slaves could be awarded as prizes in
raffles, wagered in gambling, offered as security for loans, and transferred as gifts from one
person to another.

A slave wasn’t permitted to keep a gun. If caught carrying a gun, the slave received 39
lashes and forfeited the gun. Blacks were held incompetent as witnesses in legal cases
involving whites. The education of slaves was prohibited. Anyone operating a school or
teaching reading and writing to any African American in Missouri could be punished by a
fine of not less than $500 and up to six months in jail. Slaves couldn’t assemble without a
white person present. Marriages between slaves weren’t considered legally binding.
Therefore, owners were free to split up families through sale.

Any slave found guilty of arson, rape of a white woman, or conspiracy to rebel was put to
death. However, since the slave woman was legal property, a white man who raped her
was guilty only of a trespass on the master’s property. Rape was common on the
plantation, and very few cases were ever reported.

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The Plantation and Chivalry

Southern belles, gentlemen, and hospitality.

During the 1600s, patterns of life were borrowed from the English countryside and
transplanted onto America’s southern shores. These included a glorification of riding,
hunting, and etiquette.

Tobacco played the central role in defining social class, local politics, and the labor system;
in fact, it shaped the entire life of the region. The planter was essentially a country
gentleman, looking to England for political and economic guidance as well as for its
literature, manner of dress, and etiquette. In the 1700s, the Virginia gentry established a
code of behavior that can still be seen in parts of the South today. Aristocrats had certain
rights and privileges, and, in return, had certain responsibilities for their “inferiors.” By
around 1825, the dominance of Virginia was fading and the emergence of King Cotton
shifted the center of Southern influence to South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, and
Mississippi.

The Southern Code addressed the behaviors of both men and women. A gentleman must
be courteous, truthful, and honorable. Sins of the flesh were forgiven. He should have a
broad understanding of the humanities, including the Greek and Roman classics.
Hospitality and generosity were of utmost importance. The ideal man respected his family
and treated women with high regard. Strength and courage were glorified. A man was to
defend the family name, with his life if necessary. A personal insult to an individual or his
family would necessitate a fight, if not a duel.

The Southern woman was genteel and gracious. She knew how to entertain guests and
tenaciously defended her husband and children. She was not outspoken and was pure of
mind and body.

A proper gentleman, it was believed, should be a lawyer, politician, planter, or military man,
rather than a businessman or other occupation. Because plantation owners had their
money tied up in property and slaves, many of the generation couldn’t afford to send their
children to prestigious colleges, but were able to send them to the esteemed military
schools. This created a generation of very able and talented military officers. Many were
trained at West Point and Virginia Military Institute. They held to old-fashioned ideals of
what honorable warfare meant. When the Civil War arrived, most of the military leadership
talent was Southern.

Free(?) African Americans

When Americans think of African Americans in the Deep South before the Civil War, the
first image that invariably comes to mind is one of slavery. However, many African
Americans were able to secure their freedom and live in a state of semi-freedom even
before slavery was abolished by war. Free blacks lived in all parts of the United States, but
the majority lived amid slavery in the American South. It’s estimated that by 1860, there
were about 1.5 million free blacks in the southern states.

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How did African Americans become free? Some slaves bought their own freedom from
their owners, but this process became more and more rare as the 1800s progressed. Many
slaves became free through manumission, the voluntary emancipation of a slave by a
slaveowner. Manumission was sometimes offered because slaves had outlived their
usefulness or were held in special favor by their masters. The offspring of interracial
relations were often set free. Some slaves were set free by their masters as the abolitionist
movement grew. Occasionally slaves were freed during the master’s lifetime, but more
often through the master’s will. Many African Americans freed themselves through escape.
A few Americans of African descent came to the United States as immigrants, especially
common in the New Orleans area.

Were free blacks offered the same rights as free whites? The answer is quite simply, no.
For example, a Virginia law, passed in the early 1830s, prohibited the teaching of all blacks
to read or write. Free blacks throughout the South were banned from possessing firearms
or preaching the Bible. Later laws even prohibited blacks who went out of state to get an
education from returning. In many states, the slave codes that were designed to keep
African Americans in bondage were also applied to free persons of color. Most horrifically,
free blacks couldn’t testify in court. If a slave catcher claimed that a free African American
was a slave, the accused couldn’t defend himself in court.

The church often played a central role in the community of free blacks. The establishment
of the African Methodist Episcopal Church represents an important shift. It was established
with black leadership and spread from Philadelphia to Charleston and to many other areas
in the South, despite laws which forbade blacks from preaching. The church suffered
brutalities and massive arrests of its membership, clearly an indication of the fear of black
solidarity. Many of these leaders became diehard abolitionists.

Free blacks were highly skilled as artisans, business people, educators, writers, planters,
musicians, tailors, hairdressers, and cooks. African American inventors like Thomas L.
Jennings, who invented a method for the dry cleaning of clothes, and Henry Blair of Glen
Ross, Maryland, who patented a seed planter, contributed to the advancement of science.
Some owned property and kept boarding houses, and some even owned slaves
themselves. Prominent among free persons of color of the period are Frederick Douglass,
Richard Allen, Absalom Jones, and Harriet Tubman.

Rebellions On and Off the Plantation

Starting as early as 1663, slaves were organizing revolts to regain their freedom. Hundreds
of minor uprisings occurred on American plantations during the two and a half centuries of
slavery. Most of the uprisings were small in scope and were put down easily. Some were
larger in ambition and sent a chill down the spines of countless Southern planters. Two of
the most famous revolts were in the early nineteenth century. One was led by Denmark
Vesey and the other was led by Nat Turner.

Most likely enslaved from birth, Denmark Vesey won a lottery and purchased his freedom.
He worked as a carpenter in South Carolina as a respected artisan for years and was quite
satisfied with his life. He was an educated man, fluent in several languages, which he
learned while he was enslaved to a widely traveled slave trader. Being repulsed by slavery
and encouraged by the successful slave revolt in Haiti led him to plan to murder every

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white in the South, with the help of thousands of slaves and supporters. The date was set
for Sunday, July 24, 1822. Before the uprising began, his plan was revealed and he was
captured, tried, and hanged. Forty-seven African Americans were condemned to death for
alleged involvement in the plot. An estimated 9,000 individuals were involved.

Before being captured and ultimately hanged, Nat Turner led a revolt of approximately 70 slaves.

Nat Turner was somewhat of a mystic. He was said to have religious visions, and he
claimed at times to have spoken with God. In 1831, Turner claimed to be responding to
one of these visions and organized about 70 slaves who went from plantation to plantation
and murdered about 75 men, women, and children. As they continued on their rampage
they gathered additional supporters, but when their ammunition was exhausted, they were
captured. Turner and about 18 of his supporters were hanged. This was even more
shocking than any previous uprising. Turner had done what others had not. He actually
succeeded in killing a large number of white Southerners. The South responded by
increasing slave patrols and tightening their ever more repressive slave codes.

Rebellion would often find voice in less dramatic and more personal ways. The slave codes
bear witness to the growing fear of slave insurrection and revolt. Slaves ran away in
droves, following the Underground Railroad to freedom in Canada and the Northern states.

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They fled to the Native Americans and joined them in their wars against the white settlers.
Some accounts tell of slaves poisoning their masters and mistresses. Some slaves banded
together and stopped working, while others deliberately slowed down their pace. The
history of slave resistance and revolts is the story of the desperate and sometimes
successful attempt of people to gain their liberty in the face of systematic repression and
bondage.

The Southern Argument for Slavery

Those who defended slavery rose to the challenge set forth by the abolitionists. The
defenders of slavery included economics, history, religion, legality, social good, and even
humanitarianism, to further their arguments. Defenders of slavery:

Argued that the sudden end to the slave economy would have a profound and killing economic impact in the
South where reliance on slave labor was the foundation of their economy. e cotton economy would collapse.
e tobacco crop would dry in the elds. Rice would cease being pro table.

Argued that if all the slaves were freed, there would be widespread unemployment and chaos. is would lead to
uprisings, bloodshed, and anarchy. ey pointed to the mob’s “rule of terror” during the French Revolution and
argued for the continuation of the status quo, which was providing for a uence and stability for the slaveholding
class and for all free people who enjoyed the bounty of the slave society.

Argued that slavery had existed throughout history and was the natural state of mankind. e Greeks had slaves,
the Romans had slaves, and the English had slavery until very recently.

Noted that in the Bible, Abraham had slaves. ey point to the Ten Commandments, noting that “ ou shalt not
covet thy neighbor’s house . . . nor his manservant, nor his maidservant.” In the New Testament, Paul returned a
runaway slave, Philemon, to his master, and, although slavery was widespread throughout the Roman world, Jesus
never spoke out against it.

Turned to the courts, who had ruled, with the Dred Scott Decision, that all blacks—even free ones—had no legal
standing as persons in our courts. ey were property, and the Constitution protected slave-holders’ rights to their
property. e rights of citizens of the United States couldn't be given to former slaves.

Argued that the institution was divine, and that it brought Christianity to the heathen from across the ocean.
Slavery was, according to this argument, a good thing for the enslaved. John C. Calhoun said, “Never before has
the black race of Central Africa, from the dawn of history to the present day, attained a condition so civilized and
so improved, not only physically, but morally and intellectually.”

Argued that by comparison with the poor of Europe and the workers in the Northern states, that slaves were better
cared for. ey said that their owners would protect and assist them when they were sick and aged, unlike those
who, once red from their work, were left to fend helplessly for themselves.

James Thornwell, a minister, wrote in 1860, “The parties in this conflict are not merely
abolitionists and slaveholders, they are Atheists, Socialists, Communists, Red
Republicans, Jacobins on the one side and the friends of order and regulated freedom on
the other.”

When a society forms around any institution, as the South did around slavery, it will
formulate a set of arguments to support it. The Southerners held ever firmer to their
arguments as the political tensions in the country drew us ever closer to the Civil War.

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Exercise 4.1

Open Link

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Key Points and Links

Key Points

e invention of the cotton gin made the production of cotton much more pro table. In a large way, the invention
of the cotton gin helped support and expand slavery in e United States because the new pro tability of cotton
drove farmers to demand more slave labor.

e Southern economy became dependent on cotton. Because of the nature of the industry, the economy came to
depend on slave labor also.

Southern life came to resemble old Europe in that an upper class, or aristocracy, was set up amongst the
plantation owners. ese people were given certain privileges in return for serving the community as a whole.

Some African Americans (known at the time as “free blacks”) did have their freedom in the United States during
slavery. Despite being free, these people faced severe law-based discrimination, particularly in the South.

Since the beginning of the American colonies, slaves would occasionally organize a revolt in an attempt to earn
freedom. In 1831 a notable uprising led by Nat Turner ended in the murder of over 70 men, women, and children
before being put down.

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The Abolitionist Movement

Content in this assignment is from American History: From Pre-Columbian to the New
Millennium(http://ushistory.org/us) by the Independence Hall Association, used under
a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.
(https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/)

Abolitionist Sentiment Grows

As the cotton industry took hold and slavery became more and more entrenched across
the American South, the opposition to slavery began to grow.

The first widely accepted solution to the slavery question in the 1820s was colonization. In
effect, supporters of colonization wanted to transplant the slave population back to Africa.
Their philosophy was simple: slaves were brought to America involuntarily. Why not give
them a chance to enjoy life as though such a forced migration had never taken place?
Funds were raised to transport freed African Americans across the Atlantic in the opposite
direction. The nation of Liberia was created as a haven for former American slaves.

But most African Americans opposed this practice. The vast majority had never set foot on
African soil. Many African Americans rightly believed that they had helped build this
country and deserved to live as free citizens of America. By the end of the decade, a full-
blown abolitionist movement was born.

These new abolitionists were different from their forebears. Anti-slavery societies had
existed in America since 1775, but these new activists were more radical. Early
abolitionists called for a gradual end to slavery. They supported compensation to owners of
slaves for their loss of property. They raised money to purchase the freedom of selected
individuals.

The new abolitionists thought differently. They saw slavery as a blight on America, one that
must be brought to an end immediately and without compensation to the owners. They
sent petitions to Congress and the states, campaigned for office, and flooded the South
with inflammatory literature.

Needless to say, eyebrows were raised throughout the North and the South. Soon, the
battle lines were drawn. President Andrew Jackson banned the post office from delivering
abolitionist literature in the South. A “gag rule” was passed on the floor of the House of
Representatives forbidding the discussion of bills that restricted slavery. Abolitionists were
physically attacked because of their outspoken anti-slavery views. While Northern
churches rallied to the abolitionist cause, the churches of the South used the Bible to
defend slavery.

Abolitionists were always a minority, even on the eve of the Civil War. Their dogged
determination to end human bondage was a struggle that persisted for decades. While
mostly peaceful at first, as each side became more and more firmly rooted, pens were
exchanged for swords. Another seed of sectional conflict had been deeply planted.

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William Lloyd Garrison and The Liberator

Every movement needs a voice.

For the entire generation of people that grew up in the years that led to the Civil War,
William Lloyd Garrison was the voice of abolitionism. Originally a supporter of colonization,
Garrison changed his position and became the leader of the emerging anti-slavery
movement. His publication, The Liberator, reached thousands of individuals worldwide. His
ceaseless, uncompromising position on the moral outrage that was slavery made him
loved and hated by many Americans.

In 1831, Garrison published the first edition of The Liberator. His words, “I am in earnest—I
will not equivocate—I will not excuse—I will not retreat a single inch—AND I WILL BE
HEARD,” clarified the position of the New Abolitionists. Garrison was not interested in
compromise. He founded the New England Anti-Slavery Society the following year. In
1833, he met with delegates from around the nation to form the American Anti-Slavery
Society. Garrison saw his cause as worldwide. With the aid of his supporters, he traveled
overseas to garner support from Europeans. He was, indeed, a global crusader. But
Garrison needed a lot of help. The Liberator would not have been successful had it not
been for the free blacks who subscribed. Approximately seventy-five percent of the readers
were free African Americans.

William Garrison rst published his anti-slavery publication, e Liberator, in 1831.

Garrison saw moral persuasion as the only means to end slavery. To him the task was
simple: show people how immoral slavery was and they would join in the campaign to end
it. He disdained politics, for he saw the political world as an arena of compromise. A group
split from Garrison in the 1840s to run candidates for president on the Liberty Party ticket.
Garrison wasn’t dismayed. Once in Boston, he was dragged through the streets and nearly
killed. A bounty of $4000 was placed on his head. In 1854, he publicly burned a copy of the
Constitution because it permitted slavery. He called for the North to secede from the Union
to sever the ties with the slaveholding South.

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William Lloyd Garrison lived long enough to see the Union come apart under the weight of
slavery. He survived to see Abraham Lincoln issue the Emancipation Proclamation during
the Civil War. Thirty-four years after first publishing The Liberator, Garrison saw the
Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution go into effect, banning slavery forever. It took a
lifetime of work. But in the end, the morality of his position held sway.

African American Abolitionists

The abolition of slavery was the cause of free African Americans.

Once the colonization effort was defeated, free African Americans in the North became
more active in the fight against slavery. They worked with white abolitionists like William
Lloyd Garrison and Wendell Phillips to spread the word. They developed publications and
contributed money. Many, such as Robert Purvis, dedicated their lives to freeing individual
slaves from bondage. Although many pledged their lives to the cause, three African
American abolitionists surpassed others in impact. They were David Walker, Frederick
Douglass, and Sojourner Truth.

While Garrison is considered the prime organizer of the abolitionist movement, David
Walker published his Appeal two years before The Liberator. In 1829, Walker declared
slavery a malignancy, calling for its immediate termination. He cited the four evils causing
the greatest harm to African Americans as slavery, ignorance, Christianity, and
colonization. Even white abolitionists decried the violent nature of his text. In the South, an
award was raised for his capture, and nine months after publishing his Appeal he died
mysteriously. Walker originated radical abolitionism.

The best known African American abolitionist was Frederick Douglass. Douglass escaped
from slavery when he was 21 and moved to Massachusetts. As a former house servant,
Douglass was able to read and write. In 1841, he began to speak to crowds about what it
was like to be enslaved. His talents as an orator and writer led people to question whether
or not he had actually been born a slave.

All this attention put him at great risk. Fearful that his master would claim him and return
him to bondage, Douglass went to England, where he continued to fight for the cause. A
group of abolitionists eventually bought his freedom and he was allowed to return to the
United States. He began publishing an anti-slavery newspaper known as the North Star.
Douglass served as an example to all who doubted the ability of African Americans to
function as free citizens.

Sojourner Truth was born into slavery in New York, but was freed when the state outlawed
the practice in 1827. She was born Isabella Baumfree, but changed her name because she
believed God wanted her to travel about the country and spread the word. Truth was one
of the best-known abolitionists, renowned for her stirring oratory. Also concerned with
women’s rights, she joined the campaign for female suffrage. When slavery was ended,
she continued to fight for equality by protesting segregation laws.

The Underground Railroad

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Any cause needs speakers and organizers. Any mass movement requires men and
women of great ideas.

But information and mobilization are not enough. To be successful, revolutionary change
requires people of action—those who little by little chip away at the forces who stand in the
way. Such were the “conductors” of the Underground Railroad. Not content to wait for laws
to change or for slavery to implode itself, railroad activists helped individual fugitive slaves
find the light of freedom.

e Underground Railroad was not an actual railroad, but a network of secret routes and safe houses used by slaves to escape to free states and
Canada.

The Underground Railroad operated at night. Slaves were moved from “station” to “station”
by abolitionists. These stations were usually homes and churches—any safe place to rest
and eat before continuing on the journey to freedom, as far away as Canada. Often whites
would pretend to be the masters of the fugitives to avoid capture. Sometimes lighter
skinned African Americans took this role. In one spectacular case, Henry “Box” Brown
arranged for a friend to put him in a wooden box, where he had only a few biscuits and
some water. His friend mailed him to the North, where bemused abolitionists received him
in Philadelphia.

Most of the time, however, slaves crept northward on their own, looking for the signal that
designated the next safe haven. This was indeed risky business, because slave catchers
and sheriffs were constantly on the lookout. Over 3,200 people are known to have worked
on the railroad between 1830 and the end of the Civil War. Many will remain forever
anonymous.

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Perhaps the most outstanding conductor of the Underground Railroad was Harriet
Tubman. Born a slave herself, she began working on the railroad to free her family
members. During the 1850s, Tubman made 19 separate trips into slave territory. She was
terribly serious about her mission. Any slave who had second thoughts, she threatened to
shoot with the pistol she carried on her hip. By the end of the decade, she was responsible
for freeing about 300 slaves. When the Civil War broke out, she used her knowledge from
working the railroad to serve as a spy for the Union.

Needless to say, the Underground Railroad was not appreciated by the slaveowners.
Although they disliked abolitionist talk and literature, this was far worse. To them, this was
a simple case of stolen property. When Northern towns rallied around freed slaves and
refused compensation, yet another brick was set into the foundation of Southern
Secession.

Harriet Beecher Stowe—Uncle Tom’s Cabin

Harriet Beecher Stowe’s anti-slavery novel, Uncle Tom’s Cabin, is revered today as a classic.

“So you’re the little woman who wrote the book that made this great war.”

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This was Abraham Lincoln’s reported greeting to Harriet Beecher Stowe when he met her
ten years after her book Uncle Tom’s Cabin was published. Although the president may
have been exaggerating a bit, few novels in American history have grabbed the public
spotlight and caused as great an uproar as Uncle Tom’s Cabin.

Across the North, readers became acutely aware of the horrors of slavery on a far more
personal level than ever before. In the South, the book was met with outrage and branded
an irresponsible book of distortions and overstatements. In such an explosive environment,
her story greatly furthered the abolitionist cause north of the Mason-Dixon Line and
promoted sheer indignation in plantation America.

Harriet Beecher Stowe was born into a prominent family of preachers. Her father, Lyman
Beecher, was one of the most renowned ministers in his generation. Her brother, Henry
Ward Beecher, was already an outspoken abolitionist, and by the mid-1850s would
become the driving force behind aiding the Free-Soil cause in “Bleeding Kansas” (not
permitting slavery in the new territory). While living for a short while in Cincinnati, Stowe
became exposed to actual runaway slaves. Her heart ached at the wretched tales she
heard. She began to write a series of short stories depicting the plight of plantation slaves.

Encouraged by her sister-in-law, Stowe decided to pen a novel. First published as a series
in 1851, it appeared as a book the following year. The heart-wrenching tale portrays slave
families forced to cope with separation when their masters sold family members. Uncle
Tom mourns for the family he was forced to leave. In one heroic scene, Eliza makes a
daring dash across the frozen Ohio River to prevent the sale of her son by slave traders.
The novel also takes the perspective that slavery brings out the worst in the white masters,
leading them to perpetrate moral atrocities they would otherwise never commit.

The reaction was incredible. Uncle Tom’s Cabin sold 300,000 copies in the North alone.
The Fugitive Slave Law, passed in 1850, could hardly be enforced by any of Stowe’s
readers. Although banned in most of the South, it served as another log on the growing
fire.

The book sold even more copies in Great Britain than in the United States. This had an
immeasurable appeal in swaying British public opinion. Many members of the British
Parliament relished the idea of a divided United States. Ten years after the publication of
Uncle Tom’s Cabin, the British people made it difficult for its government to support the
Confederacy, even though there were strong economic ties to the South. In the end, Mr.
Lincoln may not have been stretching the truth after all.

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Exercise 4.2

Open Link

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Key Points and Links

Key Points

e abolitionist movement pushed for ending slavery in the United States.

Abolitionist William Lloyd Garrison spread his moral arguments against slavery with the publication of e
Liberator. His ideas were spread throughout the United States and beyond.

Former slave Frederick Douglass used his experience and persuasive ability to bring people to understand the
horrible situation brought on by slavery.

A network of abolitionists established safe houses and safe travel routes designed to get slaves away from slave
areas. is network was known as the Underground Railroad.

e book, Uncle Tom’s Cabin, by Harriet Beecher Stowe, told a story of slave life in the South. is book horri ed
many across the nation and spurred support for the abolitionist movement.

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Manifest Destiny

Content in this assignment is from American History: From Pre-Columbian to the New
Millennium(http://ushistory.org/us) by the Independence Hall Association, used under
a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.
(https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/)

Manifest Destiny

Some believed that it was divinely intended that Americans should control the whole of the
continental United States. In 1845, a Democratic journalist named John L. O’Sullivan
coined the phrase “manifest destiny.”

Manifest Destiny

“... the right of our manifest destiny to over spread and to possess the
whole of the continent which Providence has given us for the development
of the great experiment of liberty and federaltive development of self
government entrusted to us...."

Expansion westward seemed perfectly natural to many Americans in the mid-nineteenth


century. Like the Massachusetts Puritans who hoped to build a "city upon a hill,”
courageous pioneers believed that America had a divine obligation to stretch the
boundaries of their noble republic to the Pacific Ocean. Independence had been won in the
Revolution and reaffirmed in the War of 1812. The spirit of nationalism that swept the
nation in the next two decades demanded more territory. The “every man is equal”
mentality of the Jacksonian Era fueled this optimism. Now, with territory up to the
Mississippi River claimed and settled and the Louisiana Purchase explored, Americans
headed west in droves.

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is painting illustrates the concept of manifest destiny—the belief that the United States should expand from the Atlantic to the Paci c Ocean.
It was painted in 1872 by the artist John Gast. (Image by John Gast (painter) (Jared Farmer) [PD-
US(https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Template:PD-US)], via Wikimedia Commons)

The religious fervor spawned by the Second Great Awakening created another incentive
for the drive west. Indeed, many settlers believed that God himself blessed the growth of
the American nation. Native Americans were considered heathen. By Christianizing the
tribes, American missionaries believed they could save souls and they became among the
first to cross the Mississippi River.

Economic motives were paramount for others. The fur trade had been dominated by
European trading companies since colonial times. German immigrant John Jacob Astor
was one of the first American entrepreneurs to challenge the Europeans. He became a
millionaire in the process. The desire for more land brought aspiring homesteaders to the
frontier. When gold was discovered in California in 1848, the number of migrants increased
even more.

At the heart of manifest destiny was the pervasive belief in American cultural and racial
superiority. Native Americans had long been perceived as inferior, and efforts to “civilize”
them had been widespread since the days of John Smith and Miles Standish. The
Hispanics who ruled Texas and the lucrative ports of California were also seen as
“backward.”

Expanding the boundaries of the United States was, in many ways, a cultural war as well.
The desire of Southerners to find more lands suitable for cotton cultivation would
eventually spread slavery to these regions. North of the Mason-Dixon line, many citizens
were deeply concerned about adding any more slave states. Manifest destiny touched on

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issues of religion, money, race, patriotism, and morality. These clashed in the 1840s as a
truly great drama of regional conflict began to unfold.

The Lone Star Republic

At the time Spain granted independence to Mexico in 1821, the land now comprising the
state of Texas was very sparsely populated. The Mexican government actually encouraged
the settlement of the area by American pioneers.

In 1823, Stephen Austin led 300 American families onto land granted to his father by the
Mexican government. A prosperous province was greatly in the interest of Mexico, so no
alarm was raised. Mexico was also interested in creating a buffer zone between the
Mexican heartland and the Comanche Tribe.

There were, however, strings attached.

The American settlers were expected to become Mexican. All immigrants from the United
States were by law forced to become Catholic. When the Mexican government outlawed
slavery in 1829, it expected the Texans to follow suit. None of the conditions were met, and
a great cultural war was underway.

In the hopes of easing tensions, Stephen Austin journeyed to Mexico City in 1833. But
Mexico’s dictator, Santa Anna, was not the negotiating type. Austin was simply thrown in
jail. Although he was released after 18 months, relations between the Texans and the
Mexicans deteriorated. Finally, in 1835, war broke out between Santa Anna’s troops and a
ragtag group of Texan revolutionaries. On March 2, 1836, representatives from Texas
formally declared their independence. Four days later, Santa Anna completed an infamous
siege on the Alamo mission.

Despite a 13-day holdout, the 187 Texans were crushed by Santa Anna’s forces, which
numbered 5000 strong. The deaths of Commanders William Travis, Jim Bowie, and Davy
Crockett angered Americans as cries of “Remember the Alamo!” rang throughout the land.
Americans flocked to Texas, and, led by Commander Sam Houston, defeated Santa
Anna’s forces. On May 14, 1836, Santa Anna grudgingly recognized Texan independence.

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e fall of the Alamo, depicted here in a painting by Robert Jenkins Onderdonk, inspired Americans to take up the cause of Texan independence.

Texan-Americans were not the only ones fighting for independence. The Tejano people,
Spanish-speaking settlers of Texas, also supported the Texas Revolution. They had hoped
for greater control over their local affairs. They fought side-by-side with Houston’s troops
against Santa Anna’s soldiers. After the war, there was quite a bit of disillusionment. The
Americans who swarmed into Texas didn’t distinguish between Tejanos and Mexicans. In
the decade that followed, the Tejanos found themselves shut out of the new Texas
government as well.

Most Texan-Americans wanted to be annexed by the United States. They feared that the
Mexican government might soon try to recapture their land. Many had originally come from
the American South and had great interest in becoming a Southern state. President
Andrew Jackson saw trouble. Many Whigs and abolitionists in the North refused to admit
another slave state to the Union. Rather than risk tearing the nation apart over this
controversial issue, Jackson did not pursue annexation. The Lone Star flag flew proudly
over the Lone Star Republic for nine years.

Texas was an independent country.

54° 40′ or Fight

The southern boundary of the United States with Mexico was not the only western territory
under dispute. The Oregon Territory spanned the modern states of Oregon, Idaho, and
Washington, as well as the western coast of Canada up to the border of Russian Alaska.
Both Great Britain and America claimed the territory. The Treaty of 1818 called for joint
occupation of Oregon—a solution that was only temporary. Led by missionaries, American
settlers began to outnumber British settlers by the late 1830s. But Britain was not Mexico.

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Its powerful navy was still the largest in the world. Twice before Americans had taken up
arms against their former colonizers at great expense to each side. Prudence would
suggest a negotiated settlement, but the spirit of manifest destiny dominated American
thought. Yet another great showdown loomed.

Oregon fever swept the nation in the 1840s. Thousands of settlers, lured by the lush
Willamette Valley, headed west on the Oregon Trail. Families in caravans of 20 or 30
braved the elements to reach the distant land. Poor eastern families could not generally
make the trip, as outfitting such an expedition was quite expensive. The Conestoga
Wagon, oxen, and supplies comprised most of the cost. The families fought Native
Americans at times, but often they received guidance from the western tribes. It took six
months of travel at the speed of fifteen miles per day to reach their destination.

Friday, May 6th—Pleasant. We have just passed the Mormon graveyard.


There is a great number of graves on it. The road is covered with wagons
and cattle. Here we passed a train of wagons on their way back, the head
man had drowned a few days before, in a river called Elkhorn, while getting
some cattle across, and his wife was lying in the wagon quite sick, and
children were mourning for a father gone. With sadness and pity I passed
those who perhaps a few days before had been well and happy as
ourselves. Came 20 miles today.

Excerpt from Diary of Mrs. Amelia Stewart Knight, 1853

In the east, the subject of Oregon was less personal and more political. In 1844 the
Democrats nominated James K. Polk, an unknown candidate from Tennessee. It appeared
as though the Whig Party candidate, Henry Clay, would win in a landslide. Very few
Americans had ever heard the name Polk, but Clay’s illustrious career was widely known.
However, Polk was an excellent strategist. He tapped into the public mood and realized
that manifest destiny was the very issue that could lead him to victory. Polk called for
expansion that included Texas, California, and the entire Oregon territory. The northern
boundary of Oregon was the latitude line of 54 degrees, 40 minutes. “Fifty-Four Forty or
Fight!” was the popular slogan that led Polk to victory against all odds.

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Political candidate James K. Polk advocated for US claim of the entire Oregon territory, as far north as 54 degrees, 40 minutes. (Image by
Unknown. Kmusser assumed (based on copyright claims). [CC BY-SA 2.5(https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/2.5/)], via Wikimedia
Commons)

Claiming the territory in an election campaign was one thing. Acquiring it from the powerful
British was another. Although Polk blustered about obtaining the entire territory from
Britain, he was secretly willing to compromise. Trouble was brewing with Mexico in the
south. Surely the new nation could ill afford to fight Mexico in the Southwest and the British
in the Northwest simultaneously. Nevertheless, Polk boldly declared to Great Britain that
joint occupation would end within one year. The British were confident they could win, but
by 1846 they were vastly outnumbered in Oregon by a margin of greater than six to one. In
June of that year, Britain proposed splitting Oregon at the 49th parallel. Polk agreed to the
compromise, and conflict was avoided.

“American Blood on American Soil”

While Polk awaited the Presidency, the trouble of Texas resurfaced.

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Congress admitted Texas to the Union in a joint resolution passed the day before Polk’s
inauguration. Mexico was outraged. Inclusion in the United States would forever rule out
the possibility of re-acquiring the lost province.

Furthermore, the boundary was in dispute. Mexico claimed that the southern boundary of
Texas was the Nueces River, the Texan boundary while under Mexican rule. Americans, as
well as the incoming President, claimed that the boundary of Texas was the Rio Grande
River. The territory between the two rivers was the subject of angry bickering between the
two nations. Soon it would serve as the catalyst for an all-out war.

President Polk’s true goal was to acquire the rich ports of California. He envisioned a
lucrative trade with the Far East that would revolve around San Francisco and Monterey.
Great Britain also had designs on the territory, so Polk thought he would have to act fast.
He sent John Slidell to Mexico with an offer. The United States would pay Mexico a
combined sum of $30 million for the Texan boundary of the Rio Grande, New Mexico
territory, and California.

The Mexican government was livid. They were not interested in selling the valuable
territory. Instead, they issued the highest diplomatic rebuke. They refused even to receive
Slidell to hear his offer. The American President was enraged. He resolved to fight Mexico.

In July of 1845, Polk ordered General Zachary Taylor to cross the Nueces River with his
command of 4,000 troops. Upon learning of Slidell’s rejection, Polk sent word that Taylor
should advance his troops to the Rio Grande River. From the standpoint of Mexico, the
United States had invaded their territory. Polk hoped to defend the disputed area with
armed force. He also knew that any attack on American troops might provide the impetus
Congress was lacking to declare war.

Sure enough, in May of 1846, Polk received word that the Mexican army had indeed fired
on Taylor’s soldiers. Polk appeared before Congress on May 11 and declared that Mexico
had invaded the United States and had “Shed American Blood on American Soil!” Anti-
expansionist Whigs had been hoping to avoid conflict, but news of the “attack” was too
much to overlook. Congress passed a war declaration by an overwhelming majority.
President Polk had his war.

The Mexican-American War

When war broke out against Mexico in May 1846, the United States Army numbered a
mere 8,000, but soon 60,000 volunteers joined their ranks. The American Navy dominated
the sea. The American government provided stable, capable leadership. The economy of
the expanding United States far surpassed that of the fledgling Mexican state. Morale was
on the American side. The war was a rout.

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e United States and Mexico went to war in 1846 over disputed lands, including areas of Texas and California. (Image by Excel23 (Own work)
[CC BY-SA 4.0(https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0)], via Wikimedia Commons)

Polk directed the war from Washington, DC. He sent a 4-prong attack into the Mexican
heartland. John Fremont and Stephen Kearny were sent to control the coveted lands of
California and New Mexico. Fremont led a group of zealous Californians to declare
independence even before word of hostilities reached the West. The “Bear Flag Republic”
wasn’t taken seriously, but Fremont and his followers did march to Monterey to capture the
Mexican presidio, or fort. By 1847, California was secure.

Meanwhile, Kearny led his troops into Santa Fe in August of 1846, causing the governor of
New Mexico to flee. The city was captured without a single casualty. Soon he marched his
army westward across the desert to join Fremont in California.

The attack on Mexico proper was left to two other commanders. Zachary Taylor crossed
the Rio Grande with his troops upon Polk’s order. He fought Santa Anna’s troops
successfully on his advance toward the heart of Mexico. Winfield Scott delivered the
knockout punch. After invading Mexico at Vera Cruz, Scott’s troops marched to the capital,
Mexico City. All that remained was negotiating the terms of peace.

At home, the Whigs of the North complained bitterly about the war. Many questioned Polk’s
methods as misleading and unconstitutional. Abolitionists rightly feared that Southerners
would try to use newly acquired lands to expand slavery. Antiwar sentiment emerged in
New England much as it had in the War of 1812. Writer Henry David Thoreau was
sentenced to prison for refusing to pay the taxes he knew were used to fund the war effort.
His essay, Civil Disobedience, became a standard of peaceful resistance for future
activists.

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The Mexican-American War was formally concluded by the Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo.


The United States received the disputed Texan territory, as well as New Mexico territory
and California. The Mexican government was paid $15 million—the same sum issued to
France for the Louisiana Territory. The United States Army won a grand victory. Although
suffering 13,000 killed, the military won every engagement of the war. Mexico was stripped
of half of its territory and was not consoled by the monetary settlement.

Gold in California

Fortune-seekers descended on large areas of California in droves during the gold rush of 1849. (Image by User: NorCalHistory (Taken from
English Wikipedia) [GFDL(http://www.gnu.org/copyleft/fdl.html) or CC-BY-SA-3.0(http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/)], via
Wikimedia Commons)

In January of 1848, a man named James Marshall noticed a few shiny flecks in a California
stream at Sutter’s Mill. Word spread of gold and soon people from all over California
flocked inland seeking instant fortune. By autumn, word had reached the east, and once
again Americans earned their reputation as a migratory people. During the year that
followed, over 80,000 “forty-niners” flocked to California to share in the glory. Some would
actually strike it rich, but most would not.

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Life in a mining town was not easy. Often the towns consisted of one main street. It’s in
these towns that the mythical Old American West was born. The social center of these new
communities was the saloon. Here, miners might spend some of their meager earnings
after a hard day’s work. Gambling, drinking, and fighting were widespread, and justice was
often determined by the hardest punch or the fastest draw. About 95% of the mining
population was young and male. Female companionship was in high demand. Sometimes
the saloon doubled as a brothel, and as many as 20% of the female population earned
their living as prostitutes. Many other women were shopkeepers and businesswomen, and
some were panning for gold side by side with the men.

If a nearby mine became exhausted or turned out to be a hoax, there was no reason for
the town to exist. The abandoned ghost towns began to dot the region.

Although predominantly young and male, the population of California was very diverse. In
addition to the white American settlers who comprised the majority of the mining populace,
free African Americans could also be found among their ranks. More numerous were
Mexicans who were hoping to strike it rich. Word reached European shores and
immigrants headed to America’s West. German-Jewish immigrant Levi Strauss invented
denim trousers for the miners—his blue jeans became an American mainstay. Another
significant segment of the diversity was the Chinese, who hoped to find gold and return to
their homeland. Over 45,000 immigrants swelled the population between 1849 and 1854.
Diversity did not bring harmony. The white majority often attacked the Mexican and
Chinese minorities. The miners ruthlessly forced the California Native Americans off their
lands. Laws were passed to restrict new land claims to white Americans.

The California Gold Rush soon peaked, and by the mid-1850s, California life stabilized. But
the pattern established there was repeated elsewhere—in Colorado, South Dakota, and
Nevada, among others. As in California, ambition merged with opportunity and
ruthlessness. Ethnic and racial discrimination was part of the legacy of the American West.

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Exercise 4.3

Open Link

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Key Points and Links

Key Points

In the early 1800s, many Americans came to believe that the US would come to control land from the Atlantic to
the Paci c Oceans. is belief came to be known as manifest destiny.

In 1835–1836, Texas fought a brief war of independence from Mexico and became an independent nation.

In 1846, the United States and Britain signed a treaty o cially splitting up the Oregon territory and setting the US
border for the Paci c Northwest.

In 1846, war broke out between the United States and Mexico. e United States won and claimed vast amounts of
territory in what is now the Southwest of the continental United States.

e discovery of gold in 1848 brought about a large in ux of American settlers to California, greatly spurring the
growth of the western United States.

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Sectional Division

Content in this assignment is from American History: From Pre-Columbian to the New
Millennium(http://ushistory.org/us) by the Independence Hall Association, used under
a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.
(https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/)

An Uneasy Peace

The Mexican War was over. Every goal set by the United States government when
declaring war against Mexico was reached—and then some. The ports of California were
now under the United States flag. In fact, the United States increased its territory by more
than one third as a result of the Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo. One would expect
Americans to rejoice and come together in a burst of postwar nationalism. These were not,
however, ordinary times.

The land obtained from Mexico quickly became the subject of a bitter feud between the
Northern Whigs and the Southern Democrats. Abolitionists rightly feared that attempts
would be made to plant cotton in the new territory, which would bring the blight of slavery.
Slaveholders feared that if slavery were prohibited in the new territory, Southern
slaveholding states would lose power in Congress.

Even before the treaty ending the war had been ratified by the Senate, both houses of
Congress became the scene of angry debate over the spoils of war. Congress represented
every political philosophy regarding slavery. Legal scholars discussed the right of Congress
—or anyone else—to restrict slavery from the new lands. The specter of secession had
risen again. Desperately the elder statesmen of the federal legislature proposed methods
of keeping the country together.

The country’s founders left no clear solution to the issue of slavery in the Constitution.
Popular sovereignty, amendment, nullification, and secession were all discussed as
possible remedies. Conflict was avoided with the passing of the Compromise of 1850. The
cooler heads prevailed—this time.

Wilmot’s Proviso

By the standards of his day, David Wilmot could be considered a racist.

Yet the Pennsylvania representative was so adamantly against the extension of slavery to
lands ceded by Mexico, he made a proposition that would divide the Congress. On August
8, 1846, Wilmot introduced legislation in the House that boldly declared, “neither slavery
nor involuntary servitude shall ever exist” in lands won in the Mexican-American War. If he
was not opposed to slavery, why would Wilmot propose such an action? Why would the
North, which only contained a small, but growing, minority of abolitionists, agree?

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“Provided, That, as an express and fundamental condition to the acquisition


of any territory from the Republic of Mexico by the United States, by virtue
of any treaty which may be negotiated between them, and to the use by the
Executive of the moneys herein appropriated, neither slavery nor
involuntary servitude shall ever exist in any part of said territory, except for
crime, whereof the party shall first be duly convicted.”

– The Wilmot Proviso, 1846

Wilmot and other Northerners were angered by President Polk. They felt that the entire
Cabinet and national agenda were dominated by Southern minds and Southern principles.
Polk was willing to fight for southern territory, but proved willing to compromise when it
came to the North. Polk had lowered the tariff and denied funds for internal improvements,
both to the dismay of Northerners. Now they felt a war was being fought to extend the
Southern way of life. The term slave power jumped off the lips of Northern lawmakers
when they angrily referred to their Southern colleagues. It was time for Northerners to be
heard.

Though Wilmot’s heart did not bleed for the slave, he envisioned California as a place
where free white Pennsylvanians could work without the competition of slave labor. Since
the North was more populous and had more Representatives in the House, the Wilmot
Proviso passed. Laws require the approval of both houses of Congress, however. The
Senate, equally divided between free states and slave states could not muster the majority
necessary for approval. Angrily the House passed Wilmot’s Proviso several times, all to no
avail. It would never become law.

For years, the arguments for and against slavery were debated in the churches and in the
newspapers. The House of Representatives had passed a gag rule forbidding the
discussion of slavery for much of the previous decade. The issue could no longer be
avoided. Lawmakers in the House and Senate, North and South, would have to stand up
and be counted.

Popular Sovereignty

In the heat of the Wilmot Proviso debate, many Southern lawmakers began to question the
right of Congress to determine the status of slavery in any territory. According to John
Calhoun, the territories belonged to all the states. Why should a citizen of one state be
denied the right to take his property, including slaves, into territory owned by all? This line
of reasoning began to dominate the Southern argument. The Congress had a precedent
for outlawing slavery in territories. It had done so in the Old Northwest with the passing of
the Northwest Ordinance in 1787. The Missouri Compromise also had banned slavery
above the 36º30’ latitude lines. But times were different.

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As the Mexican War drew to a close and no compromise could be reached in the Wilmot
argument, the campaign for president became heated. The Democratic standard-bearer,
Lewis Cass of Michigan, coined the term popular sovereignty for a new solution that had
begun to emerge. The premise was simple: let the people of the territories themselves
decide whether slavery would be permitted. The solution seemed perfect. In a country that
has championed democracy, letting the voters decide seemed right, if not obvious.

However simple popular sovereignty seemed, it was difficult to put into practice. By what
means would the people decide? Directly or indirectly? If a popular vote were scheduled,
what guarantees could be made against voter fraud? If slavery were voted down, would the
individuals who already owned slaves be allowed to keep them? Cass and the Democrats
didn’t say. His opponent, Zachary Taylor, ignored the issue of slavery altogether in his
campaign, and won the election of 1848.

As the 1840s melted into the 1850s, Stephen Douglas became the loudest proponent of
popular sovereignty. As long as the issue was discussed theoretically, he had many
supporters. In fact, to many, popular sovereignty was the perfect means to avoid the
problem. But problems do not tend to disappear when they’re evaded—they often become
worse.

Three Senatorial Giants: Clay, Calhoun, and Webster

Henry Clay of Kentucky, John C. Calhoun of South Carolina, and Daniel Webster of
Massachusetts dominated national politics from the end of the War of 1812 until their
deaths in the early 1850s. Although none would ever be president, the collective impact
they created in Congress was far greater than any president of the era, with the exception
of Andrew Jackson. There was one issue that loomed over the nation throughout their time
in power—slavery. They were continuously successful in keeping peace in America by
forging a series of compromises. The next generation’s leaders were not.

The Gold Rush led to the rapid settlement of California which resulted in its imminent
admission as the 31st state. Southerners recognized that there were few slaves in
California because Mexico had prohibited slavery. Immediate admission would surely
mean California would be the 16th free state, giving the non-slave-holding states an edge
in the Senate. Already holding the House of Representatives, the free states could then
dominate legislation.

Texas was claiming land that was part of New Mexico. As a slave state, any expansion of
the boundaries of Texas would be opening new land to slavery. Northerners were opposed.
The North was also appalled at the ongoing practice of slavery in the nation’s capital—a
practice the South was not willing to let go. The lines were drawn as the three Senatorial
giants took the stage for the last critical time.

Henry Clay had brokered compromises before. When the Congress was divided in 1820
over the issue of slavery in the Louisiana Territory, Clay set forth the Missouri Compromise.
When South Carolina nullified the tariff in 1832, Clay saved the day with the Compromise
Tariff of 1833. After 30 years in Congress and three unsuccessful attempts at the
presidency, Clay wanted badly to make good with yet another nation-saving deal. He put
forth a set of eight proposals that he hoped would pass muster with his colleagues.

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John C. Calhoun took to the floor next. Although sick and dying with consumption, he sat
sternly in the Senate chamber, as his speech was read. The compromises would betray
the South, he claimed. Northerners would have to agree to federal protection of slavery for
the South to feel comfortable remaining in the Union. His words foreshadowed the very
doom to the Union that would come within the decade.

Daniel Webster spoke three days after Calhoun’s speech. With the nation’s fate in the
balance, he pleaded with Northerners to accept Southern demands, for the sake of union.
Withdrawing his former support for the Wilmot Proviso, he hoped to persuade enough of
his colleagues to move closer to Clay’s proposals. Although there was no immediate deal,
his words echoed in the minds of the Congressmen as they debated into that hot summer.

By 1852, Clay, Calhoun, and Webster had all passed away. They left a rich legacy behind
them. Clay of the West, Calhoun of the South, and Webster of the North loved and served
their country greatly. The generation that followed produced no leader that could unite the
country without the force of arms.

The Compromise of 1850

The plan was set forth. The giants—Calhoun, Webster, and Clay—had spoken. Still, the
Congress debated the contentious issues well into the summer. Each time Clay’s
Compromise was set forth for a vote, it did not receive a majority. Henry Clay himself had
to leave in sickness before the dispute could be resolved. In his place, Stephen Douglas
worked tirelessly to end the fight. On July 9, President Zachary Taylor died of food
poisoning. His successor, Millard Fillmore, was much more interested in compromise. The
environment for a deal was set. By September, Clay’s Compromise became law.

California was admitted to the Union as the 16th free state. In exchange, the South was
guaranteed that no federal restrictions on slavery would be placed on Utah or New Mexico.
Texas lost its boundary claims in New Mexico, but the Congress compensated Texas with
$10 million. Slavery was maintained in the nation’s capital, but the slave trade was
prohibited. Finally, and most controversially, a Fugitive Slave Law was passed, requiring
Northerners to return runaway slaves to their owners under penalty of law.

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Prior to the Compromise of 1850, Texas encompassed a larger territory, and the question of slavery in territories newly won from Mexico was up
in the air. (Image by User: Golbez. See Charles O. Paullin and John K. Wright’s Atlas of the Historical Geography of the United States (1932) for
PD maps which support these. (Own work) [GFDL(http://www.gnu.org/copyleft/fdl.html), CC-BY-SA-
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e Compromise of 1850 admitted California as a free state, while the fates of New Mexico and Utah as either free or slave territories went
undecided. (Image by User: Golbez. (Own work) [GFDL(https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.5/), CC-BY-SA-
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COMPROMISE OF 1850

North Gets South Gets

California admitted as a free state No slavery restrictions in Utah or New Mexico territories

Slave trade prohibited in Washington, DC Slaveholding permitted in Washington, DC

Texas loses boundary dispute with New Mexico Texas gets $10 million

Fugitive Slave Law

Who won and who lost in the deal? Although each side received benefits, the North
seemed to gain the most. The balance of the Senate was now with the free states,

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although California often voted with the South on many issues in the 1850s. The major
victory for the South was the Fugitive Slave Law. In the end, the North refused to enforce it.
Massachusetts even called for its nullification, stealing an argument from John C. Calhoun.
Northerners claimed the law was unfair. The flagrant violation of the Fugitive Slave Law set
the scene for the tempest that emerged later in the decade. But for now, Americans hoped
against hope that the fragile peace would prevail.

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Exercise 4.4

Open Link

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Key Points and Links

Key Points

A political ght broke out over how to handle the large territorial gain that resulted from the Mexican-American
War. e United States needed to decide if new territories would allow slavery.

Popular sovereignty was proposed as a way to decide the issue of slavery in the new territories. Under such a
system, the local population would decide the slavery issue rather than Congress.

By the early 1850s, US leaders who had previously found compromise on the slavery issue had died. e leaders
who followed would be unable (or unwilling) to nd long-lasting consensus on the slavery issue.

e Compromise of 1850 temporarily kept the nation working with regard to the slavery issue by giving pro- and
anti-slavery forces each a little of what they wanted.

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Bloody Kansas

Content in this assignment is from American History: From Pre-Columbian to the New
Millennium(http://ushistory.org/us) by the Independence Hall Association, used under
a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.
(https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/)

“Bloody Kansas”

For decades, both Northern states and Southern states had threatened secession and
dissolution of the Union over the question of where slavery was to be permitted. At issue
was power. Both sides sought to limit the governing power of the other by maintaining a
balance of membership in Congress. This meant ensuring that admission of a new state
where slavery was outlawed was matched by a state permitting slavery. For example, at
the same time that Missouri entered the Union as a slave state, Maine entered the Union
as a free state.

New states were organized into self-governing territories before they became states.
Hence, they developed a position on the slavery issue well before their admission to the
Union. Southerners held that slavery must be permitted in all territories. Northerners held
that slavery must not be extended into new territories.

If slavery were not permitted in the territories, slavery would never gain a foothold within
them and Southern power in Congress would gradually erode. If either side were
successful in gaining a distinct advantage, many felt disunion and civil war would follow.

Kansas would be the battleground on which the North and South would first fight. The
Kansas-Nebraska Act led both to statehood and to corruption, hatred, anger, and violence.
Men from neighboring Missouri stuffed ballot boxes in Kansas to ensure that a legislature
friendly to slavery would be elected. Anti-slavery, or free-soil, settlers formed a legislature
of their own in Topeka. Within two years, there would be armed conflict between
proponents of slavery and those against it, leading to the nickname "Bleeding Kansas" to
describe the fight over slavery in the new state.

The Kansas-Nebraska Act

The Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854 may have been the single most significant event
leading to the Civil War. By the early 1850s, settlers and entrepreneurs wanted to move
into the area now known as Nebraska. However, until the area was organized as a territory,
settlers would not move there because they could not legally hold a claim on the land. The
Southern states’ representatives in Congress were in no hurry to permit a Nebraska
territory because the land lay north of the 36°30’ parallel—where slavery had been
outlawed by the Missouri Compromise of 1820. Just when things between the North and
South were in an uneasy balance, Kansas and Nebraska opened fresh wounds.

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The person behind the Kansas-Nebraska Act was Senator Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois.
He said he wanted to see Nebraska made into a territory and, to win Southern support,
proposed a Southern state inclined to support slavery. It was Kansas. Underlying it all was
his desire to build a transcontinental railroad to go through Chicago. The Kansas-Nebraska
Act allowed each territory to decide the issue of slavery on the basis of popular
sovereignty. Kansas with slavery would violate the Missouri Compromise, which had kept
the Union from falling apart for the last thirty-four years. The long-standing compromise
would have to be repealed. Opposition was intense, but ultimately the bill passed in May of
1854. Territory north of the sacred 36°30’ line was now open to popular sovereignty. The
North was outraged.

The political effects of Douglas’ bill were enormous. Passage of the bill irrevocably split the
Whig Party, one of the two major political parties in the country at the time. Every Northern
Whig had opposed the bill; almost every Southern Whig voted for it. With the emotional
issue of slavery involved, there was no way a common ground could be found. Most of the
Southern Whigs soon were swept into the Democratic Party. Northern Whigs reorganized
themselves with other non-slavery interests to become the Republican Party, the party of
Abraham Lincoln. This left the Democratic Party as the sole remaining institution that
crossed sectional lines. Animosity between the North and South was again on the rise. The
North felt that if the Compromise of 1820 was ignored, the Compromise of 1850 could be
ignored as well. Violations of the hated Fugitive Slave Law increased. Trouble was indeed
back with a vengeance.

Border Ruffians

The passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act would lead to a civil war between pro-slavery
and anti-slavery settlers in Kansas.

Slavery was quite likely to be outlawed in Nebraska, where cotton doesn’t grow well. The
situation in Kansas was entirely different, where the land was similar to Missouri’s, which
was a slave state. Kansas was to be governed by the principle of popular sovereignty.
Whether Kansas was to be slave or free would be decided at the polls. Both free and slave
forces were determined to hold sway.

Missouri counties that bordered Kansas were strongly pro-slavery and wanted their
neighbor to be a slave state. In the fall of 1854, Senator David Atchison of Missouri led
over 1,700 men from Missouri into Kansas to vote for their pro-slavery representative.
These were the infamous “Border Ruffians,” who threatened to shoot, burn, and hang
those opposed to slavery.

Although their votes were later ruled fraudulent, their candidate was elected to Congress.
When it came time to elect a territorial legislature the following March, almost 5,000 men
came into the state from Missouri to cast illegal ballots. Pro-slavery forces had the
numbers, not the ethics, on their side. Anti-slavery settlers, though the majority in Kansas,
were outvoted. The result of the election through fraud was a legislature with 36 pro-
slavery delegates and 3 anti-slavery delegates.

As one of their first acts, this legislature passed a harsh slave code that provided fines and
imprisonment simply for expressing opinions against slavery. The death penalty would be

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administered to any individual found guilty of assisting slaves to revolt or escape. It also
legalized the “border ruffian” vote by not requiring voters to be residents in Kansas prior to
voting and made the law retroactive to the preceding elections.

Within a year, the population of anti-slavery residents in Kansas far outnumbered legal
residents of Kansas who were pro-slavery. They were not prepared to obey the laws of the
“bogus legislature,” seated in Shawnee Mission. Organized under the name of Free
Soilers, they drew up a free state constitution and elected a separate governor and state
legislature located in Topeka. The result was a state with two governments. Violence would
soon follow.

The Sack of Lawrence

Lawrence was the center of Kansas’s anti-slavery movement. It was named for Amos
Lawrence, a New England financier who provided aid to anti-slavery farmers and settlers.
This group went beyond simple monetary aid. New England abolitionists shipped boxes of
Sharps rifles, named “Beecher’s Bibles,” to anti-slavery forces. The name for the rifles
came from a comment by Henry Ward Beecher, the anti-slavery preacher who had
remarked that a rifle might be a more powerful moral agent on the Kansas plains than a
Bible. The lines were now drawn. Each side had passion, and each side had guns.

The administration of President Franklin Pierce refused to step in to resolve the election
dispute resulting from the border ruffians. In the spring of 1856, Judge Samuel Lecompte
demanded that members of the anti-slavery government in Kansas, called the Free Soil
government, be indicted for treason. Many leaders in this government lived in Lawrence.
On May 21, 1856, the pro-slavery forces sprang into action. A posse of over 800 men from
Kansas and Missouri rode to Lawrence to arrest members of the free-state government.
The citizens of Lawrence decided against resistance. However, the mob was not satisfied.
They proceeded to destroy two newspaper offices as they threw the printing presses from
the Free Soil newspaper into the nearby river. They burned and looted homes and shops.
As a final message to abolitionists, they aimed their cannons at the Free State Hotel and
smashed it into oblivion.

The attack inflamed almost everyone. Republicans introduced bills to bring Kansas into the
Union under the free-state government, while Democrats introduced bills to bring in
Kansas as a slave state. Neither party alone could get the votes necessary to win. To
increase readership, Republican newspapers exploited the situation in Kansas. Their
attack galvanized the Northern states like nothing before. It went beyond passing pro-
slavery laws. The Sack of Lawrence was a direct act of violent aggression by slave-owning
Southern “Fire-Eaters.”

The Pottawatomie Creek Massacre

John Brown was not a timid man. A devout reader of the Bible, he found human bondage
immoral and unthinkable. The father of 20 children, he and his wife Mary settled in Kansas
to wage a war on the forces of slavery. A few days after the sack of Lawrence, Brown
sought revenge. He was furious that the people of Lawrence had chosen not to fight. He

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told his followers that they must “fight fire with fire,” and they must “strike terror in the
hearts of the pro-slavery people.” In his eyes, the only just fate for those responsible for the
border ruffian laws was death. A great believer in “an eye for an eye,” John Brown sought
to avenge the sack of Lawrence.

Vengeance would come on the night of May 24, three days after the Lawrence affair.
Setting out after dark with seven others and calling himself the Army of the North, Brown
entered the pro-slavery town of Pottawatomie Creek. Armed with rifles, knives, and
broadswords, Brown and his band stormed the houses of his enemies. One by one,
Brown’s group dragged out helpless victims and hacked at their heads with the
broadswords. In one encounter, they killed two sons of an individual they sought. Before
the night was through, five victims lay brutally slain by the hands of John Brown.

It was the South’s turn to be outraged. Destroying property was one thing, but no one had
been killed at Lawrence. Brown had raised the stakes. He and his followers were doggedly
hunted well into the summer. Federal troops arrested two of Brown’s sons who had not
been with him. Border ruffians burned the Brown homesteads to the ground. But John
Brown lived to fight another day. Now a fugitive, he traveled north where he was received
by abolitionists like a cult hero. This would not be the last America would hear of John
Brown. He would again make national headlines at Harper’s Ferry in 1859.

The sack of Lawrence and the massacre at Pottawatomie set off a brutal guerrilla war in
Kansas. By the end of 1856, over 200 people would be gunned down in cold blood.
Property damage reached millions of dollars. Federal troops were sent in to put down the
fighting, but they were too few to have much effect. Kansas served as a small-scale
prelude to the bloody catastrophe that engulfed the entire nation only five years later.

Canefight! Preston Brooks and Charles Sumner

Senator Charles Sumner of Massachusetts was an avowed abolitionist and leader of the
Republican Party. After the sack of Lawrence, on May 21, 1856, he gave a bitter speech in
the Senate called “The Crime Against Kansas.” He blasted the “murderous robbers from
Missouri,” calling them “hirelings, picked from the drunken spew and vomit of an uneasy
civilization.” Part of this oratory was a bitter, personal tirade against South Carolina’s
Senator Andrew Butler. Sumner declared Butler an imbecile and said, “Senator Butler has
chosen a mistress. I mean the harlot, slavery.” During the speech, Stephen Douglas leaned
over to a colleague and said, “that damn fool will get himself killed by some other damn
fool.” The speech went on for two days.

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By 1856, the violence of pro- and anti-slavery clashes had worked its way from Kansas to the oor of the US Senate. (Image by John L. Magee
(c.1820–c.1870) (Lithograph reproduced here) [PD-US(https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Template:PD-US)], via Wikimedia Commons)

Representative Preston Brooks of South Carolina thought Sumner went too far.
Southerners in the nineteenth century were raised to live by an unwritten code of honor.
Defending the reputation of one’s family was at the top of the list. A distant cousin of
Senator Butler, Brooks decided to teach Charles Sumner a lesson he would not soon
forget. Two days after the end of Sumner’s speech, Brooks entered the Senate chamber
where Sumner was working at his desk. He flatly told Sumner, “You’ve libeled my state and
slandered my white-haired old relative, Senator Butler, and I’ve come to punish you for it.”
Brooks proceeded to strike Sumner over the head repeatedly with a gold-tipped cane. The
cane shattered as Brooks rained blow after blow on the hapless Sumner, but Brooks could
not be stopped. Only after being physically restrained by others did Brooks end the
pummeling.

Northerners were incensed. The House voted to expel Brooks, but it could not amass the
votes to do so. Brooks was levied a $300 fine for the assault. He resigned and returned
home to South Carolina, seeking the approval of his actions there. South Carolina held
events in his honor and reelected him to his House seat. Replacement canes were sent to
Brooks from all over the South. This response outraged Northern moderates even more
than the caning itself.

As for poor Charles Sumner, the physical and psychological injuries from the caning kept
him away from the Senate for most of the next several years. The voters of Massachusetts
also reelected him and let his seat sit vacant during his absence as a reminder of Southern
brutality. The violence from Kansas had spilled over into the national legislature.

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Exercise 4.5

Open Link

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Key Points and Links

Key Points

In 1854, the Kansas-Nebraska Act was passed, which allowed the Nebraska and Kansas territories to decide for
themselves the issue of slavery. is Act violated the earlier law, the Missouri Compromise.

e Kansas-Nebraska Act split the Whig party, leading Northern Whigs to vote for the Republican Party.

In the Kansas territory, corrupt election practices and disagreement over the issue of slavery led to two territory
governments forming.

e disagreement over slavery erupted into violence between pro and anti-slavery forces. Kansas became known
as “Bleeding Kansas.”

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The Election of 1860

Content in this assignment is from American History: From Pre-Columbian to the New
Millennium(http://ushistory.org/us) by the Independence Hall Association, used under
a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.
(https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/)

From Uneasy Peace to Bitter Conflict

Between 1856 and 1860, America would see a breakdown in many of its political
processes that had developed over the last eight decades. The Great Compromisers of the
early nineteenth century—Daniel Webster, Henry Clay, and John Calhoun—were gone,
and their leadership in avoiding disunion was gone as well. Forces on the extremes were
becoming more and more powerful, reducing the influence of moderates and crippling the
spirit of reconciliation. Front and center was the issue of slavery. Could the country be
saved, or was it on an irrevocable path toward disunion?

The Congress and the presidents of the past decade had failed to resolve the burning
issue of slavery in the territories. Could the Supreme Court, the highest law in the land, put
the issue to rest? Politicians and the American public hoped it could determine some long-
term framework for settlement of the slavery issue. An opportunity was presented when the
Dred Scott case reached the high court. As a slave having lived in a free territory, was he
now free when he returned to a slave state? No. And more—neither a state nor Congress
had the right to outlaw slavery.

The Dred Scott decision was unacceptable in the North. This prompted a young lawyer
from Illinois to return to politics, seeking Stephen Douglas’s seat in Congress—he was
Abraham Lincoln. A series of debates between the two foreshadowed the issues of the
1860 election.

John Brown returned. He organized a daring attack on slavery by attempting to incite a


mass uprising of slaves, at Harper’s Ferry, Virginia. While he failed in his effort to cause a
slave rebellion, he succeeded in causing an insurrection of conscience in the North as well
as grave misgivings in the South about its future in the Union.

The results of these events and the forces that caused them became hot spots in the
cauldron of electoral politics. The North could never accept a president who planned to
protect or extend slavery. The South would never accept a president who refused to do so.
The nomination of candidates and the election of the president in 1860 were among the
most divisive events in the history of this nation. Abraham Lincoln was president, and
within weeks, seven states left the Union to form the Confederate States of America.

The Dred Scott Decision

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From the 1780s, the question of whether slavery would be permitted in new territories had
threatened the Union. Over the decades, many compromises had been made to avoid
disunion. But what did the Constitution say on this subject? This question was raised in
1857 before the Supreme Court in the case of Dred Scott v. Sandford. Dred Scott was a
slave of an army surgeon, John Emerson. Scott had been taken from Missouri to posts in
Illinois and what is now Minnesota for several years in the 1830s, before returning to
Missouri. The Missouri Compromise of 1820 had declared the area including Minnesota,
free. In 1846, Scott sued for his freedom on the grounds that he had lived in a free state
and a free territory for a prolonged period of time. Finally, after eleven years, his case
reached the Supreme Court. At stake were answers to critical questions, including slavery
in the territories and citizenship of African Americans. The verdict was a bombshell.

e Court ruled that Scott’s “sojourn” of two years to Illinois and the Northwest Territory did not make him free
once he returned to Missouri.

e Court further ruled that as a black man Scott was excluded from United States citizenship and could not,
therefore, bring suit. According to the opinion of the Court, African Americans had not been part of the “Sovereign
People” who made the Constitution.

e Court also ruled that Congress never had the right to prohibit slavery in any territory. Any ban on slavery was a
violation of the Fifth Amendment, which prohibited denying property rights without due process of law.

e Missouri Compromise was therefore unconstitutional.

The Chief Justice of the United States was Roger B. Taney, a former slave owner, as were
four other Southern justices on the Court. The two dissenting justices of the nine-member
Court were the only Republicans. The North refused to accept a decision by a Court they
felt was dominated by “Southern fire-eaters.” Many Northerners, including Abraham
Lincoln, felt that the next step would be for the Supreme Court to decide that no state could
exclude slavery under the Constitution, regardless of their wishes or their laws.

Two of the three branches of government, the Congress and the president, had failed to
resolve the issue. Now the Supreme Court rendered a decision that was only accepted in
the southern half of the country. Was the American experiment collapsing? The only
remaining national political institution with both Northern and Southern strength was the
Democratic Party, and it was now splitting at the seams. The fate of the Union looked
hopeless.

The Lincoln-Douglas Debates

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e simmering question of slavery prompted Abraham Lincoln to debate Democratic Senator Stephen Douglas over the issue—and seek his
own place in the Senate—in 1858.

In 1858, as the country moved ever closer to disunion, two politicians from Illinois attracted
the attention of a nation. From August 21 until October 15, Stephen Douglas battled
Abraham Lincoln in face to face debates around the state. The prize they sought was a
seat in the Senate. Lincoln challenged Douglas to a war of ideas. Douglas took the
challenge. The debates were to be held at seven locations throughout Illinois. The fight
was on and the nation was watching.

Spectators came from all over Illinois and nearby states by train, by canal-boat, by wagon,
by buggy, and on horseback. They briefly swelled the populations of the towns that hosted
the debates. The audiences participated by shouting questions, cheering the participants
as if they were prizefighters, applauding and laughing. The debates attracted tens of
thousands of voters and newspaper reporters from across the nation.

During the debates, Douglas still advocated “popular sovereignty,” which maintained the
right of the citizens of a territory to permit or prohibit slavery. It was, he said, a sacred right
of self-government. Lincoln pointed out that Douglas’s position directly challenged the Dred
Scott decision, which decreed that the citizens of a territory had no such power.

“If we could first know where we are and whither we are tending, we could
better judge what to do and how to do it. We are now far into the fifth year
since a policy was initiated with the avowed object and confident promise of
putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the operation of that policy, that
agitation has not only not ceased but has constantly augmented. In my
opinion, it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed.
“A house divided against itself cannot stand.” I believe this government

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cannot endure, permanently, half slave and half free. I do not expect the
Union to be dissolved; I do not expect the house to fall; but I do expect it will
cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the
opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it and place it where
the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate
extinction, or its advocates will push it forward till it shall become alike
lawful in all the states, old as well as new, North as well as South.”

Excerpt from Abraham Lincoln’s speech, “A House Divided”

“The next question propounded to me by Mr. Lincoln is, can the people of a
Territory in any lawful way, against the wishes of any citizen of the United
States, exclude slavery from their limits prior to the formation of a State
Constitution? I answer emphatically, as Mr. Lincoln has heard me answer a
hundred times from every stump in Illinois, that in my opinion the people of
a Territory can, by lawful means, exclude slavery from their limits prior to
the formation of a State Constitution. Mr. Lincoln knew that I had answered
that question over and over again. He heard me argue the Nebraska bill on
that principle all over the State in 1854, in 1855, and in 1856, and he has no
excuse for pretending to be in doubt as to my position on that question. It
matters not what way the Supreme Court may hereafter decide as to the
abstract question whether slavery may or may not go into a Territory under
the Constitution, the people have the lawful means to introduce it or exclude
it as they please, for the reason that slavery cannot exist a day or an hour
anywhere, unless it is supported by local police regulations. Those police
regulations can only be established by the local legislature, and if the
people are opposed to slavery they will elect representatives to that body
who will by unfriendly legislation effectually prevent the introduction of it into
their midst. If, on the contrary, they are for it, their legislation will favor its
extension. Hence, no matter what the decision of the Supreme Court may
be on that abstract question, still the right of the people to make a slave
Territory or a free Territory is perfect and complete under the Nebraska bill. I
hope Mr. Lincoln deems my answer satisfactory on that point.”

Excerpt from Stephen Douglas’s Freeport Doctrine speech at Freeport,


Illinois.

In what became known as the Freeport Doctrine, Douglas replied that whatever the
Supreme Court decided was not as important as the actions of the citizens. If a territory
refused to have slavery, no laws, no Supreme Court ruling, would force them to permit it.

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This sentiment would be taken as betrayal to many Southern Democrats and would come
back to haunt Douglas in his bid to become president in the election of 1860.

Time and time again, Lincoln made the point that “A house divided against itself cannot
stand.” Douglas refuted this by noting that the founders, “left each state perfectly free to do
as it pleased on the subject.” Lincoln felt that blacks were entitled to the rights enumerated
in the Declaration of Independence, which include “life, liberty, and the pursuit of
happiness.” Douglas argued that the founders intended no such inclusion for blacks.

Neither Abraham Lincoln nor Stephen Douglas won a popular election that fall. Under rules
governing Senate elections, voters cast their ballots for local legislators, who then choose
a Senator. The Democrats won a majority of district contests and returned Douglas to
Washington, but the nation saw a rising star in the defeated Lincoln. The entire drama that
unfolded in Illinois would be played on the national stage only two years later with the
highest of all possible stakes.

John Brown’s Raid

Shown here in an artist’s rendering on his way to execution, John Brown elicited as much controversy in death as he did in life. (Image by
omas Hovenden [PD-US(https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Template:PD-US)], via Wikimedia Commons)

On October 16, 1859, John Brown led an army of 18 men into the small town of Harper’s
Ferry, Virginia. His plan was to instigate a major slave rebellion in the South. He would
seize the arms and ammunition in the federal arsenal, arm slaves in the area and move
south along the Appalachian Mountains, attracting slaves to his cause. He had no rations.

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He had no escape route. His plan was doomed from the very beginning, but it did succeed
to deepen the divide between the North and South.

John Brown and his cohorts marched into an unsuspecting Harper’s Ferry and seized the
federal complex with little resistance. It consisted of an armory, arsenal, and engine house.
He then sent a patrol out into the country to contact slaves, collected several hostages,
including the great-grandnephew of George Washington, and sat down to wait. The slaves
did not rise to his support, but local citizens and militia surrounded him, exchanging
gunfire, killing two townspeople and eight of Brown’s company. Troops under the command
of Lieutenant Colonel Robert E. Lee arrived from Washington to arrest Brown. They
stormed the engine house, where Brown had withdrawn, captured him and members of his
group, and turned them over to Virginia authorities to be tried for treason. He was quickly
tried and sentenced to hang on December 2.

Brown’s strange effort to start a rebellion was over less than 36 hours after it started;
however, the consequences of his raid would last far longer. In the North, his raid was
greeted by many with widespread admiration. While they recognized the raid itself was the
act of a madman, some Northerners admired his zeal and courage. Church bells pealed on
the day of his execution and songs and paintings were created in his honor. Brown was
turned into an instant martyr. Ralph Waldo Emerson predicted that Brown would make “the
gallows as glorious as the cross.” The majority of Northern newspapers did, however,
denounce the raid. The Republican Party adopted a specific plank condemning John
Brown and his ill-fated plan. But that was not what the South saw.

Southerners were shocked and outraged. How could anyone be sympathetic to a fanatic
who destroyed their property and threatened their very lives? How could they live under a
government whose citizens regarded John Brown as a martyr? Southern newspapers
labeled the entire North as John Brown sympathizers. Southern politicians blamed the
Republican Party and falsely claimed that Abraham Lincoln supported Brown’s intentions.
Moderate voices supporting compromise on both sides grew silent amid the gathering
storm. In this climate of fear and hostility, the election year of 1860 opened ominously. The
election of Abraham Lincoln became unthinkable to many in the South.

The Election of 1860

The Democrats met in Charleston, South Carolina, in April 1860 to select their candidate
for president in the upcoming election. It was turmoil. Northern Democrats felt that Stephen
Douglas had the best chance to defeat the “Black Republicans.” Although an ardent
supporter of slavery, Southern Democrats considered Douglas a traitor because of his
support of popular sovereignty, permitting territories to choose not to have slavery.
Southern Democrats stormed out of the convention without choosing a candidate. Six
weeks later, the Northern Democrats chose Douglas, while at a separate convention the
Southern Democrats nominated then-Vice President John C. Breckenridge.

The Republicans met in Chicago that May and recognized that the Democrat’s turmoil
actually gave them a chance to take the election. They needed to select a candidate who
could carry the North and win a majority of the Electoral College. To do that,
the Republicans needed someone who could carry New Jersey, Illinois, Indiana, and
Pennsylvania—four important states that remained uncertain. There were plenty of

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potential candidates, but in the end, Abraham Lincoln had emerged as the best choice.
Lincoln had become the symbol of the frontier, hard work, the self-made man and the
American dream. His debates with Douglas had made him a national figure and the
publication of those debates in early 1860 made him even better known. After the third
ballot, he had the nomination for president.

A number of aging politicians and distinguished citizens, calling themselves the


Constitutional Union Party, nominated John Bell of Tennessee, a wealthy slaveholder as
their candidate for President. These people were for moderation. They decided that the
best way out of the present difficulties that faced the nation was to take no stand at all on
the issues that divided the North and the South.

With four candidates in the field, Lincoln received only 40% of the popular vote and 180
electoral votes—enough to narrowly win the crowded election. This meant that 60% of the
voters selected someone other than Lincoln. With the results tallied, the question was,
would the South accept the outcome? A few weeks after the election, South Carolina
seceded from the Union.

Abraham Lincoln narrowly won 1860's election against the background of a deeply divided nation.

The South Secedes

The force of events moved very quickly upon the election of Lincoln. South Carolina acted
first, calling for a convention to secede from the Union. State by state, conventions were
held, and the Confederacy was formed.

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Within three months of Lincoln’s election, seven states had seceded from the Union. Just
as Springfield, Illinois celebrated the election of its favorite son to the presidency on
November 7, so did Charleston, South Carolina, which did not cast a single vote for him. It
knew that the election meant the formation of a new nation. The Charleston Mercury said,
“The tea has been thrown overboard, the revolution of 1860 has been initiated.”

South Carolina Ordinance of Secession

“We, the people of the State of South Carolina, in convention assembled,


do declare and ordain, and it is hereby declared and ordained, That the
ordinance adopted by us in convention on the twenty-third day of May, in
the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-eight,
whereby the Constitution of the United States of America was ratified, and
also all acts and parts of acts of the General Assembly of this State ratifying
amendments of the said Constitution, are hereby repealed; and that the
union now subsisting between South Carolina and other States, under the
name of the “United States of America,” is hereby dissolved.

Done at Charleston the twentieth day of December, in the year of our Lord
one thousand eight hundred and sixty.

Within a few days, the two United States senators from South Carolina submitted their
resignations. On December 20, 1860, by a vote of 169-0, the South Carolina legislature
enacted an “ordinance” that “the union now subsisting between South Carolina and other
States, under the name of ‘The United States of America,’ is hereby dissolved.” As Grist
had hoped, South Carolina’s action resulted in conventions in other Southern states.
Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, and Texas all left the Union by February
1. On February 4, delegates from all these states except Texas met in Montgomery,
Alabama, to create and staff a government called the Confederate States of America. They
elected President Jefferson Davis. The gauntlet was thrown. How would the North
respond?

A few last ditch efforts were made to end the crisis through Constitutional amendment.
Senator James Henry Crittenden proposed to amend the Constitution to extend the old
36°30’ line to the Pacific. All territory north of the line would be forever free, and all territory
south of the line would receive federal protection for slavery. Republicans refused to
support this measure.

On March 2, 1861, two days before Lincoln’s inauguration, the 36th Congress passed the
Corwin Amendment and submitted it to the states for ratification as an amendment to the
Constitution. Senator William H. Seward of New York introduced the amendment in the

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Senate and Representative Thomas Corwin of Ohio introduced it in the House of


Representatives. The text of the proposed amendment is as follows:

“No amendment shall be made to the Constitution which will authorize or


give to Congress the power to abolish or interfere, within any State, with the
domestic institutions thereof, including that of persons held to labor or
service by the laws of said State.”

Note that, much like the rest of the language in the Constitution prior to the Civil War, the
proposed amendment never uses the word “slavery,” instead employing the euphemisms
“domestic institutions” and “persons held to labor or service.” The proposed amendment
was designed to reassure the seceding slave states that the federal government would not
interfere with their “peculiar institution.” If it had passed, it would have rendered
unconstitutional any subsequent amendments restricting slavery, such as the 13th
Amendment, which outlawed slavery throughout the nation. The Corwin Amendment
passed the state legislatures in Ohio, Kentucky, Rhode Island, and Maryland. Even
Lincoln’s own state of Illinois passed it, though the lawmakers who voted for it in Illinois
were not actually the elected legislators but were delegates to a state constitutional
convention.

Lincoln supported the amendment, specifically mentioning it in his first inaugural address:

I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution—which


amendment, however, I have not seen—has passed Congress, to the effect
that the Federal Government shall never interfere with the domestic
institutions of the States, including that of persons held to service . . .
holding such a provision to now be implied constitutional law, I have no
objection to its being made express and irrevocable.”

The amendment failed to get the required approval of 3/4 of all state legislatures for a
constitutional amendment, largely because many of the Southern slave states had already
seceded and did not vote on it.

What was the President doing during all this furor? Abraham Lincoln would not be
inaugurated until March 4. James Buchanan presided over the exodus from the Union.
Although he thought secession to be illegal, he found using the army in this case to be

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unconstitutional. Both regions awaited the arrival of President Lincoln and wondered
anxiously what he would do.

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Exercise 4.6

Open Link

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Key Points and Links

Key Points

e 1857 Dred Scott case ruling further in amed the ght over slavery by declaring a slave to be a slave even in free
territory and by declaring the Missouri Compromise unconstitutional.

Abraham Lincoln and Stephen Douglas exempli ed the raging debate over slavery in a series of famous debates
held during a senatorial election in 1858.

Radical abolitionist John Brown led a failed raid on a federal armory in October of 1859. e raid further hurt
relations between North and South.

Republican Abraham Lincoln narrowly won the Presidential election of 1860 over a divided opposition.

A few weeks after the election of 1860, South Carolina seceded from the United States. By May of 1861, 11 Southern
states had seceded.

President James Buchanan thought that seceding from the United States was illegal but refused to use force to stop
the states from leaving.

In February of 1861, rebel states met and formed the Confederate States of America. ey elected Je erson Davis
as their president.

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The Civil War

Content in this assignment is from American History: From Pre-Columbian to the New
Millennium(http://ushistory.org/us) by the Independence Hall Association, used under
a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.
(https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/)

A House Divided

The most destructive war in America’s history was fought among its own people.

The Civil War was a tragedy of unimaginable proportions. For four long and bloody years,
Americans were killed at the hands of other Americans. One of every 25 American men
perished in the war. Over 640,000 soldiers were killed. Many civilians also died—in
numbers often unrecorded.

At the battle of Antietam, more Americans were killed than on any other single day in all of
American history. On that day, 22,719 soldiers died—four times the number of Americans
lost during the D-Day assault on Normandy in WWII. In fact, more American soldiers died
in the Civil War than in all other American wars combined.

The war was fought in American fields, on American roads, and in American cities with a
ferocity that could be evoked only in terrible nightmares. Nearly every family in the nation
was touched by this war. Scarcely a family in the South did not lose a son, brother, or
father.

Four long years of battle changed everything. No other event since the Revolutionary War
altered the political, social, economic, and cultural fabric of the United States. In the end, a
predominantly industrial society triumphed over an agricultural one. The Old South was
forever changed. The blemish of slavery was finally removed from American life, though its
legacy would long linger.

In 1861, everyone predicted a short war. Most believed that one battle of enormous
proportion would settle a dispute at least 90 years in the making. But history dictated a far
more destructive course.

Fort Sumter

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e con ict at South Carolina’s Fort Sumter soon escalated into the rst battle of the American Civil War.

It all began at Fort Sumter.

On December 20, 1860, South Carolina seceded from the Union. Five days later, 68
federal troops stationed in Charleston, South Carolina, withdrew to Fort Sumter, an island
in Charleston Harbor. The North considered the fort to be the property of the United States
government. The people of South Carolina believed it belonged to the new Confederacy.
Four months later, the first engagement of the Civil War took place on this disputed soil.

The commander at Fort Sumter, Major Robert Anderson, was a former slave owner who
was nevertheless unquestionably loyal to the Union. With 6,000 South Carolina militia
ringing the harbor, Anderson and his soldiers were cut off from reinforcements and
resupplies. In January 1861, as one of the last acts of his administration, President James
Buchanan sent 200 soldiers and supplies on an unarmed merchant vessel, Star of the
West, to reinforce Anderson. It quickly departed when South Carolina artillery started firing
on it.

In February 1861, in Montgomery, Alabama, Jefferson Davis was inaugurated as the


provisional president of the Confederate States of America. On March 4, 1861, Abraham
Lincoln took his oath of office as president of the Union in Washington, DC. The fate of Fort
Sumter lay in the hands of these two leaders.

As weeks passed, pressure grew for Lincoln to take some action on Fort Sumter and to
reunite the states. Lincoln thought of the Southern secession as “artificial.” When Jefferson
Davis sent a group of commissioners to Washington to negotiate for the transfer of Fort
Sumter to South Carolina, they were promptly rebuffed.

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Lincoln had a dilemma. Fort Sumter was running out of supplies, but an attack on the fort
would appear as Northern aggression. States that still remained part of the Union (such as
Virginia and North Carolina) might be driven into the secessionist camp. People at home
and abroad might become sympathetic to the South. Yet Lincoln could not allow his troops
to starve or surrender and risk showing considerable weakness.

At last he developed a plan. On April 6, Lincoln told the governor of South Carolina that he
was going to send provisions to Fort Sumter. He would send no arms, troops, or
ammunition—unless, of course, South Carolina attacked.

Now the dilemma sat with Jefferson Davis. Attacking Lincoln’s resupply brigade would
make the South the aggressive party. But he simply could not allow the fort to be
resupplied. J.G. Gilchrist, a Southern newspaper writer, warned, “Unless you sprinkle the
blood in the face of the people of Alabama, they will be back in the old Union in less than
ten days.”

Davis decided he had no choice but to order Anderson to surrender Sumter. Anderson
refused.

The Civil War began at 4:30 . . on April 12, 1861, when Confederate artillery, under the
command of General Pierre Gustave T. Beauregard, opened fire on Fort Sumter.
Confederate batteries showered the fort with over 3,000 shells in a three-and-a-half day
period. Anderson surrendered. Ironically, Beauregard had developed his military skills
under Anderson’s instruction at West Point. This was the first of countless relationships
and families devastated in the Civil War. The fight was on.

Strengths and Weaknesses: North versus South

Within days of the fall of Fort Sumter, four more states joined the Confederacy: Virginia,
North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas. The battle lines were now drawn.

On paper, the Union outweighed the Confederacy in almost every way. Nearly 21 million
people lived in 23 Northern states. The South claimed just 9 million people—including 3.5
million slaves—in 11 Confederate states. Despite the North’s greater population, however,
the South had an army almost equal in size during the first year of the war.

The North had an enormous industrial advantage as well. At the beginning of the war, the
Confederacy had only one-ninth the industrial capacity of the Union. But that statistic was
misleading. In 1860, the North manufactured 97 percent of the country’s firearms, 96
percent of its railroad locomotives, 94 percent of its cloth, 93 percent of its pig iron, and
over 90 percent of its boots and shoes. The North had twice the density of railroads per
square mile. There wasn’t even one rifleworks in the entire South.

All of the principal ingredients of gunpowder were imported. Since the North controlled the
navy, the seas were in the hands of the Union. A blockade could suffocate the South. Still,
the Confederacy wasn’t without resources and willpower.

The South could produce all the food it needed, though transporting it to soldiers and
civilians was a major problem. The South also had a great nucleus of trained officers.
Seven of the eight military colleges in the country were in the South.

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The South also proved to be very resourceful. By the end of the war, it had established
armories and foundries in several states. They built huge gunpowder mills and melted
down thousands of church and plantation bells for bronze to build cannons.

The South’s greatest strength lay in the fact that it was fighting on the defensive in its own
territory. Familiar with the landscape, Southerners could harass Northern invaders.

The military and political objectives of the Union were much more difficult to accomplish.
The Union had to invade, conquer, and occupy the South. It had to destroy the South’s
capacity and will to resist—a formidable challenge in any war.

Southerners enjoyed the initial advantage of morale: The South was fighting to maintain its
way of life, whereas the North was fighting to maintain a union. Slavery didn’t become a
moral cause of the Union effort until Lincoln announced the Emancipation Proclamation in
1863.

When the war began, many key questions were still unanswered. What if the slave states
of Maryland, Kentucky, Missouri, and Delaware had joined the Confederacy? What if
Britain or France had come to the aid of the South? What if a few decisive early
Confederate victories had turned Northern public opinion against the war?

Indeed, the North looked much better on paper. But many factors undetermined at the
outbreak of war could have tilted the balance sheet toward a different outcome.

First Blood and Its Aftermath

When the war began in April 1861, most Americans expected the conflict to be brief.

When President Lincoln called upon the governors and states of the Union to furnish him
with 75,000 soldiers, he asked for an enlistment of only 90 days. When the Confederacy
moved its capital to Richmond, Virginia, 100 miles from Washington, everyone expected a
decisive battle to take place on the ground between the two cities.

In the spring of 1861, 35,000 Confederate troops led by General Pierre Beauregard moved
north to protect Richmond against invasion. Lincoln’s army had almost completed its 90-
day enlistment requirement and still its field commander, General Irvin McDowell, didn’t
want to fight. Pressured to act, on July 18 (three months after the war had begun)
McDowell marched his army of 37,000 into Virginia.

Hundreds of reporters, congressional representatives, and other civilians had traveled from
Washington in carriages and on horses to see a real battle. It took the Northern troops two-
and-a-half days to march 25 miles. Beauregard was warned of McDowell’s troop
movement by a Southern belle who concealed the message in her hair. He consolidated
his forces along the south bank of Bull Run, a river a few miles north of Manassas
Junction, and waited for the Union troops to arrive.

Early on July 21, the First Battle of Bull Run began. During the first two hours of battle,
4,500 Confederates gave ground grudgingly to 10,000 Union soldiers. But as the
Confederates were retreating, they found a brigade of fresh troops led by Thomas Jackson
waiting just over the crest of the hill.

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Naming Battles

The Battle of Bull Run was also known as the Battle of Manassas Junction.
Frequently, major battles had two names. The South named battles after
the nearby cities. The North named them after the nearby waterways.

Trying to rally his infantry, General Bernard Bee of South Carolina shouted, “Look, there is
Jackson with his Virginians, standing like a stone wall!” The Southern troops held firm, and
Jackson’s nickname, “Stonewall,” was born.

During the afternoon, thousands of additional Confederate troops arrived by horse and by
train. The Union troops had been fighting in intense heat—many for 14 hours. By late in the
day, they were feeling the effects of their efforts. At about 4 . ., when Beauregard ordered
a massive counterattack, Stonewall Jackson urged his soldiers to “yell like furies.” The
rebel yell became a hallmark of the Confederate Army. A retreat by the Union became a
rout.

Over 4,800 soldiers were killed, wounded, or listed as missing from both armies in the
battle. The next day, Lincoln named Major General George B. McClellan to command the
new Army of the Potomac and signed legislation for the enlistment of one million troops to
last three years.

The high esprit de corps of the Confederates was elevated by their victory. For the North,
which had supremacy in numbers, it increased their caution. Seven long months passed
before McClellan agreed to fight. Meanwhile, Lincoln was growing impatient at the timidity
of his generals.

In many ways, the Civil War represented a transition from the old style of fighting to the
new style. During Bull Run and other early engagements, traditional uniformed lines of
troops faced off, each trying to outflank the other. As the war progressed, new weapons
and tactics changed warfare forever. There were no civilian spectators during the
destructive battles to come.

Sacred Beliefs

The Civil War was fought with awe-inspiring passion.

On the Union side, President Lincoln believed that failure to preserve the Union was a
betrayal of the founders of the republic and the promise of the Declaration of
Independence. He would not see it “perish from this earth.”

Many others in the North echoed similar thoughts. On the day before the first battle of Bull
Run, Major Sullivan Ballou of Rhode Island wrote to his wife: “I know how strongly
American Civilization now leans on the triumph of the Government, and how great a debt

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we owe to those who went before us through the blood and sufferings of the Revolution.”
He died one week later in battle.

The cause of union did not drive all Northerners. Abolitionists believed they were acting
with divine guidance to fulfill God’s will. They would tolerate neither compromise nor legal
obstacle. Majority consent was not necessary. Wendell Phillips, a well-known abolitionist,
declared, “One, on God’s side, is a majority.” Abolitionists saw slavery as an affront to God
to be ended by any means necessary. Abolitionists incited riots throughout the South that
resulted in hundreds of deaths.

Passions raged as hot in the South. Like Lincoln, Jefferson Davis also believed in the
Declaration of Independence. He insisted that governments existed with the consent of the
governed. Northern interference with popular Southern law was an affront to his ideals.

The Emancipation Proclamation was issued by Abraham Lincoln in 1863. It freed slaves in
the states that had seceded and were not yet under Northern control.

Robert E. Lee, who did not favor secession, felt that the North was seeking to wrest from
the South its dearest rights. Thomas “Stonewall” Jackson, a devout Presbyterian, believed
that the Southern cause was a sacred one. He ascribed his successes to God’s will, and
preached that religious certitude to his troops.

Many Southerners believed the Northern position was an outright attack on the Southern
way of life. They observed that the poverty suffered by Northern industrial workers created
living conditions worse than those endured by Southern slaves. They also cited the Bible in
defense of plantation life.

Southern legalists believed that the North was undermining the original intent of the
Founding Fathers. The cornerstone of the American system was the state government, for
which Confederates believed the Northerners had little respect.

Such fiery passions were difficult to reconcile. After decades of compromise attempts,
these sacred beliefs finally raged against each other in the cauldron of war.

Bloody Antietam

The South was on the move.

In August 1862, a Confederate Army invaded Kentucky from Tennessee. They seized
Frankfort and seated a Confederate governor. During that same month, Robert E. Lee’s
Army of Northern Virginia had defeated the Union Army again at the Second Battle of Bull
Run.

Lee and Jefferson Davis believed that one more successful campaign might bring British
and French recognition of the Confederacy. Foreign powers are reluctant to enter a conflict
on the losing side. Although Britain and France both saw advantages of a split United
States, neither country was willing to support the Confederacy without being convinced the
South could win. Lee and Davis were desperately seeking that decisive victory.

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Lee wanted to attack the North on its own territory. His target was the federal rail center at
Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, but the Union General, George McClellan was pursuing him.
Lee decided to stop and confront the Union Army at Sharpsburg, Maryland. In front of the
town ran a little creek called Antietam.

On September 15, Lee deployed his 30,000 soldiers on some four miles of rising ground
behind Antietam Creek. He utilized the cover of rock outcroppings, rolling farmland, stone
walls, fields of standing corn, and a sunken road in the center of his line.

Two days earlier, a Union corporal had found a copy of Lee’s special orders wrapped
around three cigars. But McClellan refused to act because he thought Lee’s troops
outnumbered his own. When McClellan started deploying his troops on September 16, he
had 60,000 active soldiers and 15,000 in reserve. Had he thrust his complete force against
the Confederates on September 15 or 16, he might have smashed Lee’s army.

The battle began early on the morning of September 17 when Union troops under the
command of General Joseph Hooker attacked the forces of Stonewall Jackson across a
cornfield that lay between them. The fighting was ferocious. The battle surged back and
forth across the cornfield 15 times, costing each side nine generals. Within five hours,
12,000 soldiers lay dead or wounded, and the weary opponents stopped fighting for the
day.

e clash at Antietam escalated into the single bloodiest battle in American history.

By midday, the struggle had shifted to a sunken country road between two farms. Two
Confederate brigades stood their ground repeatedly as Union soldiers attacked and fell
back. Finally, Union attackers assumed a position from which they could shoot down on the
Confederate soldiers occupying the road. It was quickly filled with the dead and dying,

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sometimes two and three deep. The road earned a new name: Bloody Lane. The
Confederates fell back, and McClellan again had the opportunity to cut Lee’s army in two
and ruin it. But McClellan did not follow through, and the battlefield fell silent.

This day sits in history as the bloodiest single day America has ever suffered. Over 22,000
soldiers were killed, wounded, or missing—more than all such casualties during the entire
American Revolution. Lee lost a quarter of his army; the survivors headed back to Virginia
the next night.

The horror of Antietam proved to be one of the war’s critical events. Lee and Davis didn’t
get their victory. Neither Britain nor France was prepared to recognize the Confederacy.
Five days after the battle, Lincoln issued his preliminary Emancipation Proclamation. On
November 5, Lincoln, impatient with McClellan’s hesitancy, relieved him of command, and
replaced him with General Ambrose Burnside.

Antietam changed everything.

Of Generals and Soldiers

The battles that caused the loss of so much life in the Civil War were the results of
decisions made by the military commanders of the North and the South. Who were these
people? Why did they order the kinds of attacks that characterized this war? How could
they follow orders that in many cases seemed like sheer suicide? Many of the opposing
officers were actually friends, who had been classmates at West Point and had fought at
each other’s sides in the US-Mexican War Of 1848.

Robert E. Lee was offered the position of commander in chief of the Union Army by
President Lincoln before Virginia seceded from the United States. Lee was born into one of
the South’s most prominent families, and was the son of a Revolutionary War hero. His
wife was the granddaughter of Martha Washington.

Lee didn’t favor either slavery or secession, but joined the Confederate army out of duty to
Virginia, which he would not dishonor. Although he was the unquestioned military leader of
the South, he wasn’t given charge of the entire Confederate Army until the war’s outcome
had already been decided. He was a brilliant military strategist, continually outsmarting and
defeating opponents with armies much larger than his own.

Thomas “Stonewall” Jackson was an intensely religious man. A former teacher at Virginia
Military Institute, he believed the Southern cause was sacred. He was totally fearless in
battle. He would drive troops to the point of total exhaustion, seemingly insensitive to their
hardship and suffering.

After Jackson won five battles in one month, an aura of invincibility surrounded him. It
lasted until his death, in the spring of 1863, during one of his most dramatic victories, the
Battle of Chancellorsville.

The Union had outstanding officers, but for the first three years of the war, the Union Army
had five different commanders. As Lincoln grew impatient with each one’s caution or
inflexibility, he’d replace him. They simply did not win the decisive battle that Lincoln
needed. Ulysses S. Grant was chosen as the general who could finish the job. He had

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fought in the US-Mexican War and won battles at Fort Henry and Fort Donelson in
Tennessee during the winter of 1862. Grant had also led the Union troops during the
pivotal Vicksburg Victory.

For his strategy in those battles, he earned the nickname “Unconditional Surrender” Grant.
After he became commander in chief of the Union Army, he doggedly pursued Lee. Grant
fought Lee measure for measure and continued to advance, even as Union casualties
soared and despite suffering great criticism for those losses.

Grant’s most trusted officer, William Tecumseh Sherman, had fought with Grant earlier in
the war. Sherman’s job was to take Atlanta, an action that was a key part of Lincoln’s
strategy to conclude the war.

Sherman was a nervous, talkative master strategist, who understood how difficult the war
was going to be to win. He felt that the North would have to make life very difficult on
civilians in the South in order to weaken the resolve of the Confederate Army. His ruthless
and destructive drives across the South—first to Atlanta, then to the sea at Savannah, and
finally through South Carolina, are his legacy.

Gettysburg: High Watermark of the Confederacy

Robert E. Lee had a vision.

He proposed to take the offensive, invade Pennsylvania, and defeat the Union Army in its
own territory. Such a victory would relieve Virginia of the burden of war, strengthen the
hand of Peace Democrats in the North, and undermine Lincoln’s chances for reelection. It
would reopen the possibility for European support that was closed at Antietam. And
perhaps, it would even lead to peace.

The result of this vision was the largest battle ever fought on the North American continent.
This was Gettysburg, where more than 170,000 fought and over 40,000 were casualties.

Lee began his quest in mid-June, 1863, leading 75,000 soldiers out of Virginia into south-
central Pennsylvania. Forty miles to the south of Lee, the new commander of the Union
Army of the Potomac, General George Meade, headed north with his 95,000 soldiers.
When Lee learned of the approach of this concentrated force, he sent couriers to his
generals with orders to reunite near Gettysburg to do battle. As sections of the
Confederate Army moved to join together, CSA General A.P. Hill, heard a rumor that there
was a large supply of shoes at Gettysburg. On July 1, 1863, he sent one of his divisions to
get those shoes. The battle of Gettysburg was about to begin.

As Hill approached Gettysburg from the west, he was met by the Union cavalry of John
Buford. Couriers from both sides were sent out for reinforcements. By early afternoon,
40,000 troops were on the battlefield, aligned in a semicircle north and west of the town.
The Confederates drove the outnumbered Union troops to Cemetery Hill, just south of
town, where Union artillery located on the hill halted the retreat.

At noon on July 2, the second day of the battle, Lee ordered his divisions to attack, hoping
to crumble both sides of the Union line and win the battle. The Big Round Top and Little

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Round Top were nearby hills that had been left unprotected. If the Confederates could take
these positions, they could surround the Union forces.

Union troops under Colonel Joshua Chamberlain arrived just in time to meet Confederate
troops charging up the hill to Little Round Top. In some of the most ferocious fighting of the
battle, Chamberlain’s 20th Maine held on to Little Round Top and perhaps saved the Union
from defeat.

e horri c losses at Gettysburg may not have ended the war, but the South’s eventual defeat was now clear. (Image by Nathaniel Currier and
James Merritt Ives [PD-US(https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Template:PD-US)], via Wikimedia Commons)

Lee was determined to leave Pennsylvania with a victory. On the third day of battle, he
ordered a major assault against the center of the Union line on Cemetery Ridge.
Confederate batteries started to fire into the Union center. The firing continued for two
hours. At 3 . ., 14,000 Confederate soldiers under the command of General George
Pickett began their famous charge across three-quarters of a mile of open field to the
Union line.

Few Confederates made it. Lee’s attempt for a decisive victory in Pennsylvania had failed.
He had lost 28,000 troops—one-third of his army. A month later, he offered his resignation
to Jefferson Davis, which was refused. Meade had lost 23,000 soldiers.

The hope for Southern recognition by any foreign government was dashed. The war
continued for two more years, but Gettysburg marked the end of Lee’s major offensives.
The Confederacy tottered toward its defeat.

Northern Plans to End the War

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Only one day after their victory at Gettysburg, Union forces captured Vicksburg, the last
Confederate stronghold on the Mississippi River. Lincoln and Union commanders began to
make plans for finishing the war.

The Union strategy to win the war didn’t emerge all at once. By 1863, however, the
Northern military plan consisted of five major goals:

1. Fully blockade all Southern coasts. is strategy, known as the Anaconda Plan, would eliminate the possibility of
Confederate help from abroad.

2. Control the Mississippi River. e river was the South’s major inland waterway. Also, Northern control of the rivers
would separate Texas, Louisiana, and Arkansas from the other Confederate states.

3. Capture Richmond. Without its capital, the Confederacy’s command lines would be disrupted.

4. Shatter Southern civilian morale by capturing and destroying Atlanta, Savannah, and the heart of Southern
secession, South Carolina.

5. Use the numerical advantage of Northern troops to engage the enemy everywhere to break the spirits of the
Confederate Army.

By early 1864, the first two goals had been accomplished. The blockade had successfully
prevented any meaningful foreign aid. General Ulysses Grant’s success at Vicksburg
delivered the Mississippi River to the Union. Lincoln turned to Grant to finish the job and, in
the spring of 1864, appointed Grant to command the entire Union Army.

Grant had a plan to end the war by November. He mounted several major simultaneous
offensives. General George Meade was to lead the Union’s massive Army of the Potomac
against Robert E. Lee. Grant would stay with Meade, who commanded the largest
Northern army. General James Butler was to advance up the James River in Virginia and
attack Richmond, the capital of the Confederacy. General William Tecumseh Sherman was
to plunge into the heart of the South, inflicting as much damage as he could against their
war resources.

Meade faced Lee’s army in Virginia. Lee’s strategy was to use terrain and fortified positions
to his advantage, thus decreasing the importance of the Union’s superiority in numbers. He
hoped to make the cost of trying to force the South back into the Union so high that the
Northern public would not stand for it. He almost accomplished this. From May 5 to May
24, the full force of Grant’s and Lee’s armies fought continually with enormous casualties.

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Under the commands of Grant and Lee, the Union and Confederate armies, respectively, both met tremendous losses in 1864.

But, unlike the Union commanders of the past, Grant had the determination to press on
despite the cost. Twenty-eight thousand soldiers were casualties of the Battle of the
Wilderness. A few days later, another 28,000 soldiers were casualties in the Battle of
Spotsylvania Court House. More than two-thirds of the casualties of these battles were
Union soldiers.

At Cold Harbor the following week, Grant lost another 13,000 soldiers—7,000 of them in
half an hour. In the 30 days that Grant had been fighting Lee, he lost 50,000 troops—a
number equal to half the size of the Confederate army at the time. As a result, Grant
became known as “The Butcher.” Congress was appalled and petitioned for his removal,
but Lincoln argued that Grant was winning the battles and refused to grant Congress’s
request.

Butler failed to capture Richmond, and the Confederate capital was temporarily spared. On
May 6, one day after Grant and Lee started their Battle of the Wilderness, Sherman
entered Georgia, scorching whatever resources lay in his path. By late July, he had forced
the enemy back to within sight of Atlanta. For a month, he lay siege to the city. Finally, in
early September he entered Atlanta—one day after the Confederate army evacuated it.

Sherman waited until seven days after Lincoln’s hotly fought reelection before putting
Atlanta to the torch and starting his March to the Sea. No one stood before him. His
soldiers pillaged the countryside and destroyed everything of conceivable military value as
they traveled 285 miles to Savannah in a march that became legendary for the misery it
created among the civilian population. On December 22, Savannah fell.

Next, Sherman ordered his army to move north into South Carolina. Their intent was to
destroy the state where secession began. Exactly a month later, its capital, Columbia, fell
to him. On the same day, Union Forces retook Fort Sumter.

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The war was almost over.

The Road to Appomattox

The end was in sight.

Only Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia remained as a substantial military force to oppose the
Union Army. For nine months, Grant and Lee had faced each other from 53 miles of
trenches during the Siege of Petersburg. Lee’s forces had been reduced to 50,000, while
Grant’s had grown to over 120,000.

The Southern troops began to melt away as the end became clear. On April 2, Grant
ordered an attack on Petersburg and broke the Confederate line. Lee and his shrinking
army were able to escape.

Lee sent a message to Jefferson Davis saying that Richmond could no longer be defended
and that he should evacuate the city. That night Jefferson Davis and his cabinet set fire to
everything of military value in Richmond, then boarded a train to Danville, 140 miles to the
south. Mobs took over the streets and set more fires. The next day, Northern soldiers
arrived. And one day after that, Lincoln visited the city and sat in the office of Jefferson
Davis.

Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia, now reduced in size to 35,000 troops, had escaped to the
west. They were starving, and Lee had asked the Confederate Commissary Department to
have rations for his infantry waiting at the Amelia Courthouse. But when he arrived there,
no rations awaited his troops, and they were forced to forage the countryside for food. The
delay caused by his need to acquire food proved fatal to the Confederate effort.

Now 125,000 Union soldiers were surrounding Lee’s army, whose numbers had been
reduced to 25,000 troops and were steadily falling. Still, Lee decided to make one last
attempt to break out. On April 9, the remaining Confederate Army, under John Gordon,
drove back Union cavalry blocking the road near the village of Appomattox Court House.
But beyond them were 50,000 Union infantry, and as many or more were closing in on Lee
from his rear. It was over.

Lee sent a note to Grant, and later that afternoon they met in the home of Wilmer McLean.
Grant offered generous terms of surrender. Confederate officers and soldiers could go
home, taking with them their horses, sidearms, and personal possessions. Also, Grant
guaranteed their immunity from prosecution for treason. At the conclusion of the ceremony,
the two men saluted each other and parted. Grant then sent three day’s worth of food
rations to the 25,000 Confederate soldiers. The official surrender ceremony occurred three
days later, when Lee’s troops stacked their rifles and battle flags.

President Lincoln’s will to save the Union had prevailed. He looked with satisfaction on the
survival of his country and with deep regret on the great damage that had been done.
These emotions did not last long, however.

Lincoln had only five days left to live.

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Exercise 4.7

Open Link

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Key Points and Links

Key Points

e American Civil War began in April of 1861 when Confederate forces attacked the federally controlled Fort
Sumter in South Carolina.

e North had a larger population and industrial capacity, while the South fought mostly on its own terrain with a
solid group of military commanders.

Confederate forces bene tted from early victories and overly cautious Union generals. President Lincoln grew
frustrated with the lack of action from Union military leadership.

e battle of Antietam in September of 1862 turned out to be the bloodiest single day in the war with over 22,000
soldiers killed, wounded, or missing. is battle ended up being a victory for the North and convinced European
nations to stay out of the war.

e Battle of Gettysburg in July of 1863 would prove to be the last time the Confederacy would make a major
o ensive in the North.

e war ended in April of 1865 with the surrender of Confederate general Robert E. Lee.

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Civilians in the Civil War

Content in this assignment is from American History: From Pre-Columbian to the New
Millennium(http://ushistory.org/us) by the Independence Hall Association, used under
a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.
(https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/)

The War Behind the Lines

Modern wars are not confined to the battlefield. Americans in the North and South
contributed to the war effort unlike civilians of any previous conflict. The political leaders in
the Union and Confederacy each had battles of their own to wage. The Civil War would
also require a complete revolution in the economies of both regions. The results of such
changes would not only determine the outcome of the war, but would utterly transform the
new nation politically, socially, and economically.

In the North, President Lincoln had been elected by a minority of voters in his first election
and had to continually battle to win reelection. Copperheads, also known as Peace
Democrats, repeatedly thwarted the president’s leadership initiatives. In the South,
Jefferson Davis was in no easier position. How could a government formed on the basis of
states’ rights provide the strong, centralized leadership necessary to prevail in war? Davis
constantly had to fight with individuals and state legislatures for the power he needed to
run the Confederate government.

One of the most important challenges for each leader was foreign relations. If the South
could get Britain to support the Confederacy, then maybe, with the most powerful navy in
the world, the British could break the Union blockade of Southern ports. This would provide
the South with large markets for its cotton and perhaps a source of money large enough to
finance the war. Lincoln’s job, of course, was to prevent this at all costs. A great game of
diplomacy was under way.

As the war progressed, a stark contrast between the two economies emerged. Both the
North and the South experienced high rates of inflation, but the South’s rate was 80 times
greater than in the North. Labor shortages occurred on both sides, as did increasing class
conflict between the wealthy and the poor. Since most of the battles in the Civil War took
place in the South, great physical destruction was wrought throughout the region, causing
mass poverty and despair.

The war also brought significant new roles for Northern and Southern women at home and
at work as they replaced almost two million men going off to war. They plowed the fields
and did jobs previously done only by the men. Through organization and sheer tenacity,
they broadened their influence on many problems facing society.

Men were military nurses before this time. It wasn’t considered proper for women to tend to
injured and dying men, assisting in operations and care. In fighting for this right, women
earned the respect and admiration of generals, politicians, and husbands. They would use
this success to continue to enlarge their role in the evolving fabric of the nation.

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The Civil War presents a struggle between two societies, not merely two armies. It showed
how a predominantly industrial society could prevail over an agricultural one. It
demonstrated like no previous war that the efforts of all individuals matter. Lastly, although
he would not live to see the results, the handling of the Civil War is a testament to the
wisdom, determination, and leadership of Abraham Lincoln, arguably America’s greatest
president.

The Emancipation Proclamation

Americans tend to think of the Civil War as being fought to end slavery. Even one full year
into the Civil War, the elimination of slavery was not a key objective of the North. Despite a
vocal abolitionist movement in the North, many people and many soldiers, in particular,
opposed slavery, but did not favor emancipation. They expected slavery to die on its own
over time. In the border states—Union states that still permitted slavery—the situation was
full of problems. When a Union officer in Kentucky freed local slaves after a major victory,
Union soldiers threw down their arms and disbanded. Lincoln intervened and “unfreed”
those slaves. He did this to prevent a military backlash.

The Emancipation Proclamation

By the President of the United States of America:

A Proclamation.

Whereas, on the twenty-second day of September, in the year of our Lord


one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, a proclamation was issued by
the President of the United States, containing, among other things, the
following, to wit:

“That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight
hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State or
designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion
against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free;
and the Executive Government of the United States, including the military
and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such
persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them,
in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom.

“That the Executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by


proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which the
people thereof, respectively, shall then be in rebellion against the United
States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall on that day
be, in good faith, represented in the Congress of the United States by
members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the qualified
voters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong

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countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State,


and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States.”

Now, therefore I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, by virtue


of the power in me vested as Commander-in-Chief, of the Army and Navy
of the United States in time of actual armed rebellion against the authority
and government of the United States, and as a fit and necessary war
measure for suppressing said rebellion, do, on this first day of January, in
the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and in
accordance with my purpose so to do publicly proclaimed for the full period
of one hundred days, from the day first above mentioned, order and
designate as the States and parts of States wherein the people thereof
respectively, are this day in rebellion against the United States, the
following, to wit:

Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, (except the Parishes of St. Bernard,


Plaquemines, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James Ascension,
Assumption, Terrebonne, Lafourche, St. Mary, St. Martin, and Orleans,
including the City of New Orleans) Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia,
South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia, (except the forty-eight
counties designated as West Virginia, and also the counties of Berkley,
Accomac, Northampton, Elizabeth City, York, Princess Ann, and Norfolk,
including the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth), and which excepted parts,
are for the present, left precisely as if this proclamation were not issued.

And by virtue of the power, and for the purpose aforesaid, I do order and
declare that all persons held as slaves within said designated States, and
parts of States, are, and henceforward shall be free; and that the Executive
government of the United States, including the military and naval authorities
thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of said persons.

And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free to abstain from
all violence, unless in necessary self-defence; and I recommend to them
that, in all cases when allowed, they labor faithfully for reasonable wages.

And I further declare and make known, that such persons of suitable
condition, will be received into the armed service of the United States to
garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places, and to man vessels of
all sorts in said service.

And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, warranted by


the Constitution, upon military necessity, I invoke the considerate judgment
of mankind, and the gracious favor of Almighty God.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the
United States to be affixed.

Done at the City of Washington, this first day of January, in the year of our
Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty three, and of the Independence
of the United States of America the eighty-seventh.

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By the President: ABRAHAM LINCOLN

WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State.

By mid-1862, Lincoln had come to believe in the need to end slavery. Besides his disdain
for the institution, he simply felt that the South couldn’t come back into the Union after
trying to destroy it. The opposition Democratic Party threatened to turn itself into an antiwar
party. Lincoln’s military commander, General George McClellan, was vehemently against
emancipation. Many Republicans who backed policies that forbade black settlement in
their states were against granting blacks additional rights. When Lincoln indicated he
wanted to issue a proclamation of freedom to his cabinet in mid-1862, they convinced him
he had to wait until the Union achieved a significant military success.

That victory came in September at Antietam. No foreign country wants to ally with a
potential losing power. By achieving victory, the Union demonstrated to the British that the
South may lose. As a result, the British did not recognize the Confederate States of
America, and Antietam became one of the war’s most important diplomatic battles, as well
as one of the bloodiest. Five days after the battle, Lincoln decided to issue the
Emancipation Proclamation, effective January 1, 1863. Unless the Confederate States
returned to the Union by that day, he proclaimed their slaves “shall be then, thenceforward
and forever free.”

His cabinet urged President Lincoln to wait until a major military victory before issuing the Emancipation Proclamation. e battle of Antietam
provided that opportunity, and Lincoln nally put forth the order, e ective January 1, 1863.

It’s sometimes said that the Emancipation Proclamation freed no slaves. In a way, this is
true. The proclamation would only apply to the Confederate States, as an act to seize

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enemy resources. By freeing slaves in the Confederacy, Lincoln was actually freeing
people he didn’t directly control. The way he explained the Proclamation made it
acceptable to much of the Union army. He emphasized emancipation as a way to shorten
the war by taking Southern resources and hence reducing Confederate strength. Even
McClellan supported the policy as a soldier. Lincoln made no such offer of freedom to the
border states.

The Emancipation Proclamation created a climate where the doom of slavery was seen as
one of the major objectives of the war. Overseas, the North now seemed to have the
greatest moral cause. Even if a foreign government wanted to intervene on behalf of the
South, its population might object. The Proclamation itself freed very few slaves, but it was
the death knell for slavery in the United States. Eventually, the Emancipation Proclamation
led to the proposal and ratification of the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution, which
formally abolished slavery throughout the land.

Wartime Diplomacy

Rebellions rarely succeed without foreign support. The North and South both sought British
and French support. Jefferson Davis was determined to secure such an alliance with
Britain or France for the Confederacy. Abraham Lincoln knew this could not be permitted. A
great chess match was about to begin.

Cotton was a formidable weapon in Southern diplomacy. Europe was reliant on cotton
grown in the South for their textile industry. Over 75% of the cotton used by British came
from states within the Confederacy.

By 1863, the Union blockade reduced British cotton imports to 3% of their pre-war levels.
Throughout Europe there was a “cotton famine.” There was also a great deal of money
being made by British shipbuilders. The South needed fast ships to run the blockade,
which British shipbuilders were more than happy to furnish.

France had reasons to support the South. Napoleon III saw an opportunity to get cotton
and to restore a French presence in America, especially in Mexico, by forging an alliance.

But the North also had cards to play. Crop failures in Europe in the early years of the war
increased British dependency on Union wheat. In 1862, over one-half of British grain
imports came from the Union. The growth of other British industries such as iron and
shipbuilding offset the decline in the textile industry. British merchant vessels were also
carrying much of the trade between the Union and Great Britain, providing another source
of income.

The greatest problem for the South lay in its embrace of slavery, as the British took pride in
their leadership of ending the trans-Atlantic slave trade. To support a nation that had
openly embraced slavery now seemed unthinkable. After the Emancipation Proclamation,
Britain was much less prepared to intervene on behalf of the South.

The key for each side was to convince Europe that victory for its side was inevitable. Early
Southern victories convinced Britain that the North couldn’t triumph against a foe so large
and so opposed to domination. This was a lesson reminiscent of the one learned by the

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British themselves in the Revolutionary War. Yet, despite all its victories, the South never
struck a decisive blow to the North. The British felt they must know that the South’s
independence was certain before recognizing the Confederacy. The Southern loss at
Antietam loomed large in the minds of European diplomats.

Yet efforts didn’t stop. Lincoln, his Secretary of State, William Seward, and Ambassador
Charles Francis Adams labored tirelessly to maintain British neutrality. As late as 1864,
Jefferson Davis proposed to release slaves in the South if Britain would recognize the
Confederacy.

The Northern Homefront

After initial setbacks, most Northern civilians experienced an explosion of wartime


production.

During the war, coal and iron production reached their highest levels. Merchant ship
tonnage peaked. Traffic on the railroads and the Erie Canal rose over 50%.

Union manufacturers grew so profitable that many companies doubled or tripled their
dividends to stockholders. The newly rich built lavish homes and spent their money
extravagantly on carriages, silk clothing, and jewelry. There was a great deal of public
outrage that such conduct was unbecoming or even immoral in time of war. What made
this lifestyle even more offensive was that workers’ salaries shrank in real terms due to
inflation. The price of beef, rice, and sugar doubled from their pre-war levels, yet salaries
rose only half as fast as prices—while companies of all kinds made record profits.

Women’s roles changed dramatically during the war. Before the war, women of the North
already had been prominent in a number of industries, including textiles, clothing, and
shoe-making. With the conflict, there were great increases in employment of women in
occupations ranging from government civil service to agricultural field work. As men
entered the Union army, women’s proportion of the manufacturing work force went from
one-fourth to one-third. At home, women organized over one thousand soldiers’ aid
societies, rolled bandages for use in hospitals, and raised millions of dollars to aid injured
troops.

Nowhere was their impact felt greater than in field hospitals close to the front. Dorothea
Dix, who led the effort to provide state hospitals for the mentally ill, was named the first
superintendent of women nurses and set rigid guidelines. Clara Barton, working in a patent
office, became one of the most admired nurses during the war and, as a result of her
experiences, formed the American Red Cross.

Resentment of the draft was another divisive issue. In the middle of 1862, Lincoln called for
300,000 volunteer soldiers. Each state was given a quota, and if it couldn’t meet the quota,
it had no recourse but to draft men into the state militia. Resistance was so great in some
parts of Pennsylvania, Ohio, Wisconsin, and Indiana that the army had to send in troops to
keep order. Tempers flared further over the provision that allowed exemptions for those
who could afford to hire a substitute.

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In 1863, facing a serious loss of manpower through casualties and expiration of


enlistments, Congress authorized the government to enforce conscription, resulting in riots
in several states. In July 1863, when draft offices were established in New York to bring
new Irish workers into the military, mobs formed to resist. At least 74 people were killed
over three days. The same troops that had just triumphantly defeated Lee at Gettysburg
were deployed to maintain order in New York City.

The Southern Homefront

After the initial months of the war, the South was plagued with shortages of all kinds. It
started with clothing. As the first winter of the war approached, the Confederate army
needed wool clothing to keep their soldiers warm. But, the South didn’t produce much
wool, and the Northern blockade prevented much wool from being imported from abroad.
People all over the South donated their woolens to the cause. Soon families at home were
cutting blankets out of carpets.

Almost all the shoes worn in the South were manufactured in the North. With the start of
the war, shipments of shoes ceased and there would be few new shoes available for years.
The first meeting of Confederate and Union forces at Gettysburg arose when Confederates
were investigating a supply of shoes in a warehouse.

To help pay for the war, the Confederacy decided to print more of its own paper money. is soon led to crippling in ation, however.

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Money was another problem. The South’s decision to print more money to pay for the war
simply led to unbelievable increases in the prices of everyday items. By the end of 1861,
the overall rate of inflation was running 12% per month. For example, salt was the only
means to preserve meat at this time. Its price increased from 65¢ for a 200-pound bag in
May 1861 to $60 per sack only 18 months later. Wheat, flour, cornmeal, meats of all kinds,
iron, tin, and copper became too expensive for the ordinary family. Profiteers frequently
bought up all the goods in a store to sell them back at a higher price. It was an
unmanageable situation. Food riots occurred in Mobile, Atlanta, and Richmond. Over the
course of the war, inflation in the South caused prices to rise by 9000%.

Women’s roles changed dramatically. The absence of men meant that women were now
heads of households. Women staffed the Confederate government as clerks and became
schoolteachers for the first time. Women at first were denied permission to work in military
hospitals as they were exposed to “sights that no lady should see.” But when casualties
rose to the point that wounded men would die in the streets due to lack of attention, female
nurses such as Sally Louisa Tompkins and Kate Cumming would not be denied. Indeed, by
late 1862, the Confederate Congress enacted a law permitting civilians in military hospitals,
giving preference to women.

The most unpopular act of the Confederate government was the institution of a draft.
Loopholes permitted a drafted man to hire a substitute, leading many wealthy men to avoid
service. When the Confederate Congress exempted anyone who supervised 20 slaves,
dissension exploded. Many started to conclude that it was “A rich man’s war and a poor
man’s fight.” This sentiment and the suffering of their families led many to desert the
Confederate armies.

By November 1863, James Seddon, the Confederate Secretary of War said he could not
account for 1/3 of the army. After the fall of Atlanta, soldiers worried more about their
families than staying to fight for their new country. Much of the Confederate army started
home to pick up the pieces of their shattered lives.

The Election of 1864

It’s hard for modern Americans to believe that Abraham Lincoln, one of history’s most
beloved presidents, was nearly defeated in his reelection attempt in 1864. Yet by that
summer, Lincoln himself feared he would lose. How could this happen? First, the country
had not elected an incumbent president for a second term since Andrew Jackson in 1832
—nine presidents in a row had served just one term. Also, his embrace of emancipation
was still a problem for many Northern voters.

Despite Union victories at Gettysburg and Vicksburg a year earlier, the Southern armies
came back fighting with a vengeance. During three months in the summer of 1864, over
65,000 Union soldiers were killed, wounded, or missing-in-action. In comparison, there had
been 108,000 Union casualties in the first three years. General Ulysses S. Grant was being
called “The Butcher.” At one time during the summer, Confederate soldiers under Jubal
Early came within five miles of the White House.

Lincoln had much to contend with. He had staunch opponents in the Congress.
Underground Confederate activities brought rebellion to parts of Maryland. Lincoln’s

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suspension of the Writ of Habeas Corpus was ruled unconstitutional by Supreme Court
Chief Justice Roger B. Taney—an order Lincoln refused to obey. But worst of all, the war
wasn’t going well.

Shown here destroying a railroad track, General Sherman’s troops in Atlanta took control of the city and ultimately sealed Lincoln’s reelection.
(Image by George N. Barnard, [PD-US(https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Template:PD-US)], via Wikimedia Commons)

Meanwhile the Democratic Party split, with major opposition from Peace Democrats, who
wanted a negotiated peace at any cost. They chose as their nominee George B. McClellan,
Lincoln’s former commander of the Army of the Potomac. Even Lincoln expected that
McClellan would win.

The South was well aware of Union discontent. Many felt that if the Southern armies could
hold out until the election, negotiations for Northern recognition of Confederate
independence might begin.

Everything changed on September 6, 1864, when General Sherman seized Atlanta. The
war effort had turned decidedly in the North’s favor, and even McClellan now sought
military victory.

Two months later, Lincoln won the popular vote that eluded him in his first election. He won
the electoral college by 212 to 21 and the Republicans won three-fourths of Congress. A
second term and the power to conclude the war were now in his hands.

The Assassination of Abraham Lincoln

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On April 11, 1865, two days after Lee’s Surrender at Appomattox, Lincoln delivered a
speech outlining his plans for peace and reconstruction. In the audience was John Wilkes
Booth, a successful actor, born and raised in Maryland. Booth was a fervent believer in
slavery and white supremacy. Upon hearing Lincoln’s words, he said to a companion,
“Now, by God, I’ll put him through. That is the last speech he will ever make.”

e assassination of President Lincoln and attempted murders of others in his circle further shocked a war-shaken country. (Image by Unknown
[PD-US(https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Template:PD-US)], via Wikimedia Commons)

After failing in two attempts earlier in the year to kidnap the president, Booth decided
Lincoln must be killed. His conspiracy was grand in design. Booth and his collaborators
decided to assassinate the president, Vice President Andrew Johnson, and Secretary of
State William Seward all in the same evening. Lincoln decided to attend a British comedy,
Our American Cousin, at Ford’s Theater, starring the famous actress Laura Keene.

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Ulysses S. Grant had planned to accompany the President and his wife, but during the day
he decided to see his son in New Jersey. Attending the play that night with the Lincolns
were Major Henry Rathbone and his fiancée, Clara Harris, the daughter of a prominent
senator.

In the middle of the play that night, Booth slipped into the entryway to the president’s box,
holding a dagger in his left hand and a derringer pistol in his right. He fired the pistol six
inches from Lincoln and slashed Rathbone’s arm with his knife. Booth then vaulted over
the front of the President’s box, caught his right leg in a flag and landed on the stage,
breaking his leg. He waved his dagger and shouted Sic Semper Tyrannis—Latin for “thus
be it ever to tyrants.” Some reported that he said, “The South is avenged.” He then ran
limping out of the theater, jumped on his horse, and rode off towards Virginia.

The bullet entered Lincoln’s head just behind his left ear, tore through his brain and lodged
just behind his right eye. The injury was mortal. Lincoln was brought to a nearby boarding
house, where he died the next morning. The other targets escaped death. Lewis Powell,
one of Booth’s accomplices, went to Seward’s house, stabbed and seriously wounded the
secretary of state, but Seward survived. Another accomplice, George Atzerodt, could not
bring himself to attempt to assassinate Vice President Johnson.

Two weeks later, on April 26, Union cavalry trapped Booth in a Virginia tobacco barn. The
soldiers had orders not to shoot and decided to burn him out of the barn. A fire was started.
Before Booth could even react, Sergeant Boston Corbett took aim and fatally shot Booth.
The dying assassin was dragged to a porch where his last words uttered were, “Useless . .
. useless!”

A train carried Lincoln’s body on a circuitous path back home for burial in Springfield,
Illinois. A mourning nation turned out by the hundreds of thousands to say goodbye to their
president, the first to fall by an assassin’s bullet.

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Exercise 4.8

Open Link

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Key Points and Links

Key Points

President Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation in September of 1862, freeing slaves in states that had
rebelled.

roughout the Civil War, the Confederacy worked to gain the support of European nations, while the Union
sought to keep Europe out of the war. In the end, possible European involvement ended with Union battle
victories.

Both the North and South had to institute a military draft to meet the manpower needs of the war.

Despite the serious war ripping the United States apart, the democratic process continued. Supported by recent
military victories, Abraham Lincoln won a second term of o ce in 1864.

On April 11, 1865, Abraham Lincoln was assassinated by Southern sympathizer, John Wilkes Booth.

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Reconstruction

Content in this assignment is from American History: From Pre-Columbian to the New
Millennium(http://ushistory.org/us) by the Independence Hall Association, used under
a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.
(https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/)

Reconstruction

Reconstruction refers to the period of rebuilding the United States following the Civil War. It
was a time of great pain and endless questions. On what terms would the Confederacy be
allowed back into the Union? Who would establish the terms, Congress or the President?
What was to be the place of freed blacks in the South? Did abolition mean that black men
would now enjoy the same status as white men? What was to be done with the
Confederate leaders, who were seen as traitors by many in the North?

Although the military conflict had ended, Reconstruction was in many ways still a war. This
important struggle was waged by radical Northerners who wanted to punish the South and
Southerners who desperately wanted to preserve their way of life.

Slavery, in practical terms, died with the end of the Civil War. Three constitutional
amendments altered the nature of African American rights. The Thirteenth Amendment
formally abolished slavery in all states and territories. The Fourteenth Amendment
prohibited states from depriving any male citizen of equal protection under the law,
regardless of race. The Fifteenth Amendment granted the right to vote to African American
males. Ratification of these amendments became a requirement for Southern states to be
readmitted into the Union. Although these measures were positive steps toward racial
equality, their enforcement proved extremely difficult.

The period of Presidential Reconstruction lasted from 1865 to 1867. Andrew Johnson, as
Lincoln’s successor, proposed a very lenient policy toward the South. He pardoned most
Southern whites, appointed provisional governors and outlined steps for the creation of
new state governments. Johnson felt that each state government could best decide how
they wanted blacks to be treated. Many in the North were infuriated that the South would
be returning their former Confederate leaders to power. They were also alarmed by
Southern adoption of Black Codes that sought to maintain white supremacy. Recently freed
blacks found the postwar South very similar to the prewar South.

The Congressional elections of 1866 brought Radical Republicans to power. They wanted
to punish the South and to prevent the ruling class from continuing in power. They passed
the Military Reconstruction Acts of 1867, which divided the South into five military districts
and outlined how the new governments would be designed. Under federal bayonets,
blacks, including those who had recently been freed, received the right to vote, hold
political offices, and become judges and police chiefs. They held positions that formerly
belonged to Southern Democrats. Many in the South were aghast. President Johnson
vetoed all the Radical initiatives, but Congress overrode him each time. It was the Radical

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Republicans who impeached President Johnson in 1868. The Senate, by a single vote,
failed to convict him, but his power to hinder radical reform was diminished.

Not all supported the Radical Republicans. Many Southern whites couldn’t accept the idea
that former slaves could not only vote but hold office. It was in this era that the Ku Klux
Klan was born. A reign of terror was aimed both at local Republican leaders as well as at
blacks seeking to assert their new political rights. Beatings, lynchings, and massacres,
were all in a night’s work for the clandestine Klan. Unable to protect themselves, Southern
blacks and Republicans looked to Washington for protection. After ten years, Congress
and the radicals grew weary of federal involvement in the South. The withdrawal of Union
troops in 1877 brought renewed attempts to strip African Americans of their newly acquired
rights.

Presidential Reconstruction

In 1864, Republican Abraham Lincoln chose Andrew Johnson, a Democratic senator from
Tennessee, as his vice presidential candidate. Lincoln was looking for Southern support.
He hoped that by selecting Johnson he would appeal to Southerners who never wanted to
leave the Union.

Johnson, like Lincoln, had grown up in poverty. He did not learn to write until he was 20
years old. He came to political power as a backer of the small farmer. In speeches, he
railed against “slaveocracy” and a bloated “Southern aristocracy” that had little use for the
white working man.

The views of the vice president rarely matter too much, unless something happens to the
president. Following Lincoln’s assassination, Johnson’s views now mattered a great deal.
Would he follow Lincoln’s moderate approach to reconciliation? Would he support limited
black suffrage as Lincoln did? Would he follow the Radical Republicans and be harsh and
punitive toward the South?

Johnson believed the Southern states should decide the course that was best for them. He
also felt that African Americans were unable to manage their own lives. He certainly didn’t
think that African Americans deserved to vote. At one point in 1866, he told a group of
blacks visiting the White House that they should emigrate to another country.

He also gave amnesty and pardon. He returned all property, except, of course, their slaves,
to former Confederates who pledged loyalty to the Union and agreed to support the 13th
Amendment. Confederate officials and owners of large taxable estates were required to
apply individually for a presidential pardon. Many former Confederate leaders were soon
returned to power, and some even sought to regain their Congressional seniority.

Johnson’s vision of Reconstruction had proved remarkably lenient. Very few Confederate
leaders were persecuted. By 1866, 7,000 presidential pardons had been granted. Brutal
beatings of African Americans were frequent. Still-powerful whites sought to subjugate
freed slaves via harsh laws that came to be known as the Black Codes. Some states
required written evidence of employment for the coming year or else the freed slaves
would be required to work on plantations.

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Federal assistance programs such as the Freedmen’s Bureau attempted to aid former slaves in their transition to free society. Here a group of
African American women learn sewing at the Freedmen’s Union Industrial School of Richmond, VA.

In South Carolina, African Americans had to pay a special tax if they weren’t farmers or
servants. They weren’t even allowed to hunt or fish in some areas. Blacks were unable to
own guns—and even had their dogs taxed. African Americans were barred from
orphanages, parks, schools, and other public facilities. The Freedmen’s Bureau, a federal
agency created to help the transition from slavery to emancipation, was thwarted in its
attempts to provide for the welfare of the newly emancipated. All of these rules resulted in
the majority of freed slaves remaining dependent on the plantation for work.

Andrew Johnson’s policies were initially supported by most Northerners, even


Republicans. But, there was no consensus as to what rights African Americans received
along with emancipation. Yet a group of Radical Republicans wanted the rights promised in
the Declaration of Independence extended to include all free men, including those who
were formerly slaves. A political power struggle was in the offing.

Radical Reconstruction

The Radical Republicans believed blacks were entitled to the same political rights and
opportunities as whites. They also believed that the Confederate leaders should be
punished for their roles in the Civil War. Leaders like Pennsylvania Representative
Thaddeus Stevens and Massachusetts Senator Charles Sumner vigorously opposed
Andrew Johnson’s lenient policies. A great political battle was about to unfold.

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Americans had long been suspicious of the federal government playing too large a role in
the affairs of state. But the Radicals felt that extraordinary times called for direct
intervention in state affairs and laws designed to protect the emancipated blacks. At the
heart of their beliefs was the notion that blacks must be given a chance to compete in a
free-labor economy. In 1866, this activist Congress also introduced a bill to extend the life
of the Freedmen’s Bureau and began work on a Civil Rights Bill.

President Johnson stood in opposition. He vetoed the Freedmen’s Bureau Bill, claiming
that it would bloat the size of government. He vetoed the Civil Rights Bill rejecting that
blacks have the “same rights of property and person” as whites.

Moderate Republicans were appalled at Johnson’s racism. They joined with the Radicals to
overturn Johnson’s Civil Rights Act veto. This marked the first time in history that a major
piece of legislation was overturned. The Radicals hoped that the Civil Rights Act would
lead to an active federal judiciary with courts enforcing rights.

Congress then turned its attention to amending the Constitution. In 1867 they approved the
far-reaching Fourteenth Amendment, which prohibited “states from abridging equality
before the law.” The second part of the amendment provided for a reduction of a state’s
representatives if suffrage was denied. Republicans, in essence, offered the South a
choice—accept black enfranchisement or lose congressional representation. A third clause
barred ex-Confederates from holding state or national office.

Emboldened by the work of the Fourteenth Amendment and by local political victories in
the 1866 elections, the Republicans went on to introduce the Reconstruction Act of 1867.
This removed the right to vote and seek office by “leading rebels.” Now, the Southern
Unionists—Southerners who supported the Union during the War—became the new
Southern leadership. The Reconstruction Act also divided the South into five military
districts under commanders empowered to employ the army to protect black property and
citizens.

The first two years of Congressional Reconstruction saw Southern states rewrite their
Constitutions and the ratification of the Fourteenth Amendment. Congress seemed fully in
control. One thing stood in the way—it was President Johnson himself. Radical leaders
employed an extraordinary Constitutional remedy to clear the impediment—presidential
impeachment.

A President Impeached

In the spring of 1868, Andrew Johnson became the first president to be impeached. The
heavily Republican House of Representatives brought 11 articles of impeachment against
Johnson. Many insiders knew that the Congress was looking for any excuse to rid
themselves of an uncooperative president.

Impeachment refers to the process specified in the Constitution for trial and removal from
office of any federal official accused of misconduct. It has two stages. The House of
Representatives charges the official with articles of impeachment. “Treason, bribery, or
other high crimes and misdemeanors” are defined as impeachable offenses. Once charged
by the House, the case goes before the Senate for a trial.

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In 1867, Congress passed the Reconstruction Act, which Edwin Stanton, as secretary of
war, was charged with enforcing. Johnson opposed the Act and tried to remove Stanton—
in direct violation of the Tenure of Office Act. Nine of the articles of impeachment related to
Johnson’s removal of Stanton. Another two charged Johnson with disgracing Congress.

Johnson’s defense was simple: only a clear violation of the law warranted his removal.

But as with politics, things are rarely simple. Other factors came into play. Since there was
no vice president at the time, the next in line for the presidency was Benjamin Wade, a
Radical who was unpopular with businessmen and moderates. And along with legal
wrangling, assurance was given from Johnson’s backers that the Radicals’ Southern
policies would be accepted.

In May of 1868, 35 Senators voted to convict, one vote short of the required 2/3 majority.
Seven Republican senators had jumped party lines and found Johnson not guilty. Johnson
dodged a bullet and was able to serve out his term. It would be 130 years before another
president—Bill Clinton—would be impeached.

Rebuilding the Old Order

Many Southerners, whether white or black, rich or poor, barely recognized the world in
which they now lived. Wealthy whites, long-accustomed to plush plantation life and the
perks of political power, now found themselves barred from voting and holding office. Their
estates were in shambles. African Americans were loath to return to work for them. Poor
white farmers now found blacks competing with them for jobs and land.

For the freed slave, Reconstruction offered a miraculous window of hope. Those born into
slavery could now vote and own land. In parts of the South, blacks could ride with whites
on trains and eat with them in restaurants. Schools, orphanages, and public relief projects
aimed at improving the lives of blacks were emerging all over the South. Perhaps most
stunning of all, African Americans were holding political office. Blacks were becoming
sheriffs and judges. They were elected to school boards and city councils. Sixteen blacks
sat in Congress from 1867–77. Hiram Revels of Mississippi became the first African
American senator in 1870. In December 1872, P.B.S. Pinchback of Louisiana became the
first African American Governor. All in all, about 600 blacks served as legislators on the
local level. But as the saying goes, the more things change, the more they remain the
same.

Economically, African Americans were disadvantaged. Most had skills best suited to the
plantation. By the early 1870s, sharecropping became the dominant way for the poor to
earn a living. Wealthy whites allowed poor whites and blacks to work land in exchange for
a share of the harvest. The landlord would sometimes provide food, seed, tools, and
shelter. Sharecroppers often found themselves in debt, for they had to borrow on bad
terms and had to pay excessively for basic supplies. When the harvest came, if the debt
exceeded harvest revenues, the sharecropper remained bound to the owner. In many
ways, this system resembled slavery.

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is Reconstruction-era cartoon depicts the hated “carpetbagger,” a gure who represented Northern opportunists taking advantage of political
openings in the new South. (Image by omas Nast [PD-US(https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Template:PD-US)], via Wikimedia
Commons)

Many whites resented and rejected the changes taking place all about them. Taxes were
high. The economy was stagnant. Corruption ran rampant. Carpetbaggers and scalawags
made matters worse. Carpetbaggers were Northerners who saw the shattered South as a
chance to get rich quickly by seizing political office now barred from the old order. After the
war, these Yankees hastily packed old-fashioned traveling bags, called carpetbags, and
rushed south. Scalawags were Southern whites who allied themselves with the
carpetbaggers, also to take advantage of the political openings.

Out of a marriage of hatred and fear, the Ku Klux Klan, the Knights of the White Camelia,
and the White Brotherhood were born. They are all supremacy groups who aimed at
controlling African Americans through violence and intimidation. Massacres, lynching, rape,
pillaging, and terror were common. In essence, these groups were paramilitary forces
serving all those who wanted white supremacy. And it was not only ex-Confederate
soldiers and poor whites. Ministers, merchants, military officers, and other professional’s
donned hoods, burned crosses, and murdered those who interfered with their vision.

Emancipated blacks began finding the new world looking much like the old world. Pressure
to return to plantations increased. Poll taxes, violence at the ballot box, and literacy tests

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kept African Americans from voting—sidestepping the 15th Amendment.

Slavery was over. The struggle for equality had just begun.

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Exercise 4.9

Open Link

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Key Points and Links

Key Points

After the Civil War, the United States went through a period, called the Reconstruction, where the South attempted
to recover and a divided nation tried to re-solidify.

President Johnson gave a presidential pardon and all property returned to former rebels who swore loyalty to the
Union and supported the 13th Amendment.

During Reconstruction, three important amendments to the Constitution were added—the 13th, 14th, and 15th
Amendments abolished slavery, guaranteed citizenship for former slaves, and guaranteed the right to vote for
former slaves.

Republican reformers, known as Radical Republicans, wanted equal political rights for African Americans and
wanted more punishment for former confederates during Reconstruction.

Due to a political ght over the implementation of Reconstruction in the South, the Republican House of
Representatives voted to impeach President Johnson. In 1868, the Senate narrowly declined to remove him from
o ce.

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American History: Part 1 / Lesson 4: The Civil War through Reconstruction

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American History: Part 1 / Lesson 4: The Civil War through Reconstruction

[4] Lesson 4 Exam

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