Professional Documents
Culture Documents
1900-2018
The Burnham Plan is a popular name for the 1909 Plan of Chicago, co-authored by Daniel
Burnham and Edward H. Bennett and published in 1909. It recommended an integrated
series of projects including new and widened streets, parks, new railroad and harbor
facilities, and civic buildings. Though only portions of the plan were realized, the document
reshaped Chicago's central area and was an important influence on the new field of city
planning.
He introduced the concept of "region" to architecture and planning and coined the term
"conurbation". Geddes developed a new approach to regional and town planning based
on the integration of people and their livelihood into the environmental givens of the
particular place and region they inhabit.
the proposition states that the planning/layout should create organic relations among the people,
place, and work. Triad between the environment, functions, and organism should be the approach to
design.
Based on human ecology theory done by Burgess and applied on Chicago, it was the first to give
the explanation of distribution of social groups within urban areas. This concentric ring model
depicts urban land usage in concentric rings: the Central Business District (or CBD) was in the
middle of the model, and the city is expanded in rings with different land uses. It is effectively an
urban version of Von Thünen's regional land use model developed a century earlier.[3] It
influenced the later development of Homer Hoyt's sector model (1939) and Harris and Ullman's
multiple nuclei model (1945).
Wright outlined the proposal in the 1932 book The Disappearing City and followed
it in 1935 with a 12-foot by 12-foot model exhibited at the Rockefeller Center. The
core concept is simple, if radical: completely disperse the modern city and give each
family at least an acre of land. The details and the defining ideals behind them are
considerably more complicated.
As mentioned above, the core of Wright’s proposal was that each family would
receive, at a minimum, an acre to call its own. Larger families would have more, and
Wright later set the optimal density at approximately 2.5 people per acre. By
comparison, Manhattan today has around 103 people per acre. In 1932, Wright
figured that “in these United States there is more than 57 acres of land, each, for
every man, woman and child within its borders.” Today that number is closer to 7.
How land would have been distributed is unclear, but Wright emphasized that there would be “no
landlord but society.” Residents in Broadacres would prove their ownership through stewardship.
Homes – and all other buildings – would be products of modern architecture, built from steel and
glass to allow residents to connect to sunlight, air, and land. No two homes could be alike, as each
would be built for the landscape it stood on, and landscapes would be chosen for their beauty
and uniqueness. Inexpensive, mass-produced house “units” would allow poorer residents to build
unique, integrated homes room by room as they established themselves in the new community.
Builders might put up a handful of taller buildings, including co-op apartments for those already
too “citified” to live in the open.
The housing districts would contain pre-fabricated apartment buildings, known as “Unités.”
Reaching a height of fifty meters, a single Unité could accommodate 2,700 inhabitants and
function as a vertical village: catering and laundry facilities would be on the ground floor, a
kindergarden and a pool on the roof. Parks would exist between the Unités, allowing
residents with a maximum of natural daylight, a minimum of noise and recreational facilities
at their doorsteps.
At the core of Le Corbusier’s plan stood the notion of zoning: a strict division of the city into
segregated commercial, business, entertainment and residential areas. The business district was
located in the center, and contained monolithic mega-skyscrapers, each reaching a height of 200
meters and accommodating five to eight hundred thousand people. Located in the center of this
civic district was the main transportation deck, from which a vast underground system of trains
would transport citizens to and from the surrounding housing districts.
The sector model, also known as the Hoyt model, is a model of urban land use proposed in 1939
by land economist Homer Hoyt.[1] It is a modification of the concentric zone model of city
development. The benefits of the application of this model include the fact it allows for an
outward progression of growth. As with all simple models of such complex phenomena, its validity
is limited
Limitations
The theory is based on early twentieth-century rail transport and does not make allowances
for private cars that enable commuting from cheaper land outside city boundaries.[3] This
occurred in Calgary in the 1930s when many near-slums were established outside the city but
close to the termini of the street car lines. These are now incorporated into the city boundary
but are pockets of low-cost housing in medium cost areas.[2] The theory also does not take into
account the new concepts of edge cities and boomburbs, which began to emerge in the 1980s,
after the creation of the model. Since its creation, the traditional Central Business District has
diminished in importance as many retail and office buildings have moved into the suburbs.
Physical features - physical features may restrict or direct growth along certain wedges
The growth of a sector can be limited by leapfrog land.
The theory too lacks the idea based on land topography.
Harris and Ullman argued that cities do not grow around a single nucleus, but rather several
separate nuclei. Each nucleus acts like a growth point. The theory was formed based on the idea
that people have greater movement due to increased car ownership.
The Model
The model describes the layout of a city, based on Chicago. It says that even though a city may
have begun with a central business district, or CBD, other smaller CBDs develop on the outskirts of
the city near the more valuable housing areas to allow shorter commutes from the outskirts of the
city. This creates nodes or nuclei in other parts of the city besides the CBD thus the name multiple
nuclei model. Their aim was to produce a more realistic, if more complicated, model. Their main
goals in this were to:
1.Certain industrial activities require transportation facilities e.g. ports, railway stations, etc. to
lower transportation costs.
2.Various combinations of activities tend to be kept apart e.g. residential areas and airports,
factories and parks, etc.
3.Other activities are found together for their mutual advantage e.g. universities, bookstores and
coffee shops, etc.
4.Some facilities need to be set in specific areas in a city - for example, the CBD requires
convenient traffic systems, and many factories need an abundant source of resources.
Social Justice and the City is a book published in 1973 written by the Marxist
geographer David Harvey. The book is an attempt to lay out afresh the paradigm of
urban geography, by bringing together the two conflicting theses of methodology and
philosophy.[1] Going against the grain of his previous book Explanation in Geography
published in 1970, he argued that geography cannot remain disengaged, impartial
and ‘objective’ at a time when urban poverty and associated ills were reigning high
Harvey begins by saying that no discipline has theories and propositions about the city
itself and he was setting himself up to examine some theories himself. According to him,
urban planning was a fraught territory because it was at the interface of a spatial and
social analysis. Until social scientists found a metalanguage to talk about this interface
in a meaningful way, his suggestion was that social scientists should devise temporary
theories for understanding the city, in ways that could bring together the social
processes and the spatial form. In Part II, Harvey's focus is on studying the income
inequality among richer and poorer neighborhoods of a city and its implications for the
spatial form of the city. He finds out that generally, jobs are located in suburban areas
whereas low-income housing, where m
The tone of Part II is radically different from Part I. He asserts that a paradigm shift is
required in geographic thought. Even though he was one of the proponents of the
quantitative revolution, he said that pursuing that would only have diminishing returns.
He puts forth the argument that in order to have a revolutionary theory in geography,
one needs to take the Marxist path. Through a deep and profound critique of our In Part III David Harvey offers some concluding remarks. He takes stock of Marx's ontology and
existent analytical concepts and by pushing for new theory that will stand the ground of epistemology, and through each step he investigates how it influences the analysis of a complex
empirical reality, Harvey says revolutionary thought is possible. Of course it needs to concept like urbanism (287). In the new edition of the book Harvey's essay The Right to the City is
be tempered by commitment to revolutionary practice also included.