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Perry Donham
Boston University
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ACAD EM IC
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For Colleen, en amour et amitie.
CONTENTS
X1
CHAPTER
A Short History
of Computation
he history of con1putation is really the story ofhun1an civilization and its developn1ent
Early Calculation
Prim itive hum ans did n't need a lot of complex calculations. One can i1nagine that 1nost
of their comn1unication around ntunbers ,vere focused on how m any of son1ething th ere
were: "How m any antelope a re over th at hill?" Holding up a few fingers or wavin g a n arn1
1
2 I Introduction to Computer Science
FIGURE 1-1 An ancient calculator
in the air probably sufficed to get the message across
(Figure 1-1). It isn't surprising, then, that early cal-
culations ,vere done on our fingers. In fact, even the
word digit, which we use to represent a number, is
the same word that we use for a finger.
Another word that you n1ight be familiar with that
relates to n1athen1atics is calculus. The English word
calculate co1nes from the Latin calculus, for pebble,
and is derived from methods of early calculations
done with systen1atic arrangements of stones. At first,
the stones were placed into piles, with stones being
moved around to perfonn si1nple 1nathematical
operations like addition and subtraction. In Baby-
lonian ti1nes calculating boards (Figure 1-2) were developed with shallow depressions to
hold stones in a defined pattern, and these allowed individuals to perfonn slightly more
con1plex calculations.
For thousands of years, this kind of sin1ple arithn1etic ,vas sufficient, and it ,vasn't until
the widespread developn1ent of trade and accounting that n1ore complex operations became
necessary. Four thousand to five thousand years ago, Chinese n1athe1naticians developed
the abacus (Figure 1-3), ,vhich was a representation of the earlier simple stone mechan isms
Charles Babbage
Around the sa1ne tin1e t hat Jacquard was perfecting his card
111echanism, 1nathematician Charles Babbage was working on the
designs for a series of \Vhat \Ve no,v ,vould call co1nputers. The first,
called the difference engine, ,vas designed to calculate polyno1nial
functions mechanically. The problen1 that Babbage was trying to
solve was that these kinds of calculations were done by human
computers, compiled into tables, and then bound into books, and
it wasn't unusual for these dense books of 1nathe1natical fonnulas FIGURE 1-8 A portion of Babbage's analyt-
and results to be riddled ,vith errors, and of course just the amount ical engine. built as a test (London Museum)
of labor required to produce then1 was vast.
The difference engine was entirely mechanical, and though it ,vas
backed by the British government, the 1netalworking and 1nachin-
ing techniques of the day were not sufficient to realize Babbage's
designs in n1etal. After several years of atten1pting to build a ,vork-
ing difference engine, the British government pulled out of the
project, and the device was never con1pleted.
The difference engine was built to solve a very specific prob-
lem, that of evaluating polyno1nials. A second device designed
by Babbage, called the analytical engine, was the precursor to our
n1odern computer (Figure 1-8). It included an arithmetic unit that
did calculations such as addition, subtraction, division, and 1nul-
tiplication, ten1porary storage in the fonn of a register that could
hold dozens of intennediate results, and, more in1portantly for the history of computing,
it was programmable in that instructions could be input to the device using punched
cards, sin1ilar to those being used by Jacquard in his auto1nated loo1n.
Unfortunately, funding and t he limitations of metalworking of the day doomed the
n1achine in the same way that the difference engine had been. Work was never con1pleted
on the analytical engine. Babbage died in 1871, perhaps not realizing the incredible legacy
that would lead to con1puters as we kno\v then1 today. It ,vasn't until 100 years later, in the
mid-l 940s, that his ideas and designs were realized in the first modern electrical con1puters.
6 I Introduction to Computer Science
FIGURE 1-9 Components of a relay: A coil of wire (1) acts as an electromagnet; when energized. it pulls down an
armature (2). opening an electrical contact (3)
""1
I ControlUntt
I
the architect ure was a cu re-all and that in1n1edi-
ately follo,ving publication of the tea1n's paper the
Input
Device
I
Arithmeticll.ogic Unit I Output
Device
face of computing changed forever; programming
these machines ,vas still extremely tedious, and even
though the analog 1nethod of inputting a progra1n
using patch cables was eli1ninated, programming
Memory Unit
still involved putting instructions in binary code,
ones and zeros, wh ich was an arduous process and
Chapter 1 A Short History of Computation I9
prone to error. It ,vasn't until the 1950s and later that higher-level programming languages
,vere developed that used hun1an readable keywords to implen1ent progra1nming logic.
Oh, IC
There was one n1ore enormous innovation to come. The transistor ,vas revolutionary in
that it 1nin iaturized the hardware required to build co111puters, but the designs ,vere not
all that different than the tube- and relay-based computers of the earlier era; the transistor
essentially just replaced the tube or the relay. The electric circuit boards that n1ade up these
transistor-based co1nputers were still quite complex, and the logic circuits built from the
individual transistors required quite a bit of physical space to iinplement. In tile mid-1960s
multiple teams in academia and industry were working on a way to package transistors
n1ore efficiently. Jack Kilby at Texas Instrun1ents and Bob Noyce at Fairchild Sen1iconductor
independently developed ways to package transistors togetller on a single substrate, or chip,
and this led the ,vay for further miniaturization as several transistors could be packaged
together onto a single piece of silicon. This integrated circuit (IC), as it becan1e kno,vn, fur-
ther reduced 1nanufacturing costs, reduced the size required for electronic circuits related
to co111puting, and allowed for mass production of
FIGURE 1-15 The Intel 4004 4-bit CPU chip (1971) co1nn1on building blocks for computers. For exan1ple,
the NE555 tin1er chip, a siinple circuit tllat provides
precise clock signals on a signal chip, first appeared
in 1972 and continues to be manufactured today, with
over 1 billion of the devices sold each year.
Around the sa111e time, in 1971, Intel 111arketed
the first n1icroprocessor, the 4004 chip (Figure 1-15),
that included all the circuitry necessary for gener-
al-purpose calculations, i1nplen1ented ,vith just over
2,000 transistors. This ,vas the birth of what we now
consider the n1odern era of co1nputing.
Even those advances pale in con1parison to ,vhat has
been done since. Early Intel calculator chips comprised
Chapter 1 A Short History of Computation I 11
2,600,000,000
1,000,000,000
100,000,000
... .
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10,000,000
curve snows trao$i$1or
count doubling every
two years
...
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100,000
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10,000 ...
eceo,
J • 280
$X19• 1 • .W0Se601
2.300 _.OCM • RCA 1802
Date of introduction
just a fe,v hundred individual transistors packed together onto a single integrated circuit chip,
but by the late 1970s that number was approaching 50,000 transistors. In the 1980s Intel con -
tinued to push the boundaries of how 1nany tran sistors could be packed onto a single chip
such that by 1989, the 80486 CPU chip broke the l -n1illion-transistor boundary. In 2000 the
Pentium 4 reached 42 1nillion tran sistors, an d in 2016 Intel's Core i7 Broad\vell CPU chips
packed 3.4 billion transistors onto a chip about half an inch on a side. Large-scale integration
(LSI) and very large-scale integration (VLSI) have been on a pace for the past 40 years of
doubling th e number of transistors packed into integrated circuits while at the sa1ne time
reducing the price of the circuits (Figure 1-16). Gordon Moore, cofounder of Intel, 1nade this
observation (soon after dubbed "Moore's La\v") in 1965; so far it is held up for nearly 50 years.
The questioning in circuit design these days is whether Moore's Law ,vill continue to hold
up - ,ve are starting to reach th e physical boundaries of shrinking circuits. The individual
"wires" on an integrated circuit, typically n1ade of alun1inun1, are approaching th e \vidth
of just a few aton1s, and it's unclear whether new technologies under develop1nent now
\Vill be able to push this boundary even further to the subato1nic reahn.
targeted at military, academic, or business applicat ions, but rather directly at consum-
ers. These ho1ne con1puters, or personal computers as they beca1ne kno\vn, \Vere at first
extremely expensive, but as their popularity grew, and manufacturing costs decreased
as voltunes increased, their prices dropped to the point where it was very common for
any given household to have at least one con1puter in it. Around th is tin1e Bill Gates and
Paul Allen founded Microsoft, developing a BASIC language interpreter for one of the
very first personal con1puters fro1n Altair; in 1977 Steve Wozniak and Steve Jobs founded
Apple Computer in Jobs's garage, and in 1980 IBM introduced the IBM PC, cen1enting that
tenn in the annals of history; that original PC included an operating syste1n developed
by Microsoft and licensed back to IBM. In 1984 Apple countered with its o\vn personal
co1nputer, the Macintosh, based on early work that Jobs had done at a co1npany called
NextStep, and building on the success of the Apple II computer. The Macintosh introduced
a n1odern graphical user interface, including \Vindows and a mouse for input, which had
been prin1arily developed at Xerox at their Palo Alto Research Center (PARC).
What's Next?
From a computer architecture standpoint, not much has changed since 1984. Co1nputers
have becon1e s1naller, faster, and less expensive, but the underlying design is unchanged.
The next big thing in computing seems to be the nehvork. Even more so than computing,
the net\vork has becon1e a 1najor disrupter of industries and businesses that have existed
for hundreds of years. In just the past 10 years we've moved from a world where 1nusic
\Vas something that you purchased at a record store to a \vorld where n1usic is all around
us, streaming constantly, \Vith 1nillions upon millions of songs available on demand
wherever we are. We wear computers on our wrist that not only talk to us but link with
satellites to pinpoint our location anywhere on Earth to just a few feet . The network has
beco1ne the computer, and the laptops and desktops and phones have beco1ne just a way
to access that universal con1puter.
Just as the technologies of the 1800s gave way to the Industrial Revolution and the incredible
advances of the 1nid-1900s, so it is no\v with the astonishing pace of develop1nent and inno-
vation that we're seeing in the 2000s, pri1narily driven by ubiquitous, powerful co1nputing
resources. As Clarke predicted, our technology is practically indistinguishable fron1 1nagic.
Bottom Line
We have become so used to having access to incredible computational resources, but it
is sobering to look back on those early atten1pts at co1nputation; sticks and stones, gears
and stea1n engines, all driving toward the sa1ne goal; the reality is that the techniques
that we use now for con1putation really are not 1nuch different fron1 those that have been
used for thousands and thousands of years. We compute faster, ,ve store more information,
and we are more dependent on con1putation than ever before, but the foundations of the
con1puters that are ubiquitous in our lives now were laid down in prior centuries, and it
seems unlikely that we will 1nove on to a different path anytime soon.
Chapter 1 A Short History of Computation I 13
Figure Credits
• Fig. 1.1: Copyright © Evan-Amos (CC BY-SA 3.0) at https:/lcomm ons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File%3AHu-
man-Hands-Front-Back.jpg.
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• Fig. 1.3: Copyright © Piotrus (CC BY-SA 3.0) at https:/lcommons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?cu-
rid=4059562.
• Fig. 1.4: Copyright © Diego Delso (CC BY-SA 3.0) at https:l/commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File%3A-
Stonehenge%2C_Condado_d e_Wiltshire%2C_Inglaterra%2C_20 J4-08- J2%2C_D D_ 09.JPG.
• Fig. 1.5: Copyright © Mogi Vicentini (CC BY-SA 3.0) at https:/lcommons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?cu-
rid=2523740.
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rid=367 J787.
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Deutsches_ Museum.)PG.
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• Fig. 1.13: Copyright © Kapooht (CC BY-SA 3.0) at https:/lcommons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File%3AVon_
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in_ J966.jpg.
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sistor_Count_and_ Moorc's_ Law_-_20 11.svg.
CHAPTER
our co inputer isn't very s1nart. We like to think computers are sn1art; after all, they
Y can land a tiny probe on a comet hurtling through space, keep people alive with
sophisticated medical applications, and even drop an angry bird onto a pile of
th ieving pigs. But in reality, the co1nputer hardware is capable of only performing a very
few operations. It deals exclusively in numbers, not pigs or birds, and it can add nun1bers
together, move those numbers from one place to another in its men1ory, and shift nun1bers
to the right or to the left. That's about it.
This makes sense \Vhen you recall ho\v we got fro1n Jacquard's loom to 1nodern-day
n1achines. The early con1puters were designed to solve 1nathematical problen1s, such as the
equations used to predict the path of a mortar shell on the battlefield or the tabulations
needed for the federal census. These \Vere numeric proble1ns that resulted in machines that
could do math. Even after Von Netunann described the require1nents for a general-pur-
pose computer in his 1945 paper, t he underlying mechanism of \Vorking with numbers
re1nained unchanged.
Here's the problem, though. When you and I think of a nu1nber, \Ve treat it as, well, a
number. Take 42. What makes it 42? What is the essence of 42-ness that n1akes it different
from 41 or 43? In our minds we understand \vhat numbers represent and we're capable of
doing son1e pretty a1nazing things \Vith those concepts. While \Ve often talk about the com-
puter having a "brain" of sorts, in reality the arithmetic processing unit is just a collection
of s\vitches, very similar to the light s\vitches on your wall. The s\vitch can be either on or
off. How can we relate a switch like that to the concept of the number 42? That's the problen1
we want to solve in this chapter. In getting to the solution, \ve'll look at four different ways
to represent nun1bers: deci1nal, binary, octal, and hexadeci1nal.
What a Number Is
Before we can solve this problen1 \Ve need to pause and consider \Vhat a number really is.
The nu1nber 42 is an integer, or counting nu1nber. We could lay out 42 marshmallows on
15
16 I Introduction to Computer Science
a table and proudly say, "There, that's forty-t\vo things. Any questions?" Counting, or
measuring, or weighing things gives us some result that we express as a ntunber.
When we write the nu1nber 42 down on a piece of paper, \Ve are using a standard nota-
tion to represent the 42 1narsh1nallo\vs on the table. You probably haven't thought much
about this since third grade, but we write syn1bols like 4 and 2 in a specific order so that
we can effectively co1nmunicate nun1eric inforn1ation. The fonnat that we use in n1ost of
our daily co1n1nunications is called decimal. The English word decimal co1nes fron1 the
Latin decin1us, 1neaning tenth, and so decimal numbers use units of ten. While we are
most fa1niliar with decin1al numbers, there are several other formats in con11non use in
technical and scientific fields.
Using Exponents
Before \Ve dive into the various formats we can use to represent numbers, \ve'll need a
refresher on exponential notation. An exponent is the little number that \Ve write above
and to the right of a number to indicate that \Ve want to 1nultiply the number with itself
a certain nu1nber of times. For example, when we write 5•, \vhat we're really saying is 5 x
5 x 5 x 5. We say, "five raised to the fourth power," or just, "five to the fourth." Likewise,
"three to the fifth" is 35, or 3 x 3 x 3 x 3 x 3.
A number raised to the "zero" power is defined to be t he nu1nber l. So, 5° = l , and
4,765,442° = 1. Similarly, a nun1ber raised to the "first" power is defined to be the nun1ber
itself; 31 =3, 421 =42, and so on.
Decimal Numbers
Let's return to our good friend, the nu1nber 42. When we write it down, we first jot down
the 4 and then the 2 to the right of the 4. This very specific arrangement lets us represent
the value in decin1al, or po,vers-of-ten notation. Each nun1ber, from right to left, represents
quantities of a po\ver of ten. We start on the right with 10°; the next colu1nn to the left is
101, the column to the left of that is 102 , and so on. We say that we are working in base 10
or deci1nal. It looks like this:
What ,ve're really indicating is that ,ve have 4 of the 101 units, and 2 of the 10° units,
and we can add the1n up:
Let's try another example. We'd ,vrite the number 4,096 like this:
(4 x 103) +(O x H)2) + (9 x 101) + (6 x 10°) = (4 x 1000) + (20 x 100) + (9 x 10) + (6 x 1) = 4,096
We do these steps auton1atically in our heads ,vhen we FIGURE 2-1 Decimal 924
work with decimal numbers. The co1nputer hardware,
though, can't deal at all ,vith decin1al numbers; its circuits
102 10 1 10 0
can only 1nange to be either on or off. Fortunately there's
an easy way to solve this problem: The co1nputer ,vorks
in powers of2 rather than po,vers of 10. 9 2 4
Here's another way to look at decin1al ntunbers. Figure
2-1 shows how the nu1nber 924 is represented as a sum 9 x 102 + 2 x 101 + 4 X 100
of powers of 10.
9 X 100 + 2 X 10 + 4X 1
Binary Numbers
900 + 20 + 4
Deci1nal numbers use ten sy1nbols, 0, l, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7,
8, and 9, to represent values. When we represent values
using po,vers of 2, there are only two syn1bols available: 924
O and 1. A one might represent t he "on" condition of a
s,vitch and zero the "off" condition. Maybe someday someone will invent a con1puter that
uses dimn1er switches ,vith 1nany values between on and off, but for now ,ve're stuck with
this either-or, or binary, arrange1nent.
You might th ink that being limited to just t,vo symbols would not be all that useful,
but nearly every electronic device that we use has at its heart hardware that operates
exclusively on binary nu1nbers.
Just as we did ,vith deci1nal numbers, we can write out values expressed in po,vers of
two. For exa1nple, the deci1nal ntunber 42 looks like th is in binary:
21 2s 2s 2' Z3 22 2' 20
0 0 1 0 1 0 1 0
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“How do you mean?” “How? why, by taking the same steps you did
yourself,” said the youth.
I was invited, with my colleagues, to pass a day about five miles
from Tripoli, at the garden of Mahomed D’Ghies, to whom I brought
letters from his son, who was residing in London, much noticed and
respected. This old gentleman had been minister for foreign affairs to
the bashaw, but had retired from office some time, on account of a
complaint in his eyes. He is a most respectable man, and particularly
kind to all European travellers who visit Tripoli; and so well known
throughout Northern Africa, that letters of credit from him are sure to
be duly honoured. Nothing could exceed the hospitality and attention
with which we were received: having regaled ourselves with sherbet,
coffee, and tobacco, several times in the course of the day, and
partaken of an excellent dinner, à la Turque, in a grove of lemon and
orange trees, we returned in the evening to Tripoli, well pleased with
our day’s excursion.
Tripoli has been so often described, that I shall pass it over in
silence. Its Jews, its Arabs, its Moors, and Maraboots; the slave
population, and the bashaw’s family; are all so well painted to the life
in “Tully’s Letters,” as to require no further notice from me as a
casual visitor. Neither is it my intention to enter into a minute
description of the country between Tripoli and Mourzuk; the surface
of which is not essentially different from that between Mourzuk and
Bornou, and has already been noticed by Captain Lyon, and in the
communications to the African Association.
On the 5th March, 1822, I left Tripoli for Benioleed[1], to join my
two companions, who had proceeded thither with our servants,
horses, camels, and baggage. They had gone on to Memoom, a
very pretty valley, which, at this season of the year, was green with
herbage, and adorned by flowers of various hues and colours, richly
scattered in beautiful disorder;—but it was the last of the kind we
were fortunate enough to meet with between this place and Bornou;
and here the consul and his son, who had accompanied us from
Tripoli, took their leave, with many hearty good wishes for our
success and prosperity.
Drawn by Major Denham. Engraved by E. Finden.
CASTLE AT MOURZUK.
FROM MR. RITCHIE’S GRAVE.
Published Feb. 1826, by John Murray, London.
Our interview with the sultan of Mourzuk was any thing but
encouraging: he told us that there was no intention, as we had been
led to expect, of any expedition to proceed to the southward for
some time to come; that an army could only move in the spring of
the year; that the arrangements for moving a body of men through a
country where every necessary must be carried on camels, both for
men and horses, were so numerous, that before the following spring
it was scarcely possible to complete them: that two camels were
required for every man and horse, and one for every two men on
foot. And as to our proceeding to Bornou, it would be necessary, had
the bashaw instructed him to forward us, that we should be
accompanied by an escort of two hundred men. He said he would
read to us the bashaw’s letter, and we should see the extent to which
he could forward our wishes. The letter was then handed to his fighi,
or secretary; and we found that to the protection of the sultan of
Fezzan were we intrusted, who was to charge himself with our
safety, and so insure our being treated with respect and attention by
all his subjects; that we were to reside at Sebha, or Mourzuk, or
where we chose in the kingdom of Fezzan, and to await his return
from Tripoli. With this our audience ended, and we returned to our
habitation.
It is quite impossible to express the disheartening feelings with
which we left the castle. The heat was intense; the thermometer at
97° in the coolest spot in the house, during the middle of the day;
and the nights were scarcely less oppressive: the flies were in such
myriads, that darkness was the only refuge from their annoyance. All
poor Mr. Ritchie’s sufferings and disappointments were brought to
our recollections; and although, from the arrangements which we
had been able to make, we were better provided with necessaries
than those who had gone before us,—yet did we consider our stock
as a very sacred charge, applicable only to the grand objects of our
expedition.
We received visits from all the principal people of Mourzuk the
day after our arrival; and remarking a very tall Tuarick, with a pair of
expressive, large, benevolent-looking eyes, above the black mask
with which they always cover the lower part of their face, hovering
about the door, I made signs to him to come near, and inquired after
Hateeta, the chief Captain Lyon had spoken so highly of, and for
whom, at his request, I was the bearer of a sword. To my great
surprise, striking his breast, he exclaimed, “I am Hateeta! are you a
countryman of Said[2]?—how is he? I have often longed to hear of
him.” I found Hateeta had been but once in Mourzuk since Captain
Lyon’s departure, and was now only to remain a few days. On the
following morning he came to the house, and the sword was
presented to him. It would be difficult to describe his delight; he drew
the sword and returned it, repeatedly; pressed it to his breast,
exclaimed “Allah, Allah!” took my hand, and pressing it, said “Katar
heyrick yassur yassur” (thank you very very much); nearly all the
Arabic he could speak. It was shortly reported all over the whole
town, that Hateeta had received a present from Said, worth one
hundred dollars.
12th.—We had been several times visited, and our hopes and
spirits raised, by a person called Boo-Bucker Boo-Khaloom. He said
that it was in the sultan’s power to send us on to Bornou if he
pleased: he even hinted that a bribe for himself might induce him to
do so—this, however, we found was not the case. Boo-Khaloom was
represented to us, and truly, as a merchant of very considerable
riches and influence in the interior. He was on the eve of starting for
Tripoli, with really superb presents for the bashaw. He had five
hundred slaves, the handsomest that could be procured, besides
other things. He stated to us, secretly, that his principal object in
going to Tripoli was to obtain the removal of the present sultan of
Fezzan; and wished that we should make application to the bashaw
for him to accompany us farther into the interior: we were not,
however, to hint that the proposition had come from him. Boo-
Khaloom said that he should be instantly joined by upwards of one
hundred merchants who waited but for his going, and no further
escort would be necessary; that he should merely remain a few
weeks in Tripoli, and, on his return, we could instantly move on. The
substance of all these conversations was transmitted to Colonel
Warrington.
Boo-Khaloom left Mourzuk for Tripoli, with his slaves and
presents; loading upwards of thirty camels, apparently reconciled to,
and upon good terms with, the sultan. It was, however, very well
known that Sultan Mustapha had set every engine at work to have
Boo-Khaloom’s head taken off on his arrival in Tripoli; and that the
other was willing to sacrifice all he was worth to displace and ruin
Mustapha in the bashaw’s favour.
It was not till the 18th, that the sultan, after attending the mosque,
started for Tripoli; all his camels and suite had marched in divisions,
for three days previous,—in slaves he had alone more than one
thousand five hundred. He was attended by about ten horsemen, his
particular favourites, and four flags were carried before him through
the town. The inhabitants complained dreadfully of his avarice, and
declared that he had not left a dollar, or an animal worth one, in all
Fezzan.
Nothing was now to be done but to make our arrangements for a
favourable start the following spring. By the sultan’s departure, every
necessary for our proceeding was withdrawn from the spot where we
were. Not a camel was to be procured, and every dollar, that he
could by any means force from his subjects, was forwarded to
Tripoli. To Tripoli, therefore, were we to look for supplies of every
kind; and it was decided by us all, that my departure had better
follow his as soon as possible.
In pursuance of our determination to represent to the bashaw of
Tripoli how necessary it was that something more than promises
should be given us for our sterling money, on Monday, the 20th May,
I left Mourzuk, with only my own negro servant Barca, three camels,
and two Arabs; and, after a most dreary journey of twenty days, over
the same uninteresting country I had already traversed,—the more
dreary for want of my former companions,—I arrived at Tripoli on the
12th June, where I was received by the consul with his usual
hospitality and kindness, and he assigned me apartments in the
consulate.
12th.—I requested an immediate audience of the bashaw, which
in consequence of the Rhamadan was not granted me until the
following evening. The consul, Captain Smyth of the navy, and
myself, attended: I represented, in the strongest terms, how greatly
we were disappointed at the unexpected and ruinous delay we had
experienced in Mourzuk, and requested a specific time being fixed
for our proceeding to Bornou; stating, also, that were the answer not
satisfactory, I should proceed forthwith to England, and represent to
the government how grievously we had been deceived. The bashaw
denied having intentionally broken his word, and solemnly declared
that the will of God, in visiting the sultan of Fezzan with sickness,
had alone prevented our being now on the road to Bornou.
A voyage to Marseilles, on my way to England, was the
consequence of our altercation with the bashaw; and the
promptitude with which it was decided upon, and carried into effect,
by means of a small French vessel which, at the time, most
fortunately lay in the harbour, was not without its good effects. The
bashaw sent three despatches after me, by three different vessels,
to Leghorn, Malta, and the port I had sailed to, which I received in
quarantine, informing me, that Boo-Khaloom was appointed with an
escort to convey us forthwith to Bornou. This was every thing I
wished for; and immediately re-embarking, a seven days’ passage
brought me once more to the shores of Barbary. Boo-Khaloom and
part of the escort were already at the entrance to the desert; and on
the 17th of September we re-entered the pass of Melghra in the
Tarhona mountains. Hope and confidence had taken possession of
my mind, in the place of anxiety and disappointment; there was now
an air of assurance and success in all our arrangements; and I felt
my health and spirits increase with this conviction. But little beyond
the casualties attendant on desert travelling occurred, previous to
our arriving again at Sockna, which we did on the 2d of October.
I found the great failing of my friend, Boo-Khaloom, was pomp
and show; and feeling that he was, on this occasion, the bashaw’s
representative, he was evidently unwilling that any sultan of Fezzan
should exceed him in magnificence. On entering Sockna, his six
principal followers, handsomely attired in turbans and fine barracans,
and mounted on his best horses, kept near his person, whilst the
others, at a little distance, formed the flanks. I rode on his right hand,
dressed in my British uniform, with loose Turkish trowsers, a red
turban, red boots, with a white bornouse over all, as a shade from
the sun; and this, though not strictly according to order, was by no
means an unbecoming dress. Boo-Khaloom was mounted on a
beautiful white Tunisian horse, a present from the bashaw, the peak
and rear of the saddle covered with gold, and his housings were of
scarlet cloth, with a border of gold six inches broad. His dress
consisted of red boots, richly embroidered with gold, yellow silk
trowsers, a crimson velvet caftan with gold buttons, a silk benise of
sky blue, and a silk sidria underneath: a transparent white silk
barracan was thrown lightly over this, and on his shoulders hung a
scarlet bornouse with wide gold lace, a present also from the
bashaw, which had cost, at least, four hundred dollars; a cashmere
shawl turban crowned the whole. In this splendid array, we moved on
until, as we approached the gates of the town, the dancing and
singing men and women met us; and, amidst these, the shouts and
firing of the men, who skirmished before us, and the “loo! loo!” of the
women, we entered Sockna.
We found that houses were provided for us in the town; but the
kafila bivouacked outside the gates. It had always been our intention
to halt at Sockna, for three or four days; and here we expected to be
joined by a party of the Megarha Arabs, whom their sheikh, Abdi
Smud ben Erhoma, had left us, for the purpose of collecting together.
Hoon and Wadan were also to furnish us with another quota. My
house consisted of a court-yard eighteen feet square, and a small
dark room, leading out of it by two steps: the court, however, was the
greater part of the day shaded; and here, on a carpet, I received my
visitors. The Arabs, as they arrived, were all sent to me by Boo-
Khaloom; and their presentation has a form in it, not much in
character with their accustomed rudeness: they all came armed with
their long guns; and the same girdle which confines their barracan
contains also two long pistols. The chief enters, and salutes,
dropping on one knee, and touching the stranger’s right hand with
his, which he carries afterwards to his lips; he then says, “Here are
my men, who are come to say health to you.” On receiving
permission, they approached me, one by one, saluting in the same
manner as their chief, who continued to remain at my side: they then
sat down, forming a sort of semicircle round me, with their guns
upright between their knees; and, after a little time, on the sheikh
making a signal, they all quitted the presence.
Boo-Khaloom, who had suffered very considerably from fever,
cold, and ague, now became so seriously ill, that our departure was
of necessity postponed, and he insisted upon my prescribing for him,
saying, “he was quite sure that I could cure him, if it was the will of
God that he should live: if not, that nobody could.” His confidence in
me gave me some confidence in myself: but alone, with very few
medicines, and less skill, my situation was really one of great
anxiety; for no one could foresee what might have been the
consequence, had any thing serious happened to him while under
my hands. He became alarmingly ill, and for two days and nights I
had great doubts of his recovery; to my great satisfaction, however,
on the third morning, after a night of pain and delirium (and which I
had passed in watching by his side), a violent eruption appeared on
his skin, with some little moisture, produced by covering him up the
whole day with blankets, and suffering no one to come into the room
but his favourite female slave. By the evening, he became much
better.—Hajamad, or charms, are what the Arabs have most faith in,
when they are ill. All the fighis (writers) and maraboots in Sockna
were employed on this occasion by my friend’s friends, and one
night the tassels of his cap were literally loaded with them. He
assured me, when alone, that he had no faith in such things, and
smiled when he said his friends would think ill of him, were he to
refuse; his faith, however, was stronger than he chose to
acknowledge, and entering, unexpectedly, one morning, I found him
with a dove that had been just killed and cut open lying on his head,
which, as he assured me, was because a very great maraboot had
come from Wadan on purpose to perform the operation.
During our stay at Sockna, the marriage of the son of one of the
richest inhabitants, Hadgi Mohammed-el-Hair-Trigge, was celebrated
in the true Arab style. There is something so rudely chivalric in their
ceremonies (so very superior to the dull monotony of a Tripolitan
wedding), where from one to five hundred guests, all males,
assemble, covered with gold lace, and look at one another, from the
evening of one day until daylight the next, that I cannot help
describing them.
The morning of the marriage-day (for the ceremony is always
performed in the evening, that is, the final ceremony; for they are
generally betrothed, and the fatah read, a year before) is ushered in
by the music of the town or tribe, consisting of a bagpipe and two
small drums, serenading the bride first, and then the bridegroom,
who generally walks through the streets very finely dressed, with all
the town at his heels; during which time, the women all assemble at
the bride’s house, dressed in their finest clothes, and place
themselves at the different holes in the wall which serve as windows,
and look into the court-yard. When they are so placed, and the bride
is in front of one of the windows with her face entirely covered with
her barracan, the bridal clothes, consisting of silk shifts, shawls, silk
trowsers, and fine barracans, to show her riches, are hung from the
top of the house, quite reaching to the ground: the young Arab chiefs
are permitted to pay their respects; they are preceded from the
skiffa, or entrance, by their music, and a dancing woman or two
advances with great form, and with slow steps, to the centre of the
court, under the bride’s window: here the ladies salute their visitors,
with “loo! loo! loo!” which they return by laying their right hand on
their breasts, as they are conducted quite round the circle. Ample
time is afforded them to survey the surrounding beauties; and there
are but few, who, on these occasions, are so cruel as to keep the veil
quite closed. Such an assemblage of bright black eyes, large ear-
rings, and white teeth, are but rarely seen in any country, I should
suppose. After having made the circuit, the largess is given, and
exposed to view by the chief danseuse, and, according to its
amount, is the donor hailed and greeted by the spectators. Previous
to their departure, all visitors discharge their pistols, and then again
the ladies salute with the “loo! loo!” So far from being displeased at
my asking permission to pay my respects, they considered it as a
favour conferred; and the bridegroom, although he could not himself
be admitted, attended me to and from the house of his mistress. This
ceremony being ended, a little before sunset, the bride prepares to
leave her father’s house: a camel is sent for her with a jaafa[3], or
sedan chair of basket-work, on its back, covered with skins of
animals, shawls from Soudan, Cairo, and Timbuctoo: she steps into
this, and so places herself as to see what is going forward, and yet
to be entirely hid from the view of others. She is now conducted
outside the town, where all the horsemen and footmen who have
arms are assembled. Our escort on this occasion added greatly to
the effect, as they were all, by Boo-Khaloom’s order, in the field,
consisting of sixty mounted Arabs; and when they all charged and
fired at the foot of the bride’s camel, I really felt for the virgin’s
situation; but it was thought a great honour, and that, I suppose,
consoled her for the fright. They commenced by skirmishing by twos
and fours, and charging in sections at full speed, always firing close
under the bride’s jaafa: in this manner they proceeded three times
round the town, the scene occasionally relieved by a little interlude of
the bridegroom’s approaching the camel, which was surrounded by
the negresses, who instantly commenced a cry, and drove him away,
to the great amusement of the bystanders, exclaiming, “Burra! Burra!
be off! be off! mazal shouia! a little yet!” With discharges of musketry,
and the train of horsemen, &c. she is then conveyed to the
bridegroom’s house; upon which it is necessary for her to appear
greatly surprised, and refuse to dismount: the women scream, and
the men shout, and she is at length persuaded to enter; when, after
receiving a bit of sugar in her mouth from the bridegroom’s hand,
and placing another bit in his, with her own fair fingers, the ceremony
is finished, and they are declared man and wife.
A WOMAN OF SOCKNA.
Drawn by Captn. Clapperton. R.N. Engraved by E. Finden.