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,xlvi(2008)
THEFRAGMENTATIONOFRENAISSANCEOCCULTISM
ANDTHEDECLINEOFMAGIC
JohnHenry
UniversityofEdinburgh
THETOUCHOFCOLDPHILOSOPHY?
AtaChristmasdinnerpartyin1817anadmittedlydrunkenCharlesLambberated
thefamedIsaacNewtonas“aFellowwhobelievednothingunlessitwasasclear
asthethreesidesofatriangle”.HeandJohnKeatsthenagreedthatNewtonhad
destroyedallthepoetryoftherainbow,byreducingittoaprism.1
LambandKeats,itseemed,wishedNewtoninhell,asWilliamBlakehadseemed
todoearlierinhislongpoemJerusalem(1804),whereheblamedthe“cogstyran-
nic”ofthenewlyindustrializingBritainonthe“Water-wheelsofNewton”which
drovethe“LoomofLocke,whosewoofragesdire”.2NotlongafterthisChristmas
dinnerpartyKeatsmadeapublicstatementaboutNewton’s“coldphilosophy”in
hispoem,Lamia(1820):
Donotallcharmsfly
Atthemeretouchofcoldphilosophy?
Therewasanawfulrainbowonceinheaven:
Weknowherwoof,hertexture;sheisgiven
Inthedullcatalogueofcommonthings.
PhilosophywillclipanAngel’swings,
Conquerallthingsbyruleandline,
Emptythehauntedair,andgnomèdmine–
Unweavearainbow....3
ButtheNewtonthatLambandKeatsdenounced,andwhomBlakedespisedas
afacetofthemonstrous“Urizen”,4wasmerelyanimageofwhatthepreviousage,
the“AgeofReason”,thoughtthegreatscientistshouldbelike.Itwasanimageof
NewtonthatwastheproductofVoltaireandotheradmirersofNewtonwhosaw
himasasymbolofwhathumanreasonmightachieve.TheEnlightenmentimageof
Newton,particularlyinFrance,servedideologicalpurposes.ForVoltaireNewton’s
successdidnotsimplyderivefromhismathematicalacuity,hisnaturalphilosophy
wasinsomewayseenasatestamenttothetoleration,reasonandgoodsensewhich
prevailedamongtheEnglishandwhichalsoprovidedthemwithanenviablepoliti-
calsystem.TheEnlightenmentimageofNewtonhadlittletodo,therefore,withthe
manhimself.5
Ifwetakeacloserlook,however,atwhatwecanreconstructofNewton’sactual
beliefsaboutthenatureoftherainbow,itseemshardtoresistthefeelingthatKeats,
LambandBlakemighthavebeenmuchmoreinclinedtoembracehisideas.Indeed,
0073-2753/08/4601-0001/$10.00©2008ScienceHistoryPublicationsLtd
2·JOHNHENRY
theveryfactthatallofusraisedintheBritishtraditionbelievethatthereareseven
coloursintherainbow—whichwetrytorememberbymeansofmnemonicslike
“RichardOfYorkGaveBattleInVain”—owesmoretoNewton’sbeliefinthehar-
moniesoftheworldthanitdoestohisreputedgeniusasanexperimentalscientist(or
tothevisibleappearanceoftherainbow—hasanyoneeverbeenabletoseeseven
colours?Hasanyoneeverseenindigointhespectrum?).6
Newton’spreoccupationsbecomeapparentwhenwelookathisownaccountofhis
experimentaldiscoveryofthenatureofthespectrum.IntheOpticks,firstpublished
in1704,hedescribesindetailhowhecametodistinguishthecoloursintherainbow.
Havingprojectedthespectrumfromaprismontoapieceofpaper,hecalledupon
theaidofanassistant:
Iheldthepapersothatthespectrummightfalluponit,whilstanAssistant,whose
eyesfordistinguishingcoloursweremorecriticalthanmine,didbyRightLines…
drawncrosstheSpectrum,notetheConfinesoftheColours,thatisofthered…,
oftheorange…,oftheyellow…,ofthegreen…,oftheblue…,oftheindico…,
andoftheviolet….AndthisOperationbeingdiverstimesrepeatedbothinthe
sameandinseveralPapers,Ifoundthattheobservationsagreedwellenough
withoneanother,andthattheRectilinearSides[oftheprojectedspectrum]…
werebythesaidcrossLinesdividedafterthemannerofaMusicalChord.7
Itisthislastcommentwhichleadsusdeepintothenotionofcosmicharmoniesand
Newton’sbeliefinancientPythagoreanwisdom.Thesevencoloursoftherainbow,
accordingtoNewton,correspondtothesevennotesoftheoctave,andtheycorrespond
socloselythatthelinesdrawnacrossthespectrumbyhissupposedassistantarein
preciselythesameplaceyouwouldneedtobridgeamonochordofcorresponding
lengthtogiveyoueachofthesevennotesinthediatonicscale.Theimportanceofthis
ideaforNewtoncanbeinferred,Ithink,fromthefactthatitappearsintheOpticks
essentiallyunchangedfromtheversionwhichhehadpresentedinhisearliestpublic
discussionsofthenatureoflightinoneofthepapersdeliveredbeforetheRoyal
SocietyofLondoninthemid-1670s.8
TheimmediateimportanceoftheanalogybetweenlightandmusicforNewton
wasthatitenabledhimtoanswerananticipatedobjectiontohisclaimthatcolours
werenot,asallearliernaturalphilosophersinsisted,modificationsorevencorrup-
tionsofpure,white,light,butthattheywereinfact,eachoneofthem,thepureforms
oflight.9IfNewton’stheoryoflightwastrue,itraisedanobviousquestionforhis
contemporaries:WhymightGodhavemadethegloriouslightofthesunthemere
resultofamixtureofwhat,intheaestheticsoftheday,werethelessgloriouskinds
oflightseentypicallythroughcolouredglasses?10RightfromtheoutsetNewtonhad
areadyanswer.Whitesunlightshouldnotbeseenasacorruptformoflightmade
byamixtureofpurerlights,itshouldbeseenastheresultofasuperbharmonyof
thecolouredlightsshininginunison.Furthermore,itseemssafetosaythatitmust
haveseemedobvioustoNewtonthatifGodhadmadesunlightinthisway,then
thecolourswouldshowsomeclosesimilaritiestothenotesintheoctave(andso,
THEFRAGMENTATIONOFRENAISSANCEOCCULTISM ·3
ofcourse,therehadtobeseven).ThatNewtonwaspredisposedtowardsthisview
becomesclearwhenwelookatNewton’sfirstannouncementofthisidea,inthe
OpticalLectureswhichhedeliveredatCambridgeUniversityfrom1670.Thereis
nomentionofanassistantinthisearlieraccount,andNewtonadmitsthathecould
onlydistinguishfivecolours.Accordingly,hetoldhisstudents,headdedindigoand
orange“inordertodividetheimageintopartsmoreelegantlyproportionedtoone
another”,andtomaketheanalogywiththemusicalscalepossible.11
ItseemsperfectlyevidentthatunderlyingthisaspectofNewton’sthoughtwasa
beliefintheessentialtruthoftheancientPythagoreandoctrineofcosmicharmony.
Pythagoras was renowned as one of the greatest of the ancient sages, and as the
firstteacheroftheconceptofcosmicharmoniesandoftheimportanceofnumber
andmeasureforacompleteunderstandingoftheworld.Wehavedirectevidenceof
Newton’sfamiliaritywiththisancienttraditionfromanumberofremarkablemanu-
scriptpassages,knownasthe“Classicalscholia”,whichhewroteforinclusionin
anabandonedsecondeditionofthePrincipiamathematica.HereNewtonintended
todrawuponwhatwasknownofancientPythagoreandoctrinetosupporthisviews
ongravitationalattraction.12
Untilquiterecently,theseriousnessofsuchideasinNewton’sthinkingremained
controversial.Forthosecommentatorswhoweremorepositivisticallyinclined,it
wasassumedthatNewtoncouldnothavebeenseriousaboutsuchdubioushistorical
claims,andthefactthattheyremainedinmanuscript,withheldfrompublication,was
citedasevidenceforhislackofcommitment.Wenowknow,however,thattheseideas
wereboundupwithamuchgreaterprojectthatNewtonwasengagedin,namely,
hisattemptedreconstructionoftheoriginalreligionbeforeitbecamecorruptedin
thegenerationssucceedingthatofNoahandhissons.Therecanbenodoubtofthe
seriousnesswithwhichNewtonpursuedtheseideas.13
Itisimportanttonotethatthelinkbetweenthespectrumandthemusicalscale
wasnotconfinedtoNewton’sunpublishedmanuscripts.Itcannotbeargued,there-
fore,thatNewtonwasn’tseriousaboutthisideaandthoughtbetterofpublishingit.
AswellasannouncingittotheRoyalSocietyinthe1670s,hepublisheditinthe
highlyinfluentialOpticks.Andyet,inspiteoftheunambiguouslyclearaccountof
theanalogybetweenthecoloursofthespectrumandthenotesofthediatonicscale
inthesecondofNewton’stwogreatbooks,itwasevidentlynotanideawhichreso-
natedwithEnlightenmentnaturalphilosophers.Newton’saffirmationofPythagorean
cosmicharmonieswassoonforgottenandbytheearlynineteenthcenturyNewtonian
sciencecouldbedisparagedbyKeats(evidentlyspeakingforothersalso)ascoldly
andunimaginativelyunweavingtherainbow.Onlyinthesecondhalfofthetwentieth
centurydidscholarsbegintocorrecttheEnlightenmentimageofNewtonandto
recognizethemoremagicalaspectsofhiswork.Theresultofthison-goingresearch
istoacknowledgeNewtonasthe“lastofthemagicians”,the“lastwonderchildto
whomtheMagicoulddosincereandappropriatehomage”.14Therecanbelittledoubt
thathewasthelast,oramongthelast.BythetimeofNewton’sdeathin1727,the
newreformednaturalphilosophy,whichbegantoemergeinthesixteenthcentury
4·JOHNHENRY
andwhichhadfounditsfirstprogrammatistinFrancisBacon,wassufficientlywell
establishedthatitspromoterssawitassuigeneris,andfeltnoneedtoacknowledge
itsparentage.ButNewtonwasbynomeanstheonlynaturalphilosopherwhohad
drawnuponmagicaltraditions.Indeed,Newton’sowninterestinvariousmagical
traditionscanbestbeunderstoodbylocatingitwithinalate-Renaissancemovement
toreformnaturalphilosophybypayingcloserattentiontovariousmagicaloroccult
traditions.15
Althoughitisnow(atlast)diminishing,thereisstillenormousresistanceamong
themorepositivistphilosophersandhistoriansofsciencetoanysuggestionthatmagic
mighthavebeeninstrumentalintheemergenceofmodernscience.Itisremarkable,
forexample,thattheauthorsoftworecentbooksontheroleofalchemyintheSci-
entificRevolution,oneintroductorytheotheradvanced,bothfelttheneedtojustify
theclaimstheyweremakingonbehalfofalchemybecauseofits“associationswith
magicandtheoccult”.16Forthemostpart,theargumentsagainstthepossibleinfluence
ofmagiconsciencearepresentedapriori,whilethehistoricalevidenceissimply
ignored.So,magicischaracterizedasirrationalanditsinfluenceuponasupremely
rationalpursuitlikemodernscienceiseasilydismissedasinherentlyimplausible.
Similarly,magicissaidtobeconcernedwiththesupernaturalandthereforecould
onlybeantitheticaltomankind’sheroicintellectualendeavourtoexplainphenomena
inentirelynaturalisticterms.17Whatisparticularlyunfortunateaboutthisapproach
isthat,bydismissingmagicattheoutset,itfailstoputanyeffortintounderstanding
thenatureandsignificanceofmagicinthepre-modernandearlymodernperiods.But
thisahistoricalapproachisintellectualchauvinismofthemostarrogantkind,andthe
resultisundoubtedlyadiminishingofourunderstandingoftheoriginsofmodern
science.18TocarryoninthisveinistorepeattheerrorsofSirDavidBrewster,Isaac
Newton’sfirstbiographer.TakingtheopportunitytoscrutinizeNewton’smanuscript
remains,Brewstersooncameacrossthehugemassofalchemicalmanuscripts.His
appalledresponseiswellknown:
...wecannotunderstandhowamindofsuchpower,andsonoblyoccupiedwith
theabstractionsofgeometry,andthestudyofthematerialworld,couldstoopto
beeventhecopyistofthemostcontemptiblealchemicalpoetry,andtheannotator
ofawork,theobviousproductionofafoolandaknave.19
WhenseeninthelightofBrewster’soverwhelmingadmirationforNewtonthisis
highlysignificant.AnobservermighthaveexpectedthatBrewsterwouldbeledbyhis
otherwiseslavishvenerationforhisgreatforebeartoconcludethat,ifNewtonwasso
interestedinalchemy,thentheremusthavebeensomethinginit.Butno,evidently
Brewster’sconvictionthatalchemywasworthlessrubbishoutweighedevenhisawe
ofNewton’sgenius.Thispaper,however,isbasedontheassumptionthatifmany
oftheleadingfiguresintheScientificRevolution(undoubtedlyamongtheleading
thinkersoftheirage)drewuponmagicaltraditions,itisourjobashistorianstotry
torecoverwhatitwasthattheysawinthosetraditions.Intheprocess,wewillnot
onlylearnmoreaboutthenatureofmagicintheRenaissanceandintheearlymodern
THEFRAGMENTATIONOFRENAISSANCEOCCULTISM ·5
period,butalsoabouttheoriginsofmodernscience.
Apositivisticallyinclinedreadermightbethinkingatthispoint,however,thatthe
factthatNewton’smusicalanalogyasawayofunderstandingthenatureoflighthas
beenallbutoverlookedbysucceedinggenerationsofphysicists(andsoforgottenthat
evenaromanticthinkerlikeKeatswasunawareofit)showsthatitwasn’tofanyreal
significanceinthehistoryofscience.KnowledgeofNewton’sbeliefinsuchmatters
isonlyanhistoricalnicety,helpingustogainamorecompletepictureof“Newton,
theman”,butofnorelevancetoourunderstandingofthehistoricaldevelopment
ofscience.InviewofthefactthatlessthanahundredyearsafterhisdeathNewton
wasfoundguiltyofunweavingtherainbow,ofremovingitsawfulness(inthesense
ofitsabilitytostrikeawe)andputtingitinthe“dullcatalogueofcommonthings”,
thispointperhapsshouldbeconceded.ButwhataboutthoseotheraspectsofNew-
ton’sphysicswhichwerealsoinfluencedbymagicaltraditions?Wecannotdismiss
Newton’sbeliefinactionsatadistanceasequallyirrelevanttothehistoryofscience.
Although,inthisparticularcase,itisinterestingtonotethatNewton’sacceptanceof
actioindistans,clearasitistoseeinhiswritings,hasnonethelessbeenvigorously
denied,firstlybyscientistsandthenbyhistoriansofscience.20
The concept of actio in distans had been rejected byAristotle and therefore
excludedfrommainstreamnaturalphilosophyfromitsbeginningsintheLatinWest
inthetwelfthcentury.Itwasalwaysaprominentfeatureofthemagicaltradition,
however, being a mainstay of notions of sympathy and antipathy, and therefore
appearinginmanyoftheoccultartsandsciences,fromastrologytoalchemyand
beyond.ItisnowgenerallyacknowledgedthatNewton’seasyacceptanceofactions
atadistance(manifestedmostobviouslyinhisconceptofgravity,butalsointhe
micro-mattertheorydiscussedinthe“Queries”appendedtotheOpticks)derivedfrom
hisownworkinalchemy,wherehecanbeseentomakeassumptionsaboutparticles
operatingononeanotheracrossadistance.21Furthermore,itcannotbedeniedthat
theseideaswereimmenselyinfluentialonsucceedinggenerationsofchemistsand
naturalphilosophers.Thehistoryofeighteenth-centurynaturalphilosophy,especially
inBritain,canbeseenintermsofthosewhoaccepttheNewtonianclaimthatall
phenomenacanbeexplainedintermsofattractiveandrepulsiveforcesoperating
betweenparticles,orintermsofthosewhoacceptNewton’sideathatallphenomena
mightbeexplainedbyahighlyrarefiedyethighlytransmissiveaether,consistingof
particleswidelyseparatedasaresultofstrongrepulsiveforcesoperatingbetween
theparticles.22
ItseemsperfectlyclearfromNewton’sexample,therefore,thatsomeaspectsof
themagicaltraditionwererecognizedbyearlymodernthinkersasuseful,andby
implication,validortrue,whileotheraspectsofthetraditionwereeitherignoredor
rejected,andwerebyimplicationheldtobeinvalidorfalse.Themainaimofthis
articleistodemonstratethatthiswasnotjustafeatureofmagicalideasasfaras
Newtonwasconcerned,butwasinfactthemoregeneralfateofthemagicaltradition.
Someaspectsofthetraditionweretakenupbypractitionersandbecameabsorbed
intoreformedversionsofnaturalphilosophy,whileotheraspectsofthetradition
6·JOHNHENRY
wererejected.
Indeed,itseemsperfectlyclearthatsomethingrecognizablylikemodernscience
firstemergedasadirectresultoftheabsorptionofvariousaspectsofthemagical
traditionintotraditionalcontemplativenaturalphilosophy.Boththeexperimental
method,andtheconcernthatknowledgeofthenaturalworldshouldbeputtouse
forthebenefitofmankind,canbeseentohavebeenlong-establishedaspectsofthe
magicaltraditionwhichcameincreasinglytobeembracedbystudentsofnature,who
therebyturnedtraditionalnaturalphilosophyintooneorotheroftheso-callednew
philosophiesoftheearlymodernperiod.23Ithardlyseemsnecessarytorepeatthe
argumentsinsupportofthisclaimhere.Thisdoesnotmean,however,thatthereis
nothingmoretobesaid.Ifitistruethatmajoraspectsofthemagicaltraditionbecame
absorbedintowhatwemightcall(ifweareallowedabitofanachronisticleeway)
modernscience,thenthishasimplicationsforclaimsthathavebeenmadeabouta
perceiveddeclineofmagicattheendoftheseventeenthcentury.The‘decline’in
question,ofcourse,isthedeclineofmagicasatopicforseriousscholarlyinvestiga-
tionanddiscussion.Whilemagicalideascontinuedtoflourishinpopularculture,they
declineddramaticallyamongthehighlyeducatedélite,andcametoberegardedas
wellbeyondtheintellectualpale.Thereasonsforthisareundoubtedlymanifold,and
anumberofreasonsforthedeclinehavealreadybeendiscussed,mostnotably,of
course,inKeithThomas’sReligionandthedeclineofmagic.24Theaimofthispaper
istosuggestanothermajorreasonforthedeclineofmagic;areasonwhichhasnot
beendiscussedbefore,andwhichhassignificantimplicationsforourunderstanding
ofearlymodernintellectualhistory.
Intherestofthispaper,therefore,Iwanttoofferanewperspectivetoaddtopre-
viousattemptstoexplaintheso-calleddeclineofmagic.Isuggestthattherewasa
fragmentationoftheoccultartsandsciencesduringtheRenaissanceandearlymodern
periods,assomeaspectsofthemagictraditionbecameappropriatedintothenew
philosophy,ornewscience.Toalargeextentitwastheinputfrommagicthatmade
thenewphilosophieswhattheywere,notonlywithregardtotheexperimentalmethod
andthenewethosthatnaturalknowledgeshouldbepragmaticallyuseful,butalso
withregardtothesubstantivecontentofthosenewphilosophies.Atthesametime,
however,otheraspectsofthemagicaltraditionwerefirmlyrejected.Thesehistorical
changesareperhapsbestunderstoodintermsofwhatsociologistsofsciencehave
called‘boundarywork’,theprocessofdemarcatingsupposedlegitimateandvalid
proceduresandpresuppositionsinestablishingnaturalknowledgefromthosethatare
deemedinvalidandillegitimate.25FromtheRenaissancethroughtheperiodknown
astheScientificRevolutiontherewasacompleterearrangementoftheboundaries
ofwhatwasmagicoroccultandwhatwasnot,whichinturninvolvedaredrawing
oftheboundarieswhichdeterminedwhatwasnaturalphilosophyandwhatwasnot.
Furthermore,itismycontentionthatthisledtoadeclineinthefortunes(among
orthodoxthinkersatleast)ofwhatwasleftbehindintherealmsofmagic.
Myaccountalsohelpsustosee,therefore,whatisinfactamajorhistoricaland
historiographicalirony.Thereasonwhypositivisticallyinclinedcommentatorson
THEFRAGMENTATIONOFRENAISSANCEOCCULTISM ·7
thedevelopmentofsciencehaverefusedtoacknowledgetherelevanceofmagicto
thehistoryofscienceisbecausetheymistaketherejectedleft-oversofthemagical
tradition—thepatheticrumpofthetraditionremainingafterearlymodernnatural
philosophershadtakenwhattheywantedfromit—asthewholeofthetradition.I
saidearlierthatsuchhistorians,likeBrewsterconfrontedwithNewton’salchemy,
refusetomakeanyattempttounderstandthenatureofthemagicaltradition.Justas
Brewster,writinginthe1850s,knewthecurrentreputationofalchemyanddidn’ttry
toassessitsreputationinNewton’sday,socertainmoderncommentatorsofscience
havereliedupontheircurrentunderstandingofwhatmagicis(andbyimplication
alwayshasbeen),andhaverefusedtoaccepttheclaimsofotherhistoriansthatmagic
wasoncesodifferentthat,properlyunderstood,itiseasytoseehowitmighthave,
andindeeddid,influencethedevelopmentofmodernscience.Thecurrentlyprevail-
ingconceptionofthemagicaltraditionbegantobeforgedintheeighteenthcentury
andhascontinuedintoourowntimes,nolessthantheimageofNewtonas“aFellow
whobelievednothingunlessitwasasclearasthethreesidesofatriangle”,beganto
beforgedintheEnlightenmentandhasbeenreinforcedeversince.26
BeforeproceedingitisimportanttonotethatIfrequentlytalkhereofamagical
traditionasiftherewasindeedaunifiedtradition.Thisisinfactalmostcertainly
notthecase,andIamfullyawarethatIamimposingaunityonnumerousdiffer-
entaspectsofoccultthinkinginordertothensaythisunityisfragmented!Idothis
simply to make my overall argument clear and avoid tedious circumlocutions at
everyturn.Myargumentbynomeansreliesonthefalseclaimthattherewasauni-
fiedtradition;onthecontrary,Iamarguingherethat,duringtheRenaissanceand
insomecasespersistingthroughtothelateseventeenthcentury,variousdifferent
waysofunderstandingnaturalphenomenawhichwereexcludedfrommainstream
scholasticnaturalphilosophy,andwhichwerealltosomeextentbasedonoccult
ormagicalassumptions,begantobeconsideredmoreseriouslybythelearned,and
wereconsideredaspossiblewaysofreformingthetraditionalnaturalphilosophy
whichcametobeseenasincreasinglyinadequateforaproperunderstandingofthe
naturalworld.Myclaimisnotthattheupshotofthesefreshlooksatoccultartsor
scienceslednaturalphilosopherstoconcludethattherewasaunifiedtraditionhere
whichtheythenproceededtobreakup.Isimplywishtoassertthatsomeaspectsof
thisdiversesetofartsandscienceswereseenasusefulforcontemporaryreformist
ambitionsandwereabsorbedintonaturalphilosophy,completelytransformingthat
philosophyintheprocess,whileotheraspectswererejected.Thefragmentationof
Renaissanceoccultismshouldnotbeseenassimilartothefragmentationofwestern
ChristianityaftertheReformation,therefore,becausetherewasnopreviousoccult
traditioncomparableinitsmonolithicnaturetoRomanCatholicism.Mytitleshould
perhapshaveindicatedadiscussionoftheselectivetake-upofvariousoccultartsand
sciencesandtherejectionofothers,butIhopethemoresuccinctphrasingofthefirst
partofmytitleisnottoomisleading.Itfitsinbetter,anyway,withthehistoriographi-
callycommonplace(andequallymisleading)talkofthe“declineofmagic”.27
Havingsaidthat,letusbeginbytakingasbroadanoverviewaswecanofthe
8·JOHNHENRY
natureofwhatIhavecalledinmytitle“Renaissanceoccultism”anditswould-be
practitioners.
THENATUREOF‘MAGIC’ANDOF‘MAGICIANS’
Onemajorreasonfortheprevailingmistakenconception(bypositivisthistoriansand
others)ofthenatureofmagicintheRenaissanceisthelackofanyunderstandingof
whatwasknownasnaturalmagic.Lackofawarenessofthenaturalmagictradition
isduetothefactthatitwastoalargeextentcompletelyabsorbedintowhatwenow
thinkofasscience,whileother,lesser,aspectsofthetraditionhaveremainedinwhat
shouldberegardedasmerelyarumpofthemagicaltradition—whatwasleftover
after parts of the tradition had been absorbed into natural philosophy.Today, we
tendtoidentifymagicwiththesupernatural(ifweleaveasidethestagetrickeryof
‘show-business’magic),butintheperiodwearelookingat,todescribeaneventora
phenomenonassupernaturalwastosaythatithadbeenbroughtaboutmiraculously
byGod—onlyGodwasabovenature,andonlyGodcouldperformasupernatural
act.28Magic,bycontrast,exploitedthenaturalpropertiesofthingsandthesuccessful
magicianwasbelievedtobehighlyknowledgeableaboutthedifferentoccultqualities
ofthings.AsGiovanniBattistaDellaPortawrote:
MagicisnothingelsebuttheknowledgeofthewholecourseofNature.For
whilstweconsidertheHeavens,theStars,theElements,howtheyaremoved,
andhowtheyarechanged,bythismeanswefindoutthehiddensecreciesof
livingcreatures,ofplants,ofmetals,andoftheirgenerationandcorruption;so
thatthiswholescienceseemsmerelytodependupontheviewofNature....This
Art,Isay,isfullofmuchvertue,ofmanysecretmysteries;itopenethuntous
thepropertiesandqualitiesofhiddenthings,andtheknowledgeofthewhole
courseofNature;anditteachethusbytheagreementandthedisagreementof
things,eithersotosunderthem,orelsetolaythemsotogetherbythemutual
andfitapplyingofonethingtoanother,astherebywedostrangeworks,such
asthevulgarsortcallmiracles,andsuchasmencanneitherwellconceive,nor
sufficientlyadmire....Wherefore,asmanyofyouascometobeholdMagick,
mustbepersuadedthattheworksofMagickarenothingelsebuttheworksof
Nature,whosedutifulhand-maidmagickis.29
Thisdefinitionappearsinthemostpopulartextbookofmagicofitsday,simplytitled
Magianaturalis(quotedfromLondoneditionof1658,butfirstpublishedin1589),
butthesameclaimsaboutthenatureofmagicarerepeatedtimeandagain.Cornelius
Agrippa,aleadingRenaissancecontributortothemagicaltradition,insistedthat
“magiciansarecarefulexplorersofnatureonlydirectingwhatnaturehasformerly
prepared,unitingactivestopassivesandoftensucceedinginanticipatingresultsso
thatthesethingsarepopularlyheldtobemiracleswhentheyarereallynomorethan
anticipationsofnaturaloperations”.30
Themajorassumptionofnaturalmagic,then,wasthatallbodieshaveoccultquali-
tieswhichmakethemcapableofactinguponotherbodiesinvariousways,thoughin
THEFRAGMENTATIONOFRENAISSANCEOCCULTISM ·9
manycasestheworkingoftheseoccultqualitiesaresupposedtobehighlyspecific.
Themainmethodofputtingmagicalknowledgetouse,therefore,istobringtogether
abodyknowntohaveaspecificactionandthebodyuponwhichitisknowntoact,or
elsetoseparatesuchreactantsforanegativeeffect.ThisiswhatDellaPortameantby
sunderingorlayingtogetherthingsinaccordancewiththeir“agreementanddisagree-
ment”,andwhatAgrippameantby“unitingactivestopassives”.Thisdoctrinemade
amajorimpressiononthegreatreformerofnaturalphilosophy,FrancisBacon,who
stateditinthefourthAphorismofhisinfluentialNeworganon:“Towardstheeffecting
ofworks,allthatmancandoisputtogetherorpartasundernaturalbodies.Therest
isdonebynatureworkingwithin.”31Suchoccultinteractionswereoftendescribed
intermsofsympathiesandantipathiesbetweenbodies,anotoriouslymagicalway
oftalkingwhichneverthelesswasemployedwithminorchangesbysuchleading
exponentsofthenewphilosophyasRobertHooke,whospokeofcongruitiesand
incongruitiesbetweenbodies,andIsaacNewton,whoexplainedcertainchemical
phenomenaintermsofprinciplesofsociabilityandunsociability.32
Whencomparedwithnaturalmagic,otheraspectsofthetradition,aspectswhich
todayarealltoooftenheldtobecharacterizingfeaturesofmagic,weredistinctly
subordinate.Thetrulylearnedmaguswasheldtobeaman(itwasalwaysaman
ofcourse33)withavastknowledgeof“howtoeffectthingsworthyofthehighest
admiration...bythemutualapplicationofnaturalactivesandpassives”.34Thegreat
magician,inotherwords,knewbyexperiencemanyoftheoperationsoftheoccult
qualitiesofthingsandknewhowtoputthatknowledgetouse.Lessermagicians,
however,mighthavetoresorttooneorotheroftwoalternativeaspectsofthetradi-
tion,asasubstitutefortheirlackofknowledge.Bothoftheseaspectsofthemagi-
caltraditionwereseenasmeansofcuttingcorners,oroftakingashortcut,tothe
knowledgeoftheoccultqualitieswhichtherealmaguswouldlearnbyexperience
(inprincipleatleast—thoughinpracticemoreusuallybyrelyingonmagicallore,
increasinglyprintedmagicallore).35
Iamreferringheretosorcery(whichincludesnecromancy,theurgy,witchcraft
and all other arts of summoning spiritual beings), and semeiology or symbolic
magic(whichreliesuponthepowerofsigns,wordsandothersymbols,andincludes
numerology,gematria,spellbinding,incantationandsoon).Thesearetheverythings
whichmanythinkoftodayasdefinitiveofmagic,butthisislargelythankstothe
re-drawingofboundarieswhichtookplaceintheearlymodernperiod.Inthepre-
modernperioddemonologyandsymbolicmagicwereseenprimarilyassubordinate
tonaturalmagic.Animportantelementofsymbolicmagic,forexample,involved
thereadingofthe‘signatures’ofthings.ItwassupposedthatGod,attheCreation,
hadleftphysicalcluesaboutthesecretworkingsofthings,andthesewerethesig-
natures.So,asonecommentatorwrote:“besidesthemanifestandoccultqualitiesof
plants,fromwhichtheirusesmaybeinferred,[Nature]hasmarkedthosewhichare
mostusefultouswithcertainsignsandcharacters.”36GodandNature,afterall,did
nothinginvain,andsotheremustbeareasonforeverycharacteristicfeaturethata
thingmighthave.Afavouriteexampleamonghistoriansisthewalnut:crackopen
10 ·JOHNHENRY
theshellandthefleshofthewalnutresemblesthehumanbrainsittingintheskull,
beingdivideddownthemiddleandhavingasurfacemadeupofconvolutions.What
elsecouldthisbebutasignfromGodthatthewalnutbearssomerelationshiptothe
humanheadorbrain?Theusualassumptionwasthatthesignatureindicatedsome
curativepower,andsowalnutswereassumedtoofferacure,perhapsforheadaches,
orformentaldisturbance.Needlesstosay,precisedeterminationoftheefficacyof
walnutswouldrequireempiricalresearchofatrialanderrorkind.Inthisrespectat
least,then,symbolicmagiccanbeseenasashort-cuttotheknowledgeofoccult
qualitiesrequiredbythenaturalmagician.37
Thelinkbetweennaturalmagicandthesignaturesofthingsiseasytosee,butto
linksorcerytonaturalmagicseems,onthefaceofit,bizarreintheextreme.Natu-
ralmagic,aswe’veseen,inspiteofitsname,seemsratherclosetowhatwethink
ofasscience.Itdepends,afterall,ontheassumptionthatparticularbodieshavea
powerofinteractingwithotherstocreatenewbodies,orhaveapowerofeasing
pain,curingspecificdiseases,andsoon—assumptionswhicharenodifferentfrom
thoseofmodernchemistryorpharmacology.Demonology,bycontrast,seemstous
tobecompletelydivorcedfromanynaturalisticconceptions.Thereisalessontobe
learnedhere,however,abouttheastonishingflexibilityofourculturalcategories,
andofourabilitytoredefineconceptualordisciplinaryboundaries.
Surprisingthoughitmayseem,sorcerytoowasseenaslittlemorethanawayof
avoidingthepainstakinggatheringofknowledgeofoccultqualitiesfromexperience.
Ifwewishtounderstandthiswemustonceagainbeawareoftheshiftinmeaningof
thenotionofthe‘supernatural’.Fromourperspectiveitseemsareasonableassump-
tionthatforpre-modernthinkersdemonswerecapableofperformingsupernatural
actstobringaboutsomemiraculousevent.Thisfitsourassumptionsaboutdemons.
Ourassumptions,however,arehistoricallymisguided.Itissomethingofanirony
thatpresent-daynotionsofdemonswithcomic-booksuperpowers(asseenonTVin
Buffythevampireslayerandothersuchshows)aretheproductsofsecularimagina-
tions.Inthepre-modernandearlymodernintellectualcosmologyonlyGodcould
dosupernaturalthings.Demons,eventheDevilhimself,wereGod’screaturesand
assuchweresubjecttonaturallawjustliketherestofus.38AsJohnCottawrotein
Thetriallofwitch-craft(1616):“Natureisnothingelsebuttheordinarypowerof
Godinallthingscreated,amongwhichtheDivellbeingacreature,iscontained,
andthereforesubjecttothatuniversalpower.”39InsofarastheDevilcouldperform
marvellousfeatsitwasonlybyvirtueofthefactthathewasaconsummatenatural
magician.TheDevilknewtheoccultqualitiesofthings,andhowtoapplyappropriate
activestopassivestoaccomplishwhatevermightberequired.WilliamPerkinsputit
ratherwellinhisDiscourseofthedamnedartofwitch-craft(1618):
[TheDevilhas]exquisiteknowledgeofallnaturalthings,asoftheinfluencesof
thestarres,theconstitutionsofmenandothercreatures,thekinds,vertues,and
operationofplantes,rootes,hearbes,stonesetc.,whichknowledgeofhisgoeth
manydegreesbeyondtheskillofallmen,yeaeventhosethataremostexcellent
inthiskind,asPhilosophersandPhysiciansare.40
THEFRAGMENTATIONOFRENAISSANCEOCCULTISM ·11
KingJamesVIofScotlandlikewisebelievedthattheDevilwas“farrecunningner
thenmanintheknowledgeofalltheoccultproprietiesofnature”.41Accordingly,if
awould-bepractitionerofnaturalmagicwasatalossabouthowtoaccomplisha
particularoutcomehemightindulgeinnecromancytosummononeofthedead,on
theassumptionthatthedeadpersonmightknowhowtobringaboutthedesiredend.42
Themoreambitiousmagus,oronewithabiggerproblemmightsimilarlydecideto
summonademon,oreventheDevilhimself.Itisimportanttonote,however,that
iftheDevildidsucceedinperformingwhatthemaguswanteditwouldbebecause,
asWilliamPerkinswrote:
...innaturetherebesomeproperties,causes,andeffects...mostfamiliarunto
him[theDevil],becauseinthemselvestheybenowonders,butonlymysteries
andsecrets,thevertueandeffectwhereofhehathsometimeobservedsincehis
creation.43
TheDevil,inotherwords,doesthesethingsinthesamewaythatthenaturalmagician
does,butwithgreatersuccessbecauseofhisgreaterexperience—theDevil,after
all,hasbeenaroundforaverylongtime.ThevulgarmightthinkthattheDeviland
themagusarecapableofproducingmiracles,but,asCorneliusAgrippainsisted,both
merelyanticipateandexploitnaturaloperations.44“Demonsoperatenothing”,wrote
FrancescoGiuntini,“exceptbynaturalapplicationofactiveforcestotheappropriate
andproportionatepassiveobjects,whichistheworkofnature”.45
So, although the logic of symbolic magic and the logic of demonology were
closelylinkedtothelogicofnaturalmagicinthepre-modernperiod,bytheendof
thesixteenthcenturyare-alignmentwasunderway.Bytheendoftheseventeenth
centurymajoraspectsofthenaturalmagictraditionhadbeenappropriatedbythe
newphilosophiesorredefinedinordertofitmoreeasilywiththenewkindsofnatu-
ralism.Butsymbolicmagic,demonologyandsomeaspectsofnaturalmagic,such
asastrology,andthechrysopoeicaspectsofalchemy,wereleftasideinwhatwas
effectivelyanew,differentlydefined,categoryofmagic.
Animportantaspectofthere-designationofnaturalmagicasasetofassumptions
thatcouldbemorefruitfullyexploitedinnaturalphilosophywas,effectively,adenial
thatnaturalmagicwasmagic.ThanksprincipallytothepoweroftheChurch,magic
hadalwayshadwhattodaywouldbecalleda‘badpress’.Asiftheescapadesoffrauds
andcharlatansclaimingtobealchemists,astrologers,andmagicianswerenotenough
todamagethereputationofmagic,theRomanCatholicChurchtendedtoemphasize
itsdemonologicalaspectsinordertopresentitasdangerousandirreligious.Itseems
clearthattheChurchwantedtoavoidconfusionbetweenthemiraculousandthekind
ofmarvellousthingswhichwereachievablethroughnaturalthoughoccultmeans.
Naturalmagicseemedtosuggest,totheuneducatedatleast,thatmiraculousthings
couldbeaccomplishedbylaymenwithoutsupernaturalaid.Thisimplicitthreattothe
authorityoftheChurchcouldbeneatlyturnedaroundbyinsistingthatallmagicwas
accomplishedbydemonicaid,andsocondemningitinthemostvigorousterms.For
theChurch,everymaguswasaDoctorFaustus(andduringthewitch-crazesevery
12 ·JOHNHENRY
village‘cunningman’ormoreespecially‘cunningwoman’wasaccusedofderiv-
ingtheirknowledgenotfromlocallorebutdirectlyfromSatan).46Itisthisattitude
oftheChurchwhichunderliesthecommentswehavealreadyseen,inwhichDella
Porta,Agrippa,andothersinsistthatmagicismerelythestudyofnatureandso,by
implication,nomoredangeroustothefaiththannaturalphilosophy.
It is hardly surprising, therefore, that although we come across many reputed
magiciansinthehistoricalrecord,wedonotcomeacrossmanywhodeclarethem-
selvestobemagicians;onthecontrary,theyusuallydenyit.Nobodywasreputeda
greatermagicianthanRogerBaconandyetBaconhimselfvigorouslydeniedthat
hedidanythingbymagic.IfweweretotakeBacon,andothermagiciansindenial,
attheirword,however,wemighthavetoconcludethattherewasnosuchthingas
amagicaltradition,andthatnobodyeverwasamagician.Inasensethelatteris
true,becausethereneverwasaMerlin,oraFaust,therewereonlymathematicians,
alchemists, cabbalists, natural philosophers of a more mystical bent than usual,
humanistscholarsenthralledbyNeoplatonictheurgy,andsoforth.47Butweneedto
bearinmindthehistoricalactors’categories,notourown.Fromthepointofview
ofhiscontemporaries,RogerBaconwas,asthelateGeorgeMollandpointedout,
“afull-bloodedmagician”,andinMolland’sestimationthiswashardlysurprising
since,inspiteofhisprotestationstothecontrary,Bacon“wentsomewaytomeriting
hislaterclassificationasamagician”.48
Asaresultofreligiouscondemnationofmagic,then,itwasn’tpossiblesimplyto
appropriateocculttraditionsinanopenwayintonaturalphilosophy.Accordingly,an
importantaspectoftheabsorptionofnaturalmagicintoreformedversionsofnatural
philosophywasthedefenceofthosepastthinkerswhowereallegedtobemagicians
fromallchargesthattheyweremagicians.Again,asGeorgeMollandhaspointedout,
reputedmedievalmagicianslikeAl-Kindi,AlbertusMagnus,RogerBacon,Arnald
ofVillanovaandMichaelScotweretransformedinearlymodernscholarlyliterature
frommagiciansintoheroesofexperimentalscience.Themajorcontributiontothis
newenterprisewasGabrielNaudé’sApologiepourtouslesGrandsPersonagesquiont
estéfaussementsoupçonnezdeMagie(Paris,1625),butJohnDeeevidentlydefended
RogerBacon,inaworknowlost,fromchargesofsorcery.49Similarly,RobertHooke
latertookituponhimselftodefendDee.Havingacquiredincreasednotorietyfrom
anewlypublishedaccountofhissupposedconversewithvariousangels,Deewas
defendedbyHookeasacryptographerratherthanasorcerer.AccordingtoHooke,
theseangelicconversationswereinfacta“concealedHistoryofNatureandArt”.In
takingthisline,Hookewassimplyre-usingthesamedefencewhichhadbeenused
toprotectthereputationofJohannesTrithemius—anothermaguswhoreported
hisconversationswithangels,butwhichwerelaterclaimedtobemerelyexercises
incryptography(thepointoftheexercisesbeingtofindwhatwasreallybeingsaid
undertheguiseoftheseconversationswithangels).50
Otherexploitersofthemagicaltraditionchosetoobscuretheirindebtednessto
thetradition,ortoconfusecontemporariesastotheircommitmenttomagic.Fran-
cisBaconvigorouslycriticizedmagicevenasheappropriatedmanyofitsprecepts
THEFRAGMENTATIONOFRENAISSANCEOCCULTISM ·13
anddoctrines.51CorneliusAgrippamadethestatusofhisDeoccultaphilosophia
(Cologne,1533)somewhatambiguousbypublishingwhatlookedlikearetraction
ofitthreeyearsbeforepublishingtheworkitself(althoughthesupposedretraction,
Deincertitudineetvanitatescientiarum,hasrecentlybeenshowntobefarfrom
straightforward).52IsaacNewtonwouldneverhavedeclaredhimselftobethelastof
themagi,butitissignificantthatherespondedtoLeibniz’schargethathisprinciple
ofgravitywasa“scholasticoccultquality”notbydenyingthatitwasoccult,butby
denyingthatitwas‘scholastic’,whichiswhathemeantbyrejectingoccultqualities
whichweresupposedtodependuponspecificforms:
ThesePrinciples[gravityandother“activeprinciples”inmatter]Iconsider,not
asoccultQualities,supposedtoresultfromthespecifickFormsofThings,butas
generalLawsofNature,bywhichtheThingsthemselvesareform’d;theirTruth
appearingtousbyPhaenomena,thoughtheirCausesbenotyetdiscover’d.For
thesearemanifestQualities,andtheirCausesonlyareoccult.53
AlthoughNewtonwantsrhetoricallytopresenttheobviousfactthatbodiesfalltothe
groundas‘manifest’,gravitywasneveramanifestqualityinthescholasticsense;if
itscauseswereoccultthenitwasoccult.Newtonknewthis,justasheknewthatthe
actionsatadistanceheinvokedintheQueriesattheendoftheOpticks,andinthe
PrefacetothePrincipia,wereasmuchapartofthemagicaltraditionasthealchemy
hehadsoferventlypursued.54
Neithersilenceaboutmagicalinfluence,norevenexplicitdenialofmagic,should
betakenasevidencethatmagicaltraditionsdidnotplayaroleintheoriginsofmodern
science.Weneedtobeconstantlyawareoftheprocesswhichsociologistsofscience
refertoas‘boundary-drawing’.Asweshallsee,earlymodernthinkersre-constituted
symbolicmagicasbeyondtheintellectualpale,forexample,whilecontinuingto
acceptnaturalmagic;othersreassertedtheuntenabilityofsorcery(whetheronscep-
ticalorreligiousgrounds55),whileclaimingotherfacetsofthemagicaltraditionas
definingaspectsofnaturalphilosophy.Thosepositivistichistoriansandphilosophers
ofsciencewhohaveregardedmagicasantitheticaltosciencehavemadethemistake,
inmyview,ofneglectingsuchchangesinwhatconstitutedmagic.Theyhavetended
toassumethatmagicintheearlymodernperiodwasessentiallythesameasitis
now.Infact,magichaschangedradically,chieflybecausesignificantpartsofthe
originaltraditionhavebeenabsorbedintonaturalphilosophy,andredefinedbythe
historicalactorsthemselves(alltooconsciousofreligiousoppositiontomagic)as
thoughtheywerealwaysaspectsofnaturalphilosophyorotherlegitimateattempts
tounderstandthenaturalworld.56Idisagree,therefore,withthesuggestionofFrank
L.Borchardtthat,soonerorlater,magiciansthemselvesexpresseda“disappoint-
mentinmagic”,recognizingthatitledinexorablytodemonolatry,andrepudiatedit
astheyallturnedbacktoreligiousorthodoxy.Itseemstomethatthestoryisrather
oneofnegotiatingwiththefaith,theirownasmuchasthatofleadingChurchmen,
and appropriating certain aspects of magic into their own philosophical systems,
while leaving the more religiously dangerous aspects to remain in what became
14 ·JOHNHENRY
anincreasinglydemonologicallydefined(asopposedtotheformermorenaturally
defined)magic.57Oneofthemajorreasonswhytheinfluenceofmagiconscience
(ifwecanspeakanachronisticallyforthesakeofanhistoriographicalargument)has
beendeniedispreciselybecausethoseaspectsofmagicwhichclearlydidinfluence
sciencearenowsimplyregardedaspartofthehistoryofscience,andsonolonger
recognizedtobepartofthehistoryofmagic.Meanwhile,thoseaspectsofmagic
whichwerenotabsorbedintoscience,andtoalargeextentwereseenintheearly
modernperiodasantitheticaltoaproperunderstandingofnaturalphenomena,have
cometoberegardedasentirelyrepresentativeofmagic,notjustasitwasaftertheend
oftheseventeenthcentury,butasitwasthroughoutthewholeofitscareerthrough
Westernculture.Thisissimplyaverymisleadingmistake.
CLIPPINGANGELS’WINGS:THECHANGINGSTATUSOFDEMONOLOGY
Theseparationofnaturalmagicfromdemonicmagicissuchanimportantpartof
thisstorythatisworthconsideringthebackgroundinmoredetail.Wehavesuggested
thatnaturalmagicanddemonologywerealwayscloselylinked,sowhydidn’tthese
linkagespersistaftertheabsorptionofvariousaspectsofthemagicaltraditioninto
thenewphilosophies?Afterall,wedoknowthatthevariousnewphilosophiescon-
tinuedtobecloselyaffiliatedtoreligion,58andsowemightexpecttoseetheprecepts
ofdemonologybeingcarriedoverintothenewphilosophies.59AsStuartClarkhas
shown,however,itispossibletoseewhydemonologywasseparatedfrombothnatural
magicandnaturalphilosophyintheearlymodernperiod,inspiteof(ormaybeeven
becauseof)theotherwisefriendlyrelationsbetweenscienceandreligion.Inwhat
follows,IrelyentirelyuponClark’sanalysis.
Thesixteenthcenturywas,ofcourse,aperiodofintensereligiousturmoil,not
onlybyvirtueofthefactionalismoftheReformation,butalsoasaresultofmajor
efforts(notunconnected)toincreasethelevelsofspiritualityandreligiousobserv-
anceamongthelaity.Itwasalmostinevitableinthisatmospherethatthedetailed
scrutinyofwhatoccultqualitiescanandcannotdoinnaturalphilosophywasbound
tohaverepercussionsindemonology,especiallyasthiswasalsotheageofthewitch
craze.60
Sinceaccusationsofwitchcraftalwaysbeganwithnotionsofoccultinfluence—the
evileye,orlayingacurseorsomesuch—itbecameimportantforthedemonologist
tobeabletodistinguishbetweenwhatwasanaturaleffectandwhatwasnot.Ifa
villagerwasabletomakeaneighbour’smilk-cowgodrybynatural,eventhough
occult,means,theChurch,inprincipleatleast,wouldnotbesoconcernedaboutit
(becauseitcouldberegardedassimplyacriminalmatter,equivalenttoanassault,
andamatterforthesecularcourts).TheChurch’smainconcernwaswiththosewho
werebelievedtohavemadeapact,abargain,withtheDevil.Accordingly,itwas
importanttobeabletodistinguishwhatcouldbeaccomplishedwithoutdemonicaid,
fromwhatcouldnot.Thedecisionastowhetheraparticularmalfeasancewasbrought
aboutbynaturalorunnaturalmeansdependedofcourseuponwhatcouldbesaidto
benatural(eventhoughoccult).Thisdoesnotmean,however,thatdemonologists
THEFRAGMENTATIONOFRENAISSANCEOCCULTISM ·15
hadnowdepartedfromtraditionandorthodoxyandhaddecidedthattheDevilcould,
afterall,performsupernaturalphenomena(remember,wesawearlierthatthepre-
modernviewwasthattheDevilcouldnotdoanythingsupernaturalbutcouldonly
exploithisknowledgeofnaturalmagic).No,theunanimousassumptionwasstillthat
theDevilcouldperformhisdeedsonlybynaturalmeans,butthathewassocleverat
exploitingoccultqualities,thathecoulddeceiveonlookersintomistakingjusthowa
particularaccomplishmentwasachieved.Thewitchmighthavethoughtthatcovering
herselfwithanointmentmadefromthefatofbirdsenabledhertofly,butinfactthe
Devilenabledhertoflybysomeothernaturalmeans,ormorelikely,simplyused
naturalmeanstogivethewitchtheillusionofflying(theointment,inotherwords,
wasnotananti-gravitysubstance,butmerelyahallucinogen).Inthiscase,following
ThomasAquinas,thetheologianwillarguethattheointmentiseffectivelyasignof
thewitch’scompactwiththeDevil.61
So, natural philosophers and theologians were both concerned to decide what
wasnaturalandwhatwasnot.Needlesstosay,therewerenumerousdisputes.The
up-shot,indemonology,wasthatifaneffectwasbroughtaboutbyspuriousmeans,
thatistosay,bymeanswhichcouldnotbeshowntobringaboutthateffectina
naturalway,thentheconclusionwasthatthedevilwasaffectingtheoutcome,and
sothehumanagentwasguiltyofasatanicpact.Awitchchargedwithpoisoning
aneighbourwhosaidshehadadministeredthepoisonbycontaminatinghiswell,
wouldbeconsidereddifferentlyfromonewhosaidshehadwalkedthroughhiswall
anddroppedthepoisonintohismouthasheslept.TheDevil,beingaspirit,canwalk
throughwalls,buthecannotarrangeforahumanbeingtowalkthroughawall.He
can,however,makethewitchbelieveshehaswalkedthroughawall,butifshedid
believethatthensheisguiltyofcolludingwiththeDevilinsomeway.
Thisaspectofdemonologywasnotconfinedtowitchtrials,nortothoseoccasions
whenanaccusedwassupposedlysuccessfulinbringingaboutamagicaloutcome.It
iseasytoseethatfortheChurchmanconcernedtoimprovethegeneralspirituality
ofhisflock,evenafalsebeliefthatacharm,oraparticularincantation,orevena
particularherb,willbringaboutadesiredoutcome,isasignoflackoftrustinGod.
Popular beliefs about the efficacy of various techniques and rituals for bringing
aboutgoodhealthorgoodfortune,forforetellingthefuture,orformakingtheright
decision,ignoredthedivineaspectofProvidenceandallthatwentwithit(suchas
anawarenessoftheneedforprayerandrepentance).Itseemedtothetheologianto
beatbestanidolatry,placingfaithinGod’screaturesratherthanGodhimself,and
atworsttobeaformofpayinghomagetotheDevil—sincetheseproceduresare
notthoughttoworkbynaturalmeans,thepersonswhoperformthemmustexpect
theDeviltointercedeforthem.62
Inthisway,then,demonologyextendeditselftoembracethestudyofsuperstition.
ButsuperstitionatthistimewasregardedbyChurchmenwithgreatseriousness;like
witchcraftitwasseenas“religion’sopposite”,anditthereforebecameoftheutmost
importancetoeradicateortosuppressthesuperstitiousmagicofpopularculture.We
can’tpursueherethevariouswaysinwhichtheChurchtried(oftenunsuccessfully)to
16 ·JOHNHENRY
eradicatepopularmagicalbeliefs,butitisimportantforustonotethatoneessential
ingredientinallsucheffortswasaninsistenceuponthespuriousnessofthecausal
linksbetweenthesupposedmagicalprocedureandthedesiredoutcome.Churchmen
wereconcerned,therefore,firstofalltounderstandtherealcausallinkagesavail-
ableinnature(eveniftheymaybeoccult)andsecondlytousethatknowledgeto
drawacleardistinctionbetweenlegitimatenaturalphilosophyandillicitmagic.The
categoryofmagicwasagainredefinedinthisprocess;theintellectualboundaries
arounditredrawn.ForChurchmen,magicbecameinterchangeablewithwitchcraftand
superstition,allbeingseenasattemptstousethepowerofthedeviltobringabouta
desiredoutcome.63TheappallingenthusiasmwithwhichChurchmenredefinedmagic
—changingitfromaknowledgeofthenaturalpowersofthingstoacommercewith
theDevil—providedtheintellectualunderpinningfortheEuropeanwitch-crazes.64
Suchreligiousexcessesmadeitallthemoreimportantforthosenaturalphilosophers
whorecognizedtheusefulnessofthemagicaltraditiontoextractwhattheyneeded
fromthattraditionandtoincorporateitintothesafeintellectualhavenofnatural
philosophy,denyingthatithadanythingtodowithmagic.Hereagain,wecansee
thatwhatwasleftbehindbythenewphilosophers,whatwasnottakenupbythem
andincorporatedintonaturalphilosophy,wasinfactjustapatchworkoftheearlier
magicaltradition,butitsooncametobeseenasthefullpicture.
It can be seen, then, that the Churches were vigorously re-asserting what had
alwaysbeentheirdominantview,thatallmagicissorcery,atthesametimethat
naturalphilosopherswereabsorbingmuchofthetraditionofnaturalmagicintotheir
newphilosophies.Theresultwasamajorshiftinperceptionsofwhatwasmagic
andwhatwasnot.Butsuchasea-changeinthecategorizationofmagicdidnottake
placeatthethrowingofaswitch.Clearlyitwasarathermorepiecemealandcomplex
processthanI’vebeenabletoindicatehere.Throughoutthesecondhalfofthesev-
enteenthcentury,ontheeveoftheEnlightenment,itwasstillpossibleforanatural
philosopherlikeBoyle,orNewton(oranynumberofothers),todrawupontheold
naturalmagictraditiontoprovidethemwiththeoriesofmatter,ormethodological
justificationsforoccultistexplanations,andtheycanclearlybeseentohavedone
so.Itwasnolongerpossible,however,forthemtospeakmeaningfullyaboutthe
importanceofthemagicaltraditionintheirwork:evenbythensuchapronouncement
wouldhavebeenmisunderstood.Here,forexample,wecandiscernacleardiffer-
encebetweenBoyleandNewtonontheonehand,andFrancisBaconontheother.
Bacon,writingatthebeginningofthecentury,couldexplicitlydiscussthevalidity
ofmagic,orsimplyinvokepreceptswhichheovertlyaffirmedtobeappropriated
fromthemagicaltradition,butBoyleandNewtonneverdidthis.
ThisisnottosaythatBoyle,Newtonandothersattheendoftheseventeenthcen-
turywouldhaveself-consciouslykeptquietabouttheirindebtednesstothemagical
tradition—usingit,butdeliberatelyavoidinganyacknowledgementthattheywere
usingitforfearoftheChurch.That’snothowthesocialprocessofre-definingdisci-
plinaryboundariesworks.Participatingintheboundary-drawingprocessthemselves,
Boyleandhiscontemporariesalmostcertainlywouldhavesimplydeniedmagical
THEFRAGMENTATIONOFRENAISSANCEOCCULTISM ·17
influence (as Roger Bacon had done centuries before). Boyle himself, we know,
washighlytroubledinhisconsciencebyhisattemptstosucceedattheoldalchemi-
caldreamoftransmutingleadintogold.ShortlybeforehisdeathBoyleconsulted
hisclosefriendGilbertBurnet,BishopofSalisbury,foradviceandreassuranceon
somemattersthattroubledhisconscience.Burnettookarecordofthediscussion
andMichaelHunterhasrecentlyanalysedthesenotes.65Itisimportanttorealizethat
thediscussionbetweenBoyleandBurnetdoesnotinvolveconcernsaboutthematter
theoryofalchemy,norarethereanydoubtsthatalchemicaltransmutationispossible.
WhatdoesconcernBoyle,however,isthefactthateverysuccessfultransmutation
whichBoyleknewabout,includingoneheallegedlyperformedhimself,wasbrought
aboutbytheuseofaready-madepowderwhichcamefromamysterioussource.If
suchanalchemicalpowderhadbeenmadebyBoylehimself,hecouldbesurethatit
wasproducedbynaturalmeans.Therewasanobviousdangerhoweveriftheready-
madepowderwassimplygiventohim(asindeeditwas)—thepowdermightnotbe
anaturalcauseoftransmutationbutmerelyasignfromtheDevil.Perhapsalchemical
transmutationhasonlyeversucceededwiththehelpoftheDevil,whomevenBoyle
unwittinglyinvokedwhenheusedthepowdergiventohimbyastranger.66
Hunterprovidesuswithanotherexample,thistimetoldbyJohnFlamsteed,first
AstronomerRoyal.AlocalGreenwichwasherwomanwhohadhadaparceloflinen
stolenaskedFlamsteedifhecouldtellherwhereitwasbydivination(notethatshe
sawnodistinctionbetweenanastronomerandanastrologer).Flamsteedwasevi-
dentlyinaflippantmoodandhedrewcirclesandsquaresathisdeskbeforetelling
herwhereshemightfindthelinen.Youcannodoubtguesswhathappened.Shedid
findthelinenexactlywhereFlamsteedsaiditwouldbe.ShereturnedtotheRoyal
ObservatorytogiveFlamsteedhalf-a-crown,butFlamsteedwashorrified:
Goodwoman,IamheartilygladyouhavefoundyourLinen;butIassureyou
Iknownothingofit,andintendedonlytojokewithyou….ButIseetheDevil
hasinmindIshoulddealwithhim:IamdeterminedIwillnot.Nevercomeor
sendanyonetomeanymore,onsuchOccasions,forIwillneverattemptsuch
anAffairagainwhileIlive.67
Itseemsclearfromthesestoriesthatthenewconceptofmagic,asthelocusofactivity
fortheDevil,wasgaininggroundwithnaturalphilosophersaswellastheologians.
Itdoesnotfollow,however,thatthesenaturalphilosophersrejectedthepossibility
oftransmutingleadintogoldbynaturalmeans,muchlessalltheotheroccultphe-
nomenawhichuntilrecentlyhadbeenroutinelyseenaspartofthenaturalmagical
tradition.
Ifwhatwasleftofmagicbecameincreasinglyidentifiedwithsuperstitionthrough-
outtheseventeenthcentury,itwasforcedtoundergoanothershiftintheeighteenth
century.Theintellectualleadersofthesucceedingage,thewould-be“AgeofReason”,
hadtheirownagenda,andtheirownverydifferentreasonsfordismissingallsuper-
stition,andintheircase,allserioustalkofdemons.Inthatfurthershift,duringthe
Enlightenment,theoldideathatdemons(thankstothelongexperiencetheygained
18 ·JOHNHENRY
asimmortals)weremerelyadeptsofnaturalmagicwascompletelylost.Thesecu-
laristsoftheEnlightenmenttendedontheonehandtoimaginethatthosebenighted
individualswhobelievedindemonsbelievedthemtobesupernaturalbeings,while
ontheotherhandtheywerehardlyawareofthetraditionofnaturalmagic,since
muchofithadbythenbecomeabsorbedintothenewphilosophies.
THESELECTIVEABSORPTIONOFASPECTSOFTHEMAGICALTRADITION
Theforegoingshouldnotbetakentomeanthatnaturalphilosopherssimplydecided
inadeliberatewaytolookintothemagicaltraditiontoseeiftherewasanythingthey
couldincorporateintotheirnaturalphilosophies.Thiswasnomorethecasethan
thatnaturalphilosophersinthesixteenthcenturydeliberatelydecidedtogoandsee
whatartisansandcraftsmenweredoing,onthechancetheremightbesomething
theycoulduse.Nevertheless,itisjustastruetosaythatnaturalphilosophersbegan
tobecomemoreandmorefamiliarwithoccultartsandsciencesasitistosaythat
scholarsandcraftsmenbegantointeractduringtheRenaissanceastheyneverhad
before.68Insomecases,ofcourse,reformersdidextolthedeliberateappropriation
ofknowledgefromcraftormagicaltraditions,andnodoubtsomeoftheirreaders
didfollowsuit.Certainly,JuanLuisVivesdidurgehisscholarlyreadersin1531“to
enterintoshopsandfactories,andtoaskquestionsfromcraftsmen,andtogetto
knowaboutthedetailsoftheirwork”;andFrancisBaconurgedreadersofhisNovum
organum(1620)tosystematicallysearchthroughmagicallore,
foralthoughsuchthingslieburieddeepbeneathamassoffalsehoodandfable,
yettheyshouldbelookedinto…foritmaybethatinsomeofthemnatural
operationslieatthebottom;asinfascination,strengtheningoftheimagination,
sympathyofthingsatadistance,transmissionofimpressionsfromspirittospirit
nolessthanfrombodytobodyandthelike.69
For the most part, however, what we are dealing with is a diffuse movement,
throughoutEuropeandspreadoverthesixteenthandseventeenthcenturies,ofthink-
ersadopting,oradapting,theories,assumptions,andtechniqueswhichpreviously
wouldhavebeenseenastoooccultortoosusceptibletothechargeofbeingdemonic,
intowhatcametobeacceptedasthenewphilosophy.Again,differentaspectsofthis
diffusemovementneedtobeunderstooddifferently.WilliamGilbert,whodeveloped
anexplanationoftheperpetualmovementoftheEarth(demandedbyCopernican
theory)basedontheoccultpropertiesofmagnets,maynothavebeenlookingfora
waytoexplainthemotionoftheEarth,butrealizedhecouldofferanexplanationafter
readingMaricourt’sEpistleonthemagnet.RobertBoyledidnotturntoalchemyasa
resultofhisdissatisfactionwithCartesianmechanicalphilosophy—healreadywas
analchemist,andmaywellhaverecognizedinadequaciesinCartesianismprecisely
becauseofhisalchemicalknowledge.70Inlotsofdifferentwaysmagicalideasbecame
incorporatedintothemainstreamofphilosophicalthought,butonlyinafewcases
wasthistheresultofaself-consciousefforttoplundermagicaltraditions.
Theprecisewayinwhichdifferentareasoftheoccultartsandsciencesweretaken
THEFRAGMENTATIONOFRENAISSANCEOCCULTISM ·19
upbynaturalphilosopherscanbeseen,therefore,tobecomplexandaffectedby
manyhistoricalcontingencies.Itisnotpossibletoprovideamodelwhichreveals
howtheoccultwasabsorbedintomainstreamphilosophybecauseeachcasewas
verydifferent.Theprocesswasnotsystematic,andmaynotevenhavebeenfully
comprehensive,embracingeveryaspectoftheoccult,butitwasundeniablyextensive.
Whatfollowsinthissectionisnotintendedtobeacompleteaccount,butmerely
apreliminaryattempttoshowhowaspectsofatleastsomeoftheoccultsciences
cametobeincorporatedintothenewphilosophiesoftheearlymodernperiod,while
otherswereconsideredforinclusionbutultimatelyrejected.
So-calledmathematicalmagic,forexample,wasconcernedwiththedemonstration
ofwhatcouldbeaccomplishedbymachinery.Machines,afterall,wereintendedto
performmarvellousfeatswhichcouldnotbedonebynormalmeans,andtheydid
soinwaysthatwerebynomeansmanifesttoacasualobserver.Theiroperations
were,therefore,bydefinitionoccult.InpartthiscanbeseenasanexampleofArthur
C.Clarke’s‘law’,that“anysufficientlyadvancedtechnologyisindistinguishable
frommagic”.ButitwouldbeamistaketoassumethatthismeantthatRenaissance
thinkersbelievedthatmachinerywasworkedbyhiddendemons.71Theill-educated
weresuperstitious,ofcourse,andsometimesmightwellhavethoughtthisway,but
amongtheeducateditwasperfectlywellknownthatmachinesworkedbymeans
ofcunninglyarrangedmechanicalcontrivances.Consider,forexample,Sallustedu
Bartas’sdescriptionofthe“ironfly”,allegedlybuiltbythemathematicianRegio-
montanusandcapableofflyingaroundaroom:
Odevinewit,thatinthenarrowwombe
OfasmallFlie,couldfindesufficientroome
Forallthosesprings,wheels,counterpoise,&chaines,
Whichstoodinsteadoflife,andspurre,andraines.72
This iron fly would still have been held to work by occult means. Because the
mechanicalarrangementswhich“stoodinsteadoflife”werehidden,andtheirmode
ofoperationwasnotobvioustothesenses,andmoreovercouldnotbeexplainedin
thetermsofAristoteliannaturalphilosophy,theywereregardedasoccultpowers,
analogoustotheworkingsofoccultqualitiesinnaturalbodies.73
Themathematizationoftheworldpicturehasalwaysbeenregardedasanimportant
elementintheScientificRevolution,butscholarlyanalysisofthiscrucialhistorical
processhasfailedtopaysufficientattentiontotheundeniableassociationsbetween
mathematicsandmagicintheRenaissance.Historiansofmathematicshavelooked
tohumanists,astronomers,Jesuitmathematicians,andmathematicalpractitioners
ofthemorepragmatickind(artillerymen,surveyors,merchantbook-keepers,and
engineersofvariouskinds),buthavelargelyignoredthoseRenaissanceintellectu-
alswhoweremoreconcernedwiththemagicofmathematics.74Thisisundoubtedly
anotherresultofthepositivisttendenciesamonghistoriansofscience,tendingto
dismiss anything which smacks of magic.Where magical mathematics has been
discussedithasbeenseenpurelyasanaspectofRenaissanceculture,anditspossible
20 ·JOHNHENRY
relevancetothesubsequentdevelopmentofmathematicsisleftunconsidered.
J.PeterZetterberg,forexample,takesitforgrantedthattherewassomethingcalled
“themathematicks”whichwasunfortunatelyalltoooftenmistakenformagic.It
evidentlyneveroccurredtohimthatmathematicscouldhavebeen,asindeeditwas,
regardedbypre-modernthinkersasamajorpartofthemagicaltradition.75Asfar
asmostpre-modernthinkerswereconcerned,todescribeamanasamathematician
wastodescribehimasawizard;thiswascertainlytrue,forexample,inthecasesof
JohnNapierandJohnDee.76
BythetimeJohnWilkins,oneofthemajorcontributorstothenewphilosophy
inEngland,cametopublishhisMathematicalmagick(1648),hefeltitnecessary
toapologizeforthetitle.Bynow,educatedmenweregettingusedtotheideathat
mathematicshadanimportantplaceinnaturalphilosophy(somethingwhichhad
alwaysbeendeniedbyAristotle),andmechanicswasincreasinglybeingseenasa
sciencewhichdependeduponnaturalphenomena,andsotheworkingsofmachinery
couldbeseenaspartofnaturalphilosophy,andcouldshakeoffitsoldassociation
withmagic.77Theprocessofincorporatingmechanicsintonaturalphilosophybegan
withtheRenaissancediscoveryoftheMechanicalquestions,attributed(wrongly)to
AristotleandfirsttranslatedintoLatinbyVittoreFaustoin1517.Itrequiredthere-
castingofmechanicsfromanarttooneofthemixedmathematicalsciences,before
Descartescouldinsist,in1644,that“therereallyarenoreasoningsinMechanics
whichdonotalsopertaintoPhysics,ofwhichitisapartorspecies”.78Undoubtedly
oneofthemostimportantcontributorstothistransformationinattitudestomechanics
wasthesixteenth-centuryGirolamoCardano,amathematicianwhowasprominent
intheocculttradition.
Cardanohasstillnotattractedthescholarlyattentionheundoubtedlydeservesand
sohishistoricalimportancehasyettobeproperlyassessed.Itisclear,however,that
his“completeaccountoftheuniverseinasinglevolume”,Desubtilitate(1550),is
oneoftheearliestattemptstoprovideacomprehensivesystemofphilosophyintended
asasubstitutefortheAristoteliansystem.Oneofthestrikingfeaturesofthiswork,
mostevidentinitsopeningbookontheprinciplesofnaturalphilosophy,istheway
Cardanoeasilymovesbackandforthbetweenexplainingnaturalphenomenaand
thewaymachineswork.Indeed,heuseshisaccountsofmachinerytoexplainthe
principlesofnaturalmotion,matter,thevoid,andsoforth.79Thisapproach,mixing
thenaturalandtheartificial,togetherwithhisemphasisinhismathematicalworks
ontherelevanceofmathematicstotheunderstandingofnature,isradicallydifferent
fromthetraditionalAristotelianapproachbutcontributedstronglytothe“epistemo-
logicaloptimismwithemphasisontheutilityofknowledge”whichthehistorianof
mathematics,JensHøyrup,hasseenascharacteristicofRenaissanceoccultism.80
Although historians of mathematics have tended to be even less interested in
assessingthepossibleinfluenceofoccultismthanhistoriansofsciencehavebeen,
thereseemstobeaprimafaciecaseforassumingthatchangingattitudestomath-
ematics,andchangesintheintellectualstatusofmathematics,owedsomethingto
thereassessmentofocculttraditionswhichtookplaceduringtheRenaissance.There
THEFRAGMENTATIONOFRENAISSANCEOCCULTISM ·21
isevenacasetobemadefortheroleofnumerologyintheScientificRevolution,
albeit a case that hinges almost entirely on Kepler and Newton. In the so-called
“Classical scholia”, in which Newton sought support for universal gravitation in
Pythagoreandoctrine,heseemedtotakeseriouslythebeliefthatthenumberseven
hassomecosmicsignificance—asrevealedbyitsappearanceinmusic,optics,and
thenumberofheavenlybodiesinoursystem.Thesefactsofnature,togetherwith
whatNewtonthoughtofasclearhistoricalevidenceofthesignificanceofthenumber
seveninancientwisdom(thatistosay,wisdomcloserintimetothatofAdam),
revealedsomethingaboutthemindofGod.81Similarly,Keplerwasatleastasmuch
concernedtoknowwhyGodcreatedonlysevenheavenlybodiesinoursystem,as
hewastounderstandwhatforceactuallymovedtheplanets.Keplerbelievedthat
hehadfoundanaturalexplanationforthefactthatGodcreatedonlysixplanets
(insteadof10,100,orevenaninfinitenumber)tocircletheSuninthedetailsofwhat
hecalledthegeometricalarchetype.82Itisimportanttonote,however,thatforboth
KeplerandNewtonnumerologyhadtobefirmlygroundedonempiricalfactsabout
thephysicalworld.Thissettheirnumerologyapartfromthosewhoseopinionsabout
whataparticularnumbermightsignifywerebasedonmysterioustraditions,ortheir
ownwhims.ThisispreciselywhyKeplerobjectedsovigorouslytothewritingsof
RobertFludd,andtriedtoensurethathisownworkwasnotseeninthesamelight
asFludd’s.KeplerfoundnumericalsignificancesintheCreation,whileFluddfound
theminhisownimaginationandimposedthemonthenaturalworld(atleast,thisis
howKeplersawthesituation).83
Itmightbesuggestedthatthelatterkindofnumerologistwasthemorecommon,
andsoNeoplatonisingfantasistslikeRobertFludd,forexample,aremorerepre-
sentativethanKeplerorNewton.Butthiscouldeasilybeanillusioncreatedbythe
prevailinghistoriography(orperhapsbythelackofanadequatehistoriography).
AlthoughKepler’sgeometricalarchetypeiswellknown,itisn’talwaysstressedin
theliteraturethathisdeploymentofthefivePlatonicsolidsinbetweentheplanetary
spheresenabledhimtoanswerthequestionastowhyGodcreatedonlysixplanets
(thepointbeingthat,ifGodspacedtheplanetsbetweenthesesolids,Hehadtostop
atsixbecauseHe’drunoutofsolids,andtherulesofgeometrymakeitclearthatnot
evenGodcouldcreateasixthregularsolid).Similarly,althoughNewton’sanalogy
betweenthecoloursinthespectrumandthenotesintheoctaveareplainforalltosee
intheOpticks,itishardlyevermentioned,eveninscholarlyworksdealingwithNew-
ton’sopticaltheories.Itisperfectlypossible,therefore,thatnumerologicalconcerns
whichareclosertoKepler’sandNewton’sthantoFludd’sarewaitingtobefoundin
thewritingsofothercontributorstothehistoricaldevelopmentofscience.
Theentirelyundeniableroleofalchemyinthedevelopmentofmodernscience
alsoneedstobeunderstoodinacarefullynuancedway.InanimportantarticleLaw-
rencePrincipeandWilliamNewmanhaverecentlyshownthatourmodernviewof
thenatureofalchemyisseverelydistortedbyvariousreconstructionsofitwhich
derivefromnineteenth-centuryoccultistmovements,andhavenorealhistoricalbasis
inthealchemyofthepre-modernperiod.84Thehistoriographicalrotsetinwhen
22 ·JOHNHENRY
Enlightenmentthinkersdrewaspuriousdistinctionbetweenchemistry,insomething
likethemodernsense,andalchemy,whichwaspresentedasbeingconcernedsolely
withtransmutationofbasemetalintogold.85Thisinitselfcanbeseenaspartofthe
trend,stillactiveintheeighteenthcentury,toseparatethenewnaturalphilosophyfrom
magic.Theneedforthiskindofseparationofalchemyfromchemistrybecameeven
moreurgentforlaterspokesmenonsciencebecauseofwhatPrincipeandNewman
seeasthree“residuesofVictorianoccultism”.86Firstly,“spiritualalchemy”,which
extendedJacobBoehme’secstaticuseofalchemicalimageryinhisreligionofself-
purificationandself-transmutation,impliedthatallalchemywastobeunderstoodin
thiskindofmysticallight.Thisviewofalchemywasinturntransformedontheone
handintoanexclusiveconcernwithpsychictransformationbythepsychologistCarl
Jung;andontheotherintowhattheycalla“panpsychicinterpretation”ofalchemy
(inwhichalchemywasequatedwithanorganic,vitalist,andgenerallyenchanted
worldviewwhichwas,sothestorycontinued,inimicaltomodernscience)bythe
doyenofcomparativereligiousstudies,MirceaEliade.NewmanandPrincipearein
theforefrontofon-goingeffortstorecovertherealhistoryofalchemyfromthese
obfuscations,andtoshowpreciselyhowalchemywasabsorbedintomodernscience,
andwhatwasleftout(or,inthiscase,whatcametobeinterpolatedsubsequently
intothebogushistoryofalchemy).Inconnectionwiththis,PrincipeandNewman
pointoutthatnotallalchemistssubscribedtoananimist,orevenavitalist,viewof
matter,andthatsuchdifferencesmighthaveresultedinadifferentkindoftake-upof
alchemicalideasbyreformingnaturalphilosophers.Similarly,theypointtorecent
workwhichhasshownthatalchemicalmattertheorywasoftencorpuscularian,and
evenmechanistic,andwhichcertainlyplayedapartinthenewmattertheoriesof
theScientificRevolution.87
Ifalchemywasbrokendownintoageneralconcernwithchemicalinteractions
andprocessesontheonehandandaconcernwithmetallictransmutationonthe
other,andonlytheformermadeitintothenewscience,wecanseeasimilarpro-
cesswithregardtotheabsorptionofherbalismandtheloreofmedievalbestiaries.
Studiesoffloraandfaunainthepre-modernperiodwereoverlaidwithassumptions
aboutthereligious,moralandsymbolicsignificanceofallGod’screatures,aswell
astheirpotentialforprovidingmateriamedica.Manyoftheseassumptions,inwhat
historianshavereferredtoasthe“emblematicworldview”,derivedfromthebelief
incorrespondenceswithintheGreatChainofBeing,andincludedvariousoccult
associations,baseduponwhatwereconsideredtobeGod-givensignatures.Asbotany
andzoologycametobeincludedinthenewscience,however,muchofthismagical
andmythologicallore,onceconsideredtoprovideessentialinformationaboutthe
plantoranimalinquestion,wasexcluded.
Tounderstandthischangeinattitudeaboutknowledgeofnaturalthings,weneed
toconsidertheeffectofthediscoveryoftheNewWorld.Plantsandanimalsfrom
theNewWorldcametotheWestdevoidofanysymbolicassociations—theyhadno
religiousormoralsignificancederivingfromeitherhistoricalandreligiouslegends,
orfromhumblerfolklore.Naturalistshadnochoicebuttoconfinethemselvesto
THEFRAGMENTATIONOFRENAISSANCEOCCULTISM ·23
knownfactsaboutthisnewfloraandfauna.Insubsequentcompendiumsofnatural
history,therefore,therewasaclearshifttowardstreatingallplantsandanimalsinthe
samestrictlydescriptiveway.JustascreaturesunknowntoEuropeanculturehadto
berecordedmerelyintermsofwhatcouldactuallybeobserved,sotheoldfolkloric
associationswerestrippedawayfromfamiliarplantsandanimals.Toalargeextent
thisresultedinalessmagicalworldpicture,butitwouldbewrongtoseethisasa
steadytriumphofscienceovermagic.88
Beliefintheoccultqualitiesofthoseplantsandanimalsusedinmateriamedica,
supposedlybaseduponpastexperienceanyway,wasnotaffectedbythisincreased
emphasisuponobservation.Furthermore,thetendencyofexplorerswastobring
backjustthoseplantswhichweredeemedbynativepopulationstobemostuseful
incuringdisease.Moreoftenthannot,Europeandoctorscouldnotdecidehow,or
evenwhether,suchunknowndrugsworkedonthefourhumoursofthebody.Without
somuchasanobiterdictumfromAristotle,orDioscorides,orsomeotherancient
authority,itwasoftenimpossibletotellwhetheraplantworkedthroughheat,coldor
oneoftheothermanifestqualities.Increasingly,therefore,medicalthinkersdeclared
newdrugstoworkbymeansofthealternativetothemanifestqualities:occultquali-
ties.Thisevenledtoamajorre-workingofmedicalandtherapeutictheory,inwhich
somediseaseswereheldtobetheresultnotofanimbalanceinthehumoralconstitu-
tion,butacorruptionofthewholesubstanceofthebody.Theonlydrugscapableof
curingthesediseaseswerethosethatoperated,likewise,onthe‘totalsubstance’of
thebody,notmerelyonaparticularhumour.89
So,whiletheoccultqualitiesofmateriamedicawereincreasinglyrecognizedand
acceptedintothenewnaturalphilosophy,therewasamarkedrejectionofbeliefin
thesupposedsymbolicsignificanceofnaturalobjects.Thisexclusionofsymbolism
asafactorrelevanttotheworkingsofthephysicalworldisageneraltrendthatcan
bediscernedelsewhereinRenaissanceandearlymodernintellectuallife.Again,it
iseasytounderstandchangingattitudeshereintermsofagradualfragmentation.
Theuseofamuletsortalismanswas,ofcourse,aprominentaspectofthemagical
tradition.InhisinvestigationoftheHiddencausesofthings(Deabditisrerumcausis,
1548),JeanFernelseparatedamuletswhichweresupposedtoworkbytheoccult
powersofnaturalobjectsfromthosesupposedtoworkbymagicspells—thepower
ofwords,pictures,orothersymbols.Theformerseemedperfectlyacceptable.Even
muchlaterFrancisBaconacceptedtheuseofbloodstone,hungaroundtheneck,to
preventnosebleeds.Thecolourofbloodstonewasitssignature,revealingthatitmust
haveanoccultbutnaturalpowerasastyptic.90Fernelandmanyothers,however,
hadseveredoubtsthatwordsorpicturescouldhaveanynaturalpower.Although
theRomanCatholicChurchinsisteduponthepowerofthepriesttoturnbreadand
wineintotheEucharistbyrecitingthewordsoftheMass,thiswasalwaysregarded
asasupernaturalevent.AsJohannWierinsisted:“Wordsarebroughtforthfrom
themouthofthepriest.ButtheyareconsecratedbythepowerandgraceofGod.”
WhenGodsaid“Lettherebelight”,therewaslightnotbecauseithadbeensaid,
butbecauseGodhadsaidit.91
24 ·JOHNHENRY
AccordingtotheorthodoxChristianview,ifwordsorothersymbolsseemedto
haveanypoweritmusthavebeenduetothesecretinterventionofdemons,accom-
plishing what on-lookers thought the symbols themselves had accomplished.As
ThomasAquinaspointedout,wordshavenopowerexceptoverintellects.Ifamagi-
cianachievespoweroverinanimatenaturebychantingwordsitmustbebecausea
demonhasintervened,foritsownpurposes,andismakingthemagicianbelievehe
hassucceeded.92Withinthenaturalmagictradition,however,therewasabeliefthat
wordsdidhavetheirownnaturalpower,andsocouldbeusedtoaccomplishnatural
eventsorprocesses.ThisderivedfromthesuggestioninGenesis2,19thatAdam
namedallthings.ItwasassumedthatAdamknewthetruenamesofthings,names
whichsomehowcapturedtheessenceortruenatureofthethingsandthereforehad
poweroverthem.Tous(andtoThomas)thissimplylookslikeanonsequitur,but
itseemsclearthatformanypre-modernthinkerstherecouldbeapowerlinkingthe
“real”,God-given,nameofathingtoitsessence.InthisessentiallyNeoplatonicview,
languagewasnotjustusedforcommunication,butwasboundupwithknowledge
of things. IfGod had given namesto things, they wouldnot have been arbitrary
signs,sinceGoddoesnothingarbitrarily,andsoknowledgeofthenamesconstitutes
knowledgeofCreation.
TherevivalofmagicintheRenaissanceledtoincreasedhopes,therefore,that
perhapsthisAdamiclanguagecouldberediscovered,andAdam’sdominionoverall
things,lostattheFall,couldberestored.Themajorsearchersaftersuch‘universal’
languages,therefore,wereleadingplayersinthereformofnaturalphilosophy.93In
hisValeriusTerminusof1603FrancisBaconexpressedhisbeliefthatman’ssov-
ereigntyandpowerovernaturewillonlyberestored“whensoeverheshallbeable
tocallthecreaturesbytheirtruenames”.BythetimehecametowritehisGreat
instauration(1620)hewasstillthinkingofrestoring“thatcommercebetweenthe
mindofmanandthenatureofthings”,butitwasclearthathesawthisasanexercise
inclassificatorynaturalhistoryratherthaninlinguistics.Similarly,theleadinglight
oftheRoyalSociety,JohnWilkins,deniedtheexistenceofanAdamiclanguagewith
anaturalmagicalpoweroverthings,butheldoutthehopethatalanguagemightbe
constructedwhich,bybeingrationallybaseduponthetruenatureofthings,would
provetobeagenuinelyuniversallanguagecapableofrepairing“theruinsofBabel”.94
Thedistinctionisasubtleone.WordsinthesupposedAdamiclanguageareheld
tohavepoweroverthingsbecausetheysomehowcapturetheessenceofthething.
WordsinWilkins’s‘philosophicallanguage’capturetheessenceofthethingbybeing
basedon(andsomehowlinguisticallyreflecting)asoundclassificatoryschemewhich
revealstherelationshipsbetweenallthings.WhatisclearisthatWilkins’slanguage
haspoweronlyovertheintellectsofitsusers,notovertheobjectsbeingdiscussed.It
isequallyclear,however,thatWilkins’sinterestinauniversallanguagefirstappeared
inanearlyworkwhichwasundeniablymagicalintone:Mercury:Orthesecretand
swiftmessenger.Shewinghowamanmaywithprivacyandspeedcommunicatehis
thoughtstoafriendatanydistance(1641).
Asinthecaseofmathematicalmagic,Wilkinscanbeseentohavecontributedto
THEFRAGMENTATIONOFRENAISSANCEOCCULTISM ·25
thetransformationofuniversallanguageschemesfromanambitionofthemagicians
tooneofnaturalphilosophers.Anotherimportantaspectofthisstorycanbeseenin
theRenaissanceinterestintheJewishKabbalah,amysticalsystemwhichinvested
wordswithrealpower.ChristiancabbalismarguablyoriginatedwithGiovanniPico
dellaMirandola’sConclusionesphilosophicae,cabalasticaeettheologicaeof1486,
butitsoonbecameanimportantfeatureofRenaissancemagicinitsownright.In
theend,itcanbeseenthatcabbalismwasnotabsorbedintothereformednatural
philosophies, but this was not through lack of trying. It certainly figured in the
universallanguageschemes,eveninoneofthelatest,andpotentiallythegreatest,
ofthem,thatofG.W.Leibniz.Intheend,however,notevenLeibnizcouldbring
theseuniversallanguageschemestofruitionandsotheyfailedtofindtheirwayinto
thenewscience.95Nevertheless,historicallytheseschemescanbeseenasanother
aspectofthemagicaltraditionwhichforawhilewereseriouslydiscussedbyleading
shapersofthenewphilosophy,astheytriedtoincorporatewhattheyrecognizedto
beusefulintotheirnewphilosophy.
Asimilartaleistobetoldaboutthesymbolicvalueofthesupposedsignatures.
Wehavealreadynotedhowcompendiaofnaturalhistorybegantojettisonmuchof
theearliersymbolicparaphernaliathatwerepreviouslyregardedasimportantpieces
of information about God’s creatures.As BrianVickers has shown, the doctrine
of signatures also began to attract sceptical scrutiny in the early modern period.
GuydelaBrosse,forexample,believedthatthesupposedresemblancesweretoo
uncertain,“likeclouds,whichcanbemadetolooklikeanythingthatfantasycan
project”.JohnRay,bycontrast,couldclearlyseethesignaturesbutrefusedtosee
anymeaninginthem.Henotedthatbetweensomeplantsandvariousnaturalor
artificialobjects“sogreatasimilarityexiststhatnoonecouldfailtorecognizeit
immediatelynorcouldhepersuadehimselfthatithadevercomeaboutbychance”.
Suchresemblanceswere,ontheonehand,“clearproofofintentiononthepartof
nature”(Ray,likeallhiscontemporaries,believedthatnature,orGod,doesnothing
invain).Ontheotherhand,asiftocontradictthis“clearproof”,hesuggestedthat
thenumberofsimilaritieswasnot“sogreatnorthesignaturestheybearsoobvious
andplaintoeverybodythattheysuggestapointeroradeliberateplanonthepartof
Nature”.ThecontradictionsinRay’saccountsurelyreflectaconflictbetweenhis
beliefinnaturaltheology,withitsassumptionthattheworldisfullofexamplesof
God’sdesigninthenaturalworld,togetherwithhisreligiously-inspireddistasteof
anythingthatwouldencouragethepracticeofmagic.96Theconceptofsignatures
wasnotsimplydiscarded,itwasbrokenup,andpartiallyincorporatedintothenew
naturalphilosophy,appearingespeciallyinthetraditionofnaturaltheology,which
soughttoproveGod’swisdomandbeneficencebypointingtoseeminglyobvious
casesofintelligentdesigninnature.
Althoughastrologyisnowveryfarbeyondthepaleasfarasmostscientistsare
concerned(afewextremeempiriciststatisticiansnotwithstanding),therewasatime
whenitwasamainstreamsubjectintheuniversities,particularlyinMedicalFaculties.
What’smore,duringthere-drawingoftheboundariesaroundandbetweennatural
26 ·JOHNHENRY
philosophyandmagic,therewasatimewhenastrologylookedasthoughitmight
continuetobeincludedeveninthenewscience.Astrologyhadalwaysattracteddetrac-
torsbuttheevidenceinitsfavourseemedtooverrideallarguments.97Theeffectofthe
MoononthetidesseemedundeniableandtheSun’smovementthroughtheZodiac
definedtheseasons.ItwasalsohardtobelievethatGodhadplacedthemyriadfixed
stars,aswellastheSun,Moonandplanets,withouthavingaverygoodreasonfor
doingso.Keplerwasinmanywaysanidiosyncraticthinkerbuthespokeformany
devoutbelieverswhenheinsistedthatwehadtoconsiderGod’sreasons:
Forifwedonot,weshallbedriventoadmitthatGodactedarbitrarilyinthe
universe,eventhoughperfectlygoodrationalprocedureswereopentoHim.And
thisisaconclusionIwillnotacceptonanyone’sauthority.…98
Evenso,Keplerrecognizedtheproblemswithtraditionalastrologyandjettisoned
muchofitsoldlorewhenhecametowritehistreatiseOnthemorecertainfounda-
tionsofastrology(Defundamentisastrologiaecertioribus,1602).99
Certaintyseemstohavebeenanimportantissueinthefragmentationofastrology.
Theriseinintellectualstatusofmathematics,whichwassuchanimportantaspectof
themathematiziationoftheworldpicture,dependedtoalargeextentuponarguments
aboutthegreatercertaintyofmathematics.So-calledjudicialastrologywasanearly
casualty.Notoriouslyunreliable,andattractingmanycogentargumentsagainstits
validity,thepersonaldivinatoryaspectsofastrologywerealreadybeingrejectedby
theearlyseventeenthcentury.100Onceagain,however,wecanseethatthestorywas
oneoffragmentation,andpartialabsorption,notwholesalerejection.Kepler’sown
attempttoestablishmorecertainprinciplesofastrologycametonothing,buteven
attheendoftheseventeenthcenturywecanseecontinuingattemptstoestablish,on
empiricalgrounds,thelinksbetweentheheavenlymovementsandtheweather.101
ForawhileitevenlookedasthoughNewtonianscience,theapogeeofcertaintyin
mathematicalphysics,wouldembraceonemajoraspectofastrology.AsMaupertuis
wrote,evenaslateas1742,“oneofthegreatestastronomersofthecentury[Newton]
hasspokenofcometsinamannerwhichre-establishestheminallthereputationof
terrorwhereoncetheywere”.102Newtonandsomeofhisclosefollowers,including
thedown-to-earthEdmundHalleyaswellasthemorereligiouslyfancifulWilliam
Whiston,sawcometsasGod’swayofcontinuingtoadjustandreshapethenature
ofourplanetarysystem.Thegravitationalpullofapassingcometwasconsidered
asthelikelycauseoftheNoachianDeluge,sincetheAlmightypreferstomakeuse
of“NaturalMeanstobringabouthisWill”.BearinginmindthatGoddoesnothing
invain,itseemedlikelythatcometsmightwellbeonceagain,“theInstrumentsof
DivineVengeance”.103
ItwouldbeabsurdtosupposethatNewtonandhisfollowersweredeterminedto
rescue,byhookorbycrook,someaspectofastrology.Clearly,theywerenot.New-
ton’sprincipalconcernwastoallowcontinueddiscourseaboutGodwithinnatural
philosophy.ForNewtontheCartesiansystem,whichrequiredGodonlyattheCrea-
tion,afterwhichHisinterventioninthemechanisticsystemoftheworldwasnever
THEFRAGMENTATIONOFRENAISSANCEOCCULTISM ·27
required,“wasmadeonpurposetobethefoundationsofinfidelity”.104Newton’s
beliefthatGodhadcontinuallytotinkerwithhissystemtokeepitrunningsmoothly
outragedhiscontinentalrival,G.W.Leibniz,whowasappalledthatNewtoncould
imagineGodtobesuchapoorartificer.AsfarasNewtonwasconcerned,however,
theuseofcometsasthenaturalmeansbywhichGodwindsupandreplenishesthe
systemallowedhimtoavoidatheisticinterpretationsofhisphilosophy,withoutactu-
allyhavingtosupposedirectsupernaturalinterventionsbyGod.105Herethenwecan
seetheoldastrologicalbeliefincometsasportentsofgreatchange,andinstruments
ofGod’swrath,beingabsorbedforawhileintothenewnaturalphilosophy.Bythe
lateeighteenthcentury,however,thankstoincreasingsecularizationnolessthan
to the increased success of Newtonian mechanics in explaining our solar system
withoutrecoursetoinputsfromcomets,eventhisaspectofastrologywasexcluded
fromscience.106
Anothersignificantexampleoftheadoption,andadaption,ofmagicalthinking
concernsthetransformationofthemagnetfromoneofthemostoccultofoccult
objectstoabodywithauniquebuteasilydemonstratedpower,whichcouldevenbe
invokedtoexplainvariousnon-occultphenomena.Awell-knownmagicalmanuscript
onthemagnet,writtenbyPierredeMaricourtin1269,wasfirstprintedin1558,
whenthevalueofmagicalworkswasbecomingwidelyrecognized.Itmusthave
beenafterreadingthisthatWilliamGilbert,so-calledfatherofmagneticscience,hit
upontheideaofusingmagnetismtoexplaintheCopernicanrotationsoftheEarth.
Magnetsarecapableofspontaneousmovement,Gilbertreasoned,andthereforemust
beendowedwithsouls,because(accordingtoAristotle)onlycreatureswithsoulsare
capableofself-movement.Usingexperimentsandideashighlyreminiscentofthose
foundinMaricourt’sEpistleonthemagnet,Gilbertthenwentontoshowthatthe
Earthwasagiantmagnet,andmusthaveasoul,andbecapableofmakingitselfmove
inthewaysrequiredbyCopernicanastronomy.107Subsequentwriters,particularly
inEngland,recognizedthevalueofGilbert’sattempttoprovideaphysicalexplana-
tionoftheEarth’smovement(somethingwhichCopernicusneverprovided),but
evidentlyfoundhisemphasisuponamagneticsoultooanimisticfortheirtastes,and
focusedinsteadonGilbert’stalkofamagneticorbisvirtutis,surroundingaplanet.
WhereGilberthadusedthemagneticsoultosuggestplanetsmovedthemselves,
later natural philosophers, starting with Kepler, developed a dynamic account of
planetary movements based on tangential motions past the Sun and an attractive
forcetowardsit.Talkofmagneticsoulswasreplacedbytalkof“magneticattrac-
tions”,“magneticvirtues”,andeventually“attractiveprinciples”and“gravitating
powers”;suchtalkwaslessanimistic,butitwasnotlessoccult,eventhoughforus
itseemsdefinitelymore‘scientific’.108Theculminationofthistrendwasthenatural
philosophicalessaybySirWilliamPetty,Anewhypothesisofspringingorelastique
motions(1674),inwhichheactuallysoughttoexplainphenomenalikeelasticity,
solidityandfluidity,expansionandcontraction,andmore,byassumingthat,justas
allplanetsweresphericalmagnetsinGilbert’scosmologicalscheme,soallatoms
aresphericalmagnets.Althoughmagneticattractionsandrepulsionscontinuetobe
28 ·JOHNHENRY
occultqualities,magneticphenomenacanbeclearlyandeasilydemonstratedona
laboratoryworkbench,andsomagnetscanbeusedtoprovidelegitimateexplana-
tionsinnaturalphilosophy.109
Therewereevensomethinkers,althoughmostlyonthefringesofnaturalphi-
losophy,whotriedtoabsorbdemonologyintothenewnaturalphilosophy.Henry
More,theCambridgePlatonistdivinewhointroducedtheteachingofCartesianism
intoCambridge,JosephGlanvill,FRSandapologistforthenewphilosophy,and
evenforawhileRobertBoyle,werekeentomakethestudyofdemons,witchcraft,
andghostsanimportantpartofthenewexperimentalphilosophy.Themotivation
was perfectly clear: to combat the uptake of Cartesian and other versions of the
mechanical philosophy by irreligious thinkers who were seeking to promote an
entirelymaterialistworldview.Thewould-beexperimentalistdemonologistswanted
todemonstratethattherewerephenomenawhichcouldnotbeexplainedinterms
ofthemechanicalphilosophy,andsoimmaterialbeingsandimmaterialprinciples
hadtobeacknowledged.110
Ibelieveitwouldbepossibletocontinueinthisvein,showinghowdifferentaspects
ofthemagicaltraditionwerepartiallytakenupbynaturalphilosophers,whileother
aspectswereentirelyexcluded.Inallcases,aswiththeexamplesbrieflydiscussed
here,thestorywillbeonewherethehistoricalcomplexitiesderivefromahostof
contingencies.Itisfairlyobvious,forexample,thattheprecisewayinwhichalchemy,
orpartofit,becameabsorbedintonaturalphilosophywasdifferentfromthewaythat
so-called‘mathematicalmagic’—theuseofmachinerytoimprovehumanfaculties
—wasadopted.111Furthermore,someprominentaspectsofthenaturalmagictradi-
tion,suchasabeliefinthenaturalpowerofwords,werenotincludedwithinthenew
boundariesatall.Inothercases,aspectsofthetraditionweretakenuponlyinavery
restrictedsense,asinthecaseofnumerology,whichseemstohaveledKeplerand
Newtontodrawspecificconclusionsaboutthenaturalworld,butcanhardlybesaid
tohavebeenageneralinfluence.112Ifwebearinmind,also,thatthemagicaltradition
wasundoubtedlyamajorsourcefortheexperimentalismofthenewphilosophies,
andfortheideathatknowledgeofthenaturalworldshouldbeusefulforthebenefit
ofmankind,itseemshardtodenytheclaimthatthenewphilosophiesweregreatly
indebtedtothemagicaltradition.113
WHYTHECHANGE?
Thequestionarises,therefore,astowhythissea-changeoccurred.Whywasthe
mapofknowledgeredrawnbetweentheendoftheRenaissanceandthebeginning
of the Enlightenment?Why were the boundaries redefined so that natural magic
lost its identity by becoming largely absorbed into the new ‘natural philosophy’
(whichnow,thankstotheexperimentalmethod,theintegraluseofmathematics,
andtheconcernwithpragmatismwasclosertoourmodernconceptofsciencethan
itwastotheearliertraditionofcontemplativenaturalphilosophy),whilesymbolic
magiccametobeseen,bytheeducatedatleast,assuperstitiousnonsense,114and
demonology,formerlyaborderlinecategorylinkingreligionandnaturalphilosophy,
THEFRAGMENTATIONOFRENAISSANCEOCCULTISM ·29
becamefirstofallanentirelyreligiouscategory,andwithincreasingsecularization
wasthoroughlyrejected?115
Aswithsomanyotherproblemsinhistory,theanswerstothisquestionareno
doubtlegion.Wehavealreadyconsideredafewreasonsalongtheway,suchasthe
changeinstatusofmathematics,helpedbythediscoveryofthesupposedlyAristo-
telianQuaestionesmechanicae,butitisbeyondthescopeofthisarticletosurvey
alltheotherpossiblefactors.Itisclear,forexample,thatthefullstorycouldnotbe
toldwithoutpayingcarefulattentiontothesocialandpoliticalcontextofRenais-
sance and Reformation Europe, and how developments in these spheres affected
intellectuallife.116WhatIwanttodohereissimplytoconsiderbrieflysomeofthe
moreimmediatereasonswhytheboundariesofmagicandnaturalphilosophywere
redrawninjustthewaytheywere.By“immediate”Imeanthosereasonswhicharose
directlyoutoftheeffortsofRenaissanceandearlymodernthinkerstoimprovetheir
understandingofthenaturalworld.
Perhapsthefirstthingtomentioninthisconnectionwasthechangeintheintel-
lectualstatusofmagicasaresultofthediscoveryoftheessentiallyreligiouswrit-
ingsattributedtoHermesTrismegistus.Thankstoagenerallyacceptedbeliefinthe
wisdomofAdam,itwasusuallyassumedinthepre-modernperiodthatknowledge
wassomethingthatneededtoberecoveredfromthepast.Adamknewallthings,but
thankstotheFall,thiswisdomhadbeensuccessivelyforgotten.Forthepre-moderns,
therefore,thinkersofgreatantiquityweremorelikelytoknowmore—tohaveforgot-
tenlessoftheAdamicwisdom—thanacontemporarythinker.Thisbeliefismost
familiartohistoriansofsciencethroughthecommondesignationoftheCopernican
theoryasthePythagoreantheory.117TheCopernicansknewthatiftheyweretohave
anychanceofpersuadingtheircontemporariesofthetruthoftheCopernicantheory
theyhadtoshowthatithadbeenbelievedinthepast.Theancientsage,Hermes
Trismegistus, was regarded as a contemporary of Moses, and he was seen to be
responsiblefortransmittingtheAdamicwisdomtothepaganGreeks,asMoseshad
transmittedittotheJews.Thisbeliefwaseasytosustaininthelightofthefactthat
thenewlydiscoveredHermeticwritingsshowedclearforeshadowingsofChristian
belief,includingitstrinitarianism.Aswenowknow,thesesupposedforeshadowings
wereinfactechoesofChristianbelief,sincethesewritingswereactuallycompiled
byNeoplatonistsintheearlycenturiesoftheChristianera.
ThefirsttranslatoroftheHermeticCorpus(asubstantialpartofit,atleast)was
MarsilioFicinowhowasclearlyfascinatedbyNeoplatonictheurgicalbeliefsand
whobegantodevelophisowntheoryofwhatD.P.Walkercalled“spiritualmagic”in
hisDevitacoelituscomparanda(1489).Ficino’sworkprovedimmenselyinfluential
andhelpedtopromotetheviewthatHermesTrismegistuswasaboveallelseamagi-
cian.118ThisidentificationofHermesasamaguswashelpedbythefactthat,aswell
astheNeoplatonictheisticwritingsattributedtohim,therewerealsoaconsiderable
numberofastrological,alchemicalandnaturalmagicaltextsattributedtothisgreat
sage.GiventhebeliefinAdamicwisdom,andthebeliefinthegreatantiquityofthe
Hermeticwritings,magiccametobeseenasoneoftheoldestformsofknowledge,
30 ·JOHNHENRY
andwasthereforenewlyinvestedwithgreatrespectability.Aftercenturiesofbeing
disparagedbytheChurch,magiccametobeseenasamajoraspectofAdamicwisdom.
Accordingly,asEugenioGarinhassuggested,therewasabrieftime,shortlyafter
thediscoveryoftheHermeticCorpus,whenitwasacceptabletobecalledamagus,
andtoacknowledgeoneselftobeamagus(remember,wehavealreadyseenthat
itwasmuchmoreusualtodenythatonewasamagician).119Itishardlysurprising
thereforethatreformingnaturalphilosophersoftheRenaissanceandearlymodern
periodsshouldlookwithfresheyesatthemagicaltradition,andconsidermoreseri-
ouslythanbeforewhatithadtooffer.120
Anotherreasonwhytheboundariesofmagiccametoberedrawnarosefromrapid
developmentsintheunderstandingofearliermagicaltraditionsasaresultofthe
humanistscholarshipoftheRenaissance.Inparticular,therecoveryoftheworksof
AncientNeoplatonists,suchasPlotinus,Proclus,Iamblichusandothers,revealeda
theoryofmagicinwhich“spiritualanddemonicmagic”playedagreaterrolethan
naturalmagic.ThisalternativetotheAristoteliantraditionfirstbecameknownas
aresultoftheworkofthefamousFlorentinephilosopherandtranslator,Marsilio
Ficino,whoseDevitacoelituscomparandaof1489wasafullexpositionofthe
theoryofmagicwhichdrewnotonlyuponAristoteliantraditionsofoccultqualities
butalsouponthemoretheurgicaltheorizingofthelaterNeoplatonists.Although
Ficinohimselfseemstohavemanagedtostaywithintheconfinesofnaturalmagic
asitwastraditionallyconceived(withtheemphasisonthenatural),hisexposition
drewattentiontothefactthatlaterNeoplatonistsseemedtobelievethatoccultquali-
tiesinmatterwereclearsignsofdivineordemonicpresencewithinthematter.For
thepaganNeoplatonists,inotherwords,theoccultbutnaturaleffectsdiscussedin
traditionalnaturalmagicwere,infact,supernaturaleffectsbroughtaboutdirectly
bygodsordemons.Althoughsuchideaswerepaganandcouldeasilybeshownnot
tofitinwithChristianAristotelianism,theyensuredthattheboundarydemarcation
betweennaturalandsupernaturalandtheabilitiesofdemonswereplacedfirmlyon
theagendaofscholarlydiscussions.Inthisway,occultqualities,formerlyhardly
discussedwithinthescholastictradition,becameimportantitemsfordiscussion.121
Oneofthemostimportantofsuchdiscussionswasthatofthenotorioussecular
Aristotelianphilosopher,PietroPomponazzi.Pomponazziwas,asBrianCopenhaver
hasrecentlysaid,“entirelyandaggressivelynaturalist”andin1520hewroteatrea-
tiseOnthecausesofmarvelousnaturaleffectsandonspells,inwhichheexplicitly
intendedtomakedemonsredundantforanyunderstandingofthenaturalworld.One
ofhisargumentswasthat,evenifdemonswerecapableofknowingbetterthanmen
alltheoccultqualitiesofthingsandhowtoaccomplishthingsbybringingtogether
sympatheticactivesandpassives,becausedemonswerespiritual,incorporeal,beings
theywerecompletelyincapableofmanipulatingmattertoaccomplishanythingby
theirknowledge.122Onceagain,Pomponazzi’sbook,likeFicino’s,stimulateddebate
aboutoccultqualities,demons,andthedemarcationsbetweenandaroundthem.By
rejectingthepossibilityofdemonicintervention,Pomponazzigreatlyexpandedthe
roleofthesupposedoccultqualitiesofmatter.Suchqualitiescouldstimulatethinking
THEFRAGMENTATIONOFRENAISSANCEOCCULTISM ·31
aboutthenatureofmatteritself,andcouldsubsequentlybeabsorbedintothenew
naturalphilosophy.Meanwhile,scepticalphilosophershadanewsetofarguments
fordismissingdemonsasineffectual,andultimatelyasnothingmorethantheresult
ofsuperstitiousbeliefs.123
Anotherimportantstimulustowardsanewanddetailedconsiderationofoccult
qualities arose out of university medical faculties. We have already noted that
developmentsinbotanyandothersubjectsaffiliatedtotheproductionofmateria
medicaresultedinincreasednumbersofnewdrugsbeingdesignatedas“occult”in
theiroperation,becausetheirefficacydidnotdependupontheireffectsuponthe
manifestqualitiesofthepatients’humours.Thiscoincidedwithawarenessofthe
needforreformofmedicaltheoryfromanotherquarter.Theincreasedprevalence
ofpestilentialdiseasesinaEuropewherebubonicplaguewasendemicandwhere
syphiliswascuttingaswathethroughallclassesofsocietypresentedproblemsfor
traditionalmedicaltheory.Galensawalldiseaseintermsofadisturbanceofthefour
humourssuchthatthenormalhealthytemperament(thebalanceofthehumoursin
thebody)wasdisrupted.Itfollowsfromthisthatdiseasesdonothaveaseparate
existenceintheirownright.Thedifficultywiththisindividualisticphysiological
approachtosickness,seeingeveryillnessasthespecialproblemofonepatient,is
thatitcannoteasilyexplainconditionswhichseemtobeinfectious.Whyshould
onepatient’sphysiologicaldisruptionbecapableinsomecasesofbeingpassedon
tootherswithdifferentconstitutionsortemperaments?Thedifficultyisespecially
severeforGalenictheoryinthecaseofepidemicdiseases,suchasplague.Epidemic
pestilencesstronglysuggest,contrarytoancientauthority,thatdiseaseshaveakind
oflifeoftheirown;theyarereal,distinctentities,whichcanpassfromoneperson
toanother,orcansimultaneouslyattackgreatnumbersofpeopleirrespectiveoftheir
individualtemperaments.Anewunderstandingofthenatureofdiseasesdemands
newwaysofdealingwiththem,andthesixteenthcenturysawthreemajorattempts
toreformmedicaltheory.Thethreewould-bereformers,Paracelsus,GirolamoFra-
castoroandJeanFernel,alldrewuponocculttraditionsintheirsuggestedreforms.
Paracelsuslookedtoalchemy,notjustasawayofproducingnewmedicines,but
asawayofunderstandingthenatureofthephysiology,andthenatureofdisease.
Fracastorodevelopedtheideaof“seeds”ofdisease,seminalprinciplescapableof
growinginthebodyanddisruptingit,whileFernelbelievedthatpestilencesacted
notonthehumours,butonthesubstantialformofthebody,whichFernelcalledthe
“totalsubstance”ofthebody,andtheydidso,notbyaffectingthemanifestqualities
butbymeansofsomeoccultpoweroverthetotalsubstance.124
The works of Ficino, Pomponazzi, Paracelsus, Fracastoro, and Fernel are, of
course,justsalientpointsinarapidlychanginglandscapeofintellectualdiscussion.
Throughoutthesixteenthcenturythenatureandtheroleofoccultqualitiesbecome
increasinglyprominentinnaturalphilosophizing.Thiswasboundtohaveunfortunate
repercussionsfortraditionalAristotelianism,since,althoughoccultqualitieswere
allowedforinscholasticism,andtraditionalnaturalmagicthroughouttheMiddle
AgeswaslooselypremiseduponAristotelianassumptions(alchemy,forexample,
32 ·JOHNHENRY
althoughgoingfarbeyondanythingtobefoundinAristotle’swritingsstillassumed
thetruthofthefourelementsandfourqualities),infacttherewasverylittleinAris-
totlehimselfaboutoccultqualities.125Indeed,itbecameincreasinglyobviousduring
theRenaissance,whenAristotlecametobestudiedintheoriginalGreek,thatthe
naturalmagictraditionowedagreatdealtomedievalandArabicinterpolations,for
example,fromThomasAquinas,AlbertusMagnus,Avicenna,andAlkindi.126More
tothepoint,theidealofscienceintheAristoteliantraditionwasbasedontheform
ofthelogicalsyllogism(deductivereasoning),butthepremises,thestartingpoints
uponwhichthereasoningwasbased,hadtobeuncontentious,evidenttruthstowhich
allcouldfreelyassent.Smallwonder,therefore,thatthemainemphasisinnatural
philosophicalargumentwasonthesupposedlymanifestqualities,whichcouldfulfil
thecriteriaofbeingundeniableandevidenttoall.127Itwasonething,withinthis
systemtooccasionallyhavetoresorttooccultqualitiesinone’sexplanations;itwas
quiteanother,however,toseeoccultqualitiesplayinganincreasinglyprominentrole
inawidespreadrangeofnaturalphenomena.TherewasarealcrisisinAristotelian-
ism,therefore,concerningtheverypossibilityofdealingwithinsensibleproperties
and entities in a philosophy that was supposedly grounded on human sensation.
WhenwriterslikePomponazzi,JeanFernel,andDanielSennertcanbeseentobe
elevatingtheroleofoccultqualitiesinAristotelianismitseemslegitimatetoask
whethertheyarebestseenaseclecticAristoteliansorascontributorstothedemise
ofAristotelianism.Whateverthetruthofthat,wecannothelpbutconclude,Ithink,
thatRenaissancedevelopmentsinthenotionofoccultqualitiesresultedinamajor
re-arrangement,inwhichthesequalitiescametoplayamuchgreaterroleinreformed
versionsofnaturalphilosophy,andeventuallybecameabsorbedintothemainstream
ofthenewphilosophieswhichcompletelydisplacedAristotelianism.128
Further difficulty forAristotelian natural philosophy was caused by emerging
problemswiththetheoryofsubstantialforms.Thesearoseespeciallyasaresultof
consideringthenatureofwhatwewouldcallchemicalcompounds,comparedwith
meremixtures,andwhynewsubstantialformsseemtobecreatedintheonecase,
butnotintheother.Justasthemedicalreformersturnedtotheocculttodevelopnew
theoriesofmedicine,soinnovativescholasticsandanti-Aristoteliansaliketurnedto
alchemytohelpunderstandtheproductionofnewsubstances.Attheleadingedge
ofthiswork,asperformedbyalchemistslikeDanielSennertandRobertBoyle,the
notionthatthesubstantialformdefinedabodybecameuntenablewhenitwasrealized
thattheoriginalconstituentsofa‘mixt’(whatwewouldcallachemicalcompound)
couldberecovered.Accordingtoscholastictheorythisrequiredtherecreationofthe
constituents’substantialformsaftertheyhadbeenreplacedbythenewsubstantial
formofthemixt.Alternativeexplanationsintermsoftheconjunctionofunchanging
atomsorcorpusclesbegantoreplaceAristotelianaccountsbuttheseexplanations,as
WilliamR.Newmanhasshown,owedmoretoalchemicaltheorizingthantheydid
totheemergingmechanicalphilosophy.129
Finally,unlikelyasitmayseemtous(ortothoseofuswhoremain,likeDavid
Brewster, recalcitrant in their belief that all magic was merely the production of
THEFRAGMENTATIONOFRENAISSANCEOCCULTISM ·33
knavesandfools),thereiseveryreasontosupposethat,asfarasRenaissancethink-
erswereconcerned,theoccultscienceswerethemostlikelysourceforthereform
ofnaturalphilosophy,andfortheestablishmentofatrueunderstandingofGod’s
Creation.Indeed,toalargeextenttheyweretheonlyalternativesourcesofnatural
knowledge.
IthasbeensuggestedbyBrianVickersthatmodernscienceemergedasthescientific
mentalityovercametheoccultmentalitythathadbeendominantamongearlierthink-
ers.TheassumptionhereisthatParacelsus,say,representingtheoccultmentality,
chosethewrongpathtoreformnaturalknowledge,whileDescartes,representing
the scientific mentality, chose the right path.130 In a sense, of course, this is true
—Cartesianismhasprovedmoreinfluentialonsubsequentscientificthinkingthan
Paracelsianism,butwecannotinferfromthisthatDescarteswasmorescientificin
histhinkingthanParacelsus,unlesswechoosetomakeitamatterofourdefinitions
ofwhoisascientificthinkerandwhoisnot.Relyingonourperfecthindsightwe
caneasilydeclareDescartestobeamorescientificthinkerthanParacelsus,butat
thetimeofDescartes’sdeathin1650judgementsastotherelativemeritsofthese
twothinkerscouldnothavebeencouchedintheseterms.
Furthermore,forthesakeoftheargumentbeingpresentedhere,Paracelsusisby
nomeansthebestrepresentativeofmagicalthinkingtochoose.Histhinkingseems
tobeatbestconfusedandatworstwilfullyobscure,andwasclearlyrecognizedas
suchbymanycontemporaries.Butnoteverythinkerintheocculttraditionwasas
pooracommunicator(orasweakathinker,ifthatwashisproblem)asParacelsus.
Many,onthecontrary,mustbecountedamongthegreatestthinkersoftheirage,
andtheybelieved,likeDescartes,thattheyhaddiscoveredthekeytounderstanding,
andexplainingnaturalphenomena.AlthoughJeanFernelchoseverydeliberatelyto
arguefortheincreasedimportanceofoccultqualitiesinnaturalphilosophyandin
thetheoryandpracticeofmedicine,hedidsoinaccordancewiththebestcanonsof
logicandrhetoricoftheday,andbymarshallingpowerfulevidenceandargument
insupportofhisviews.TodismissFernelasamanwithan“occultmentality”,with
implications of woolly-minded inconsequentiality if not downright irrationality,
wouldbeentirelyunjust.Thesameistrue,forthemostpart,ofotherthinkersinthe
magicaltradition.GirolamoCardano,andCorneliusAgrippa,tomentionbuttwo,
shouldberecognizedasleadingshapersofEuropeanthought,notsimplydismissed
asdeludedcontributorstoaworthlesspseudo-intellectualtradition.
Thisisnottosaythatallmagiciansshouldipsofactobehonouredasgreatthink-
ers.Weneedtoexercisethesamecareinmakingjudgementsaboutthehistorical
significanceofthesethinkersaswewouldinthecaseofthosewhoaresupposed
contributorstothehistoryofscience.LaurenKassellhasrecentlyshownthatthe
London-basedastrologerSimonFormanwasanautodidactwhowasbarelycapable
ofunderstandingthetraditionhewishedtoexploitforhisownpersonalgain.Ifwe
wanttounderstandhowpractitionersintheocculttradition,evenmorethanmedical
practitioners,cametobeseenasfraudsandcharlatans,wecouldstartwithForman.
Similarly,thehistoricalsignificanceofRobertFluddhasnotyetbeenestablished
34 ·JOHNHENRY
beyonddoubt,inspiteofsympathetictreatmentsofhisworkbyanumberofschol-
ars.131
Theleadingthinkersinthemagicaltradition,atanyrate,shouldbeseenasthinkers
whoweretryingtofindsolutionstoproblemswhichtheAristotelianandGalenictradi-
tionscouldnotresolve,andwhoturnedtotheoccult,notbecausetheywerebefuddled
foolswithanoccultmentality,butquitesimplybecauseocculttraditionsseemed
toofferthemostlikelysourceofhelp.WhentheAristoteliantheoryofsubstantial
forms,andtheassociatedhylomorphicmattertheory,beganincreasinglytoseem
inadequate,naturalphilosophersturnedtoalchemyasalikelypointertoalternative
waysofunderstandingtherelationshipbetweenbodiesandtheirproperties.132When
Galenicmedicaltheory,whichreliedalmostexclusivelyonthebalance(orimbalance)
ofthefourqualitiesinthebodyforunderstandingdiseaseandtreatingit,cametobe
seenasincreasinglyinadequate,medicalreformerslikeFernel,Fracastoro,andthe
Paracelsiansallturnedinonewayoranothertooccultqualitiesasanalternative.133
Similarly,everyoneoftheRenaissancethinkerswhotriedtodevelopnewsystems
ofphilosophy,intendedtocompletelyreplaceAristotelianism,reliedtoalargeextent
onaspectsofthemagicaltradition.Somuchso,infact,thateachofthesesystem-
builderscanbeseenascontributorsthemselvestothemagicaltradition.Thetitleof
GirolamoFracastoro’sDesympathiaetantipathiarerum(1550)revealsitsmagical
nature,butGirolamoCardano’smorecrypticallytitledDesubtilitate(1554),which
includesasubstantialbook“OnMarvels,andthewaytorepresentdiversethings
beyondbelief”,isequallyindebtedtotheocculttradition.134BernardinoTelesio’s
Dererumnaturaiuxtapropriaprincipia(1587)assumesthatallthingsaresentient
andreliesheavilyonideasofspiritwhichderivefromtheearliermagicalphilosophy
ofFicino.Furthermore,Telesiowasamajorinfluenceonatleasttwootherthinkers
whowereindebtedtothemagicaltradition,TommasoCampanella,authorofDe
sensurerumetmagia(1620)andothermagicalworks,andFrancisBacon,whose
ownsystemofphilosophycombinedTelesianideasonspiritwithalchemicalideas
tomakewhathasbeendescribedasasemi-Paracelsiancosmology.135Theinventive
groupofItaliansystem-building“naturephilosophers”,astheyareusuallyknown,
alsoincludedFrancescoPatriziandGiordanoBruno.ThemagicalnatureofBruno’s
world-viewissowellknownthatitcanbetakenforgranted,butPatrizi’sviewsare
indicated,ifnotbythetitleofhisgreatsystem,Novadeuniversisphilosophia(1593)
thenbythefactthathepublisheditalongsidehisowntranslationofChaldeanand
Hermeticworks,underthetitleMagiaphilosophia(1593).136
Thissituation,inwhichwould-bereformersofnaturalphilosophyturnedtothe
occulttraditionasthemostlikelywayoutofalldifficulties,continuedevenlateinto
theseventeenthcentury,totheperiodseenaswitnessingthedramaticdeclineof
magic.RobertBoyle,recognizingtheinadequacyofstrictversionsofthemechanical
philosophy,includingCartesianclaimsthattherewerenonewmotionsgeneratedin
nature,onlytransfersofmotionfromonepartofthesystemtoanotherviacollisions,
turnedonceagain,astheopponentsofAristotelianismhadbeforehim,toalchemy.
Newton,recognizingtheabsurdityofCartesianvortextheoryasanexplanationfor
THEFRAGMENTATIONOFRENAISSANCEOCCULTISM ·35
planetarymovementsandforgravity,preferredtorelyinsteadupontheassumption
thatbodiescouldattractoneanotheracrossemptyspace.
TheexamplesetbyNewtonmakesithardtodenythat,ifreformersofnatural
philosophybelievedtheoccultsciencesofferedthemostlikelysourceforaviable
alternativetoAristotelianism,theywereright.Descarteswasproudofthefactthat
hehadeschewedalloccultqualitiesfromhissystem,andsoinasensebelievedhe
hadsucceededwhereAristotelianismhadfailed(sinceithadneverquitemanaged
todisposeofoccultqualities).Butformany,theCartesiansystemcouldbeseento
beultimatelyunworkable,andratherthaneschewingoccultqualities,theyembraced
themastheonlyrealisticalternative.137Insodoing,occultqualitiesbecameabsorbed
intomainstreamreformednaturalphilosophy.ThetriumphofNewtonianism,then,
withitsbasicpremisethatallphenomenacouldbeexplainedintermsofattractive
andrepulsiveparticlescapableofactingatadistance,showednotonlythatNewton
wasright,butthatearlierwould-bereformersofnaturalphilosophywhohadtried
todrawuponthemagicaltraditionwerenottoofarwrong.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
ThispapergrewoutoftalksgiventotheHistorySocietyattheUniversityofLancas-
terin1995,theThirdAnnualArizonaCenterforMedievalandRenaissanceStudies
Conferencein1997,andasymposiumonearlymodernthoughtattheUniversityof
WesternSydneyin2002.Iamgratefultomyhostsandotherparticipantsonthese
occasionsfortheirencouragement.Ialsowishtothanktheanonymousrefereesfor
theirpositivereactions.Aboveall,however,IwishtothanktheEditorforallowing
methespaceforsuchaninordinatelylongpaper.
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IIIofhisPrincipia”,inW.Lefevre(ed.),BetweenLeibniz,NewtonandKant(Dordrecht,2001),
213–65.ForNewton’sworkonmusicseePenelopeGouk,“TheharmonicrootsofNewtonian
science”,inJ.Fauvel,R.Flood,M.ShortlandandR.Wilson(eds),LetNewtonbe!(Oxford,
1988),101–25;andidem,Music,scienceandnaturalmagicinseventeenth-centuryEngland
(NewHaven,1999),224–57.
13. SeeR.S.Westfall,Neveratrest:AbiographyofIsaacNewton(Cambridge,1980),351–9;andidem,
“IsaacNewton’sTheologiaegentilisoriginesphilosophicae”,inW.WarrenWagar(ed.),The
secularmind:TransformationsoffaithinmodernEurope(NewYork,1982),15–34.Seealso
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14. JohnMaynardKeynes,“Newton,theman”,inTheRoyalSociety,Newtontercentenarycelebrations
(Cambridge,1947),27–34.KeyneswasoneofthefirstscholarstoacceptthatNewton’sundeniable
interestinalchemywassincereandhighlypositive.ForothertreatmentsofNewton’soccult
interestssee,forexample,McGuireandRattansi,“Newtonandthe‘PipesofPan’”(ref.12);R.
S.Westfall,“Newtonandalchemy”,inBrianVickers(ed.),Occultandscientificmentalitiesinthe
Renaissance(Cambridge,1984),315–35;B.J.T.Dobbs,ThefoundationsofNewton’salchemy:
Or,“ThehuntingoftheGreeneLyon”(Cambridge,1975);idem,TheJanusfacesofgenius:The
roleofalchemyinNewton’sthought(Cambridge,1991);CarolynMerchant,Thedeathofnature:
Women,ecologyandtheScientificRevolution(SanFrancisco,1980);andJohnHenry,“Newton,
matterandmagic”,inFauveletal.(eds),LetNewtonbe!(ref.12),127–45.
15. Paolo Rossi, Francis Bacon: From magic to science (London, 1968); Charles Webster, From
Paracelsus to Newton: Magic and the making of modern science (Cambridge, 1982); Brian
Copenhaver,“Astrologyandmagic”,inC.B.SchmittandQ.Skinner(eds),TheCambridgehistory
ofRenaissancephilosophy(Cambridge,1988),264–300;idem,“Naturalmagic,hermetism,and
occultisminearlymodernscience”,inD.C.LindbergandR.S.Westman(eds),Reappraisals
oftheScientificRevolution(Cambridge,1990),261–302;RonMillen,“Themanifestationof
occultqualitiesintheScientificRevolution”,inM.J.OslerandP.L.Farber(eds),Religion,
scienceandworldview:EssaysinhonorofRichardS.Westfall(Cambridge,1985),185–216;John
Henry,“Occultqualitiesandtheexperimentalphilosophy:Activeprinciplesinpre-Newtonian
THEFRAGMENTATIONOFRENAISSANCEOCCULTISM ·37
mattertheory”,Historyofscience,xxiv(1986),335–81;andPaulRichardBlum,“Qualitates
occultae: Zur philosophischenVorgeschichte eines Schlüsselbegriffs zwischen Okkultismus
undWissenschaft”, inAugust Buck (ed.), Die okkultenWissenschaften in der Renaissance
(Wiesbaden,1992),45–64.
16. BruceMoran,Distillingknowledge:Alchemy,chemistry,andtheScientificRevolution(Cambridge,
MA,2005),1–7and185–9;andWilliamR.Newman,Atomsandalchemy:Chymistryandthe
experimentaloriginsoftheScientificRevolution(Chicago,2006),1–20and224–5.
17. ExamplesofthisapproachcanbeseeninanumberofpapersinM.L.RhiginiBonelliandW.R.
Shea (eds), Reason, experiment, and mysticism in the Scientific Revolution (London, 1975),
particularly:PaoloCasini,“Newton,ascepticalalchemist?”,233–8;A.RupertHall,“Magic,
metaphysics and mysticism in the Scientific Revolution”, 275–82; and perhaps even Paolo
Rossi,“Hermeticism,rationalityandtheScientificRevolution”,247–73.ButseealsoBronislaw
Malinowski,Magic,scienceandreligionandotheressays(Boston,1948);andMaryB.Hesse,
“Reasonandevaluationinthehistoryofscience”,inM.TeichandR.M.Young(eds),Changing
perspectivesinthehistoryofscience(London,1973),129–47.ForfurtherdiscussionseeDavid
Katz,TheocculttraditionfromtheRenaissancetothepresentday(London,2005),11–16.
18. ItisimportanttoexonerateBrianVickersfromthesecharges.ProfessorVickers’sextensive,careful
andthoughtfulscholarshiphasdonemuchtoincreaseourunderstandingofthehistoryofmagic.
Evenso,IhavetosaythatIfindhisdistinctionbetweentwo‘mentalities’,occultandscientific,
inthepre-modernperiod,isaclearcaseofputtingthepositivistcartbeforethehistoricalhorse.
SeehisIntroductiontoVickers(ed.),OccultandscientificmentalitiesintheRenaissance(ref.
14),1–55.
19. Sir David Brewster, Memoirs of the life, writings and discoveries of Sir Isaac Newton (2 vols,
Edinburgh,1855),ii,374–5.
20. The denials are based on a misreading of a single comment by Newton in a letter to Richard
BentleywritteninFebruary1693.Althoughthiscomment,onasuperficialglance,mightlook
likeadenialofactionatadistance,itisnot.ThemisreadingwaspointedoutlongagobyEmile
Meyerson,“Leibniz,Newton,andactionatadistance”,inidem,Identityandreality(London,
1930),447–56;andreiteratedmorerecentlyinJohnHenry,“‘Praydonotascribethatnotion
tome’:GodandNewton’sgravity”,inJamesE.ForceandRichardH.Popkin(eds),Thebooks
ofnatureandScripture:Recentessaysonnaturalphilosophy,theologyandBiblicalcriticism
intheNetherlandsofSpinoza’stimeandtheBritishIslesofNewton’stime(Dordrecht,1994),
123–47.Forthequotationinquestion,seeCohen(ed.),IsaacNewton’spapersandletterson
naturalphilosophy(ref.8),302.
21. Newton,Opticks(ref.7),Queries,1,4,21,29,and31,pp.339,352,371,375–6.TheroleofNewton’s
alchemyinhisconceptofforcewasfirstsuggestedbyR.S.Westfall,“NewtonandtheHermetic
tradition”,inAllenG.Debus(ed.),Science,medicineandsocietyintheRenaissance(2vols,
NewYork,1972),ii,183–98.Seealsoidem,“Newtonandalchemy”,inVickers(ed.),Occult
andscientificmentalities(ref.14),315–35;P.M.Rattansi,“Newton’salchemicalstudies”,in
AllenG.Debus(ed.),Science,medicineandsocietyintheRenaissance(thisref.),ii,167–82;
andDobbs,ThefoundationsofNewton’salchemy(ref.14).
22. ThemajorstudyisRobertE.Schofield,Mechanismandmaterialism:Britishnaturalphilosophyin
anageofreason(Princeton,1970).ButseealsoArnoldThackray,Atomsandpowers:Anessay
onNewtonianmatter-theoryandthedevelopmentofchemistry(Cambridge,MA,1970);andP.
M.HeimannandJ.E.McGuire,“NewtonianforcesandLockeanpowers:Conceptsofmatterin
eighteenth-centurythought”,Historicalstudiesinthephysicalsciences,iii(1971),233–306.
23. Ihavearguedthiselsewhere:JohnHenry,“Magicandscienceinthesixteenthandseventeenth
centuries”,inG.N.Cantor,J.R.R.Christie,J.Hodge,andR.C.Olby(eds),Companiontothe
historyofmodernscience(LondonandNewYork,1990),583–96;andTheScientificRevolution
38 ·JOHNHENRY
andtheoriginsofmodernscience,2ndedn(BasingstokeandNewYork,2002),54–67.Seealso
Rossi, Francis Bacon (ref. 15); andWebster, From Paracelsus to Newton (ref. 15). See also
AnnBlair,“Naturalphilosophy”,inKatharineParkandLorraineDaston(eds),TheCambridge
historyofscience,iii:Earlymodernscience(Cambridge,2006),365–406,whowritesofthe
“Transformationofnaturalphilosophybyempiricalandmathematicalmethods”butdoesnot
explicitlymentionthemagicaltraditionasasourceofthesemethods.
24. KeithThomas,Religionandthedeclineofmagic(London,1971).Foraconvenientsummaryof
criticismsofThomas’stheses,andanalternativeview,seeAlanMacfarlane,“Civilityandthe
declineofmagic”,inPeterBurke,BrianHarrison,andPaulSlack(eds),Civilhistories:Essays
inhonourofSirKeithThomas(Oxford,2000),145–60.Onthecontinuedfortuneofmagicin
popularculturesee,forexample,RobertMuchembled,PopularcultureandelitecultureinFrance,
1400–1750(BatonRougeandLondon,1985);andOwenDavies,Cunningfolk:Popularmagic
inEnglishhistory(NewYorkandLondon,2003).
25. Forstudiesoftheimportanceofdrawingintellectualordisciplinaryboundariesinordertosupport
knowledgeclaims,seeT.F.Gieryn,“Boundary-workandthedemarcationofsciencefromnon-
science:Strainsandinterestsinprofessionalideologiesofscientists”,Americansociological
review,xlviii(1983),781–95;andB.Barnes,D.BloorandJ.Henry,Scientificknowledge:A
sociologicalanalysis(LondonandChicago,1996),140–68.
26. Iamencouragedinthislineofargumentbythesimilarclaimmadebrilliantlywithregardtoalchemy
inLawrenceM.PrincipeandWilliamR.Newman,“Someproblemswiththehistoriographyof
alchemy”,inW.R.NewmanandA.Grafton(eds),Secretsofnature:Astrologyandalchemyin
earlymodernEurope(Cambridge,MA,2001),385–431.
27. Foradiscussionoftheclearseparation,anddistance,betweentwomajoraspectsofwhatwemight
thinkofasaunifiedmagicaltradition,astrologyandalchemy,seeNewmanandGrafton(eds),
Secretsofnature(ref.26),14–27.
28. StuartClark,“Thescientificstatusofdemonology”,inVickers(ed.),Occultandscientificmentalities
(ref. 14), 351–74; and idem, Thinking with demons:The idea of witchcraft in early modern
Europe(Oxford,1997),161–79.
29. GiambattistadellaPorta,Naturalmagick…intwentybooks(London,1658),BkI,chap.2,p.2.
ThispopularmanualofnaturalmagicwasoriginallypublishedinfourbooksinNaples,1554,
and in twenty books in 1589. For a brief discussion, see Millen, “Manifestation of occult
qualities”(ref.15).
30. CorneliusAgrippa,Deincertitudineetvanitateomniumscientiarumetartium(n.p.,1531),chap.
42.
31. FrancisBacon,Novumorganum,PtI,AphorismIV.OnmagicintheworkofFrancisBaconsee
Rossi,FrancisBacon(ref.15);andJohnHenry,Knowledgeispower:FrancisBaconandthe
methodofscience(Cambridge,2002),42–81.
32. RobertHooke,Micrographia(London,1665),12,15,16,etc.;andIsaacNewton,LettertoRobert
Boyle,February28,1679,inCohen(ed.),Newton’spapersandletters(ref.8),251.SeeJohn
Henry, “Robert Hooke, the incongruous mechanist”, in Michael Hunter and Simon Schaffer
(eds),RobertHooke:Newstudies(Woodbridge,Suffolk,1989),149–80.
33. Womenand,toalesserextent,uneducatedmenwereheldtobecapableofmagicalknowledge,of
course,butusuallyonlytoalimitedextent.Prejudicedassumptionsbytheéliteaboutthelimits
oftheknowledgeofsuch“cunning”menandwomenweretohaveappallingconsequencesduring
thewitchcrazes.Supposedsuccessinmagicaloperationswasassumedtohavebeenachieved
thankstotheDevil’shelp(ratherthanbyknowledgeofnaturaloccultqualitiesandpowers),and
sothewitchwaspresumedguiltyofcommercewithSatan.Theeducatedmaguswouldalways
havebeenabletodefendhimselffromsimilarchargesbyinsistingthatheusedonlynatural
magic,andbydemonstratingaclearunderstandingofthedistinctionbetweennaturalanddemonic
THEFRAGMENTATIONOFRENAISSANCEOCCULTISM ·39
magic.Uneducatedwitcheswerenotalwaysabletomakesuchcleardistinctions,andmuchless
soduringinquisitorialproceedings.OnpopularknowledgeofmedicineseeJohnHenry,“Doctors
andhealers:Popularcultureandthemedicalprofession”,inStephenPumfrey,PaoloRossi,and
MauriceSlawinski(eds),Science,cultureandpopularbeliefinRenaissanceEurope(Manchester,
1991),191–221.Literatureonthewitchcrazesisvastlyextensive,butsee,forexample,Norman
Cohn,Europe’sinnerdemons:ThedemonizationofChristiansinmedievalChristendom(Chicago,
1993);HughTrevor-Roper,TheEuropeanwitch-crazeofthesixteenthandseventeenthcenturies
(Harmondsworth,1969);andBengtAnkarloo,StuartClark,andWilliamMonter(eds),Witchcraft
andmagicinEurope:Theperiodofthewitchtrials(Philadelphia,2002).
34. Agrippa,Deincertitudineetvanitateomniumscientiarum(ref.30),chap.42.SeealsoLaurenKassell,
“‘Allwasthatlandfullfill’doffaerie’,ormagicandthepastinearlymodernEngland”,Journal
ofthehistoryofideas,lxvii(2006),107–22,p.112.
35. WilliamEamon,Scienceandthesecretsofnature:Booksofsecretsinmedievalandearlymodern
culture(Princeton,1994);andBertHansen,“Scienceandmagic”,inD.C.Lindberg(ed.),Science
intheMiddleAges(Chicago,1975),483–506,pp.493–5.
36. Recorded during one of the weekly conferences conducted at Theophraste Renaudot’s Bureau
d’Adressefrom1633to1642.QuotedfromKathleenWellman,“Talismans,incubi,divination
andtheBookofM*:TheBureaud’Adresseconfrontstheoccult”,inA.G.DebusandMichael
T.Walton(eds),Readingthebookofnature:TheothersideoftheScientificRevolution(StLouis,
1998),215–38,p.228.
37. Brian Copenhaver, “Did science have a Renaissance?”, Isis, lxxxiii (1992), 387–407; Michel
Foucault,Theorderofthings:Anarchaeologyofthehumansciences(London,1974);andE.
M.W.Tillyard,TheElizabethanworldpicture(London,1943).
38. Clark, “Scientific status of demonology” (ref. 28); and idem, Thinking with demons (ref. 28),
161–78.
39. JohnCotta,Thetriallofwitch-craft(London,1616),34.
40. WilliamPerkins,Discourseofthedamnedartofwitch-craft(Cambridge,1610),59.Thefactthat
Perkinsdoesnotlistmagiciansamongthose“thataremostexcellent”intheknowledgeofnatural
magicreflectstheChurch’sreluctancetoacknowledgeanythingworthyinmagicians(Perkins
wasanAnglicanclergyman).Thisisdiscussedmorefullybelow.
41. JamesVI,Daemonologie(Edinburgh,1597),44.
42. ThemostnotoriousexampleofthiskindofshortcuttowisdomisprovidedbyJohnDee,whothanks
tohis“scryingstone”andasupposedlypsychic“medium”,EdwardKelly,whowasalltoowilling
toplease,heldmanyconversationswithangelsfrom1582to1587,withaviewtobeingableto
makethephilosopher’sstone.NotethatDee,forobviousreligiousreasons,alwaysclaimedhe
wassummoningangels,notdemons.SeeDeborahE.Harkness,JohnDee’sconversationswith
angels:Cabala,alchemy,andtheendofnature(Cambridge,1999).
43. Perkins,Discourseofthedamnedartofwitch-craft(ref.40),20.
44. Agrippa,Deincertitudineetvanitateomniumscientiarum(ref.30),chap.42.
45. F.Giuntini,Speculumastronomiae(Paris,1573),quotedfromLynnThorndike,Ahistoryofmagic
andexperimentalscience(8vols,NewYork,1923–58),vi,132.
46. SeeD.P.Walker,SpiritualanddemonicmagicfromFicinotoCampanella(London,1958),36,
83;andHansen,“Scienceandmagic”(ref.35),488–9.Asinsomanyothercases,theChurch’s
attitude forged popular consciousness. Hence, Christopher Marlowe, The tragical history of
DoctorFaustus(1604),orthelesswellknownRobertGreene,ThehonourablehistorieofFrier
BaconandFrierBungay(c.1592).OnthelegendofFaust,seeE.M.Butler,Themythofthe
magus,Ritualmagic,andThefortunesofFaust(Cambridge,1948,1949,and1952).Literature
onthewitch-crazesisvastlyextensive,butsee,forexample,theworkscitedinref.33above.
40 ·JOHNHENRY
47. Orsomewhoweremorethanoneofthesethings—magicaltraditionsfeaturedprominentlyin
Renaissanceeclecticism.JohnNapier,forexample,inventoroflogarithms,alsodevotedmuch
ofhistimetoalchemy,andwasknownlocally,inEdinburgh,asawizard.SeeFrancisShennan,
Fleshandbones:Thelife,passionsandlegaciesofJohnNapier(Edinburgh,1989).
48. A.G.Molland,“RogerBaconasmagician”,Traditio,xxx(1974),445–60,p.459–60.Consider
alsotherevealinglycontradictorytitleofRogerBacon’sEpistoladesecretisoperibusartiset
naturae,etdenullitatemagiae,writtenbetween1248and1267.
49. ForarecentdiscussionofNaudé’sbookseeKassell,op.cit.(ref.34);andMolland,“RogerBacon
asmagician”(ref.48),448.
50. Robert Hooke, “Of Dr Dee’s book of spirits” (1690), in RichardWaller (ed.), The posthumous
worksofRobertHooke(London,1705),203–10.SeeHenry,“RobertHooke”(ref.32),176–8;
andRichardDeacon,JohnDee,scientist,geographer,astrologerandsecretagenttoElizabethI
(London,1968).Dee’sséanceswithangelshadbeenpublishedin1659:Atrue&faithfulrelation
ofwhatpassedformanyyeersbetweendr.JohnDee...andsomespirits,ed.byMericCasuabon
(London,1659).SeeHarkness,JohnDee’sconversationswithangels(ref.42).OnTrithemius,
seeKlausArnold,JohannesTrithemius(1462–1516)(Würtzburg,1971);andWayneShumaker,
Renaissancecuriosa(Binghampton,1982).
51. OnBacon’scriticismsofmagicseeRossi,FrancisBacon(ref.15),31–35.
52. Theretractionappearedinageneralattackonallhumanknowledge,andanaffirmationofChristian
fideism,CorneliusAgrippa,Deincertitudine&vanitatescientiarumdeclamatioinvectiva…(n.p.,
1530),buthasbeenshowntosharethesamemagico-religiousfoundationsastheDeocculta
philosophia—somuchsothatthetwoworksaresaidtoshareabasicunity.SeeMichaelH.
Keefer,“Agrippa’sdilemma:HermeticrebirthandtheambivalenceofDevanitateandDeocculta
philosophia”,Renaissancequarterly,xli(1988),614–53.
53. Newton,Opticks(ref.7),BkIII,PtI,Query31,p.401.
54. Forexample,Opticks(ref.7),Queries,1,4,21,29,and31,pp.339,352,371,375–6;andIsaac
Newton,ThePrincipia:Mathematicalprinciplesofnaturalphilosophy,anewtransl.byI.B.
CohenandAnneWhitman(Berkeley,1999),382–3.OnNewton’salchemyseetheworkscited
inref.15above.OnactionatadistanceinNewtonseeHenry,“‘Praydonotascribethatnotion
tome’”(ref.20).
55. Onthesociologyof‘boundarydemarcation’seetheworkscitedinref.25above.Wehavementioned
thecontinuingandconstantreligiousobjectiontodemonology,buttherewasanewdevelopment
inthelateRenaissanceandearlymodernperiods,namelyascepticaldenialoftheexistenceof
demonsandotherspiritualbeingsthatwenthand-in-handwiththeriseofatheism,irreligionand
secularism.ForageneralsurveyofsuchtrendsseeRichardH.Popkin,Thehistoryofscepticism
fromErasmustoSpinoza(Berkeley,1979).Fortherelevanceofthesedevelopmentstothedecline
ofmagic,especiallydemonology,seeMichaelHunter,“Witchcraftandthedeclineofbelief”,
Eighteenth-centurylife,xxii(1998),139–47.
56. SeeVickers,“Introduction”,inidem(ed.),Occultandscientificmentalities(ref.14),1–55.Professor
Vickersismoresophisticatedthanthelabel“positivist”mightimply.Inarecentessayhehas
distinguishedbetween“occult1”,“aneutraldistinctionbetweenvisibleandinvisiblecauses”,and
“occult2”,whichisnotsoclearlydefined(hereferstoitasasynthesisof“magicandastrology”,
a“philosophyinitsownright”,andan“aggressiveformulation”whichledto“anincreasingly
bitterdenunciationofoccultismbyboththeChurchandsecularscholars”).Icanagreethatin
theprocessofredefiningboundariestherewasthiskindofbifurcationoftheoccult,butIsee
itasaprocesshinginguponmanyhistoricalcontingencies,whileProfessorVickersseemsto
seeitmerelyasamatterofanahistoricalentitycalledscience,triumphingoveranahistorical
entitycalledmagic.SeeBrianVickers,“TheoccultintheRenaissance”,Annalsofscience,lii
(1995),77–84.
THEFRAGMENTATIONOFRENAISSANCEOCCULTISM ·41
57. Frank L. Borchardt, “The magus as Renaissance man”, Sixteenth century journal, xxi (1990),
57–76,pp.59,72.
58. Literatureontherelationsbetweenthenewphilosophiesandreligionisvast,butforrecentprovocative
insightsseeAmosFunkenstein,TheologyandthescientificimaginationfromtheMiddleAges
totheseventeenthcentury(Princeton,1986);PeterHarrison,TheBible,Protestantism,andthe
riseofnaturalscience(Cambridge,1998);andStephenGaukroger,Theemergenceofascientific
culture:Scienceandtheshapingofmodernity,1250–1685(Oxford,2006).
59. Infacttherewasashort-livedattempttodojustthis,andthiswillbebrieflydiscussedlater(see
ref.110andtextatthatpoint).Butthiswasaminorhistoricalepisodethatservestohighlight
themoregeneraltrend.
60. Stuart Clark, “The rational witchfinder: Conscience, demonological naturalism and popular
superstitions”,inPumfrey,RossiandSlawinski(eds),Science,cultureandpopularbelief(ref.
33),222–48;andidem,Thinkingwithdemons(ref.28).
61. Clark,“Rationalwitchfinder”(ref.60);andHansen,“Scienceandmagic”(ref.35),488–9.See
alsoCarolineOates,“MetamorphosisandlycanthropyinFranche-Comté,1521–1643”,inM.
Feher(ed.),Fragmentsforahistoryofthehumanbody,PartOne(NewYork,1989),305–63,
especiallyp.320.
62. Clark,“Rationalwitchfinder”(ref.60).
63. Ibid.
64. Literatureonthewitch-crazesisdauntinglyvast,butsee,forexample,ChristinaLarner,Witchcraft
andreligion:Thepoliticsofpopularbelief(Oxford,1984);JosephKlaits,ServantsofSatan:
Theageofthewitchhunts(Bloomington,1985);JonathanBarry,MarianneHesterandGareth
Roberts(eds),WitchcraftinearlymodernEurope:Studiesincultureandbelief(Cambridge,
1996); Robin Briggs, Witches and neighbours:The social and cultural context of European
witchcraft(London,1996);andtheworkscitedinref.33above.
65. MichaelHunter,“Alchemy,magicandmoralisminthethoughtofRobertBoyle”,inidem,Robert
Boyle(1627–91):Scrupulosityandscience(Woodbridge,Suffolk,2000),93–118.Seealsoidem
(ed.),RobertBoylebyhimselfandhisfriends(London,1994).
66. SeeHunter,Boylebyhimself(ref.65),29–31.
67. QuotedfromMichaelHunter,“Alchemy,magicandmoralism”(ref.65),116.
68. Fordetailedexpositionsofwhathascometobecalledthescholarandcraftsmanthesis,seeEdgar
Zilsel,Thesocialoriginsofmodernscience(Dordrecht,2000);PamelaH.Smith,Thebodyofthe
artisan:ArtandexperienceintheScientificRevolution(Chicago,2004);andidem,“Laboratories”,
inParkandDaston(eds),Cambridgehistoryofscience,iii(ref.23),290–319.
69. FosterWatson,Vives:Oneducation.AtranslationoftheDetradendisdisciplinis,togetherwithan
introduction(Cambridge,1913),209.OnVives,seeCarlosG.Noreña,JuanLuisVives(The
Hague,1970).FrancisBacon,Neworganon,PtII,Aphorism31.
70. On Gilbert, see John Henry, “Animism and empiricism: Copernican physics and the origins of
WilliamGilbert’sexperimentalmethod”,Journalofthehistoryofideas,lxii(2001),99–119.
OnBoyleasathoroughgoingalchemist,ratherthanonewhoturnedtoitlater,seeLawrence
Principe, The aspiring adept: Robert Boyle and his alchemical quest (Princeton, 1998); and
WilliamNewman,Atomsandalchemy(ref.16).
71. ArthurC.Clarke,Profilesofthefuture:Aninquiryintothelimitsofthepossible(London,1962).
72. Salluste du Bartas, His divine weekes and workes, transl. by J. Sylvester (London, 1606), 221;
quotedfromJ.PeterZetterberg,“Themistakingof‘themathematicks’formagicinTudorand
StuartEngland”,Sixteenthcenturyjournal,xi(1980),83–97,p.93.Onsuperstitiousbeliefs
aboutmathematicsandmagicanddemonology,seeMordechaiFeingold,“Theocculttradition
intheEnglishuniversitiesoftheRenaissance:Areassessment”,inVickers(ed.),Occultand
42 ·JOHNHENRY
scientificmentalities(ref.14),73–94;andKatherineNeal,“Therhetoricofutility:Avoiding
occult associations for mathematics through profitability and pleasure”, History of science,
xxxvii(1999),151–78.
73. SeeThorndike,Historyofmagicandexperimentalscience(ref.45);M.Sherwood,“Magicand
mechanics in medieval fiction”, Studies in philology, xli (1947), 567–92; Zetterberg, “The
mistakingof‘themathematicks’formagic”(ref.72);WilliamEamon,“Technologyasmagicin
thelateMiddleAgesandtheRenaissance”,Janus,1983,171–212;A.GeorgeMolland,“Cornelius
Agrippa’smathematicalmagic”,inCynthiaHay(ed.),Mathematicsfrommanuscripttoprint
(Oxford,1988),209–19;andHenry,“Magicandscience”(ref.23).
74. See, for example, Paul Lawrence Rose, The Italian Renaissance of mathematics: Studies on
humanistsandmathematiciansfromPetrarchtoGalileo(Geneva,1975);RobertS.Westman,
“Theastronomer’sroleinthesixteenthcentury:Apreliminarysurvey”,Historyofscience,xviii
(1980),105–47;NicholasJardine,“Epistemologyofthesciences”,inSchmittandSkinner(eds),
The Cambridge history of Renaissance philosophy (ref. 15), 685–711; Mario Biagioli, “The
socialstatusofItalianmathematicians,1450–1600”,Historyofscience,xxvii(1989),41–95;J.
A.Bennett,“Thechallengeofpracticalmathematics”,inPumfrey,RossiandSlawinski(eds),
Science,cultureandpopularbelief(ref.33),176–90;AnnaDePace,Lematematicheeilmondo:
Ricerche su un dibattito in Italia nella seconda metà del cinquecento (Milan, 1993); James
M.Lattis,BetweenCopernicusandGalileo:ChristophClaviusandthecollapseofPtolemaic
cosmology(Chicago,1994);andPeterDear,Disciplineandexperience:Themathematicalway
intheScientificRevolution(Chicago,1995).
75. Zetterberg,“Themistakingof‘themathematicks’formagic”(ref.72).Formorepositivisttendencies
inthehistoryofRenaissancemathematicsseeEdwardW.Strong,Proceduresandmetaphysics:
Astudyinthephilosophyofmathematical-physicalscienceinthesixteenthandseventeenth
centuries(Berkeley,1936).
76. OnNapier,seeMarkNapier,MemoirsofJohnNapierofMerchiston:Hislineage,life,andtimes,
withahistoryoftheinventionoflogarithms(Edinburgh,1834);andShennan,Fleshandbones
(ref.47).Napier’salchemyremainslargelyunstudied,butseeJ.Small,“SketchesoflaterScottish
alchemists:JohnNapierofMerchiston,RobertNapier,SirDavidLindsay,firstearlofBalcarres,
PatrickRuthven,AlexanderSeton,andPatrickScot”,ProceedingsoftheSocietyofAntiquaries
ofScotland,xi(1874–76),410–38.HisalchemicalpapersareinEdinburghUniversityLibrary.
LiteratureonDeeisextensive.SeeStephenClucas,“RecentWorksonJohnDee(1988–2005):
Aselectbibliography”,inidem(ed.),JohnDee:InterdisciplinarystudiesinEnglishRenaissance
thought(Dordrecht,2006),345–50.ThebestsinglestudyisNicholasH.Clulee,JohnDee’s
naturalphilosophy:Betweenscienceandreligion(LondonandNewYork,1988).
77. JohnWilkins,Mathematicalmagick,or,thewondersthatmaybeperformedbymechanicalgeometry
(London,1648).ThemajorstudyisstillBarbaraShapiro,JohnWilkins:Anintellectualbiography
(Berkeley,1969),butseealsoAnaMariaAlfonso-Goldfarb,“An‘older’viewaboutmatterin
JohnWilkins’‘modern’mathematicalmagick”,inDebusandWalton(eds),Readingthebook
ofnature(ref.36),133–46.
78. René Descartes, Principia philosophiae, IV, §203. On the impact of the pseudo-Aristotelian
Quaestionesmechanicae,seeHelenHattab,“Frommechanicstomechanism:TheQuaestiones
mechanicaeandDescartes’physics”,inPeterR.AnsteyandJohnA.Schuster(eds),Thescience
ofnatureintheseventeenthcentury:Patternsofchangeinearlymodernnaturalphilosophy
(Dordrecht,2005),99–129.
79. ThisbookhasbeentranslatedintoEnglish:GirolamoCardano,Desubtilitate,Book1,translated,with
introductionandnotes,byMyrtleMargueriteCass(Williamsport,PA,1934).Thebesteditionof
theDesubtilitate(currentlyonlythefirstsevenbooks)isDesubtilitatelibriXXI(LibriI–VII),
ed.byElioNenci(Milan,2004).ForstudiesofCardanoseeAngeloBellini,GirolamoCardano
THEFRAGMENTATIONOFRENAISSANCEOCCULTISM ·43
eilsuotempo(Milan,1947);NancyG.Siraisi,Theclockandthemirror:GirolamoCardanoand
Renaissancemedicine(Princeton,1997);andAnthonyGrafton,Cardano’scosmos:Theworlds
andworksofaRenaissanceastrologer(Cambridge,MA,1999).SeealsoGirolamoCardano,De
librispropriis:Theeditionsof1544,1550,1557,1562,ed.byIanMaclean(Milan,2004).
80. JensHøyrup,“Philosophy:Accident,epiphenomenon,orcontributorycauseofthechangingtrends
ofmathematics—asketchofthedevelopmentfromthetwelfththroughthesixteenthcentury”,
inidem,Inmeasure,number,andweight:Studiesinmathematicsandculture(Albany,1994),
123–71, p. 165, see also pp. 154–6. See alsoWilliam R. Newman, Promethean ambitions:
Alchemyandthequesttoperfectnature(Chicago,2004).
81. See McGuire and Rattansi, “Newton and the ‘Pipes of Pan’” (ref. 12). Consider also, in this
connection,AyvalLeshem,Newtononmathematicsandspiritualpurity(Dordrecht,2003).
82. ForthedetailsofKepler’sgeometricalarchetypeseeAlexandreKoyré,Theastronomicalrevolution:
Copernicus,Kepler,Borelli,transl.byR.E.W.Maddison(London,1973);J.V.Field,Kepler’s
geometricalcosmology(London,1988);andRhondaMartens,Kepler’sphilosophyandthenew
astronomy(Princeton,2000).
83. KeplerandFluddengagedinadispute,playedoutindauntinglylongpublications,ontheissueof
numerology.SeeRobertS.Westman,“Nature,art,andpsyche:Jung,Pauli,andtheKepler–Fludd
polemic”;andJ.V.Field,“Kepler’srejectionofnumerology”,bothinVickers(ed.),Occultand
scientificmentalities(ref.14),177–229,and273–96,respectively.
84. PrincipeandNewman,“Someproblemswiththehistoriographyofalchemy”(ref.26).Seealso
LawrenceM.Principe,“ReflectionsonNewton’salchemyinlightofthenewhistoriographyof
alchemy”,inJ.E.ForceandS.Hutton(eds),NewtonandNewtonianism:Newstudies(Dordrecht,
2004),205–19.
85. Ibid.,386.SeealsoW.R.NewmanandL.M.Principe,“Alchemyvs.chemistry:Theetymological
originsofahistoriographicmistake”,Earlyscienceandmedicine,iii(1998),32–65.
86. PrincipeandNewman,“Someproblemswiththehistoriographyofalchemy”(ref.26),418.
87. Ibid.,413–15.TheprinciplecontributortothisnewscholarshipisWilliamNewmanhimself.See,
forarecentexample,Newman,Atomsandalchemy(ref.16).
88. WilliamB.AshworthJr,“Naturalhistoryandtheemblematicworldview”,inDavidC.Lindbergand
RobertS.Westman(eds),ReappraisalsoftheScientificRevolution(Cambridge,1980),303–32.
SeealsoJamesJ.Bono,ThewordofGodandthelanguagesofman:Interpretingnatureinearly
modernscienceandmedicine(Madison,1995);andHarrison,TheBible,Protestantism,andthe
riseofnaturalscience(ref.58).ButseealsoAnnBlair,“HistoriainZwinger’sTheatrumhumanae
vitae”,inGiannaPomataandNancyG.Siraisi(eds),Historia:Empiricismanderuditioninearly
modernEurope(Cambridge,MA,2005),269–96.
89. OnthesenewoccultistdevelopmentsinmedicineseeLindaDeerRichardson,“Thegenerationof
disease:Occultcausesanddiseasesofthetotalsubstance”,inA.Wear,R.K.FrenchandI.M.
Lonie(eds),Themedicalrenaissanceofthesixteenthcentury(Cambridge,1985),175–94;and
JohnHenryandJohnM.Forrester,“JeanFernelandtheimportanceofhisDeabditisrerum
causis”,inidem,JeanFernel’sOnthehiddencausesofthings:Forms,soulsandoccultdiseases
inRenaissancemedicine(Leiden,2005),37–44.
90. JeanFernel,Deabditisrerumcausis(Paris,1648),BkII,chap.16.Foraneweditionandtranslation
ofthisimportantworkseeForresterandHenry,JeanFernel’sOnthehiddencausesofthings
(ref.89);onamulets,seepp.646–73.
91. JohannWier,Depraestigiisdaemonum…(Basel,1583),BkV,chap.8,column535,quotedfrom
Walker,Spiritualanddemonicmagic(ref.46),154;and,ofcourse,Genesis,1,3.
92. SeeHansen,“Scienceandmagic”(ref.35),488.
93. M.M.Slaughter,Universallanguagesandscientifictaxonomyintheseventeenthcentury(Cambridge,
44 ·JOHNHENRY
1982);andPaoloRossi,Logicandtheartofmemory:Thequestforauniversallanguage,transl.
byStephenClucas(London,2000).
94. FrancisBacon,ValeriusTerminus,and‘Proemium’toGreatinstauration,inJohnM.Robertson(ed.),
PhilosophicalworksofFrancisBacon(London,1905),188,and241respectively.JohnWilkins,
Essaytowardsarealcharacterandaphilosophicallanguage(London,1668).
95. On the historical phenomenon of Christian cabbalism, see Joseph Leon Blau, The Christian
interpretationoftheCabalaintheRenaissance(NewYork,1944);andMosheIdel,“Themagical
andNeoplatonistinterpretationoftheKabbalahintheRenaissance”,inB.D.Cooperman(ed.),
Jewishthoughtinthesixteenthcentury(Cambridge,MA,1983),186–242.OnGiovanniPico
seeS.A.Farmer,SyncretismintheWest.Pico’s900theses(1486):Theevolutionoftraditional,
religious, and philosophical systems, with text, translation, and commentary (Medieval &
RenaissanceTexts&Studies;Tempe,AZ,1998).OnLeibniz’seffortstodevelopauniversal
languageandtheroleofcabbalismintheseschemes,seeAllisonP.Coudert,“Sometheories
ofanaturallanguagefromtheRenaissancetotheseventeenthcentury”,StudiaLeibnitiana,vii
(1978),119–41;idem,“Forgottenwaysofknowing:TheKabbalah,language,andscienceinthe
seventeenthcentury”,inDonaldR.KelleyandR.H.Popkin(eds),Theshapesofknowledge:
FromtheRenaissancetotheEnlightenment(Dordrecht,1991),83–99;andRossi,Logicand
theartofmemory(ref.93).
96. GuydelaBrosse(1628)andJohnRay(1660),bothquotedfromBrianVickers,“Criticalreactions
to the occult sciences during the Renaissance”, in E. Ullmann-Margalit (ed.), The scientific
enterprise(Dordrecht,1992),43–92,pp.77–79.
97. For a recent convenient summary of the Renaissance arguments against astrology, seeVickers,
“CriticalreactionstotheoccultsciencesduringtheRenaissance”(ref.96).Butseealso,Jim
Tester, A history ofWestern astrology (Woodbridge, 1987); Eugenio Garin, Astrology in the
Renaissance:Thezodiacoflife(London,1983);andH.DarrelRutkin,“Astrology”,inParkand
Daston(eds),TheCambridgehistoryofscience,iii(ref.23),542–61.
98. JohannesKepler,Mysteriumcosmographicum(1597),inGesammelteWerke,i(Munich,1938),21.
Galileo,alwaysloathtoacceptmagicalinfluence,diddenytheeffectoftheMoononthetides.
On this issue, however, the magicians were correct and Galileo was embarrassingly wrong.
GalileoGalilei,Dialogueonthetwochiefworldsystems,transl.byStillmanDrake(NewYork,
2001),FourthDay,487.
99. SeeJ.V.Field,“AstrologyinKepler’scosmology”,inPatrickCurry(ed.),Astrology,scienceand
society(Woodbridge,1987),143–70;andidem,“ALutheranastrologer:JohannesKepler”,Archive
forhistoryofexactsciences,xxxi(1984),189–272(whichincludesacompletetranslationofDe
fundamentisastrologiaecertioribus).
100. Vickers, “Critical reactions to the occult sciences” (ref. 96); and Tester, A history ofWestern
astrology(ref.97).
101. Onempiricalinvestigationsofastrologyandtheweather,seeMichaelHunterandAnnabelGregory,
Anastrologicaldiaryoftheseventeenthcentury:SamuelJeakeofRye,1652–1699(Oxford,1988);
andMichaelHunter,“Scienceandastrologyinseventeenth-centuryEngland:Anunpublished
polemicbyJohnFlamsteed”,inCurry(ed.),Astrology,scienceandsociety(ref.99),261–300.
102. P.deMaupertuis,“Lettresurlacomète”,inOeuvres(Lyons,1768),iii,209–56,p.240.Quoted
fromSimonSchaffer,“Newton’scometsandthetransformationofastrology”,inCurry(ed.),
Astrology,scienceandsociety(ref.99),219–43,p.237.
103. Edmund Halley, “Some considerations about the cause of the universal deluge”,Philosophical
transactions, xxxiii (1724), 118–25; andWilliamWhiston, Vindication of the new theory of
theEarth(London,1698),Preface;bothquotedfromSchaffer,“Newton’scomets”(ref.103),
233.
104. Newton’sbeliefrecordedbyhisfriendJohnCraig,CambridgeUniversityLibrary,KeynesMS130.7,
THEFRAGMENTATIONOFRENAISSANCEOCCULTISM ·45
f.1r.SeealsoIsaacNewton,“Degravitationeetaequipondiofluidorum”,inA.R.HallandM.
B.Hall(eds),UnpublishedscientificpapersofIsaacNewton(Cambridge,1962),139.
105. TherivalryonthisissuebetweenNewtonandLeibnizisbroughtoutmoststarklyintheso-called
Leibniz–Clarkecorrespondence.SeeH.G.Alexander(ed.),TheLeibniz–Clarkecorrespondence
(Manchester, 1956); and EzioVailati, Leibniz and Clarke: A study of their correspondence
(Oxford,1997).ForanaccountoftheroleofcometsinNewton’ssystem,seeDavidKubrin,
“Newton and the cyclical cosmos”, Journal of the history of ideas, xxviii (1967), 325–46;
SaraSchechnerGenuth,“Comets,teleologyandtherelationshipofchemistrytocosmologyin
Newton’sthought”,Annalidell’IstitutoeMuseodiStoriadellaScienzadiFirenze,x(1985),
31–65;andSchaffer,“Newton’scomets”(ref.103).
106. TwodevelopmentssummedupbyPierreSimonLaplace,authorofTraitédumécaniquecéleste(5
vols,1799–1825),whousedNewtonianmechanicstoshowthattheplanetarysystemwasself-
regulating,withouttheneedforcomets,andwhoalsotoldNapoleonthatGodwasnotmentioned
in his book because he “had no need of that hypothesis”. See C. C. Gillispie, Pierre-Simon
Laplace,1749–1827:Alifeinexactscience(Princeton,1997).
107. PetrusPeregrinusMaricurtensis,Demagnete,seurotaperpetuimotus,libellus…nuncprimum
promulgatus(Augsburg,1558).SeeS.P.Thompson,TheepistleofPeterPeregrinusdeMaricourt
toSygerusdeFoucaucourt,soldier,concerningthemagnet(London,1902);andH.D.Harradon,
“Someearlycontributionstothehistoryofgeomagnetism—I:TheletterofPeterPeregrinusde
MaricourttoSygerusdeFoucaucourt,soldier,concerningthemagnet”,Terrestrialmagnetism
andatmosphericelectricity,xlviii(1943),3–17.WilliamGilbert,Demagnete[1600],transl.by
P.FleuryMottelay(NewYork,1958).FordetailsseeHenry,“Animismandempiricism”(ref.70).
Forageneralstudyoftheconceptofself-movementinAristotelianismseeMaryLouiseGilland
JamesG.Lennox(eds),Self-movement:FromAristotletoNewton(Princeton,1994).
108. J.A.Bennett,“MagneticalphilosophyandastronomyfromWilkinstoHooke,”inR.Tatonand
C.Wilson(eds),PlanetaryastronomyfromtheRenaissancetotheriseofastrophysics,PartA:
TychoBrahetoNewton(Cambridge,1989),222–30.OnKepler’suseofGilbertsee,forexample,
Koyré,Theastronomicalrevolution(ref.82),185–214.
109. SirWilliamPetty,ThediscoursemadebeforetheRoyalSociety…togetherwithanewhypothesisof
springingorelastiquemotions(London,1674).SeeHenry,“Occultqualitiesandtheexperimental
philosophy(ref.15),350–1.
110. MoodyE.Prior,“JosephGlanvill,witchcraftandseventeenth-centuryscience”,Modernphilology,
xxx(1932),167–93;GeorgeEdelin,“JosephGlanvill,HenryMore,andthephantomdrummer
ofTedworth”,HarvardLibrarybulletin,x(1956),186–92;ThomasHarmonJobe,“Thedevilin
Restorationscience:TheGlanvill–Websterdebate”,Isis,lxxii(1981),343–56;andIanBostridge,
Witchcraftanditstransformationsc.1650–c.1750(Oxford,1997).Onsimilareffortsinthe
NetherlandsseeAndrewFix,Fallenangels:BalthasarBekker,spiritbeliefandconfessionalism
intheseventeenth-centuryDutchRepublic(Dordrecht,1999).
111. It is like comparingWilkins, Mathematical magick (ref. 77), with, say, Petrus Severinus, Idea
medicinaephilosophicae:FundamentacontinenstotiusdoctrinaeParacelsicae,Hippocraticae,
&Galenicae(Basel,1571).
112. Butrememberwhatwassaidearlieraboutthepossibilitythattheworkofothernumerologistson
theKeplerianorNewtonianmodelmightsimplybebeingoverlooked.
113. Themainsupportfortheclaimthatexperimentalismandtheutilitarianismofthenewphilosophies
derivesfromtheocculttraditionistobefoundinFrancisBacon.SeeRossi,FrancisBacon:From
magictoscience(ref.15);andHenry,Knowledgeispower(ref.31).Butseealso,forexample,
Henry,“Magicandscience”(ref.23);idem,“Occultqualitiesandtheexperimentalphilosophy”
(ref.15);andidem,“Animismandempiricism”(ref.70).
114. Onthedeclineofbeliefinsymbolicmagic,seeBrianVickers,“Analogyversusidentity:Therejection
46 ·JOHNHENRY
ofoccultsymbolism,1580–1680”,inidem(ed.),Occultandscientificmentalities(ref.14);and
idem,“Criticalreactionsto the occult sciences”(ref. 96).See also, BrianCopenhaver, “The
occultisttraditionanditscritics”,inD.GarberandM.Ayers(eds),TheCambridgehistoryof
seventeenth-centuryphilosophy(Cambridge,1998),454–512.
115. Walker,Spiritualanddemonicmagic(ref.46),84;Thomas,Religionandthedeclineofmagic(ref.
24);andClark,“Therationalwitchfinder”(ref.60).
116. The literature here is vast but an obvious starting point isThomas, Religion and the decline of
magic (ref. 24). Consider also Clark, Thinking with demons (ref. 28). On the socio-political
dimensions of alchemy, which has been well served in the literature, see for example P. M.
Rattansi,“ParacelsusandthePuritanrevolution”,Ambix,xi(1963),24–32;HughTrevor-Roper,
“TheParacelsianmovement”,inidem,Renaissanceessays(London,1985),149–99;J.Andrew
Mendelsohn,“AlchemyandpoliticsinEngland”,Pastandpresent,cxxxv(1992),30–78;and
WilliamNewman,“Fromalchemyto‘chymistry’”,inParkandDaston(eds),TheCambridge
historyofscience,iii(ref.23),497–517.Onthepoliticaldimensiontoastrology,seeforexample,
PatrickCurry,Prophecyandpower:AstrologyinearlymodernEngland(Oxford,1989).Seealso,
foranotherexample,PaolaZambelli,“MagicandradicalreformationinAgrippaofNettesheim”,
JournaloftheWarburgandCourtauldInstitutes,xxxix(1976),69–103.
117. Consider,forexample,ThomasDigges,Aperfitdescriptionofthecaelestiallorbes,accordingtothe
mostauncientdoctrineofthePythagoreans(London,1576).Onthistradition,usuallycalledthe
priscatheologiatradition,consultCharlesB.Schmitt,“Priscatheologiaephilosophiaperennis:
DuetemidelRinascimentoitalianoelalorofortuna”,inAttidelVConvegnoInternazionaledel
CentrodiStudiUmanistici:IlpensieroitalianodelRinascimentoeiltemponostro(Florence,
1970),211–36;andD.P.Walker,Theancienttheology:StudiesinChristianPlatonismfromthe
fifteenthtotheeighteenthcentury(London,1972).
118. DevitacoelituscomparandawasthethirdpartofFicino’sDevitatriplici(Florence,1489).The
meaningofthetitleisobscure,possiblysomethinglike:“Onarrangingone’slifeinaccordance
withtheheavens”.SeeWalker,Spiritualanddemonicmagic(ref.46),58,whereWalkermakes
itclearthat‘spiritualmagic’ishisownphrasetodescribeFicino’sideas.Foranindicationof
Ficino’simmenseinfluencesee,forexample,HiroHirai,Leconceptdesemencedanslestheories
delamatièreàlaRenaissance:DeMarsileFicinàPierreGasendi(Turnhout,2005).
119. SeeEugenioGarin,“Thephilosopherandthemagus”,inidem(ed.),Renaissancecharacters,transl.
byLydiaG.Cochrane(Chicago,1997),123–53.SeealsoBorchardt,“ThemagusasRenaissance
man”(ref.57).Weshouldalsoremember,however,thatevenahighlylearnedmagiciansuch
asAgrippa might call himself a magus and at the same time be anxious about the religious
implicationsofbeingamagus.SeeKeefer,“Agrippa’sdilemma”(ref.52).
120. ThemostconvenientsourceonthereligiousCorpusHermeticum,whichincludesaninvaluable
introduction,isBrianP.Copenhaver,Hermetica:TheGreekCorpusHermeticumandtheLatin
AsclepiusinEnglishtranslation(Cambridge,1991).Ontheso-called“technical”writingssee
A.-J.Festugière,Larévélationd’HermèsTrismégiste,i:L’Astrologieetlessciencesoccultes
(Paris,1950).ForbriefassessmentsofthehistoricalsignificanceoftheHermeticwritingssee
Cophenhaver,“Astrologyandmagic”(ref.15);idem,“Naturalmagic,Hermetism,andoccultism
inearlymodernscience”(ref.15);andidem,“Magic”,inParkandDaston(eds),Cambridge
historyofscience,iii(ref.23),518–40.
121. Copenhaver,“Astrologyandmagic”(ref.15);idem,“DidsciencehaveaRenaissance?”(ref.37);
andWalker,Spiritualanddemonicmagic(ref.46).
122. Copenhaver,“Astrologyandmagic”(ref.15),273.
123. Foranimportantstudyoftheroleofdiscussionsofnaturalpowersandtheabilitiesofdemons,see
Newman,Prometheanambitions(ref.80).
124. OnParacelsussee,forexample,WalterPagel,Paracelsus:Anintroductiontophilosophicalmedicine
THEFRAGMENTATIONOFRENAISSANCEOCCULTISM ·47
intheeraoftheRenaissance(Basel,1958);andA.Weeks,Paracelsus:Speculativetheoryandthe
crisisoftheearlyReformation(Albany,1997).OnFracastoro,seeVivianNutton,“Theseedsof
disease:AnexplanationofcontagionandinfectionfromtheGreekstotheRenaissance”,Medical
history,xxvii(1983),1–34;andidem,“ThereceptionofFracastoro’stheoryofcontagion:Theseed
thatfellamongthorns?”,Osiris,n.s,vi(1990),196–234.OnFernel,seeRichardson,“Generation
ofdisease”(ref.89);LaurenceBrocklissandColinJones,Themedicalworldofearlymodern
France(Oxford,1997);HiroshiHirai,“Humanisme,néoplatonismeetpriscatheologiadansle
conceptdesemencedeJeanFernel”,Corpus,xli(2002),43–69;D.P.Walker,“Theastralbody
inRenaissancemedicine”,JournaloftheWarburgandCourtauldInstitutes,xxi(1958),119–33;
idem,“MedicalspiritsinphilosophyfromFicinotoNewton”,inArtsduspectacleethistoire
desidées(Tours,1984),287–300;andHenryandForrester,“JeanFernelandtheimportanceof
hisDeabditisrerumcausis”(ref.89).
125. ForbriefaccountsofthenatureofalchemyseeBruceT.Moran,Distillingknowledge:Alchemy,
chemistry,andtheScientificRevolution(Cambridge,2005);Newman,Atomsandalchemy(ref.
16);andidem,“Fromalchemyto‘chymistry’”(ref.116).OnoccultqualitiesseeKeithHutchison,
“WhathappenedtooccultqualitiesintheRenaissance?”,Isis,lxxiii(1982),233–53;andMillen,
“Manifestationofoccultqualities”(ref.15).
126. Copenhaver,“Astrologyandmagic”(ref.15).
127. OnthisaspectofAristotelianismsee,forexample,PeterDear,Disciplineandexperience(ref.74),
11–31;andidem,“Themeaningsofexperience”,inParkandDaston(eds),Cambridgehistory
ofscience,iii(ref.23),106–31.
128. On Pomponazzi seeWalker, Spiritual and demonic magic (ref. 46), 107–11. On Fernel: Henry
andForrester,“JeanFernelandtheimportanceofhisDeabditisrerumcausis”(ref.89).On
Sennert:Newman,Atomsandalchemy(ref.16).ForgeneralstudiesofthisthemeseeMillen,
“Manifestationofoccultqualities”(ref.15);andHenry,“Magicandscience”(ref.23).
129. For more details see Newman, Atoms and alchemy (ref. 16). See also Lynn S. Joy, “Scientific
explanationfromformalcausestolawsofnature”,inParkandDaston(eds),Cambridgehistory
ofscience,iii(ref.23),70–105;andAndrewG.vanMelsen,Fromatomostoatom:Thehistory
oftheconceptatom(NewYork,1960).
130. BrianVickers,“Introduction”,inidem(ed.),Occultandscientificmentalities(ref.14),1–55.
131. LaurenKassell,MedicineandmagicinElizabethanLondon:SimonForman,astrologer,alchemist,
andphysician(Oxford,2005).OnFludd,consider,forexample,WilliamH.Huffman,Robert
FluddandtheendoftheRenaissance(LondonandNewYork,1988);andAllenG.Debus,Man
andnatureintheRenaissance(Cambridge,1978),121–6.Fludd’sworkhasevenbeenconsidered
alongsidethatofAgrippaandCardano:SilviaParigi,LamagianaturalenelRinascimento:Testi
diAgrippa,Cardano,Fludd(Turin,1989).
132. BothDanielGarberandLynnS.Joyacknowledgetheroleofchemicalideasinearlymodernchanges
innaturalphilosophy.SeeDanielGarber,“Physicsandfoundations”,andLynnS.Joy,“Scientific
explanationfromformalcausestolawsofnature”,inParkandDaston(eds),Cambridgehistory
ofscience,iii(ref.23),29–33,and70–105,respectively.
133. SeeHenryandForrester,“JeanFernelandtheimportanceofhisDeabditisrerumcausis”(ref.89);
SylvainMatton,“Ferneletlesalchimistes”,Corpus,xli(2002),135–97;Nutton,“Theseedsof
disease”(ref.124);andidem,“ThereceptionofFracastoro’stheoryofcontagion”(ref.124).As
representativeoftheParacelsians,considerSeverinus:JoleShackelford,Aphilosophicalpath
for Paracelsian medicine: The ideas, intellectual context, and influence of Petrus Severinus
(1540/2–1602)(Copenhagen,2004).
134. Girolamo Fracastoro, De sympathia et antipathia rerum (Lyons, 1554). Girolamo Cardano, De
subtilitatelibriXXI(Basle,1554).ThebookmentionedisBookXVIII,butisbynomeansthe
onlybookwhereCardanodrawsuponoccultideasandattitudes.
48 ·JOHNHENRY
135. BernardinoTelesio,DererumnaturaiuxtapropriapricipialibriIX(Naples,1587).ForTelesio’s,
Campanella’sandevenBacon’scredentialsasmagicians,seeWalker,Spiritualanddemonic
magic(ref.46),189–93,199–203,and203–36.OnBacon’ssemi-Paracelsiancosmology,see
Graham Rees, “Francis Bacon’s semi-Paracelsian cosmology”, Ambix, xxii (1975), 81–101;
andidem,“FrancisBacon’ssemi-ParacelsiancosmologyandtheGreatInstauration”,Ambix,
xxii(1975),161–73.
136. OnBruno,see(ofcourse)FrancesYates,GiordanoBrunoandtheHermetictradition(London,
1964).SeealsoFrancescoPatrizi,Novadeuniversisphilosophialibrisquinquagintacomprehensa
(Venice,1593);andMagiaphilosophia…ZoroastereteiuscccxxOraculaChaldaica…Hermetis
TrismegistiPoemander…(Hamburg,1593).
137. Henry,“Occultqualities”(ref.15).