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TRUE/FALSE. Write 'T' if the statement is true and 'F' if the statement is false.
1) If employees receive benefits that are not paid in cash, such as free cell phones, these items will not
be considered taxable.
Answer: True False
3) Employees in provinces other than Quebec must contribute additional premiums on insurable
earnings over and above the Employment Insurance rate of 1.88% for their provincial Parental
Insurance Plans.
Answer: True False
4) The rate of 1.88% for Employment Insurance Premiums will never change.
Answer: True False
5) Current information should always be used for payroll calculations and the latest rates can be found
on government websites.
Answer: True False
MULTIPLE CHOICE. Choose the one alternative that best completes the statement or answers the question.
6) If an employer pays $200 per month for employee life insurance premiums, what amount must be
added to gross earnings on a weekly pay period before calculating deductions?
A) $200 B) $100 C) $2,400 D) $46.15 E) $50
Answer: D
1
10) The value of taxable benefits provided to employees must be added to income ________ in advance
of calculating deductions.
A) each day
B) monthly
C) annually
D) at tax filing
E) each pay cycle
Answer: E
12) Why do we need the employee's date of birth in order to calculate pay?
A) To determine if federal tax deductions are required
B) To determine if Canada Pension plan deductions are required
C) To determine if Employment Insurance deductions are required
D) To determine birthday deductions are required
E) To determine if provincial tax deductions are required
Answer: B
13) All
but the following are deductions allowed in the calculation of Net Taxable Earnings.
A) Contributions to a Registered Pension Plan
B) Amounts claimed on a TD1 for living in a prescribed zone
C) Contributions to a Registered Retirement Savings Plan
D) Contributions to a Registered Charity
E) Union dues deducted from this pay cycle
Answer: D
2
SHORT ANSWER. Write the word or phrase that best completes each statement or answers the question.
15) Explain the difference between Gross Taxable Earnings and Net Taxable Earnings.
Answer: Gross taxable earnings include all wages, salaries, and taxable allowances. Net Taxable
earnings are further reduced by any deductions that create tax savings such as Registered
Pension Plans, Registered Retirement Savings Plans, Union dues and any personal exemptions
for living in a prescribed zone.
16) When would Pensionable Earnings and Insurable Earnings be different? Provide an example.
Answer: Some taxable benefits are pensionable but not insurable. For example - the value of employer
provided cellular phone service (non-cash) is included for the calculation of CPP but not for
EI. Pensionable earnings would be higher than Insurable earnings in this scenario.
3
An employee earns $55,000 per year and is paid on a semi-monthly pay schedule. The employee enjoys the
benefit of a company paid cell phone for personal use (cost is $150 per month) and receives 6% vacation pay on
each payment. This pay cycle included 15 hours of approved overtime worked over the normal 40 hour work
week and a reimbursement for travel expenses in the amount of $434.20. The employee contributes 5% of their regular
wages to a Registered Retirement Savings Plan each pay cycle.
4
19) Calculate the Insurable Earnings.
Answer: This is the amount on which Employment Insurance Premiums are calculated and is often the same as
Pensionable Earnings unless there are taxable benefits that are not considered insurable.
In this case, the cell phone benefit is not insurable so the calculation is as follows:
20) Theemployee is 32 years old and has contributed $1,212.15 to Canada Pension Plan so far this year.
Calculate the Canada Pension Plan Contribution.
Answer: Pensionable Earnings less per pay cycle exemption x 4.95%
5
21) Theemployee is 32 years old and has contributed $460.37 to Employment Insurance so far this year.
Calculate the Employment Insurance Premium.
Answer: Insurable Earnings x 1.88%
6
23) Calculate the Net Taxable Earnings. Explain what deductions are allowed.
Answer: Net Taxable Earnings are Gross Taxable Earnings less employee contributions to a Registered Pension
Plan, a Registered Retirement Savings Plan, union dues, amounts claimed on the TD1 for living in a
prescribed zone and any other amounts authorized in writing by the Canada Revenue Agency.
7
24) Theemployee is a Claim Code 1 both Federally and Provincially and works in Ontario. Use the
PDOC to calculate Provincial and Federal tax deductions assuming the date of pay is March 7,
2015.
Answer:
8
25) Calculate the netpay for this employee. Be sure to list all of the deductions from the employee's pay
for this pay cycle. (Note: if you do not have access to the PDOC assume Federal Tax deduction =
$424.69 and Provincial Tax deduction = $199.30)
Answer:
Type of Earning Calculation Amount
Gross Earnings $55,000 per year / 24 pay periods in a $2,291.66
Regular (Wages) semi-monthly cycle
Overtime (Wages) 15 hours x 1.5 x Hourly Rate ($55,000 / 40*52
$594.90
= 26.44)
Vacation (Wages) 6% of ($2,291.66 + $594.90 = $2,886.56) $173.19
Travel Reimbursement $434.20
(non-taxable allowance)
Total Gross Earnings $3,493.95
Deductions:
Federal Tax $424.69
Provincial Tax 199.30
Canada Pension Plan 147.95
Employment Insurance 57.52
9
Answer Key
Testname: UNTITLED6
1) FALSE
2) TRUE
3) FALSE
4) FALSE
5) TRUE
6) D
7) B
8) D
9) E
10) E
11) D
12) B
13) D
14) 1. Gather all information.
2. Calculate taxable benefit amounts.
3. Calculate Gross Earnings.
4. Calculate Pensionable Earnings.
5. Calculate Insurable Earnings.
6. Calculate Canada Pension Plan Contributions.
7. Calculate Employment Insurance Premiums
8. Calculate Gross Taxable Earnings.
9. Calculate Net Taxable Earnings.
10. Calculate Federal Income tax (from tables or PDOC).
11. Calculate Provincial Income Tax (from tables or PDOC).
12. Calculate Total Deductions.
13. Calculate Net Pay.
15) Gross taxable earnings include all wages, salaries, and taxable allowances. Net Taxable earnings are
further reduced by any deductions that create tax savings such as Registered Pension Plans, Registered
Retirement Savings Plans, Union dues and any personal exemptions for living in a prescribed zone.
16) Some taxable benefits are pensionable but not insurable. For example - the value of employer provided
cellular phone service (non-cash) is included for the calculation of CPP but not for EI. Pensionable
earnings would be higher than Insurable earnings in this scenario.
10
Answer Key
Testname: UNTITLED6
17) Gross Earnings includes wages/salaries, taxable allowances, and non-taxable allowances.
18) Pensionable Earnings includes Gross Earnings less non-taxable allowances, less termination payments plus taxable
benefits.
11
Answer Key
Testname: UNTITLED6
19) Thisis the amount on which Employment Insurance Premiums are calculated and is often the same as Pensionable
Earnings unless there are taxable benefits that are not considered insurable.
In this case, the cell phone benefit is not insurable so the calculation is as follows:
12
Answer Key
Testname: UNTITLED6
22) GrossTaxable earnings is the same as Pensionable Earnings but adding back in any payments related to severance
and retiring allowances. As there are no severance or retiring allowances for this employee, the Gross Taxable
Earnings are the same as the Pensionable Earnings.
13
Answer Key
Testname: UNTITLED6
23) Net TaxableEarnings are Gross Taxable Earnings less employee contributions to a Registered Pension Plan, a
Registered Retirement Savings Plan, union dues, amounts claimed on the TD1 for living in a prescribed zone and a
other amounts authorized in writing by the Canada Revenue Agency.
14
Answer Key
Testname: UNTITLED6
24)
25)
Type of Earning Calculation Amount
Gross Earnings $55,000 per year / 24 pay periods in a $2,291.66
Regular (Wages) semi-monthly cycle
Overtime (Wages) 15 hours x 1.5 x Hourly Rate ($55,000 / 40*52
$594.90
= 26.44)
Vacation (Wages) 6% of ($2,291.66 + $594.90 = $2,886.56) $173.19
Travel Reimbursement $434.20
(non-taxable allowance)
Total Gross Earnings $3,493.95
Deductions:
Federal Tax $424.69
Provincial Tax 199.30
Canada Pension Plan 147.95
Employment Insurance 57.52
15
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populace of the city, some twenty-five thousand,[202] staring their
wonderment with open eyes and mouth, thronged either side of the
way along which marched the army in battle array, headed by the
cavalry. Never before had the Spaniards seen so beautiful an
American city. Cortés called it Seville, a name which Spaniards
frequently applied to any place that pleased them, as we have seen,
while the soldiers, charmed with its floral wealth and beauty, termed
it Villaviciosa, and declared it a terrestrial paradise. One of the
cavalry scouts, on first beholding the freshly stuccoed walls gleaming
in the sun, came galloping back with the intelligence that the houses
were silver-plated. It was indeed an important place, holding a large
daily market. A central plaza was inclosed by imposing temples and
palaces, resting on pyramidal foundations, lined with apartments and
surmounted by towers, and around clustered neat dwellings with
whitened adobe walls embowered in foliage. Statelier edifices of
masonry, some having several court-yards, rose here and there,
while in every direction spread an extensive suburb of mud huts with
the never failing palm-leaf roof. Yet even the humblest abodes were
smothered in flowers.[203] The people also, as we might expect by
their surroundings, were of a superior order, well formed, of
intelligent aspect, clothed in neat white and colored cotton robes and
mantles, the nobles being adorned with golden necklaces, bracelets,
and nose and lip rings, set with pearls and precious stones.
FOOTNOTES
[176] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 27. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. vi., and others
refer to a similar number as being on the sick-list. Yellow fever, or vómito negro,
now the scourge of this and adjoining regions, appears to have developed with the
growth of European settlements, and Clavigero states that it was not known there
before 1725. Storia Mess., i. 117.
[177] ‘Hasta el parage del rio grande de Pánuco,’ Herrera, loc. cit. ‘Llegaron al
parage del rio grande, que es cerca de Panuco, adonde otra vez llegamos quãdo
lo del Capitá Juan de Grijalua.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 27.
[178] ‘Doze dias que gastaron en este peligroso viage.’ Herrera, ubi sup. ‘Boluiose
al cabo de tres semanas ... le salian los de la costa, y se sacauã sangre, y se la
ofreciã en pajuelos por amistad a deidad.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 45.
[179] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 289. Quiauitl, rain or shower. Molina, Vocabulario.
Hence rainy place. Herrera calls it Chianhuitzlan, and this has been adopted by
Clavigero and most other writers. Prescott, Mex., i. 348, in a note holds up
Clavigero as a standard for the spelling of Mexican names, but he forgets that the
Italian form, as in the above case, would be misleading to English people.
[180] ‘Le llamarõ Vernal, por ser, como es, vn Cerro alto.’ Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex.,
pt. iii. 115. This may have been the origin of the name for the Spanish port, after
which Bernal Diaz says it was called. Hist. Verdad., 27. He applies the name to a
neighboring fort, spelling it in different ways, of which Solis, and consequently
Robertson, have selected the most unlikely. Gomara applies Aquiahuiztlan to the
harbor. Hist. Mex., 49.
[181] Bernal Diaz relates with great satisfaction how earnestly the speaker
pleaded for his vote, addressing him repeatedly as ‘your worship.’ One reason for
their earnestness, he implies, was the superiority in number of the Velazquez
party. ‘Los deudos, y amigos del Diego Velazquez, que eran muchos mas que
nosotros.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 28-9. He forms this estimate most likely on
the proportion of leaders who from jealousy of Cortés, and for other reasons, were
addicted to Velazquez; but their men were probably more in favor of the general
than of the captains, to judge from the result. The sailors for obvious reasons may
have added to the Velazquez number, if not to their strength.
[183] ‘Se puso vna picota en la plaça, y fuera de la Uilla vna horca.’ Bernal Diaz,
Hist. Verdad., 29; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 116. This signifies that justice was
installed, its officers being next appointed.
[185] ‘Nombrónos ... por alcaldes y regidores,’ say distinctly the appointed officers
themselves, in their letter to the emperor. Carta del Ayunt., in Cortés, Cartas, 20.
Bernal Diaz also indicates that Cortés made the appointments, although he at first
says, ‘hizimos Alcalde, y Regidores.’ Yet it is probable that the authorities were
confirmed formally as they were tacitly by the members of the expedition; for
Cortés, as he acknowledges, had no real authority to form a settlement.
[186] Testimonio de Montejo, in Col. Doc. Inéd., i. 489. ‘Â este Montejo porque no
estaua muy bien con Cortés, por metelle en los primeros, y principal, le mandò
nombrar por Alcalde.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 29.
[187] Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. vii; Torquemada, i. 587. Bernal Diaz skips the
regidores. He thinks Villareal was not reappointed alférez because of a difficulty
with Cortés about a Cuban female. Hist. Verdad., 29; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii.
116. Promotion and other causes gave speedy rise to changes among the
officials; Ávila, for instance, becoming alcalde mayor of New Spain, and Pedro de
Alvarado alcalde of the town.
[188] ‘Los q̄ para esto estauã auisados, sin dar lugar a que nadie tomasse la
mano. A vozes respõdierõ Cortes, Cortes.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. vii. Bernal
Diaz merely intimates that a ‘packed’ meeting was held, by stating that the men of
Velazquez were furious on finding Cortés and the municipality elected, declaring,
‘q̄ no era bien hecho sin ser sabidores dello todos los Capitanes, y soldados.’ Hist.
Verdad., 29. This indicates also that many of the opponents must have been sent
away from camp for the occasion, perhaps on board the vessels. Montejo had
besides a number with him.
[189] ‘El qual como si nada supiera del caso, preguntò que era lo que mandauã.’
Having signified his acceptance, ‘Quisierõ besarle las manos por ello, como cosa
al bien de todos.’ Herrera, ubi sup.
[190] Gomara says frankly, ‘Cortés acepto el cargo de capitan general y justicia
mayor, a pocos ruegos, porq̄ no desseaua otra cosa mas por entonces.’ Hist.
Mex., 48. ‘Y no tuvo vergüenza Gomara,’ is Las Casas’ comment on the
admission. Hist. Ind., iv. 496. Bernal Diaz states that Cortés had made it a
condition, when the army pleaded to remain in the country, that he should receive
these offices: ‘Y lo peor de todo que le otorgamos que le dariamos el quinto del
oro.’ Hist. Verdad., 29. The letter of the ayuntamiento to the emperor sets forth
that they had represented to Cortés the injustice of trading gold for the sole benefit
of Velazquez and himself, and the necessity of securing the country and its wealth
for the king by founding a colony, which would also benefit them all in the
distribution of grants. They had accordingly urged him to stop barter as hitherto
carried on, and to found a town. It is then related how he yielded his own interest
in favor of king and community, and appointed them alcaldes and regidores. His
authority having in consequence become null, they appointed him in the king’s
name justicia, alcalde mayor, and captain, as the ablest and most loyal man, and
in consideration of his expenses and services so far. Carta 10 Jul., 1519, in
Cortés, Cartas, 19-21. Both Puertocarrero and Montejo confirm, in their testimony
before the authorities in Spain, that Cortés yielded to the general desire in doing
what he did. Col. Doc. Inéd., i. 489, 493-4. According to Gomara, Cortés makes a
trip into the neighboring country, and, finding how rich it is, he proposes to settle,
and to send the vessels to Cuba for more men wherewith to undertake the
conquest. This was approved: Cortés accordingly appointed the municipality, and
resigning the authority conferred by the Jeronimite Fathers and by Velazquez, as
now useless, these officers in turn elected him as their captain-general and justicia
mayor. The council proposed that, since the only provisions remaining belonged to
Cortés, he should take from the vessels what he needed for himself and servants,
and distribute the rest among the men at a just price, their joint credit being
pledged for payment. The fleets and outfit were to be accepted by the company in
the same way, the vessels to be used to carry provisions from the islands.
Scorning the idea of trading his possessions, Cortés surrendered the fleet and
effects for free distribution among his companions. Although liberal at all times
with them, this act was prompted by a desire to gain good-will. Hist. Mex., 46-8;
Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. vii.; Torquemada, i. 395, 587. Las Casas terms the
whole transaction, as related by Gomara and the ayuntamiento, a plot to defraud
Velazquez of his property and honors. Comparing the conduct of Cortés with that
of Velazquez against Colon, he finds the latter trifling and pardonable, while the
former was a barefaced robbery, resulting to Velazquez in loss of fortune, honors,
and life. The captains were accomplices. Hist. Ind., iv. 453, 494-6. Peter Martyr
gives the facts in brief without venturing an opinion, dec. v. cap. i.; Zumárraga, in
Ramirez, Doc., MS., 271-2. Cortés still held out the offer to furnish a vessel for
those who preferred to return to Cuba. As for Velazquez’ goods, they remained
safely in charge of the authorized agent, who also recovered the advances made
to members. See note 5, cap. v.
[191] As for the ayuntamiento, the passive recognition accorded to it, confirmed as
it was by the popularly elected general, may be regarded as sufficient. Spanish
municipal bodies possessed an extensive power conferred upon them during
successive reigns, chiefly with a view to afford the sovereign a support against the
assuming arrogance of the nobles. Their deliberations were respected; they could
appoint members, regulate their expenses, and even raise troops under their own
standard. As an instance of the consideration enjoyed by these troops, it is related
that Isabella the Catholic, when reviewing the army besieging Moclin, gave a
special salute of respect to the banner of Seville. Alaman, Disert., i. 612;
Zamacois, Hist. Méj., ii. 401-2.
[192] According to Gomara, Cortés enters the country with 400 men and all the
horses, before the election had been mooted. He describes the towns visited. Hist.
Mex., 46-8. Bernal Diaz pronounces the number of men and the time of entry
false. He also states that Montejo was bought over for 2000 pesos and more. Hist.
Verdad., 30.
[193] According to Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 30, gold played an important role in
effecting this change of allegiance, termed by Velazquez, in his Memorials to
Spain, a witchery. Solis sees nothing but the dignified yet clever traits of his hero
in all this.
[194] The soldiers called them Lopelucios, because their first inquiry was
Lopelucio, ‘chief,’ whom they wished to see. They had not ventured to approach
while the Mexicans were at the camp. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 28.
[195] According to Gomara, followed by Herrera, the Totonacs were about twenty
in number, and came while Teuhtlile was absent on his second mission to Mexico,
without bringing a direct invitation to the Spaniards. Hist. Mex., 43-4.
[197] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 288. This author is not very careful, however, and
his desire to court the Spaniards has no doubt led him to antedate the event.
Brasseur de Bourbourg accepts his story in full. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 87-8. A similar
revelation is claimed to have been made by two Aztec chiefs, Vamapantzin and
Atonaltzin, who came to the camp in the retinue of the first messengers from
Mexico. Descendants of the early Aztec kings, and discontented with the present
ruler, they promised Cortés to deliver certain native paintings foretelling the
coming of white men, to reveal the whereabouts of the imperial treasures, and to
plot an uprising among native states in aid of Spaniards. For these services they
received extensive grants after the conquest, including that of Ajapusco town. The
document recording this is a fragment which Zerecero parades in the opening part
of his Mem. Rev. Méx., 8-14, as a discovery by him in the Archivo General. It
pretends to be a title to Ajapusco lands, and contains on the first pages a letter
signed by Cortés at San Juan de Ulua, ‘20 March,’ 1519, as ‘Captain-general and
governor of these New Spains.’ Both the date and titles stamp the letter at least as
more than suspicious.
[198] The natives called it Citlaltepetl, starry mountain, with reference probably to
the sparks issuing from it. For height, etc., see Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 273.
Brasseur de Bourbourg gives it the unlikely name of Ahuilizapan. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv.
99. The ending ‘pan’ implies a district or town, not a mountain. The description in
Carta del Ayunt., in Cortés, Cartas, 22-3, expresses doubt whether the whiteness
of the summit is due to snow or to clouds.
[199] Alvarado chased a deer, and succeeded in wounding it, but the next moment
the dense underbrush saved it from pursuit. The Carta del Ayunt., loc. cit., gives a
list of birds and quadrupeds; and a descriptive account, founded greatly on fancy,
however, is to be found in the curious Erasmi Francisci Guineischer und
Americanischer Blumen-Pusch, Nürnberg, 1669, wherein the compiler presents
under the title of a nosegay the ‘perfume of the wonders of strange animals, of
peculiar customs, and of the doings of the kings of Peru and Mexico.’ The first of
its two parts is devoted to the animal kingdom, with particular attention to the
marvellous, wherein credulity finds free play, as may be seen also in the flying
dragon of one of the crude engravings. In the second part, the aborigines, their
history, condition, and customs, are treated of, chiefly under Peru and Mexico,
chapter v. relating specially to the latter country. The narrative is quite superficial
and fragmentary; the ‘nosegay’ being not only common but faded, even the style
and type appearing antiquated for the date. Appended is Hemmersam, Guineische
und West-Indianische Reissbeschreibung, with addition by Dietherr, relating to
Africa and Brazil.
[200] ‘A tres leguas andadas llego al rio que parte termino con tierras de
Montecçuma.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 49; Torquemada, i. 395.
[201] Gomara, who ignores the previous night’s camp, states that the detour up
the river was made to avoid marshes. They saw only isolated huts, and fields, and
also about twenty natives, who were chased and caught. By them they were
guided to the hamlet. Hist. Mex., 49. They met one hundred men bringing them
food. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 289. Prescott allows the Spaniards to cross only a
tributary of la Antigua, and yet gain Cempoala. Mex., i. 339-40.
[202] Las Casas says 20,000 to 30,000. Hist. Ind., iv. 492. Torquemada varies in
different places from 25,000 to 150,000. The inhabitants were moved by Conde de
Monterey to a village in Jalapa district, and in Torquemada’s time less than half a
dozen remained. i. 397. ‘Dista de Vera-Cruz quatro leguas, y las ruínas dan á
entender la grandeza de la Ciudad; pero es distinto de otro Zempoal ... que dista
de este doze leguas.’ Lorenzana, in Cortés, Hist. N. España, 39. ‘Assentada en vn
llano entre dos rios.’ A league and a half from the sea. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap.
viii.
[203] ‘Cempoal, que yo intitulé Sevilla.’ Cortés, Cartas, 52. See Native Races, ii.
553-90; iv. 425-63, on Nahua architecture.
[205] ‘Una gordura monstruosa.... Fue necesario que Cortés detuviesse la risa de
los soldados.’ Solis, Hist. Mex., i. 175.
[206] ‘Se hizo el alojamento en el patio del Templo mayor.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v.
cap. viii.
[207] For the reigns of their kings, see Torquemada, i. 278-80. Robertson, Hist.
Am., ii. 31, wrongly assumes the Totonacs to be a fierce people, different from
Cempoalans.
[208] ‘Toda aquella provincia de Cempoal y toda la sierra comarcana á la dicha
villa, que serán hasta cinquenta mil hombres de guerra y cincuenta villas y
fortalezas.’ Cortés, Cartas, 53. ‘Cien mil hõbres entre toda la liga.’ Gomara, Hist.
Mex., 57. ‘En aquellas tierras de la lengua de Totonaque, que eran mas de trienta
pueblos.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 31. The province appears to have extended
from Rio de la Antigua to Huaxtecapan, in the north of Vera Cruz, and from the
sea to Zacatlan, in Puebla. Patiño assumes Mixquhuacan to have been the
capital, but this must be a mistake.
[209] Gomara relates that the army remained at Cempoala fifteen days, during
which frequent visits were made by the lord, Cortés paying the first return visit on
the third day, attended by fifty soldiers. He describes briefly the palace, and how
Cortés, seated by the side of the lord, on icpalli stools, now won his confidence
and adhesion. Hist. Mex., 51-3; Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 561;
Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. x. Bernal Diaz declares Gomara wrong, and insists that
they proceeded on their way the following day. Hist. Verdad., 31; Clavigero, Storia
Mess., iii. 26-7.
[210] For illustrated description of barranca ruins, see Native Races, iv. 439 et
seq.
[211] Ávila, who had command, was so strict as to lance Hernando Alonso de
Villanueva for not keeping in line. Lamed in the arm, he received the nickname of
el Manquillo. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 31. The riders were obliged to retain their
seats, lest the Indians should suppose that the horses could be deterred by any
obstacles. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 53.
[212] Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 117. Others suppose that he came merely to
persuade the cacique to join Cortés. Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 27.
[213] Four men. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 289. ‘Twenty men,’ says Gomara, Hist.
Mex., 54, who does not refer to the arrival of Cempoala’s lord.
[214] ‘Monteçuma tenia pensamiẽnto, ... de nos auer todos á las manos, para que
hiziessemos generacion, y tambien para tener que sacrificar.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist.
Verdad., 28.
[215] ‘Carcerati nelle loro gabbie,’ is the way Clavigero puts it. Storia Mess., iii. 28.
One was even whipped for resisting.
[216] ‘Porque no se les fuesse alguno dellos á dar mandado á Mexico,’ is Bernal
Diaz’ reason for it. Hist. Verdad., 32.
[217] ‘Condotta artifiziosa, e doppia,’ etc., says Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 28,
while Solis lauds it as ‘Grande artífice de medir lo que disponia, con lo que
rezelaba: y prudente Capitan.’ Hist. Mex., i. 186.
[218] ‘Desde alli adelante nos llamaron Teules,’ says Bernal Diaz, with great
satisfaction. Hist Verdad., 32. ‘A los Españoles llamaron teteuh, que quiere decir
dioses, y los Españoles corrompiendo el vocablo decian teules, el cual nombre les
duró mas de tres años,’ till we stopped it, declaring that there was but one God.
Motolinia, Hist. Ind., i. 142-3. See note 16.
CHAPTER X.
MULTIPLICATION OF PLOTS.
June-July, 1519.