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Practicing Texas Politics 16th Edition

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Name: Class: Date:

CHAPTER 6 - The Media and Politics in Texas


Multiple Choice

1. The most common way that Americans get their news is from
a. conversations.
b. newspapers.
c. political speeches.
d. radio.
ANSWER: a
REFERENCES: 199
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.1 - LO6.1
NOTES: applied

2. The media source from which most Texans now get their news is
a. newspapers.
b. the Internet.
c. television.
d. radio.
ANSWER: c
REFERENCES: 199
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.1 - LO6.1
NOTES: factual

3. Once the nation’s main source of news, newspapers have declined because of
a. scandals that demonstrated too much bias in newspapers.
b. competition from television and the Internet.
c. lack of funding from political parties.
d. dramatic declines in American literacy rates.
ANSWER: b
REFERENCES: 201
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.1 - LO6.1
NOTES: applied

4. Which of the following is not true of the 404 non-daily newspapers being published in Texas in 2012?
a. They are influential in state politics because they are read by elites.
b. They tend to provide local, social, and political news.
c. They provide little state or national news.
d. They tend to serve small towns, college campuses, and communities with common interests.
ANSWER: a
REFERENCES: 201
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.1 - LO6.1
NOTES: applied

5. Which of the following is not true of newsmagazines?

Cengage Learning Testing, Powered by Cognero Page 1


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CHAPTER 6 - The Media and Politics in Texas

a. There are more newsmagazines than there are newspapers, and they are read by more people.
b. They are quite influential because they are read by elites.
c. Their reporters have more time to gather and study information for their stories.
d. Texas lacks competition between major newsmagazines.
ANSWER: a
REFERENCES: 201-202
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.1 - LO6.1
NOTES: applied

6. Despite their relative decline, why are the print media still important sources of information?
a. People prefer to hold paper in their hands rather than stare at screens.
b. They deliver news more quickly than any other source, and are more accessible.
c. They cover stories in more detail, inform the elite, and remain the largest gatherers of news.
d. They provide a conservative bias to balance the liberal bias of television news.
ANSWER: c
REFERENCES: 202-203
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.1 - LO6.1
NOTES: applied

7. Which of the following are more likely to require that stories be vetted for accuracy and to attempt to follow standards
of objectivity?
a. Internet news sources
b. major print media
c. FOX News
d. MSNBC
ANSWER: b
REFERENCES: 203
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.1 - LO6.1
NOTES: applied

8. Which of the following best describes the status of radio as a news source in America?
a. Twenty-five percent of American homes have at least one radio, but radio is the best source of political news.
b. Seventy-five percent of American homes have at least one radio, but radio has a limited value as a source of
political news
c. Fifty percent of American homes have at least one radio, but radio is perhaps the best source of political news.
d. Ninety-nine percent of American homes have at least one radio, but radio has limited value as a source of
political news.
ANSWER: d
REFERENCES: 203
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.1 - LO6.1
NOTES: applied

9. What happened when the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) abolished the Fairness Doctrine in 1987?
a. Conservative and liberal talk-radio hosts had about equal success.
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CHAPTER 6 - The Media and Politics in Texas

b. Liberal talk-radio hosts quickly outpaced conservatives.


c. Conservative talk-radio hosts quickly outpaced liberals.
d. Talk radio virtually disappeared from both AM and FM radio.
ANSWER: c
REFERENCES: 203
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.1 - LO6.1
NOTES: applied

10. Who became talk radio’s most syndicated host in the 1990s?
a. Rush Limbaugh
b. Dan Patrick
c. Al Franken
d. Neal Boortz
ANSWER: a
REFERENCES: 204
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.1 - LO6.1
NOTES: factual

11. Which of the following is true of public radio stations like KERA and KUHT?
a. They are entirely funded by tax money.
b. They provide substantial coverage of local, state, and national news.
c. They are purely for entertainment purposes and include no news.
d. They only include brief news headlines for about five minutes every hour.
ANSWER: b
REFERENCES: 204
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.1 - LO6.1
NOTES: applied

12. Commercial television began in Texas


a. after World War II.
b. in 1928.
c. in 1975.
d. before the Civil War.
ANSWER: a
REFERENCES: 204
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.1 - LO6.1
NOTES: factual

13. Which television news format is most used by the public?


a. Local news
b. Cable news
c. Network news
d. News talk shows
Cengage Learning Testing, Powered by Cognero Page 3
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CHAPTER 6 - The Media and Politics in Texas

ANSWER: b
REFERENCES: 204
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.1 - LO6.1
NOTES: factual

14. Websites and computer applications that allow users to create online communities and engage in social networking are
known as
a. electronic media.
b. mainstream media.
c. social media.
d. print media.
ANSWER: c
REFERENCES: 205
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.1 - LO6.1
NOTES: conceptual

15. A web page on which writers regularly record opinions, information, and links to other sites is known as a
a. blog.
b. news website.
c. data mine.
d. portal.
ANSWER: a
REFERENCES: 205
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.1 - LO6.1
NOTES: conceptual

16. Which of the following is not true of social networking sites like Facebook and Twitter?
a. Social media use has grown among all demographic groups.
b. Ninety percent of people between the ages of 18–29 use social networking sites.
c. Almost 3/4 of all Americans over the age of 18 use social networking sites.
d. Less than 10 percent of U.S. adults get news from Facebook.
ANSWER: d
REFERENCES: 206
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.1 - LO6.1
NOTES: applied

17. Which of the following is not one of the roles that the text says media fills in U.S. and Texas politics?
a. To help us keep our democracy
b. To provide information for the public and decision makers
c. To be a forum solely for unbiased discussion of political topics
d. To shape our views
ANSWER: c
REFERENCES: 207

Cengage Learning Testing, Powered by Cognero Page 4


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CHAPTER 6 - The Media and Politics in Texas

LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.2 - LO6.2


NOTES: conceptual

18. People are more likely to hear and remember ideas and information if they come from
a. the governor.
b. a trusted opinion leader.
c. a teacher or professor.
d. anonymous reporters.
ANSWER: b
REFERENCES: 208
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.2 - LO6.2
NOTES: applied

19. Which of the following has been a trend in news coverage?


a. There has been no change over time in the diversity and quality of news.
b. There has been less softening of the news, and more hard news.
c. There has been a reduction in the number of and range of alternative sources of news.
d. Competition for viewers and advertising dollars has led to more entertainment and less news in broadcasts.
ANSWER: d
REFERENCES: 208
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.2 - LO6.2
NOTES: applied

20. Followers of talk radio, cable news (such as FOX or MSNBC) or ideological blogs are likely to
a. develop more political knowledge, but accept inaccurate or incomplete versions of reality.
b. develop less political knowledge, but have more accurate and complete views of reality.
c. develop less political knowledge and accept inaccurate or incomplete versions of reality.
d. develop more political knowledge and have more accurate and complete views of reality.
ANSWER: a
REFERENCES: 208
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.2 - LO6.2
NOTES: applied

21. In the 19th century (1800s), newspapers in Texas and the other American states were
a. highly partisan but always truthful.
b. highly partisan and not always truthful.
c. unbiased and objective but focused on scandal and entertainment.
d. unbiased, objective, and dedicated to presenting only the facts.
ANSWER: b
REFERENCES: 209
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.2 - LO6.2
NOTES: applied

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CHAPTER 6 - The Media and Politics in Texas

22. The term “Yellow Journalism” referred to


a. journalism based on sensationalism and exaggeration.
b. reporting that is objective, neutral, and accurate.
c. reporting featuring opposition and a combative style.
d. cowardly reporting.
ANSWER: a
REFERENCES: 209
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.2 - LO6.2
NOTES: conceptual

23. The media play a role in keeping and protecting democracy by


a. keeping citizens informed enough to make intelligent decisions and investigating government activities.
b. printing negative stories about dictatorships and other non-democratic countries.
c. giving democratically elected leaders the chance to say what they want without being challenged.
d. insisting on patriotism and support for the country’s military campaigns.
ANSWER: a
REFERENCES: 209
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.2 - LO6.2
NOTES: conceptual

24. Which of the following is not a reason that newspapers began to move away from strong partisanship toward more
even-handed, objective reporting in the last half of the 19th century?
a. The government passed laws requiring greater objectivity and less partisanship.
b. Increased circulation meant publishers had to be more moderate and professional to avoid alienating
advertisers.
c. Increased circulation meant publishers had to be more moderate and professional to avoid alienating
subscribers.
d. Newspapers shared stories from news services like the Associated Press.
ANSWER: a
REFERENCES: 209
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.2 - LO6.2
NOTES: applied

25. For reporting to exhibit professionalism, it should be


a. clearly based on the ideology of the reporter.
b. based on partisanship.
c. objective, neutral, and accurate.
d. driven by the economic interest of the media outlet’s owner.
ANSWER: c
REFERENCES: 209
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.2 - LO6.2
NOTES: conceptual

26. On the editorial pages of newspapers and magazines


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CHAPTER 6 - The Media and Politics in Texas

a. fiction writers are given a chance to tell their stories.


b. reporters are expected to write with objectivity and neutrality.
c. advertisers are given space to sell their products or services.
d. advocacy is practiced and editors and columnists give their opinions.
ANSWER: d
REFERENCES: 210
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.2 - LO6.2
NOTES: conceptual

27. The standards of professionalism are sometimes compromised when professional reporters over-report the views of
a. government officials and others with power whom they see as reliable, legitimate and knowledgeable.
b. critics of the government and those in power who question official explanations of events.
c. celebrities and sports figures who are opinionated about politics.
d. the average person on the street.
ANSWER: a
REFERENCES: 210
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.2.2 - LO2.2
NOTES: applied

28. When reporting is done in a combative style that features opposition, it is referred to as
a. objective journalism.
b. adversarial journalism.
c. yellow journalism.
d. professional journalism.
ANSWER: b
REFERENCES: 210
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.2 - LO6.2
NOTES: conceptual

29. Which of the following tend not to be heavily partisan in Texas?


a. Social media
b. Blogs
c. Newspapers
d. Talk radio
ANSWER: c
REFERENCES: 210
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.2 - LO6.2
NOTES: applied

30. When the media help keep public officials honest by asking hard questions and looking into suspicious actions, they
are engaging in
a. attack journalism.
b. investigative journalism .

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CHAPTER 6 - The Media and Politics in Texas

c. yellow journalism.
d. sensationalistic journalism.
ANSWER: b
REFERENCES: 211
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.2 - LO6.2
NOTES: conceptual

31. In the 1970s, the media in Texas supported Common Cause and other public interest groups in pushing through
legislation to require
a. more funding for public television and radio.
b. the reinstatement of the Fairness Doctrine.
c. regular press conferences by elected officials.
d. open meetings and open records.
ANSWER: d
REFERENCES: 211
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.2 - LO6.2
NOTES: applied

32. Which of the following is true of the Texas media’s coverage of scandals in state politics?
a. Media investigations have uncovered corruption and led to instances of public officials being held
accountable.
b. The media avoid covering scandals so they can continue to have access to Texas lawmakers.
c. Media outlets cover scandals to get ratings, but never really expose wrongdoing by politicians.
d. Media investigations have revealed that Texas politicians are always honest and abide by the law.
ANSWER: a
REFERENCES: 212
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.2 - LO6.2
NOTES: applied

33. When it comes to agenda setting in Texas, the media


a. have no influence at all on the importance given to issues by government and public leaders.
b. completely dominate the public agenda and determine which issues government will deal with.
c. struggle to exert influence because of fewer reporters, fragmented government, competition with interest
groups, and more.
d. only assert influence by bribing public officials to address the issues they care about.
ANSWER: c
REFERENCES: 213
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.2 - LO6.2
NOTES: applied

34. When it comes to shaping our perceptions of events and issues, the media
a. provide information, but their ability to shape opinion is reduced by personal knowledge, connections, and
pre-existing opinions.
b. have almost total control over what people think about and believe about political issues and personalities.
Cengage Learning Testing, Powered by Cognero Page 8
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CHAPTER 6 - The Media and Politics in Texas

c. have no impact at all on shaping opinions, as opinions are formed by personal knowledge and connections.
d. only shape the opinions of uneducated and socially isolated citizens.
ANSWER: a
REFERENCES: 215
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.2 - LO6.2
NOTES: applied

35. The strongest effect of attack ads on electoral politics seems to be that
a. people who marginally support an attacked candidate become less certain and abstain from voting for that
candidate.
b. people who strongly support an attacked candidate drop their support for the candidate and vote for someone
else.
c. people who only slightly support an attacked candidate feel sorry for the candidate and become more likely to
vote for them.
d. people who have no opinion on an attacked candidate become more confused about their choice.
ANSWER: a
REFERENCES: 216
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.2 - LO6.2
NOTES: applied

36. When the news media says how important an issue is or which part of a situation is most important, they are engaging
in
a. framing.
b. priming.
c. cropping.
d. marginalizing.
ANSWER: b
REFERENCES: 216
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.2 - LO6.2
NOTES: conceptual

37. When the news media provides meaning or defines the central theme of an issue, they are engaging in
a. dissembling.
b. priming.
c. sealing.
d. framing.
ANSWER: d
REFERENCES: 216
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.2 - LO6.2
NOTES: conceptual

38. Which of the following conclusions is not supported by today’s research on media influence?
a. The media influence which issues or traits citizens bring to bear when evaluating political leaders.
b. The media have an influence on what citizens think about.
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CHAPTER 6 - The Media and Politics in Texas

c. The media have an impact on which considerations shape citizens’ thinking on political issues.
d. The media have no real influence, and can only reinforce and activate existing predispositions.
ANSWER: b
REFERENCES: 217
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.2 - LO6.2
NOTES: applied

39. Compared to political candidates at the national level, candidates in Texas


a. have an easier time controlling or at least influencing how the media covers them.
b. have a harder time controlling or least influencing how the media covers them.
c. have about the same level of difficulty in controlling or at least influencing how the media covers them.
d. have no trouble completely controlling the way the media covers them.
ANSWER: a
REFERENCES: 218-219
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.3 - LO6.3
NOTES: applied

40. When critics of the media complain about “horserace journalism”, they are pointing to the fact that
a. media outlets are obsessed with getting to good stories faster than their competitors.
b. the media tend to ignore campaigns in favor of covering horseraces.
c. the media tend to focus more on who is winning an election than on the issues that matter.
d. reporters tend to follow candidates to social events like horseraces.
ANSWER: c
REFERENCES: 219
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.3 - LO6.3
NOTES: conceptual

41. Candidates began to use social media for their campaigns in a major way in
a. 1996 and 2000.
b. 2000 and 2004.
c. 2004 and 2008.
d. 2008 and 2012.
ANSWER: d
REFERENCES: 219
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.3 - LO6.3
NOTES: factual

42. One of the key strategies that helped Barack Obama win both of his elections for President was
a. investing heavily in direct mail to reach older voters in their homes.
b. identifying and micro-targeting potential younger voters through their e-mail and social media
accounts.
c. traveling to less populated parts of the country to target marginalized rural voters.
d. putting lots of resources into television advertisements in conservative states to win them over.
Cengage Learning Testing, Powered by Cognero Page 10
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CHAPTER 6 - The Media and Politics in Texas

ANSWER: b
REFERENCES: 219
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.3 - LO6.3
NOTES: factual

43. Which of the following is not true of Rick Perry’s highly successful 2010 gubernatorial campaign?
a. He relied heavily on direct mail, phone banks, and volunteers knocking on the doors of strangers.
b. He asked volunteers to identify 12 friends and turn them out to the polls.
c. He encouraged supporters to send Facebook messages to friends.
d. He relied on friendly bloggers and social media more than on the editorial boards of newspapers.
ANSWER: a
REFERENCES: 219
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.3 - LO6.3
NOTES: factual

44. Which of the following is not true of civic engagement and the Internet, according to study by the Pew Research
Internet Project?
a. Use of the Internet and social media lead to less civic engagement and political activity.
b. Lower education and income have less of a negative effect on civic engagement among Facebook and Twitter
users.
c. Young people are more likely than older adults to be engaged in political activities on social
networking sites.
d. There was major growth in political activity on social networking sites during 2008–2012.
ANSWER: a
REFERENCES: 220
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.3 - LO6.3
NOTES: applied

45. When it comes to measures of civic engagement like voter turnout, being involved in groups, donating to charity,
volunteering and discussing political issues online,
a. Texans are the most active in the nation.
b. Texans are above the national average.
c. Texans are exactly at the national average.
d. Texans are below the national average.
ANSWER: d
REFERENCES: 220
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.3 - LO6.3
NOTES: factual

46. Which of the following is true of media outlets today?


a. Reporters tend to be conservative and Republican, while owners and publishers tend to be liberal and
Democratic.
b. Reporters tend to be liberal and Democratic, while owners and publishers tend to be conservative and
Republican.
Cengage Learning Testing, Powered by Cognero Page 11
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CHAPTER 6 - The Media and Politics in Texas

c. Reporters, owners, and publishers tend to be liberal and Democratic.


d. Reporters, owners, and publishers tend to be conservative and Republican.
ANSWER: b
REFERENCES: 221
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.4 - LO6.4
NOTES: factual

47. Texas newspapers have generally supported


a. conservative political candidates.
b. moderate political candidates.
c. liberal political candidates.
d. no political candidates.
ANSWER: a
REFERENCES: 221
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.4 - LO6.4
NOTES: factual

48. Talk radio has long been dominated by


a. moderates.
b. liberals.
c. conservatives.
d. anarchists.
ANSWER: c
REFERENCES: 222
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.4 - LO6.4
NOTES: factual

49. Which amendment to the U.S. Constitution protects freedom of the press?
a. First Amendment
b. Second Amendment
c. Fifth Amendment
d. Eighth Amendment
ANSWER: a
REFERENCES: 223
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.5 - LO6.5
NOTES: factual

50. American courts are very hesitant to allow prior restraint, which means
a. it is very easy for the government to censor, or to suppress material before it is published.
b. it is difficult for the government to censor, or to suppress material before it is published.
c. it is easy for the government to detain reporters who are critical of their policies.
d. there are no ways for the government to limit what the press can find or print.
ANSWER: b
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CHAPTER 6 - The Media and Politics in Texas

REFERENCES: 223
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.5 - LO6.5
NOTES: conceptual

51. The agency responsible for media regulation is the


a. National Media Regulation Agency (NMRA).
b. National Security Agency (NSA).
c. Federal Communications Commission (FCC).
d. Federal Television Monitoring Commission (FTMC).
ANSWER: c
REFERENCES: 224
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.5 - LO6.5
NOTES: factual

52. The idea that Internet service providers should treat all Internet data equally without charging differentially or
blocking content they don’t like is referred to as
a. web non-discrimination.
b. net neutrality.
c. prior restraint.
d. mercantilism.
ANSWER: b
REFERENCES: 224
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.5 - LO6.5
NOTES: conceptual

53. Which of the following is true regarding freedom of the press in Texas?
a. Texas has a shield law that protects journalists from having to reveal certain confidential sources.
b. Texas has a right-to-know law that requires journalists to reveal all of their sources upon request.
c. Texas has a prior restraint law that allows the government to block newspapers from using certain sources.
d. Texas has no laws regarding freedom of the press.
ANSWER: a
REFERENCES: 224
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.5 - LO6.5
NOTES: applied

54. Which of the following is not true of the media today?


a. Television and Internet sources still depend heavily on newspapers for the origination of stories.
b. The need to draw audiences through entertainment has decreased the amount of hard news.
c. The proliferation of channels on television and blogs on the Internet has led to niche journalism.
d. There are no sites on the Internet dedicated to checking facts.
ANSWER: d
REFERENCES: 226
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.6 - LO6.6
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CHAPTER 6 - The Media and Politics in Texas

NOTES: applied

55. When a news medium focuses on a narrow audience defined by special interest, they are engaging in
a. niche journalism.
b. broadcasting.
c. monopolizing.
d. concentration of ownership.
ANSWER: a
REFERENCES: 226
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.6 - LO6.6
NOTES: conceptual

56. Which of the following is true of media ownership today?


a. Most media outlets are owned by a multitude of small corporations.
b. Just six corporations own most of the national media outlets.
c. The majority of media outlets are owned by private individuals.
d. The government owns most national media outlets.
ANSWER: b
REFERENCES: 226
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.6 - LO6.6
NOTES: applied

57. The trend in media ownership in Texas has been that


a. ownership of Texas media outlets by Texas companies has declined.
b. ownership of Texas media outlets by Texas companies has increased.
c. ownership of Texas media outlets by Texas companies has stayed the same.
d. no Texas media outlets are owned by Texas companies.
ANSWER: a
REFERENCES: 226
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.6 - LO6.6
NOTES: factual

58. Which of the following is not a common concern about concentration of media ownership?
a. The likelihood of homogenization of the news stories increases.
b. There is a decrease in the amount of state and local news.
c. There is an increase in hard news and a decrease in soft news.
d. There is more commercial bias and favorable news about the owner’s company.
ANSWER: c
REFERENCES: 227
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.6 - LO6.6
NOTES: applied

59. The reporters assigned to cover state-level news, commonly working in the state capital, are known as the

Cengage Learning Testing, Powered by Cognero Page 14


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CHAPTER 6 - The Media and Politics in Texas

a. capitol press corps.


b. national press club.
c. reporters’ circle.
d. beltway insiders.
ANSWER: a
REFERENCES: 227-228
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.6 - LO6.6
NOTES: conceptual

60. When the three major television networks began to face competition from cable news in the 1980s, they responded by
a. reducing coverage of hard news and increasing coverage of scandals, horserace journalism, and controversial
sound bites.
b. increasing the amount of hard news they covered to differentiate themselves from their less serious
competitors.
c. seeking out more funding from government sources and less advertising dollars from major corporations.
d. moving more of their operations to the Internet.
ANSWER: a
REFERENCES: 227
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.6 - LO6.6
NOTES: applied

Subjective Short Answer

61. Which demographic groups are more likely to use social media? How might this have an impact on political
participation rates among these groups?
ANSWER: Students’s answers may vary.
REFERENCES: 205-207
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.1 - LO6.1

62. Do the media shape our political opinions? If so, in what ways? If not, why not?
ANSWER: Students’ answers may vary.
REFERENCES: 215-217
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.2 - LO6.2

63. How has the Internet (and social media in particular) had an impact on campaigns in Texas? What are the positive and
negative aspects of the rise of social media in elections?
ANSWER: Students’ answers may vary.
REFERENCES: 219-220
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.3 - LO6.3

64. What aspects of the media are regulated by the national government, and which aspects are regulated by the
government of Texas? Distinguish how print and electronic media are regulated.
ANSWER: Students’s answers may vary.
REFERENCES: 223-225
Cengage Learning Testing, Powered by Cognero Page 15
Name: Class: Date:

CHAPTER 6 - The Media and Politics in Texas

LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.5 - LO6.5

65. What are the concerns caused by the growing concentration of ownership of media outlets? Discuss the positive and
negative effects of the changes the media are undergoing in Texas.
ANSWER: Students’ answers may vary.
REFERENCES: 226-229
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.6 - LO6.6

Essay

66. Discuss the changes over time in how Texans get their news. Compare the ways in which Texans get their
information today with past patterns.
ANSWER: Students’ answers may vary.
REFERENCES: 199-207
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.1 - LO6.1

67. Evaluate the media’s roles in furthering democracy. Describe these roles in Texas politics.
ANSWER: Students’ answers may vary.
REFERENCES: 209-213
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.2 - LO6.2

68. Discuss the history and impact of investigative journalism in Texas. Include in your answer a discussion of open
meetings, open records, and scandals.
ANSWER: Students’ answers may vary.
REFERENCES: 211-212
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.2 - LO6.2

69. Explain the conflicting views as to whether and how the media affect our political opinions. Which view do you find
has the most merit and why?
ANSWER: Students’ answers may vary.
REFERENCES: 215-217
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.2 - LO6.2

70. How are changes in the media affecting the ability of citizens to affect government? Do you think these
changes make citizens more or less powerful in their ability to influence elected officials and why?
ANSWER: Students’ answers may vary.
REFERENCES: 217-221
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.3 - LO6.3

71. Explain the different kinds of bias in the media and their consequences. How has media bias changed over time?
ANSWER: Students’ answers may vary.
REFERENCES: 221-223
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.4 - LO6.4

72. Give a critique of professionalism in journalism. What is the evidence as to whether there is ideological or partisan
Cengage Learning Testing, Powered by Cognero Page 16
Name: Class: Date:

CHAPTER 6 - The Media and Politics in Texas


bias in the Texas media?
ANSWER: Students’ answers may vary.
REFERENCES: 221-223
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.4 - LO6.4

73. Explain the major arguments about regulation of the media in America and Texas. What might you change about the
way the media is regulated? If you prefer no change, explain why you think current regulations are ideal.
ANSWER: Students’ answers may vary.
REFERENCES: 223-225
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.5 - LO6.5

74. Explain the current trends that seem likely to affect the future of news in the media. Based on these trends, do you
think future citizens will be more or less well-informed than today’s citizens?
ANSWER: Students’ answers may vary.
REFERENCES: 225-231
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.6 - LO6.6

75. Distinguish between hard and soft news. Discuss the concerns arising from the softening of the news.
ANSWER: Students’ answers may vary.
REFERENCES: 227-228
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: PTXP.BROW.16.6.6 - LO6.6

Cengage Learning Testing, Powered by Cognero Page 17


Another random document with
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described as standing south on land of the said Hospital and north
on the king’s highway. This description certainly does not warrant
the statement of Parton that the inn must “have been situate
somewhat eastward from Drury Lane end, and on the south side of
Holborn.”[538]
Immediately to the west of The Swan came The Greyhound.
Unfortunately no description of the inn or the property connected
with it has come down from Elizabethan times. In 1679, however,
Thomas Short, son and heir of Dudley Short, sold the whole to John
Pery, and the indenture[539] embodying the transaction gave a
description of the property as it then existed. It included two houses
in the main thoroughfare, both extending southward to Greyhound
Court and one of them being “commonly called ... or knowne by the
name or signe of The Crowne.” It would seem therefore that The
Greyhound had by now been renamed The Crown, although the
court still retained the old name. By 1704 the court had also been
renamed Crown Court.[540] Included in the sale was a quantity of land
in the rear, with buildings, garden ground and other ground,
including the house in Greyhound Court where Thomas Short had
himself lived. The details given, though full, are not sufficient to
enable a plan to be drawn of the property. It certainly included the
eastern portion of the site of St. Giles’s Workhouse,[541] and did not
extend as far south as Short’s Gardens, as it is said to be bounded in
that direction by a “peice of ground commonly called the mulberry
garden, late in the possession of Robert Clifton.”
To the west of The Greyhound, were a number of houses,
which in 1567 were sold[542] by Lord and Lady Mountjoy to Henry
Ampthill.[543] They are described as in eleven occupations, adjoining
The Greyhound on the east, the highway on the north, and a close
(probably Greyhound Close) on the south. The western boundary,
unfortunately, is not given. The property was subsequently split up,
about half coming into the hands of a family named Hawkins,[544]
and this in 1726 certainly included property on either side of Lamb
Alley,[545] probably as far as the site of the present No. 45, Broad
Street. How much further the Ampthill property extended is not
known.
In 1631 Ann Barber, widow, and her son Thomas, sold[546] to
Henry Lambe a tenement and two acres of land, the said two acres
being garden ground and adjoining on the west “a parcell of ground
called Masslings,” on the south “a parcell of ground in the occupation
of one Master Smith,” on the east a “parcell of ground in the
occupation of Mistris Margarett Hamlyn,” and on the north certain
tenements and garden plots in the occupation of Robert Johnson and
others. In 1654 John Lambe sold the property to Henry Stratton,
who in the following year parted with it to Thomas Blythe.[547] In the
indenture accompanying the latter sale, the two acres are stated to be
“a garden or ground late in the occupation of Samuel Bennet,” and
the remainder of the property is described as 10 messuages late in
the tenure of Edmund Lawrence, 4 small messuages also late in
Lawrence’s occupation, a chamber commonly called the Gate House,
a messuage called The Bowl, and a messuage called The Black Lamb.
The property had formerly belonged to William Barber,[548] Ann’s
husband. There is nothing to show how he became possessed of it,
but it is possible that the property is identical with the “one
messuage, one garden and two acres of land with appurtenances”
sold by John Vavasour in 1590 to Thomas Young.[549]
The eastern limits of the property above described may be
fixed within a little, as it is known that a portion of it was utilised in
the 18th century for the building of the original workhouse, and is
described in a deed quoted by Parton[550] as bounded on the east by
the backs of houses in Crown Court. It may be regarded therefore as
including the site of the central portion of the present workhouse.
The “parcel of ground in the occupation of one Master Smith”
described as the southern boundary, and referred to in a deed of
1680[551] as the garden and grounds of William Short, is obviously the
strip of ground on the north side of Short’s Gardens, leased by Short
to Edward Smith.[552] The western boundary, “Masslings,” has been
strangely misconstrued. Parton read it as “Noselings,”[553] which he
regarded as a corruption of “Newlands,”[554] and located the ground
on the east side of Neal Street. Blott copied the error and, in a highly
imaginative paragraph, connected it with Noseley, in Leicestershire.
[555]
As a matter of fact, there is not the slightest doubt that
“Masslings”[556] is “Marshlands,” between which the form
“Marshlins” appearing in a deed of 1615[557] is evidently a connecting
link.
The boundary between Marshland and The Bowl property is
shown on Plate 39.
By 1680[558] a considerable portion of The Bowl property had
been built on and Bowl Yard had been formed. In the first instance,
the latter led by a narrow passage into Short’s Gardens, but
afterwards the entrance was widened, and the southern part of the
thoroughfare was named New Belton Street, Belton Street proper
being distinguished as Old Belton Street. About 1846 both were
widened on the east side to form Endell Street, and the still
remaining portion of Bowl Yard at the northern end was swept away.
Bowl Yard obviously derived its name from The Bowl inn, which,
together with The Black Lamb, is mentioned in the deed of 1655,
above referred to. The sign had no doubt reference to the custom
mentioned by Stow[559] that criminals on their way to execution at
Tyburn were, at St. Giles’s Hospital, presented with a great bowl of
ale “thereof to drinke at theyr pleasure, as to be theyr last refreshing
in this life.” The inn itself probably fronted Broad Street, and the
brewhouse attached to it was situated behind, on the west side of
Bowl Yard.
Plate 38 shows the west front of The Bowl Brewery in 1846,
and the houses at the northern end of Belton Street.
In the Council’s collection are:—
[560]
The Bowl Brewery in 1846 (photograph).
Nos. 7 and 9, Broad Street. Exterior (photograph).
LI.—SITE OF MARSHLAND (SEVEN DIALS.)

Included in the property transferred to Henry VIII. in 1537


was “one close called Marshland.”[561] In 1594, Queen Elizabeth
farmed the close to Thomas Stydolph, his wife, and his son, Francis,
for the life of the longest liver, and in 1598 she farmed it for the sixty
years following the death of the longest lived of the three to Nicholas
Morgan and Thomas Horne. The latter immediately conveyed their
interest to James White, and subsequently it came into the hands of
Sir Francis Stydolph, who thus held a lease for the length of his own
life and for sixty years afterwards. In 1650, while he was still in
possession of the close, it was surveyed by Commissioners appointed
by Parliament[562]. In their report, the close is described as “all yt
peice or parcell of pasture ground comonly called ... Marsh close
alias Marshland ... on the north side of Longe Acre,[563] and ...
betwene a way leadinge from Drury Lane to St. Martin’s Lane on the
north;[564] and a way leadinge from St. Gyles to Knightsbridge, and a
way leadinge from Hogg Lane into St. Martin’s Lane on the west;[565]
and Bennet’s Garden[566] and Sir John Bromley[567] and Mr. Short on
the east.” These boundaries are in accord with the plan showing the
design for laying out (Plate 39), and with Faithorne’s Map of 1658
(Plate 4). The extension of Marshland to the east of Neal Street
(formerly King Street) has never been noticed, but the fact is quite
clear. One proof will suffice. On 23rd September, 1728, James Joye
sold to trustees of the charity schools of St. Giles, Cripplegate,
property specified as “part of the Marshlands in St. Giles-in-the-
Fields,”[568] and situated on the east side of King Street. Part of the
property has since been thrown into the public way, but part can still
be identified as No. 82, Neal Street,[569] on the east side.
In 1650 the buildings on the Close were:—
(i.) The Cock and Pye inn, a brick building of two storeys and
a garret, standing on ground 117 feet from north to south, with a
breadth of 48 feet at the north end. This is probably the building
shown on Hollar’s Plan of 1658 (Plate 3), at the southern angle of the
close. From it the close was sometimes known as Cock and Pye
Fields.
(ii.) A house with wheelwright’s shop and shed attached,
covering with yards, gardens, etc., 3 roods.
(iii.) A shed of timber and Flemish wall, with tiled roof,
containing two small dwelling rooms, occupying, with a garden, half
an acre.
(iv.) A piece of ground, half an acre in extent, “late converted
into a garden, beinge very well planted wth rootes.”
(v.) Three tenements of timber and Flemish wall, with
thatched roof, on the north side of what was afterwards Castle Street,
occupying, with gardens, etc., half an acre.
(vi.) “All that conduit scituate and adjoyninge to the aforesaid
3 tenements, and standeth on the southest corner of the aforesaid
Marsh Close, consistinge of one roome heirtofore used to convey
water to the Excheqr. Office, but of late not used.”
Sir Francis Stydolph died on 12th March, 1655–6, and his
successor, Sir Richard, at once entered on the remaining 60 years’
term and in 1672 obtained an extension of this for 15 years.[570]
Morden and Lea’s Map of 1682 shows that by that date a
considerable amount of building had taken place on the close,
though the details are not clear.[571] This is probably to be connected
with the lease which James Kendricke obtained for 31 years as from
Michaelmas, 1660.[572] In 1693 Thomas Neale, “intending to improve
the said premisses by building”[573], obtained a lease of the close until
10th March, 1731–2, undertaking to build within two years sufficient
houses to form ground rents amounting to £1,200, the ground rents
to be calculated at from 5s. to 8s. a foot frontage, except in the case of
houses fronting King Street (now Neal Street), Monmouth Street
(now Shaftesbury Avenue), St. Andrew Street and Earl Street, where
the amount was to be from 8s. to 12s. a foot. Building operations
were apparently started immediately,[574] but do not seem to have
been completed until well into the 18th century.[575]
Neale’s plan was one which excited considerable notice at the
time, the streets all radiating from a common centre. Evelyn records
in his Diary under date of 5th October, 1694: “I went to see the
building neere St. Giles’s, where 7 streets make a star from a Doric
pillar plac’d in the middle of a circular area.” From the fact that on
the summit of the column were dials, each facing one of the streets,
the district obtained the name of Seven Dials. The top part of the
pillar, however, has only six faces, a fact which has worried
antiquaries. In explanation Mr. W. A. Taylor, the Holborn Librarian,
has pointed out[576] that the plan (Plate 39) now at the Holborn
Public Library, of the proposed laying out shows only six streets,
Little White Lion Street not being provided for.[577]
The pillar was taken down in July, 1773, on the supposition
that a considerable sum of money was lodged at the base. “But the
search was ineffectual, and the pillar was removed to Sayes Court,
Addlestone, with a view to its erection in the park. This, however,
was not done, and it lay there neglected until the death of Frederica,
Duchess of York, in 1820, when the inhabitants of Weybridge,
desiring to commemorate her thirty years’ residence at Oatlands and
her active benevolence to the poor of the neighbourhood, bethought
them of the prostrate column, purchased it, placed a coronet instead
of the dials on the summit, and a suitable inscription on the base,
and erected it, August, 1822, on the green. The stone on which were
the dials, not being required, was utilised as the horseblock at a
neighbouring inn, but has been removed and now reposes on the
edge of the green, opposite the column.”[578] Plate 40 shows the
column as at present.
Little of architectural interest now remains in the district of
Seven Dials. Plate 41 is a view of Little Earl Street at the present day.
Suspended from No. 56, Castle Street is a wooden key used as a
street sign and trade mark, probably dating from the reign of George
III., at which time the predecessors of the present firm carried on a
locksmith’s business at the premises. The exterior retains an 18th-
century appearance, and a small Georgian coat of arms remains over
the doorway. The interior has been many times reconstructed, and
does not now contain anything of architectural interest.
In the Council’s collection are:—
No. 54, Neal Street. Exterior (photograph).
No. 54, Neal Street. Detail of staircase (measured drawing).
Nos. 54, 56 and 58, Castle Street. Exterior (photograph).
[579]No. 56, Castle Street. Street sign (photograph).

No. 50, Castle Street. Exterior (photograph).


Nos. 1–6, Little White Lion Street. General view (photograph).
No. 10, Lumber Court. Exterior of ground floor (photograph).
[579]LittleEarl Street. General view looking east (photograph).
Little Earl Street. General view and No. 15 (photograph).
No. 15, Little Earl Street. Exterior (photograph).
Nos. 12–16, Great White Lion Street. General view of exteriors
(photograph).
LII.—THE CHURCH OF ALL SAINTS, WEST
STREET.
General description and date of
structure.
On 20th February, 1699–1700, John Ardowin obtained a lease
of a plot of Marshland, 73 feet long, by 46 feet deep, abutting south
on West Street and north on Tower Street, “as the same was laid out
and designed for a chapel.”[580] The chapel in question, which was for
the use of the little colony of Huguenots lately settled in the district,
was duly built, and received the title of “La Pyramide de la
Tremblade.” The following inscription, however, which occurs on
two chalices in the possession of the West London Mission, shows
that the congregation had for more than two years had a temporary
place of worship on this spot. “Hi duo Calices dono dati sunt ab
Honesto Viro Petro Fenowillet die octavo Julii MDCIIIC in usum
Congregationis Gallicae quae habetur in via vulgo dicta West Street
de Parochia S. Ægidii. Si vero dissolvitur Congregatio in usum
Pauperum venundabuntur.” In 1742 the congregation removed
elsewhere, and in the following year John Wesley took a seven years’
lease of the building, holding his first service there on Trinity
Sunday, 1743. His house, which stood immediately to the west of the
chapel, was demolished in 1902. The lease of the chapel was renewed
from time to time until Wesley’s death in 1791, after which the
premises were used for various religious purposes until 1888, when
they were purchased for the use of the Seven Dials Mission.[581]
The exterior is of stock brick with large semi-circular headed
windows, as shown on the previous page.
The interior has three large galleries supported on panelled
square wood pillars. The ceiling and roof are carried by Ionic
columns. Over the bay of the nave next to the chancel is a large
square lantern with flat ceiling; in each side of the lantern are three
light windows.
The chancel is the full width of the nave between the galleries.
The end wall had a window, known in Wesley’s time as the
“Nicodemus Window.” It connected with Wesley’s house, and by its
means many of his secret admirers could take part in the service
without being observed by the congregation. It was filled in after
Wesley’s death and was not found again until 1901, when the wall
was pulled down and rebuilt. Vestries with rooms over now occupy
the sides of the chancel, but formerly these were a portion of the
church.

The top part of the pulpit, formerly a “three decker,” occupied


by Wesley, is still in use as the reading desk. The present pulpit, of
18th-century oak, was a gift from the church of St. George,
Bloomsbury, and the white marble font, dated 1810, came from the
parish church of St. Giles.
In the Council’s collection are:—
[582]Church of All Saints, West Street. Exterior in 1901 (photograph).
General view of interior (photograph).
[582]Top part of Wesley’s pulpit (photograph).
LIII.—SITE OF THE HOSPITAL OF ST. GILES.

The Hospital of St. Giles-in-the-Fields was founded by Maud,


[583]
Henry I.’s Queen, probably in 1117 or 1118.[584] Stow[585] giving, on
unknown authority, the date as “about the yeare 1117,” and the
Cottonian MS. Nero C.V.[586] placing the event in 1118. The number of
lepers to be maintained in the Hospital was stated, in the course of
the suit between the Abbot of St. Mary Graces and the Master of
Burton Lazars in the fourth year of Henry IV.’s reign, to be fourteen,
[587]
and this is to a certain extent confirmed by a petition[588] from
the brethren of the Hospital, dating from the end of Edward I.’s
reign, which gives the number as “xiij,” apparently a clerical error.
On the other hand, the jury who were sworn to give evidence at the
above-mentioned suit, declared that from time immemorial it had
not been the custom to maintain fourteen, but that sometimes there
had been only three, four or five.
Maud had assigned 60s. rent, issuing from Queenhithe, for
the support of the lepers, and had afterwards granted the ward of the
Hospital to the citizens of London,[589] who appointed two persons to
supervise the Hospital. Certain of the citizens had given rents, etc.,
amounting to upwards of £80 a year towards the maintenance of
lepers of the City and suburbs,[590] and an arrangement come to[591] in
the reign of Edward III. between the City and the Warden of the
Hospital provided that, apparently in accordance with the ancient
custom, the whole of the fourteen lepers should be taken from the
City and suburbs and presented by the Mayor and Commonalty, or
that if there were not so many within those limits, the County of
Middlesex should be included, and that in the event of further gifts to
the Hospital by good men of the City, the number of lepers should be
increased in proportion. It will be seen, therefore, that the Hospital
of St. Giles was, in early times, a peculiarly London institution, and
very closely connected with the governing body of the City.
On 4th April, 1299,[592] it was granted to the Hospital of
Burton Lazars in Leicestershire. It thus became a cell to that house,
and a member of the order of St. Lazarus of Jerusalem. Except for a
short intermission, it remained under the control of the house of
Burton Lazars until the dissolution in 1539, but it must long before
have ceased to serve its original purpose. Its constitution during the
later period of its existence is obscure, but the place of the lepers was
probably taken by infirm persons, when leprosy became extinct. The
hospital appears to have been governed by a Warden, who was
subordinate to the Master of Burton Lazars.
The Precinct of the Hospital probably included the whole of
the island site now bounded by High Street, Charing Cross Road[593]
and Shaftesbury Avenue; it was entered by a Gatehouse in High
Street. The Hospital church is sufficiently represented by the present
parish church, while the other buildings of the hospital included the
Master’s House (subsequently called the Mansion House) to the west
of the church, and the Spittle Houses, which probably stood in the
High Street to the east of the church. There is no evidence of the
internal arrangement of these buildings, with the exception of the
church, which survived till 1623, and will be described below.
The Gatehouse.
The position of The Gatehouse may be roughly gathered from
a deed of 1618[594], which refers to “all that old decayed building or
house commonly called the Gatehouse, adjoyning next unto one
small old tenement or building set and being att or neare unto or
uppon the north-west corner of the brickwall inclosing the north and
west parte of the churchyard.”
Mansion House and Adjacent Buildings.
A few years after the dissolution in 1539, the property of the
Hospital was divided between Lord Lisle and Katherine Legh[595],
when there fell to the share of the former the mansion place or
capital house of the Hospital; a messuage, part of the Hospital, with
orchards and gardens, in the tenure of Doctor Borde; and a
messuage, part of the Hospital, with orchard and garden, in the
tenure of Master Densyle, formerly of Master Wynter. Lisle
transferred the property to Sir Wymonde Carew, who at his death
was found to be seized of and in “the capital mansion of the Hospital
of St. Giles-in-the-Fields and of and in certain parcels of land with
appurtenances in the parish of St. Giles-in-the-Fields.”[596] Thomas
Carew, his son, seems to have disposed of the whole of the property,
and in 1563 the above-mentioned, described as four messuages, were
in the possession of Francis Downes.
On 10th April, 1566, Robert and Edward Downes sold[597] to
John Graunge “all those messuages, tenements, houses, edyfices,
barns, stables, gardens, orchards, meadows, etc., with the
appurtenances, now or late in the several occupations of the Right
Hon. Sir Willyam Herbert, knyght, now Erell of Pembroke, ——
Byrcke, Esq., Johan Wyse, wydowe, Anthony Vuidele, Thomas More,
Henrye Hye, and —— Troughton, —— Wylson, lyng and being in St.
Gyles in the Fieldes.”
There are no records by which the history of these several
houses may be traced, but at the beginning of the 17th century the
property, having then passed into the hands of Robert Lloyd[598]
(Floyd, or Flood), seems chiefly to have comprised five large houses.
[599]

On 19th March, 1617–8, Robert Lloyd[600] sold to Isaac


Bringhurst the reversion of a house, formerly in the occupation of
Jas. Bristowe and then in that of Thomas Whitesaunder, situated
“nere unto the west end of the ... parish church” and to the south of
Sir Edward Cope’s residence, having an enclosure on its east side 45
feet wide by 17½ and 18 feet, and gardens and ground on the west
side, extending 288½ feet to Hog Lane. Assuming a depth of from
30 to 40 feet for the house itself, it will be seen that the premises
stretched between the church and Hog Lane for a distance of about
340 feet, and after making due allowance for the fact that Hog Lane
was much narrower than Charing Cross Road, its modern
representative, it will be apparent that the only possible course taken
by the above mentioned property was along the line of Little
Denmark Street, formerly Lloyd’s Court. Unfortunately the history of
the house in question cannot be definitely traced after 1629[601], but if
the site suggested above is correct, the premises subsequently came
into the possession of Elizabeth Saywell (née Lloyd) who, by will
dated 5th January, 1712–3, gave all her real estate in St. Giles, after
several estates for life, to Benjamin Carter for his life, and devised a
fourth part of her estate to trustees for charitable purposes.
Benjamin Carter on 12th March, 1727, accordingly granted to
trustees all that old capital messuage or tenement wherein Mrs.
Saywell had resided, “which said capital messuage had been pulled
down and several messuages, houses or tenements, had been erected
on the ground whereon the said capital messuage stood situated in a
certain place, commonly called Lloyd’s Court.”[602]
Immediately to the north of the last mentioned house was the
mansion of Sir Edward Cope, described in 1612[603] as “with twoe litle
gardens before on the north side thereof impalled, and a large garden
with a pumpe and a banquetting house on the south side of the same
tenement, walled about with bricke, and a stable and the stable yard
adjoyning to the same garden.”
If the site ascribed to the previous house is correct, Sir
Edward Cope’s mansion must have been identical with that shown in
the map in Strype’s edition of Stow (Plate 5) as “Ld. Wharton’s,”
situated between the houses on the north side of Lloyd’s Court and
on the south side of Denmark Street. In 1652, the house was in the
tenure of John Barkstead or his assigns.[604] Philip, 4th Lord
Wharton, was resident in St. Giles in 1677,[605] probably at this house,
and the “garden of Lord Wharton” is in 1687 mentioned[606] as the
southern boundary of premises in Denmark Street. It seems a
reasonable suggestion that this house was originally the capitalis
mansio, or master’s house.
The same deed of 1612 mentions(i) a house in the tenure of
Tristram Gibbs, with a stable towards the street on the north side,
and a large garden on the south, “walled on the east side and toward
a lane of the south side,” abutting west on the garden of Frances
Varney’s house; and (ii) a house “now or latelie in the tenure of Alice,
the Lady Dudley,” with a paved court on the north side before the
door, a stable on the north side towards the street, another paved
court backwards towards the south, walled with brick, and a large
walled garden on the south side.
The position of Tristram Gibbs’s house can be roughly
identified by the fact that a parcel of ground abutting north on
Denmark Street and south on Lord Wharton’s garden and ground is
stated[607] to have been formerly “part of the garden belonging to the
messuage in tenure of Tristram Gibbs, Esq.” The house was therefore
to the north of Lord Wharton’s house, and its site probably extended
over part of Denmark Street.
The position of Lady Dudley’s house may be roughly
ascertained from the particulars given in the deed of 1618,[608] which
mentions the Gatehouse. Therein reference is made to the site of a
certain house formerly adjoining the north part of the Gatehouse,
“conteyninge in length from the north part to the south part, viz.,
from the end or corner of a certain stone wall, being the wall of the
house or stable there of the Lady Dudley unto the south-east corner
post or utmost lymittes of the said Gatehouse 39½ feet, and in
breadth att the north end, viz., from the uttermost side of the said
stone wall att the south east corner thereof to a certen little shed or
building there called a coach house of the said Lady Dudley, 19 feet;
and in length from south to north, viz., from the uttermost lymittes
or south-west corner post of the said Gatehouse to a certen old
foundacion of a wall lying neare unto the south side of the said
coache house 28 feet, and in breadth from east to west att the south
end and so throughe all the full length of the said 28 feet of the said
soile or ground 28½ feet.” The above is not as clear as it might be,
but it certainly shows that Lady Dudley’s stable was to the north of
the Gatehouse, which, as has been shown, was near the north-west
angle of the churchyard. Lady Dudley’s house, therefore, probably
occupied a site to the north of Denmark Street.
The most northerly of the five large houses existing here at the
beginning of the 17th century was the White House. This was, in
1618, when it was sold by Robert Lloyd to Isaac Bringhurst,[609] in the
occupation of Edmund Verney, and was then described as “all that
one messuage or tenement, with appurtenances, commonly known
by the name of the White House, and one yard, one garden and one
long walke, and one stable with a hay lofte over the same.” In 1631 it
was purchased by Lady Dudley,[610] who three years later
transferred[611] it to trustees to be used for the purposes of a
parsonage. At the time a lease of the premises for three lives was held
by Edward Smith, and this was not determined until 1681, when the
house had become “very ruinous and scarcely habitable.”[612] The
Rector at once entered into an agreement with John Boswell, a
hatmaker of St. Dunstan’s West, for rebuilding, and it was arranged
that the houses to be erected on the site should be built “with all
materials and scantlings conformable to the third rate buildings
prescribed by the Act of Parliament for rebuilding the City of
London.” The result was presumably Dudley Court, now Denmark
Place.

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