Metropolitan Planning in Japan

Author(s): Jeremy D. Alden

Source: The Town Planning Review , Jan., 1984, Vol. 55, No. 1 (Jan., 1984), pp. 55-74
Published by: Liverpool University Press

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/40112036

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TPR,55(I) 1984

JEREMY D. ALDEN

Metropolitan planning in Japan

The article examines the experience of planning in Japan in coping with the needs
and problems of its largest cities. Metropolitan planning in Japan is considerably
different from that in western industrialised countries.
A brief review of the historical context of metropolitan planning in Japan is
followed by an analysis of the rather special economic, social and environmental
conditions facing planning in Japan.
Japan's attempts to formulate and implement a national metropolitan policy to
contain the growth of its metropolitan areas are examined. Particular reference is
made to the planning policies for the Tokyo Metropolitan Area.

It is generally accepted that planning in Britain since the time of Ebenezer Howard
and the Garden City Movement has sought to contain the growth of its large cities;
this approach was sustained by the arguments of the 1940 Barlow Report and, if
anything, was intensified after 1947.1 Planning objectives and policies in post-war
Britain have been largely anti-urban and anti-economic,2 with perhaps only the
continuing concern to maintain the role and activities of city centres running
counter to these emphases. It is only in recent years that the economic and social
problems facing many British cities have been a focus of attention for academics
and practitioners, politicians and administrators alike. In marked contrast, this
anti-urban and anti-economic planning bias has been virtually absent from
Japanese planning. Japan's planners have generally worked within a strong urban
tradition which, when combined with centralised planning powers, has led to a
fostering of their cities rather than a discouraging. However, it is* an interesting
feature of planning in Japan that, despite this generally more favourable attitude,
the first National Capital Region Development Plan for the Tokyo city region (1958)
drew its inspiration from Abercrombie's Greater London Plan 1944. In that sense there
have been implicit questions in Japanese planning in the last twenty years or so as
to whether continuing urban growth is desirable and whether some of Japan's
largest cities have become excessive in scale.
The answers to these questions need to be examined not only within the
generally more urban-oriented approach of Japanese planning policies, but within
55

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56 JEREMY D. ALDEN

the historical context of Japanese urbanisation and

development. The process of urbanisation in Japan was acc
short period of time from the 1880s to the 1930s with a s
World War 2.3 This experience stands in contrast to tha
United States where the process extended over a century
with the United States lagging about three quarters of
Japan, however, now stands on the threshold of a new ph
development, one which sets substantial challenges to
planning and urban issues, particularly to the develop
metropolitan) cities.4 This article seeks to examine the
Japan in coping with the needs and problems of its metro
It further attempts to assess the extent to which metropoli
either adopted or rejected the experience of other coun
Britain, in their approaches to tackling these issues.
It may be helpful at this point to mention that the term
used in Japanese planning to indicate quite widely ranging
the use of the term is its relationship to the governmenta
'Metropolitan Tokyo', for instance, may refer to one pr
metropolitan area' may refer to an area comprising fo
'National Capital Region' refers to an area comprising ei

The historical framework of planning in ]apan

An appreciation of Japan's early planning attempts fo
important for the reader attempting to understand the ke
practice.
While there is no generally agreed chronological structure defined for Japan's
planning history, an attempt has been made by Watanabe (1980) to identify major
periods of planning activity.5 Any historical classification of planning for Japan may
prove difficult to replicate with Western countries. For example, in the 1890s, when
the metropolis began to be questioned in Western countries,6 modern Tokyo had
only reached the peak population of feudal Edo. It was only in the 1910s and 1920s
that rapid suburbanisation in Japan was matched by an emerging planning system.
The first period of planning activity identified by Watanabe refers to the period
before the Meiji restoration in 1868, a date which marks the birth of modern Japan.
For nearly a century after 1600, feudal Japan was the scene of the building of castle
towns throughout the country. The focus of this building of new towns was the
creation of Edo by the new Shogun Tokugawa leuasu. Within a hundred years a
thriving urban complex had been established with a population of over a million.
Many Japanese planners consider that this pre-modern experience of living in and
administering a large city seems to have played an important part in forming
modern Japan's attitude towards the metropolis. Edo's phenomenal growth was the
result of the Sankin-kotai system, whereby provincial lords (daimyo) were required to
spend alternate years in Edo, accompanied by their subjects, and supported by a
growing service sector. In pre-modern Japan, Edo was the political and consumer
centre, Kyoto the imperial capital and cultural centre, and Osaka the trade centre.

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METROPOLITAN PLANNING IN JAPAN 57

Tokyo is now the capital of Japan; Osak

Nagoya has become an important centre of
Pre-modern Japanese cities had high
widespread building of wooden houses,
problem for cities in Japan even today. Du
there were over 200 major fires in Edo itself
which killed over 100000 people and d
experience which invites comparison with
The second period of planning activity be
Tokugawa Shogunate returned politica
following year when the Meiji Emperor
renamed Tokyo and established as the seat
feudal system caused the exodus of the war
subjects and therefore the size of support
Meiji Tokyo was government, later to be s
Tokyo started to grow once again and b
million. Largely because of the special i
central government maintained control o
mayor until 1898. This tradition of stro
metropolitan cities has become an int
planning.
The third major period of planning in Jap
incorporating the Taisho-early Showa p
began to expand after the Russo-Japane
during World War 1 . This rapid industria
with substantial urban problems of an
during this period that Japan's urban wor
work in central cities. Urban policies bec
issues in the Taisho Era. In comparison w
1909, Japan's planning activity at this tim
together with the Urban Building Act o
attempted to provide a fairly compreh
cornerstone of Japanese planning for fifty
Alongside problems of fire there have alw
The 1923 earthquake devastated Japan's
making 1.4 million people (over 60 per
planning in Japan has continued to the
problems. By 1939 Tokyo had recovered fr
Kanto earthquake of 1923, and the world
one of the most important centres of
industrial output with 16.9 per cent of th
only 2.1 per cent. According to the 194
reached 6.7 million, followed by Osaka (3.3
(1.1 million). The two international ports n
and Kobe (970000) were approaching a
between Tokyo and Osaka, had becom

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58 JEREMY D. ALDEN

especially in manufacturing industry. During World W

important centre of the aircraft industry, and after the w
industry.
From 1930 national policies attempted to cope with subur
merger of the City and the Prefecture of Tokyo in 1 943 . The
saw a compulsory evacuation programme for Tokyo, with
and jobs. This act of decentralisation was a wartime measur
fell from 6.7 million to 2.5 million in just sixteen months from
period of planning activity began in 1945 after Tokyo had
fire-bombs. It was at this time that Japan developed a dec
metropolitan areas, gaining its initiative from the Br
Abercrombie Plan for London of 1944. From the late 1950s until the late 1970s the
Japanese economy grew rapidly, and with it the population and economic base of its
major cities. By 1977, Aichi Prefecture, including the Nagoya metropolitan area,
contributed 9.5 per cent of total industrial output, followed by Kanagawa (9.1 per
cent), Osaka (9 percent) and Tokyo (8.6 percent). These changes in rankordering were
not only by the development of industries in the respective areas, but also by the
dispersal of industries from the other two large metropolises, according to the policy
of decentralisation, which started with the Provincial Guidelines for Locating Industry of
1942. While British planning traditionally sought to limit the size of the metropolis
and to build alternative smaller settlements such as 'garden-cities' and new towns,
and while American planning focused upon city suburbs rather than its central cities,
Japanese planning until the 1940s took every step to rebuild and enhance its cities.
Indeed, it was not until the mid 1 950s that the population of Tokyo exceeded its pre-
war levels, and only in the latter part of the 1950s that explicit measures to control
urban growth appeared. While there continued to exist in Japan a feeling that large
cities were ideal in many ways, this view was increasingly influenced by British ideas
and practice. By the time of the first Comprehensive National Development Plan (1962)
planning policy sought to control the growth of central cities, achieve a more even
spread of development spatially and included projects to develop rural areas.
Lastly in this brief review of the historical context of metropolitan planning in
Japan, some mention must be made of characteristic Japanese attitudes to the role of
government and planning, whereby the political and administrative system favours
minimum intervention in the economy. Planning in Japan is more loosely-structured
and open-ended in character than comparative practices in Western countries. While
the Japanese system does have regulating features, it allows more room for the
operation of the free market mechanism commensurate with its efficiency principle.
Plans in Japan are generally of a more indicative nature than in many Western
countries, except for various statutory controls exercised through legal provisions.
Whilethis might be similarto the situation which has existed in the United States, it is
in marked contrast to the British context for planning of the post-war era.

Features of the Japanese economy

It is important to identify the extent to which the context for metropolitan change
facing Japan may be considerably different from that facing either Western Europe or

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METROPOLITAN PLANNING IN IAPAN 59

the United States. Metropolitan planning

seen within the context of little or no eco
in total population, a marked decline in
particularly in inner city areas, a continui
high rates of unemployment, and a hig
particularly ethnic minorities in Britain's
First, in marked contrast, the Japanese n
considerably faster pace than those in t
average annual growth rate in real term
1970-75 -1-5.1 percent, and +5.8 percent
Secondly, data provided by the OECD (O
and Development) programme on urban
clearly that many large OECD cities are
Japan has been the only clear case of ge
recently that there has been some evidenc
as far as central cities are concerned.
Thirdly, Japan's metropolitan areas have experienced huge population gains
during the past two decades. The national Land Agency has the task of preparing
and implementing urban policies for the three metropolitan regions of Tokyo
(National Capital Region), Osaka (Kinki Region) and Nagoya (Chubu or Central
Region) (Figure 1 ). These three metropolitan areas recorded a population increase
of 9.2 million, 4.3 million, and 1.9 million respectively, between 1960-75. Between
1960 and 1965 the population of the Tokyo and Osaka Prefectures grew by 44 per
cent and 40 per cent respectively, although by the period 1975-80 such growth had
slowed down to eight per cent and six per cent respectively. By 1980 these three
areas contained 52.8 million people, some 45 per cent of Japan's total, while
occupying only 10 per cent of the nation's land space. It may not be surprising
therefore that the recent population losses in the central city of Tokyo and Osaka
may be viewed as a relief from an excessive concentration of people. In contrast to
the nine million population gain for the Tokyo metropolitan area during the past
two decades, Greater London lost 1.5 million people during the same period.
Fourthly, the National Land Agency expects a continuing population increase for
Japan on a scale not foreseen by either the United States or Western Europe. The
population of Japan is expected to increase from some 1 12 million in 1975 to nearly
1 37 million by the year 2000, an increase of 25 million through natural change. This
may be compared to the population projection made in 1981 for the UK by the
Office of Population Censuses and Surveys, of 58.4 million by 200-1 compared to
55.9 million in 1979, an increase of just 2.5 million. Although the pace of population
growth has slackened for the Tokyo metropolitan area, from + 1 2.8 percent 1965-70,
to + 10.0 per cent 1970-75, to +4.9 per cent 1975-80, in line now with the national
population growth of +4.6 per cent 1975-80, Tokyo is still expected to grow in
population terms by some 5.0 million between 1975 and 2000.
Fifthly, some comments are required on recent trends in the process of
urbanisation. In terms of inter-regional population growth, regional migration
trends indicate that substantial changes have taken place since the mid 1960s. In
the early 1960s the three metropolitan regions (i.e. Capital Region, Chubu Region,

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60 IEREMY D. ALDEN

Fig. 1 Locations of
regions of lapan (source,
compiled from Honjo,
M..UNCRD Working
Paper 79-1 2, Nagoya,
United Nations Centre
for Regional Develop-
ment, 1980)

and Kinki Region), together had a net migration gain of some 700 000 people. This
migration gain however began to fall rapidly thereafter for all three regions, and by
the early 1970s had fallen to 300 000 people. By 1976 the net gain from migration for
the three regions taken together had completely disappeared. The Kinki Region
(Osaka) was the first to record a net migration loss in the early 1970s followed by
Chubu Region (Nagoya) in the mid 1970s, while the National Capital Region (Tokyo)
has still retained a small net migration gain, but less than 100000 per year.
In terms of intra-regional population changes, the process of urbanisation
experienced in other metropolitan areas of the older industrialised economies has
also affected lapan. The area within 10 kilometres of central Tokyo first experienced
some loss of population in 1965, and so did Osaka in 1975. The area of highest
population growth has continuously moved away from the central areas of the inner
City. Compared with the population growth pattern of the 1960s, the 1970s have
seen growth much more dispersed with considerable growth taking place in the
regional capitals, such as Sapporo and Pukuoka. However, while the central cities of
non-Tokaido metropolitan areas have been growing faster than the Tokaido areas
(Tokyo, Nagoya and Osaka combined are often referred to as the Tokaido zone or
megalopolis) the bulk of the population growth is still taking place in the three
metropolitan regions.
The decline of the resident population of the central cities of the three
metropolitan regions illustrates the extent to which residents have moved out while
office development has moved in. The net decline of residents began in central
Tokyo in the late 1950s and rapidly spread subsequently. Chiyoda-ku, the Tokyo
ward which has lost most residents, had only 64 000 residents in 1978, but during
the day the population grew by 934 000, i.e. a day/night population ratio of 15:1;
such analyses of day/night population ratios illustrate the commuter basis of

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 METROPOLITAN PLANNING IN IAPAN 61

Fig. 2 Income differential index by

region (source, compiled from
Honjo.M.UNCRD Working Paper
79-1 2, Nagoya, United Nations
Centre for Regional Development,
1980)

metropolitan area problems. The distance covered and time spent commuting in
the three metropolitan regions of the Tokaido megalopolis are considerable, and
constitute a substantial planning problem facing these metropolitan areas.
Many Western European countries and the United States have faced not only an
increasing urban problem, but also a persistent regional problem. The UK, for
instance, has pursued a regional policy to reduce regional economic differentials
for some fifty years, yet the problem regions in the 1980s in the UK are still basically
the same as those in the 1 930s. Moreover, at the same time, the UK is attempting to
cope with its urban problems, and particularly those of the inner city. For Japan
problems of regional inequality do not appear to be very great. Indeed, Honjo has
shown that regional income inequalities in lapan were reduced significantly
between 1965 and 1975.9 This position is shown in Figure 2.
Some mention must also be made of the extent to which lapan has been able to

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62 JEREMY D. ALDEN

Table 1 Change in manufacturing and total number of jobs in

metropolitan areas: 1960-1975
\obs in thousands I960 1965 1970 1975
Tokyo City (M) 1746 1915 1748 1470
(T) 3972 4549 4484 4287
Tokyo Met (M) 2564 3256 3637 3397
(T) 6277 7917 8924 9281
Yokohama City (M) 263 374 470 474
(T) 576 846 1058 1176
YokahamaMet (M) 392 579 739 758
(T) 984 1362 1706 1895
Osaka City (M) 698 747 674 545
(T) 1438 1600 1509 1346
Osaka Met (M) 1493 1884 2092 1902
(T) 3138 4004 4579 4602
NagoyaCity (M) 380 423 419 376
(T) 819 972 1017 1003
NagoyaMet (M) 857 1005 1126 1092
(T) 1838 2168 2427 2477
M=Manufacturing
T=Total
Source: Based on figures kindly provided by Professor T. Kawashima, Gakashuin
University, Tokyo.

increase the number of jobs in its economy. Between 1 965 and 1 975 Japan increased
its total number of jobs by some five million while the UK, for example, even
experienced a slight decrease. Of particular concern in both Western Europe and
the United States has been the decline in manufacturing industry in many large
cities, and at a rate much faster than the national decline in manufacturing. The UK
again illustrates vividly these losses; its manufacturing industry declined from 8.4
million jobs in 1966 to 7 million jobs in 1979, a loss of 1.4 million. Between 1961 and
1976 Greater London itself lost 600000 manufacturing jobs, from 1.43 million to
0.83 million.
lapan, however, between 1965 and 1975 increased its number of manufacturing
jobs nationally from some 15 million in 1965 to just under 19 million by 1975.
Nonetheless, it should be pointed out that most of this growth occurred between
1965 and 1970 with little growth in the period 1970-75. This is still, however, very
different from that in the UK, and has significant implications for metropolitan
planning policy in lapan.
There have however been fears expressed by some cities in lapan not only about
recent population losses for their central cities, but also about job losses in
manufacturing industry. The situation facing both the city and wider metropolitan
area for Tokyo, Yokahama, Osaka and Nagoya is shown in Table 1 , for manufacturing
industry (M) and total jobs (T) separately. As the table shows, Tokyo City, Osaka City
and Nagoya City have been losing manufacturing jobs since 1965 and the controls
on industrial development in these cities are examined later in this article.
Moreover, the number of manufacturing jobs has declined since 1970 in the whole
Tokyo metropolitan area and also in the metropolitan area of Nagoya. These are
new features for some of lapan's major cities, but have been experienced for many
years by cities in Western Europe and the United States.

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 METROPOLITAN PLANNING IN JAPAN 63

Finally, in this assessment of the econom

Japan, it should also be noted that Jap
aware of the full range of inner city probl
Europe and the United States. While thes
associated with ethnic minorities and conce
Japanese planners point to the absence o
Japan's metropolitan policy has not been f
problems in their cities as has been experie
Japanese planners are nevertheless keenl
example, heavy infrastructural investment
e.g. subway systems, and it is desirable tha
possible. It is also feared that, with u
consuming process, the speed of dilapida
environment will outpace renewal efforts.

Defining urban problems

One of the main tasks in examining ur
definition of either urban growth or urban
be used. The OECD programme on urban
encountered such problems of definition
Just when a phenomenon becomes id
importance in examining urban policies
decline in population for a particular city
defining problems for urban areas many
population and employment, while others
housing, traffic congestion, growing cr
rising tax burdens. The OECD working def
two elements; first, decrease in populat
metropolitan area, and secondly, loss of
structure of employment. Problems of
focused upon rapid urbanisation again i
terms of urban sprawl, pollution of the en
land, housing and infrastructure.
However, as may be expected, not all co
decline or urban growth is 'good' or 'bad
OECD programme has shown how the Du
in need of prevention as it produces proble
groups, the unemployed and foreign work
urban decline more narrowly as populat
which should be positively encouraged
examples by the OECD of countries encou
ease urban problems resulting from prev
economies of non-metropolitan areas.
The many definitions of both urban decli
that cities with such characteristics are
E

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64 JEREMY D. ALDEN

decline, that such cities are not as economically or socially

be, or as they should be, or as other cities are. Downs in his
American cities for the Brookings Institute has examined
of population loss or 'trouble'.10 He has identified at least
one descriptive and the other normative. In its descrip
refers to any decrease in measures of size, such as populat
vice versa for urban growth). In its normative sense, i
undesirable. It is important to recognise that not all d
descriptive sense is also decline or growth in the normativ
for example, can sometimes be desirable, neutral or h
extremely overcrowded and given a general context of
decrease in population may improve economic strength
seen as desirable rather than undesirable from its descript
On the other hand, cities can undergo decline in t
association with growth in the descriptive sense. For exam
with refugees during wartime or social disruption, and
supplies of food and severe physical destruction, which
from nearly every resident's viewpoint. This is an ex
normative sense despite large population increases. Wit
World War 2, many large cities have experienced la
immigrants, for example London, Paris and Amsterdam. T
in the fast growing cities of the Southern and Wester
economic and social conditions of these foreign workers
representing an increase of local population, have g
problems.
These concepts of descriptive and normative growth or decline therefore need to
be borne in mind whenever examining metropolitan problems and policies for
different countries.

japan's Comprehensive National Development Plan

Japan published its first Comprehensive National Development Plan (CNDP) in October
1962, and the focus of this document was the reduction of regional disparities, as
inter-regional income disparities had been historically large in Japan. The first
CNDP set out to achieve a more even spread of development throughout the
regions by promoting the dispersal of industries. The programme divided the
country into three categories, namely over-concentrated areas, consolidation areas,
and development areas, and decided the main policies for each area.
The second CNDP (Shinzenso) was formulated by the Cabinet in May 1969 and was
directed towards coping with the concentration of population in urban areas and
the rapid industrial development in the period of exceptionally high economic
growth between the latter half of the 1950s and first half of the 1960s. It sought to
achieve a more even spread of development by implementing a series of large-scale
development projects of industrialisation and environmental conservation in
regions where they were needed. In November 1 977 its work was revised in the third
CNDP (Sanzenso).1 ' The overall concern of the third CNDP was to control the over-

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METROPOLITAN PLANNING IN IAPAN 65

concentration of population and industr

the same time promoting local develo
recognised that the national land resourc
high priority on preserving historical and
for development in the Plan was the 'Integ
which aimed at establishing new settlemen
Teiju-Ken comprises a conglomeration o
unitary area of regional development
throughout Japan.
The third CNDP of 1977 comprised five p
of the Plan, and on the first page of the d
excessive concentration of population a
sprawl for the metropolitan areas. The
residential policy' was examined in Part
the growth of Japanese economy, th
urbanisation, and changes in life style w
quality of life.
The role of the 'integrated residential poli
Part III of the Plan. The Plan noted that th
Tokyo and Osaka areas had slowed down
away to other regions. However, both the
in population terms due to natural incre
The Plan therefore established targets
supply.
Part IV of the third CNDP identified policies for different types of area which
would be consistent with the overall objective of a balanced national land use of
activities. There are therefore different policies for the so-called 'gigantic' cities (i.e.
metropolitan cities), 'big' cities, provincial towns and cities, and for rural areas.
The final section of the Plan, Part V, devoted itself to the implementation of the
Plan proposals, emphasising the need to relate it to other long-term plans. For
example, the third CNDP had implications for the current plans of the three
metropolitan cities in the Capital (Tokyo), Chubu (Nagoya) and Kinki (Osaka)
regions, and plans for the regional development of Tohoku, Hokuriku, Chugoku,
Shikoku, and Kyushu regions. The close collaboration required between central
government and local public authorities was also emphasised for developing the
Teiju-Ken. The implementation of the Plan was discussed not only in terms of its
relationship to other plans but also in financial terms, especially public investment.
The 1977 Plan stressed the need to promote quasi-public projects which are
inititated and carried out mainly by the private sector, and make appropriate use of
private sector funds. This kind of policy is now being pursued actively in many other
countries of the world, particularly in Britain and the United States in terms of
public funds being used to 'lever' private sector funds for urban development
programmes in inner city areas.
Finally, the third CNDP in its implementation section raised the much discussed
problem of transferring metropolitan functions, with particular reference to Tokyo.
The Capital Region now accounts for some 24 per cent of the country's population, a

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66 JEREMY D. ALDEN

situation unrivalled in other mature industrialised economies, as shown with

figures of less than 1 5 per cent for Paris and Greater London and half of this figure
again for New York and Moscow within their national populations. The third CNDP
called quite explicitly for 'aggressively implementing' the relocation of production
functions such as industries concentrated in the Tokyo area, and educational,
cultural and medical facilities together with the transfer of central management
functions for both public and private sectors. In the year 2000 the population of the
Tokyo area was expected to increase by five million from 1975 and to reach 32
million even if net migration was significantly reduced. This meant, in contrast to a
city like Greater London which has been losing population since the 1950s, that the
Plan assumed that the Tokyo area would continue to play a substantial role in the
national economy and that considerable environmental problems could not be
avoided.
The Plan concluded by stressing its commitment to containing the size of its
'gigantic' cities, i.e. metropolitan areas of Tokyo, Osaka and Nagoya, and ended on a
controversial note in suggesting that one way to transfer metropolitan functions
would be to construct a new capital city in a location other than Tokyo. Another
suggested approach was to disperse metropolitan functions to a number of
alternative locations. These proposals contained in the 1977 Plan continue to be
actively discussed in the early 1980s. There is particular concern in Japan not to be
too hasty over the future of Tokyo because of the role of the city in the
consciousness of the people and its contribution to the national economy. While
Greater London contributes some 16 per cent of Britain's Gross Domestic Product,
the contribution of Tokyo to its national economy is twice this figure.
There can be no other example of an advanced industrial nation currently
struggling with the prospect of its capital city region growing by several million
people by the year 2000, and having serious thoughts about constructing a new
capital city in an entirely new location. However, as Gottmann has observed, more
than any other nation, the Japanese have tried to foresee the future and provide for
it.12

Japan's metropolitan policy

During the period of rapid economic growth in the 1960s the concentration of
population and industry in Japan became more intensified, focused upon three
metropolitan regions, containing the cities of Tokyo, Osaka and Nagoya. One of the
main results of this rapid urbanisation was that Japan passed a series of legislative
measures in an attempt to restrict the growth of its metropolitan regions. First, in
1956 the National Capital Region Consolidation Act was instituted to tackle the problems
of Tokyo; then secondly, in 1963 the Act for Consolidation of the Kinki Region was
established focused upon Osaka; and then thirdly, in 1966 the Act for the Development
and Consolidation of the Chubu Region, centred upon Nagoya was passed. The Chubu
Region, situated between the other two metropolitan regions has become an
important centre of Japan's manufacturing industry. Planning the future develop-
ment of these three major metropolitan areas has become the task of the National
Land Agency of Japan.13

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 METROPOLITAN PLANNING IN JAPAN 67

Fig. 3 Three metropolitan regions (source. National Land Ag

Policy Series No. 4. 1977)
E*

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68 JEREMY D. ALDEN

Table 2 Policy zones designated for metropolitan planning policy in \

NATIONAL CAPITAL REGION

Suburban Consolidation City Development

Existing \Jrban Areas Belt Zones
922 square kilometres (special 6618 square kilometres (areas 5379 square kilometres (18
wards of Tokyo, Musashino City, roughly within 50 kilometres areas are designated).
Mitaka City, Yokohama City, from the centre of Tokyo).
Kawasaki City, a part of Kawa-
guchi City).

K1NK1 REGION

Suburban Consolidation City Development

Existing City Zones Zones Zones
432 square kilometres (Osaka 3719 squ
City, Kyoto City, Kobe City, roughly
Moriguchi City, Higashi Osaka from th
City, Sakai City, Amagasaki City,
Nishinomiya City, a part of
Ashiya City).

CHUBU REGION

City Development
City Consolidation Zones Zones
2990 square kilometres 1 1 127 square kilometres
(73 municipalities including localities in the neighbourhood of (
Nagoya City. With the exception of the old urban area of Nagoya
City, all these zones enjoy the application of special fiscal
measures. In city consolidation zones, measures for restriction
of factories and facilities for higher education are not enforced.)
Source: National Land Policy Series No. 4. Japan's Metropolitan Policy: 1977

Planning policy for the three metropolitan regions

attempted to restrict the concentration of population a
cities, and to encourage the dispersal and relocation of fu
achieve this objective the lapanese Government has des
as those shown above in Table 2 for each of the metro
Initially, restrictive metropolitan policies were aimed
control of excessive concentration of population and indu
1959, with the Act Concerning the Restriction of Industry and
Existing Urban Areas of the National Capital Region. A similar
Osaka. In compliance with these two Acts, zones were
restrictions are now imposed on new construction an
universities and similar facilities.
In a further step, the Act for Promotion of Industrial Relocation was passed in 1972 for
the purpose of promoting the relocation of factories from overcrowded areas of the
National Capital Region, the Kinki region and other metropolitan areas. For the
purposes of this Act, zones for restriction of industry and other similar facilities of
the Kinki region (excluding the area covered by Kyoto City and some areas of Kobe
City) as well as those of the Capital regions, and the old urban area of Nagoya City

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METROPOLITAN PLANNING IN JAPAN 69

were designated 'Relocation Promotion Are

little industrial development or popul
'Inducement Areas'. Factories relocated
inducement area are given taxation benefit
Japan Regional Development Corporation
These 'restrictive' and 'attractive' elem
policy have been supplemented by the pr
projects. An Act of 1958 for the National C
Kinki Region have sought to promote t
suburban zones. Priority is given to factor
industry and other similar facilities, whic
tion of industry and population in exis
relocation into industrial parks tax benefit
Further assistance for the developmen
metropolitan regions is provided by s
established from 1966 for both the Natio
from 1969 for the Chubu region. Extra
municipalities concerned for improveme
educational facilities etc.
The preservation of suburban green areas in metropolitan regions is another
integral element of Japan's metropolitan planning policy. The green areas have the
twin objective of improving the physical environment and at the same time
preventing effects of pollution and natural disasters such as fire and earthquakes.
The importance attached in Japan to such factors should not be underestimated by
outside observers. The third CNDP of 1977 on its first page stressed the need for
adequate safety precautions against such problems. To this end 'Suburban Green
Area Preservation Zones' have been designated in the National Capital Region and
Kinki Region.
The decision made in 1963 to build a research and academic town intheTsukuba
region of southern Ibaraki, 60 kilometres north-east of Tokyo and 40 kilometres
north-west of the new Tokyo (Narita) International Airport, is another example of
Japan's attempts to promote the decentralisation of its largest metropolitan area by
encouraging government offices, national research facilities and universities to
locate elsewhere. The relocation of offices and service employment represents an
important aspect of decentralisation policies and must be seen to rank alongside
those aimed at the relocation of manufacturing industry. Planning in the 1980s is
increasingly being affected by the switch from industries dependent on raw
materials to knowledge intensive industries. Investment in infrastructure will have a
strong impact on the pattern of development. In addition to relieving overcrowding
in Tokyo it was intended that such a new town would both attract and foster new
industry by reorganising and building a new base for carrying out high-level
research and educational activities. The Act for Construction oftheTsukuba Gakuen Toshi
was passed in 1970, and the new centre was given a target population of 200000.
The location of the New Town is illustrated in Figure 4.
As Takahashi has illustrated, several other sites for the proposed new town were
investigated.14 The site finally chosen was near Mount Tsukuba for the following

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70 JEREMY D. ALDEN

Fig. 4 The location of Tsukuba Academic New Town (source: compiled from Ta
building: Tsukuba Academic New Town', Ekistics, 48 (289) luly/August 1981, p 304

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METROPOLITAN PLANNING IN JAPAN 71

reasons: it was within one hour from Tokyo

the vicinity; the proximity of Lake Kasmig
the topography of the site was flat and lan
fifty national experimental and research
population of the New Town region increas
120000 in 1979. During this period, about
District', whereas another 20000 peop
surrounding suburban 'Development Dist
It is important to recognise that the new t
immigrants with those who have tradit
interestingthat based on the tentative succ
Tsukuba, similar proposals are making prog
Metropolitan areas. However, asTakahashi h
of the world, the population in Tsukuba
Furthermore, the New Town has lacked a
framework, and there has been no single o
whole in its planning and development. Th
quite successfully by an informal system s
initiative, which is one of the hallmarks of

Planning policy for the Tokyo Metr

The position of the Tokyo Metropolitan Are
good example of the problems facing their
is generally recognised in Japan that th
overcrowding. Even though decentralisation
demand for housingand urban facilitiescon
the population, caused almost entirely by
The population of Japan increased by 17
During this period, the Tokyo Metropolitan
of 9.2 million, accounting for 52 percent o
share of the national population rose from
resulted in higher population densities wit
compared with just less than 300 for the
In the year 2000 the population of the To
Prefecture of Tokyo and three surrounding
million, an increase of 5 million people o
The National Land Agency in its 1980
development of the Tokyo metropolitan
currently facing the metropolis and at the
the overall context of Japan's metropol
problems include:
1. the rapid growth of population to
overcrowding has been identified;
2. the resultant limiting restriction of
together with the increasing problem of

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72 JEREMY D. ALDEN

3. the accumulation of industry and central management

4. the loss of permanent resident population from th
population has been expanding rapidly in the outskirts, re
facilities and long-distance commuting;
5. a deterioration in the housing problem and the livin
over concentration; and
6. the vulnerability of life and property to disasters such
as Tokyo is situated on soft ground, houses made of wood are densely
concentrated, many constructions are underground and automobile traffic is highly
congested.
The accumulation of population, industry, central management functions and
residential development within Tokyo has led to policy responses over many years.
The First National Capital Region Development Plan was formulated in 1958, and drew its
inspiration from the Greater London Development Plan of 1944. It sought to restrict
the excessive concentration of population and industry and to contain urban
sprawl. These policies were similar to those of the 1944 Greater London
Development Plan.
The First National Capital Region Development Plan of 1958 applied a number of
restrictions within 100 kilometres from the centre of Tokyo. These included: (a)
designation of built-up areas, such as Tokyo's ward area, Yokohama, Kawasaki etc.,
with restrictions placed on new factories and universities; (b) creation of a green
belt, although rather more loosely applied than for London; and (c) designation of
Urban Promotion Areas outside the 100 kilometres limit, to build counter-magnets
to the central area of Tokyo, by creating satellite cities and attracting new industry
to them. However, as with the 1944 Greater London Development Plan, rapid
national and urban expansion made such restrictions difficult to apply. As a result,
while the 1958 Development Plan envisaged a 1975 population for the Tokyo area of
22.2 million, the population in fact had grown to 27.0 million by this date.
In 1968 the Second National Capital Region Development Plan was formulated, and,
while it continued previous restrictions, it established 'New Suburban Develop-
ment and Redevelopment Areas', contiguous with the built-up areas within a 50
kilometre radius from the centre of Tokyo. The promotion of satellite cities on the
outskirts was also continued.
The Third Development Plan for the National Capital Region was formulated in 1976. The
emphasis of the Third Plan was again upon the concentration of population and
industry in metropolitan areas resulting largely from the high growth rate of the
Japanese economy, and the resulting 'evils' of overcrowding and congestion. It
again sought to restrict growth of the metropolis through a mix of restrictive and
dispersal measures. The metropolitan policy contained in the 1976 Plan is the
subject of much debate in lapan at the present time, as too are the policies
contained in the 1977 policy document of the National Land Agency for each of the
three metropolitan city regions. This debate has centred upon the question as to
whether japan's metropolitan policy of decentralisation should be either
continued, strengthened, weakened or ended. Policy will necessarily need to have
some regard to the recent changes in manufacturing and overall employment in
Japan's major metropolitan areas.

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 METROPOLITAN PLANNING IN JAPAN 73

Conclusions
Japan's planners do not foresee any significant reduction in the speed of
urbanisation in the future because of an increase in the number of people who are
seeking urban lifestyles and living environment. In Japan, a special category in the
Population Census expresses the proportion of the population living in Densely
Inhabited Districts (DID).16 A DID represents those areas where a group of
contiguous census units have a density of over 4000 people per square kilometre
and contain a population of over 5000 people. In 1960, 44 per cent of Japan's
population lived in DIDs, which comprised only one per cent of the total land area
(compared with 56 per cent of the population of England and Wales in seven per
cent of the land area in 1961 ).
The population of the DIDs in 1980, which was estimated at 72 million, is
expected to grow by about 2 1 million in Japan by the early part of the 2 1 st century. A
half of this increase is expected to take place within the three metropolitan areas of
Tokyo, Osaka and Nagoya, but a half outside. The respective shares of people living
in DIDs in 1 985, 1 990 and 2000 are expected to be 65 per cent, 67 per cent and 72 per
cent respectively of the total population. The improvement of the urban
environment has, therefore, become an important issue of concern for both
metropolitan areas and cities outside such areas.
Anticipating just when cities may require new initiatives, or directions in policy, is
clearly a difficult task, but it is one which is being studied very closely in Japan at the
present time. Faced with the continuing growth of the Tokyo metropolitan area the
National Land Agency has emphasised17 the elements which are required for the
future of the city region. These include the creation of a pleasant and stable urban
society: the conditions necessary for people to feel a sense of identity in a vast
metropolitan area; and the maintenance of the city's economy. As people seek to
raise their living standards, and particularly their space requirements, there is
expected to be a continued rapid growth of suburbanisation, not only for the Tokyo
area, but generally throughout Japan. The inner area of Tokyo itself is expected to
lose population as the city region experiences relative decentralisation, i.e. the
outer area will gain population. With employment opportunities being retained in
the inner area it is also expected that travel to work patterns will be extended.
The need for restricting the excessive concentration and growth of population
and industry in the metropolitan areas has arisen largely from the economic
success of the Japanese national economy. Some caution might be expressed
however, about the extent to which any future policies should be designed to
intensify decentralisation and dispersal from the main metropolitan areas. The rate
of national economic growth has slowed in recent years: so too has the rate of
population increase, although it remains substantial: and in recent years there has
been little employment growth, particularly in the manufacturing sector. Indeed, as
shown earlier in this article, manufacturing employment has declined in both the
city and metropolitan areas of Tokyo, Osaka and Nagoya, and total employment has
fallen in all the three cities. The current policy of metropolitan decentralisation and
dispersal appears to be justified, while the features of national and urban economic
success continue to exist. Nevertheless, should these features change, as Western

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 74 JEREMY D. ALDEN

European experience has shown, the process of econom

quickly turn to one of economic failure. However, given t
regional welfare differentials and the absence of concen
immigrants in inner parts of their cities, the overall c
planning in lapan continues to look rather different from t
other industrialised countries. Whether or not there is
metropolitan decline for major cities remains to be seen
1979 the National Institute for Research Advancement
discuss the future of the metropolis. Japanese planne
facing the difficult task of how to accomplish the tran
situation of the last hundred years to a period of less g

NOTES AND REFERENCES

1 See, for example, The Containment of Nagoya.

UrbanNovember 1981, p. 55
8 Alden,
England by Peter Hall et al., (2 Vols), London, PEP J. D., A Cross National Study of
and Allen and Unwin; Beverly Hills, Sage, 1973
Metropolitan Problems in Industrialised Countries. Ex-
2 See, for example, 'Ideas for Planners'
perience by
of USA and Western Europe, Final Report to
the National Land Agency of lapan, December
David Donnison, Three Banks Review, 96 December
1972, pp. 3-27 1981, p. 148
3 Honjo, M., 'Metropolitan Problems in 9Post-
Ibid., p. 1 1
Industrial Societies: The Case of Japan', 10 Downs, A., Urban Decline and the Future of
UNCRD
American
Working Papers (WP 79-1 2), Nagoya, October Cities, Final Report to Ford Foundation
1980,
p. 30 and Brookings Institution, 1981, p. 600
4 See, for example, 'Planning and Metamor- 1 1 National Land Agency of Japan, The Third
phosis in Japan: A Note' by Jean Gottmann, Town Comprehensive National Development Plan (Sanzenso),
Planning Review, 51 (2) April 1980, pp. 171-76 November 1979, p. 144
5 Watanabe, S. 'Metropolitanism as a Way of 12 Gottmann, op. cit.
Life. The Case of Tokyo, 1868-1930', A paper 13 National Land Agency of Japan, Japans
delivered to the Second International Conference on the Metropolitan Policy', National Land Policy Series, No.
History of Urban and Regional Planning. Brighton, 4, 1977. p. 24
1980, p. 52 14 Takahashi, N., 'A new concept in building:
6 See, for example, the discussion in 'Britain Tsukuba Academic New Town', Eristics, 48 (289)
and the Metropolis: Urban Change and Planning July/August 1981. p. 302-306
in Perspective' by Gordon Cherry in this issue of 15 National Land Agency of Japan. The Growth
the Town Planning Review, pp. 5-33 and Development of Tokyo Metropolitan Area, Septem-
7 Nagamine, H., 'Japan A compendium of ber 1980. p. 42
Facts and Figures on Development Administra- 16 Nagashima. C, The Tokaido Megalopolis .
tion and Planning', International Conference on Local Ekistics, 48 (289) July/August 1981, p. 280-301
and Regional Development in the 1980s, United 17 Ibid. p. 27
Nations Centre for Regional Development,

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The author wishes to acknowledge the information and advice given to him on metropolitan p
problems and policy in Japan by Dr Masahiko Honjo and Mr Haruo Nagamine at the United N
Centre for Regional Development in Nagoya: Mr Morijuki Sawamoto, Mr Shunichi Watanabe a
Kei Minohara in the Ministry of Construction in Japan: Mr Goro Adachi in the National Land Age
Japan: and Professor Tatsu hi ki Kawashima at Gakashuin University at Mejiro. Tokyo

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