S
Sagalassos, Archaeology of
Marc Waelkens
Sagalassos Archaeological Research Project,
Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, Leuven, Belgium
Introduction and Definition
The Pisidian city of Sagalassos is located 109 km
north of Antalya (Southwest Turkey) near the town
of Ağlasun (Burdur Province). The ruins are situated
on the southern slopes of the Ağlasun Dağları in the
Western Taurus range at an altitude of
1,490–1,600 m. Although discovered in 1706 by
P. Lucas, it was not until 1824 that
F. V. J. Arundell identified these ruins as Sagalassos.
A detailed study of Sagalassos’ ruins and inscrip-
tions was carried out in 1884–1885 by a team led by
Count K. Lanckoroński. Neglected and forgotten
during the following century, Sagalassos was
included in the British “Pisidia Project” by
S. Mitchell, who surveyed and mapped it in
1986–1988. Following a small-scale excavation in
1989 supervised by the Burdur Museum,
M. Waelkens (KU Leuven, Belgium) obtained
full excavation rights in 1990 (Waelkens 1993:
37–41; id. 2006). Since then, the site and its
1,200 km2 territory (Vanhaverbeke and Waelkens
2003) have become the object of one of the largest
multidisciplinary archaeological projects in
# Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019
C. Smith (ed.), Encyclopedia of Global Archaeology,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-51726-1_1121-3
the Mediterranean (Waelkens 2008). In 2014,
after M. Waelkens’ retirement, J. Poblome
(KU Leuven, Belgium) took over as project
director.
Key Issues/Current Debate
Middle Paleolithic to Bronze Age
(120,000–1,200 BCE)
Recent intensive surveys in the territory of
Sagalassos have indicated that from the Middle
(120,000–45,000 BCE) to the Late Paleolithic/
Epipaleolithic (to 10,000 BCE), hunter-gatherers
were active in the eastern part of the later territory
of Sagalassos. They were attracted by the avail-
able resources: good grazing for game and chert
outcroppings, which they exploited to produce
high-quality tools (Vandam et al. 2017b). From
the Neolithic onwards, this district apparently
no longer saw any human activity until the Late
Chalcolithic (3,500–3,000 BCE). However, at the
latest from the Late Neolithic (6,500–6,100 BCE),
permanent (farming) settlements emerged in the
western part of the territory, more specifically in
the Plain of Burdur. Initial settlement may have
been limited to two major mounds, Hacilar and
Kuruçay. Their inhabitants probably practiced
small-scale mixed farming (plant cultivation and
animal husbandry). During the subsequent
Chalcolithic (6,100–3,000 BCE) and Early
2 Sagalassos, Archaeology of
Bronze Age (3,000–2,000 BCE), periods during
which larger mounds coexisted with farmsteads or
hamlets alternated with centuries during which
human activity in the valley appears to have
been scarce. This may be caused by problems of
either recognition or visibility, or social change or
environmental shifts (De Cupere et al. 2015a;
Vandam 2015; Vandam and Kaptijn 2015;
Vandam et al. 2017a, b).
The absence of diagnostic remains makes it
difficult to explain why around the start of the
second millennium BCE, here as elsewhere in
Anatolia, Early Bronze Age mounds were aban-
doned. They were gradually replaced by a land-
scape of principalities. At Sagalassos, it has so far
proven impossible to associate local Late Bronze
Age pottery found at the surface in the western
part of the classical city with stratigraphic con-
texts. Consequently, the suggestion that
Salawassa, a Luwian mountain fortress mentioned
in Hittite sources around the middle of the four-
teenth century BCE, might be a predecessor of
Sagalassos (Waelkens 2000) cannot be substanti-
ated. Equally unclear is through which mecha-
nisms the Indo-European Luwian language
gradually spread across Western Anatolia from
the later third millennium BCE on (Poblome
2012). In any case, the region of Sagalassos
seems to have been part of one of the Late Bronze
Age Luwian kingdoms (Waelkens 2000).
Early Iron Age and Archaic Period
(1,200–500 BCE)
After the collapse of both the Hittite empire and
the Luwian kingdoms in the twelfth century BCE,
the Pisidians settled the Western Taurus range.
They consisted of a number of tribes; each tribe
had a distinct dialect, predominantly originating
from Luwian. During the Early Iron Age, from
c. 1,000 to 800 BCE, there is evidence of
increased human activity in the territory of
Sagalassos; in fact, palynological and geomor-
phological research indicates a significant human
presence. Around 860 BCE, major deforestation
caused considerable slope erosion and
corresponding valley sedimentation, lasting for
two or three centuries, especially in the western
valley systems (Waelkens et al. 2002; Dusar et al.
2012). Here, from the ninth century BCE on, some
mountain sites emerged. Around 800 BCE,
human presence also reappeared in the eastern
part of the territory (Vandam et al. 2017a, b).
The subsequent Archaic period
(c. 750–500 BCE) saw the development of central
places/principalities with monumental burials,
both in the lake district and in the Çeltikçi valley
region, in the western and eastern part of
Sagalassos’ territory, respectively. Protected by
smaller, fortified mountain sites, these sites were
located in large agricultural plains and situated by
natural arteries, connecting them with the south-
ern Mediterranean coast. While these central
places would have relied on smaller farming vil-
lages or hamlets, palynological evidence of poten-
tial human activity in the central part of the
territory, with the Ağlasun Valley and Sagalassos,
has so far yielded virtually no evidence of Archaic
occupation (Poblome 2012; Poblome et al. 2013a).
Classical and Hellenistic Periods (500–25 BCE)
Except for some sites in the eastern part of the
territory, most Archaic sites continued to be occu-
pied during the subsequent Classical and Helle-
nistic periods (Poblome et al. 2013; Vandam et al.
2017a), during which all of Anatolia was incor-
porated into the Achaemenid empire. Yet gradu-
ally, a shift can be observed from fortified hilltop
sites to occupation of the lower slopes or even the
valley floors. The fortified hilltop settlements had
a proto-urban character, yet none would develop
into a city. These sites, which now also appeared
in the central part of Sagalassos’ territory, were all
absorbed by Sagalassos between the Early Helle-
nistic and the early Imperial period.
Systematic occupation of the Ağlasun Valley
started in late Achaemenid times, probably from
the later fifth century BCE, when two new settle-
ments co-originated, surrounded by smaller farms
on the lower slopes (Poblome 2014; De Cupere
et al. 2015a; Daems and Poblome 2016: 101).
These two sites, Sagalassos and Düzen Tepe,
were only 1.8 km apart: Sagalassos on the upper
slopes of the Ağlasun Dağlarι and Düzen Tepe on
a plateau located further down the valley
(Poblome 2014). Düzen Tepe was excavated by
M. Waelkens in 2006–2011 (Vanhaverbeke et al.
Sagalassos, Archaeology of
2010). Both were self-sustaining communities,
dependent on arable farming and animal hus-
bandry but also developing craft activities
(Daems and Poblome 2016). Düzen Tepe,
inhabited until the late second century BCE, was
a large, densely settled and well-fortified site cov-
ering c. 13 ha (Poblome and Waelkens 2011;
Poblome et al. 2013a). Its core occupation dates
to the fourth and third centuries BCE. A public
bakery and a public building, as well as impres-
sive fortification walls – unless these predate the
Classical settlement – reflect a well-organized
society. The site and its material culture remained
virtually unchanged until its late second century
BCE abandonment, possibly caused by water
shortage (Waelkens and Poblome 2011: 33–56).
At Sagalassos, human activity becomes visible
from the late fifth/fourth centuries BCE onwards.
The first settlers were likely attracted by the local
abundance of water (Steegen et al. 2000; Martens
2006; id. 2008; Waelkens 2016: 323). Although
the layout and extent of Classical Sagalassos are
not yet clear, initially Sagalassos was thought to
have been smaller than Düzen Tepe (Poblome
et al. 2013a), despite the fact that it seemed to
have already controlled the greater part of the
Ağlasun Valley (Poblome 2014). One recent sug-
gestion is that during the fourth and third centuries
BCE, the settlement was still a largely indepen-
dent village that would only have evolved into an
urban settlement from c. 200 BC onwards, possi-
bly after extension of its territory (Daems and
Poblome 2016). By 188 BCE, this territory
reached as far as the southwestern part of the
Burdur Plain in the west (Livy XXXVIII. 15;
Polybius, Historiae XXI.36.3–4; Waelkens 2004:
444) and the Kestros River (Aksu) in the east. It
eventually covered an area of 1,200 km2.
Eighteen centuries of continuous occupation
make it difficult to determine the character of
Classical and Early Hellenistic Sagalassos, as its
remains are buried up to 4 m below the current
surface and covered by later structures. Moreover,
if the local building technique was similar to that
in contemporaneous Düzen Tepe – rubble plinths
supporting mudbrick walls – they may have been
largely destroyed by later, more monumental
architecture. Nevertheless, residual material
3
dating to this period is found at various locations
in the northern part of the city. Structural remains
were encountered both below the southern part of
the Upper Agora (Talloen and Poblome 2016a:
114–115; id. 2016b: 124–125) and possibly even
below the Urban Mansion to the east of it
(Uytterhoeven et al. 2013: 376). Late Classical
to at the latest Early Hellenistic clay quarrying
probably took place in both the northeastern part
of the Upper Agora (Daems and Poblome 2016:
97–98; Talloen and Poblome 2016a: 115–116)
and in the Eastern Suburbia. As evidenced by
the construction of terracing walls, contempora-
neous farming was also practiced there along its
northern edge (De Cupere et al. 2015b: 174). Just
south of the Upper Agora, below the Roman
Odeon, a small potters’ quarter was active from
the end of the third century into the first half of the
second century BCE. It reflected a more special-
ized production process than had been the case in
Late Classical – Early Hellenistic times (Poblome
et al. 2013b). Overall, an extensive area, ranging
from the southwestern part of the Imperial city up
to the eastern outskirts in the later Eastern Subur-
bia, was already being exploited for some purpose
(Daems and Poblome 2017: 60–61).
However, a recent suggestion that at the time of
its conquest by Alexander the Great in BCE
333, Sagalassos was still a village (Daems and
Poblome 2016: 96–98; Talloen and Poblome
2016a: 116, 147) rather than the “not a small
city” mentioned by Arrian (Anabasis Alexandri
I.28), seems to be contradicted by other evidence.
Firstly, traces of pre-Hellenistic activities are
already spread over a large part of the Roman
imperial city. Secondly, during the intensive
urban surveys, Classical to Early Hellenistic pot-
tery was well represented as surface material
across an extensive area, mainly in the southwest-
ern parts of the site (Martens et al. 2008; Martens
et al. 2012b; Daems and Poblome 2017: 50). This
(unexcavated) area appears to contain the earliest
domestic structures, including several probable
Hellenistic peristyle houses (Uytterhoeven et al.
2010: 294–295). The nucleus of the earliest set-
tlement may be located there.
Arrian wrote nearly five centuries after the
event, yet his topographical description of the
4 Sagalassos, Archaeology of
conical hill in front of the city (the “Alexander
Hill”), on the top of which Alexander defeated the
Sagalassians, is so accurate that it must rely on an
eyewitness account. It is also hard to believe that
Alexander would have given up the siege of
Termessos – then the second most important
Pisidian town – and moved northwards to capture
Sagalassos instead, if that had been a mere village.
A fragmentary inscription dated to the late fourth –
first half of the third century BCE, i.e., shortly
after Alexander’s conquest – contains a new law
issued following internal strife. Written in impec-
cable Greek, the new lingua franca, it refers to a
local system of government at Sagalassos that
cannot be associated with a settlement of the vil-
lage type. The text identifies Sagalassos as a
“polis” with “politai” and elected, rotating magis-
trates (“archontes,” “dikastai”). It also refers to an
even older legal system (Waelkens 2018: 3–4;
Eich et al. 2018: 21–28 no. 1). Interestingly, the
twenty-plus individuals mentioned in the text all
still have exclusively Pisidian names (Eich et al.
2018: 28).
From the Early Hellenistic period on,
Sagalassos must have rapidly become Hellenized.
Five centuries after its capture by Alexander,
Arrian described its population as “Pisidians
who were thought to be the most warlike of this
warlike people” (Arrian, Anabasis Alexandri
I. 28). At the time when the Roman consul
Cn. Manlius Vulso entered their territory
(189 BCE), Livy referred to the Sagalassians as
“by far the best warriors in this region” (Livy
XXXVIII. 15.7). According to Greek sources,
from the early fifth century BCE on, many
Pisidians served as mercenaries for the Persian
Great Kings or their adversaries. This may have
brought them into direct contact with the Greek
colonies in Asia Minor, from which the Pisidians
adopted Hellenizing influences (Waelkens et al.
2011). As the Sagalassians must have earned their
reputation as excellent warlike soldiers before
189 BCE, they may well have been Pisidian mer-
cenaries in the Achaemenid and later Seleucid and
Ptolemaic armies. This may be corroborated by
the omnipresence of weaponry depicted on cre-
mation urns or bone containers – totally absent at
Düzen Tepe – from the later third to second
centuries BCE and on public monuments as late
as the reign of Claudius (Waelkens 2018: 3). This
also fits with the claim on the city’s coinage,
starting from the reign of Caligula, that it was of
Spartan origin, as documented by the cult of the
“heros Lakedaimon” (Waelkens 2018: 3 note 33).
In Early Hellenistic times (Waelkens 2004),
Sagalassos became part of the realm of the Seleu-
cids (Waelkens 2004). Because the city had
refused to welcome Cn. Manlius Vulso after the
Seleucids’ defeat at Rome’s hands in
189–188 BCE, the Romans imposed an enormous
penalty (Livy XXXVIII. 15; Polybius, Historiae
XXI.36.3–4). The apparent good relations with
the Seleucids (Waelkens 2004: 440–444;
id. 2018: 4) may also explain why around
300 BCE posthumous Alexander tetradrachms
were minted at Sagalassos (Van Heesch and
Stroobants 2015). This, it has been suggested,
may have represented a measure of active urban-
ization by the Seleucids in order to facilitate mar-
ket exchange and ensure the flowback – as
taxation – of their silver stocks to the royal trea-
sury (Aperghis 2004: 29–34). However, it is more
likely to have been a temporary issue of “proxy
Seleucid” coinage in order to pay for short-term
military campaigns in the region (Le Rider and de
Callatay 2006: 267). The choice of Sagalassos
was perhaps inspired by the fact that it was already
in full urban development, just like the other
main places in Pisidia and Pamphylia, where con-
temporaneously similar coins were minted for
similar purposes (Van Heesch and Stroobants
2015). The recent suggestion by Daems and
Poblome (2016) that the Seleucids actually inter-
vened in the urban development of Sagalassos
therefore seems unlikely.
Around 200 BCE the center of Sagalassos
seems to have shifted northwards, when a new
political center, better suited to Hellenized urban
settlement, was created around the Upper Agora
(Fig. 1). The clay extraction pit in this area was
infilled and an agora of beaten earth laid out,
seemingly covering an area of roughly 1,000 m2
(Talloen and Poblome 2016a: 116–118). By the
end of the third century, the city had started pro-
ducing pottery that drew its inspiration from the
Cypriot-Levantine area rather than from shapes
Sagalassos, Archaeology of
Sagalassos, Archaeology of, Fig. 1 Aerial view of the
Upper Agora: in the center, the Upper Agora (no. 1). Sur-
rounding it: the Middle Hellenistic building (no. 2), the
early Imperial bouleuterion (no. 3); dated to reign of
Augustus: the Doric fountain (no. 4), the NE building
(no. 5), the honorific columns (no. 6) and the Tychaion
(7); in the southwest corner of the square the mid-first
from the major western production centers (van
der Enden et al. 2015: 90–94). This pottery was
exported all over the territory of the city, seem-
ingly reflecting Sagalassos’ growing political
influence over the region (Poblome et al. 2013a:
534). In the Hellenistic period, settlements in the
territory became more numerous. Many were
relocated from the upper slopes and hilltops to
the lower slopes and the fertile valley floor
(Vanhaverbeke and Waelkens 2003: 230, 242;
De Cupere et al. 2015a: 8).
Between 188 BCE and its incorporation in the
“provincia Asia” of the Roman Republic in
133/129 BCE, Pisidia was part of the Attalid
kingdom (Waelkens 2004; id. 2018: 5). A large
stone structure overlooking the slopes to the
southeast of the Upper Agora, currently being
excavated, may date to the earlier period of Attalid
rule (Fig. 1, no. 2). The suggestion that it repre-
sents a market building of the Pergamene type
(Talloen and Poblome 2016a: 118–119) cannot
5
century CE prytaneion (no. 8); along the northern edge,
the mid-Antonine nymphaeum (no. 9); on the west side, the
sixth-century CE monumental staircase to the bouleuterion
complex (10); and the sixth-century water basin to the
north of it (no. 11). (# Sagalassos Archaeological
Research Project)
yet be confirmed (Waelkens 2018: 5). In fact, the
structure – incorporated into a much larger early
Imperial complex and rebuilt several times in late
Antiquity – seems to be much smaller than previ-
ously assumed. Although it may have functioned
as a market building, it could also have been a
smaller administrative structure, as known from
other Pisidian cities (Waelkens 2004: 466).
Towards the late second or early first century
BCE, under Roman Republican rule
(129–39 BCE), a monumental terrace building
(Fig. 2, no. 3) – previously erroneously dated to
the Early Hellenistic period (Waelkens 2004:
464–46) – monumentalized the access to the
agora from the northeast (Talloen and Poblome
2016a: 119–120). The extant remains of the pre-
Imperial city wall are Hellenistic, built around
100 BCE, yet in 189 BCE Livy described
Sagalassos as a “well-fortified town in a land
where such strongholds were few” (Livy,
6 Sagalassos, Archaeology of
Sagalassos, Archaeology of, Fig. 2 The mid-Antonine
nymphaeum built c. CE 160–180 along the north side of
the Upper Agora (no. 2) and replacing an Augustan prede-
cessor (no. 1). Restored and returned to a functional state in
2010, the monument currently displays copies of original
(both corner “tabernacles”) and recycled statues of Olym-
pian gods placed in it during the sixth century. Adjoining
the fountain to the right, the terrace wall of a terrace
Historiae XXXVIII.15.7), suggesting there may
have been an earlier wall (Waelkens 2018: 4).
Despite extortion by Roman tax collectors
(“publicani”), regional wars and piracy on the
Mediterranean, by the second century BCE,
Sagalassos’ built-up area had begun to expand
eastward, beyond the fortifications (Martens
2009: 192; Uytterhoeven et al. 2013: 376), and
during the Late Hellenistic period also towards the
south (Jacobs and Waelkens 2013: 223–224). This
was perhaps not only the result of demographic
growth, but also the consequence of a “syn-
oikismos” with the by now largely abandoned
settlement of Düzen Tepe (Waelkens 2018: 5). In
any case, the settlement pattern in the Ağlasun
Valley suggests a process of demographic nucle-
ation at Sagalassos during the Late Hellenistic and
Early Roman Imperial periods (Poblome 2015:
building erected c. BCE 100 and pierced by a vaulted
opening giving access to a postern running below the
city’s northern fortification (no. 3); on a higher terrace,
the Late Hellenistic Doric temple (no. 4) and the restored
Augustan NW Heroon (no. 5). On either side of the
nymphaeum, the two northern honorific columns (no. 6).
(# Sagalassos Archaeological Research Project)
120–121). Probably during the second or early
first century BCE, the city once again issued a
limited number of anonymous silver and bronze
coins (Van Heesch and Stroobants 2015).
Mark Antony had created a small client king-
dom ruled by the Galatian king Amyntas
(39–25 BCE), who expanded it over wide parts
of Anatolia. However, not all citizens of
Sagalassos accepted his rule; one stronghold on
the eastern edge of the city’s territory even resisted
the king until his death. A decree by the “demos”
of Sagalassos concerning a Termessian citizen,
who had negotiated at this time of serious internal
strife, shows that by then Sagalassos possessed a
city council or “boulè,” which must have con-
vened in a building predating the early Imperial
bouleuterion. The highest magistrates were now
the eponymous “probouloi,” who presided the
Sagalassos, Archaeology of
council (Waelkens 2018: 5; Eich et al. 2018:
28–31 no. 2).
During the short reign of Amyntas, a fountain
house of the Greek type (a U-shaped Doric stoa:
Waelkens 2016: 323–324) was built in the by now
rapidly expanding eastern domestic quarter of the
city (Martens et al. 2008: 136–138; Poblome et al.
2015: 203–205). It captured the water of a local
aquifer (Fig. 3, no. 10). A Corinthian temenos in
the lower city and a Doric “distyle in antis” temple
(Fig. 2, no. 4) – probably dedicated to Zeus – may
date to the same period, since the latter’s construc-
tion on a hill dominating the Upper Agora from
the west predated that of the early Imperial
bouleuterion (Waelkens 2002: 316–317;
id. 2018: 6). The reign of Amyntas also saw a
fresh start and even a peak of the local anonymous
bronze coin production, possibly related to an
increased military presence of the king’s troops
in the region (Waelkens 2002: 316–317). From
now on Sagalassos would issue bronze coins
intermittently throughout the Imperial period
until the reign of Claudius II (CE 268–270)
(Waelkens 2018: 5).
The High Roman Imperial Period (25 BCE –
300 CE)
In 25 BCE the Roman emperor Augustus (BCE
27 – CE 14) incorporated the kingdom of Galatia,
including Pisidia, into the Roman Empire. During
his reign Sagalassos underwent a complete meta-
morphosis (Waelkens 2002, 2018; Waelkens and
Poblome 2011: 57–98). Augustus’ foundation of
seven new colonies and settlement of veterans in
four existing cities – all located within a 100 km
radius around Sagalassos – expanded the potential
market for Sagalassos’ produce and craft products
by up to 60,000 colonists, predominantly from
southern Gaul and central Italy (Willet and
Poblome 2015: 3, 14). Combined with the city’s
growing territorial impact and demographic
changes, this may have stimulated elite invest-
ment (Willet and Poblome 2015: 14) in a new
type of tableware (Willet and Poblome 2015:
1–2). Consequently, as early as under Augustus,
Sagalassians, aware that the Italian colonists pre-
ferred fine, red-slipped tableware, turned their
existing local pottery tradition into an industrial-
7
scale production of “eastern sigillata,” the
“Sagalassos red slip ware” (Poblome 1999: 314).
This new tableware was in all likelihood primarily
aimed at external markets, mostly Pisidia and
western Anatolia but also reaching central and
eastern Mediterranean markets, as far afield as
Ostia and Carthage, at least during the first three
centuries CE (Poblome 1999; Poblome 2008:
207; Willet and Poblome 2015). The potters of
Sagalassos began to expand their activities into a
new quarter in the Eastern Suburbia, where the
increased output correlated with an increase in
production units (thus far 135 kiln locations
have been identified: Murphy and Poblome
2017: 62–63; Janssen et al. 2017: 594). The gen-
uine type of sigillata produced here initially com-
bined new elements with regional design
traditions, resulting in a specific and recognizable
set of shapes (van der Enden et al. 2015: 93). An
exponential growth in production took place in
Flavian times, peaking in the Antonine period
(Willet and Poblome 2015: 9–10). From the sec-
ond half of the first century CE onwards,
Sagalassos’ potters switched to more generic
Italian-inspired types (Poblome et al. 2007: 228).
In 6 BCE the Via Sebaste was built, connecting
the major Augustan colonies with the Pamphylian
ports. The city of Sagalassos maintained a stretch
of over 42 miles of this important road (Eich et al.
2018: 31–39 no. 3). It offered the city direct access
to the Mediterranean, and Sagalassos’ elite seized
this economic opportunity and invested in agri-
culture on a massive scale. They burned down
large stretches of forest and transformed them
into pasture and fields for growing cash crops
such as grain and olives. A climatic optimum,
starting with Augustus’ reign and lasting for sev-
eral centuries, enabled olive cultivation
(previously confined to 900 m) up to an altitude
of c. 1,400 m. Heavy-metal trace elements found
in consumed animal bone indicate that the city’s
subsistence requirements for its estimated popu-
lation of 2,500–3,000 inhabitants (Willet and
Poblome 2015: 5; Janssen et al. 2017: 598)
could be largely met by the production capacity
of its immediate vicinity, although the local envi-
ronment was heavily polluted by craft activities
(Degryse et al. 2004; Vanhaverbeke et al. 2011;
8 Sagalassos, Archaeology of
Sagalassos, Archaeology of, Fig. 3 General site plan.
On the west side, the Julio-Claudian stadium (no. 1) and
the southwest domestic quarter, perhaps the location of
Classical/Hellenistic Sagalassos (no. 2); in the center, the
Upper Agora with the macellum (no. 3), the Lower Agora
(no. 4), the Colonnaded Street (no. 5), the Imperial Baths
Fuller et al. 2012; Poblome 2015: 111–113;
De Cupere et al. 2015a: 8–12). During most of
the Imperial period, the output of the large terri-
tory of Sagalassos may in fact have vastly
exceeded the subsistence needs of the rural popu-
lation, which is estimated to have been anywhere
between 6,000 and 25,000 (Willet and Poblome
2015, 6; Janssen et al. 2017, 598). Owners could
thus devote surplus production not used for pay-
ing taxes in kind (annona) to trade. This explains
the numerous mausoleums and expensive sar-
cophagi found throughout the countryside from
the early Imperial period onwards, in which the
landed gentry were buried near their estates
(Waelkens et al. 2000a: 63, 67; Kaptijn et al.
2013: 78; Waelkens 2018: 6).
In the course of the first century CE, the city
almost quadrupled in size (Fig. 3), eventually
covering an area of c. 41 ha (Willet and Poblome
2015: 2). From the first century CE on, rich peri-
style houses – even with private bath sections –
(no. 6), the Urban Mansion (no. 7), and the shrine of the
Pisidian emperor cult (no. 8). On the east side, the eastern
domestic quarter (no. 9) with the Late Hellenistic fountain
house fronting the Neon Library (no. 10) and the theater
(no. 11). In the Easter Suburbia (no. 12), the “schola”
(no. 13). (# Sagalassos Archaeological Research Project)
were built in the eastern domestic quarter
(Uytterhoeven 2013: 146; Uytterhoeven et al.
2013: 376–378, 392). This urban development
necessitated the construction of elaborate urban
water supply systems. From the reign of Augustus
onwards, two aqueducts, one from the west and
one from the east, respectively, provided the new
lower city in the south and the expanding eastern
domestic quarter with water. The largely rock-cut
eastern aqueduct henceforth also fed the partially
adapted Late Hellenistic fountain house, from
where water was diverted to a new fountain of
the Doric order along the north side of the Upper
Agora (Owens 1995; Waelkens 2016: 324–328).
Although the latter’s existence had been assumed,
the remains of its lower courses were only identi-
fied in 2017 (Fig. 1, no. 4).
During the first quarter of the first century CE,
the city center was entirely monumentalized.
Towards the end of the late first century BCE,
the Middle Hellenistic Upper Agora had been
Sagalassos, Archaeology of
extended to the west and doubled in size (Talloen
and Poblome 2016a: 120–121), to form a
roughly trapezoidal square covering 2,380 m2
(Fig. 3, no. 1; Fig. 1). The square was only
paved just before the construction of the south-
west honorific arch dedicated to Caligula
(37–41 CE). Porticoes flanking the square to
the west and the east were part of the same
building project (Talloen and Poblome 2016a:
129–135). A portico fronting a row of shops
and bordering the agora to the south was equally
erected in the first century CE (Jacobs and
Waelkens 2017: 177). Under Augustus, the trap-
ezoidal agora obtained a more regular appear-
ance through the construction of a rectangular
Doric fountain along its northern edge (Fig. 1,
no. 4; Fig. 2, no. 1) and the erection of the NE
Building aligned with it in the northeast corner
(Talloen and Poblome 2016a: 128). The latter
structure, located south of the northeast access
to the agora and facing the Middle Hellenistic
terrace building, created a right angle, hiding the
earlier oblique access (Fig. 1, no. 5). An arched
gateway formed the transition between the east-
ern and the western extremities of the building’s
north wall, respectively, maintaining the orien-
tation of the old access road and aligned with the
new fountain. In mid- to late Augustan times,
four nearly 14 m tall honorific columns carrying
bronze statues, forming a rectangle, created even
more visual regularity (Fig. 1, no. 6; Fig. 2, no. 6;
Fig. 4). The two western columns were dedicated
by the “people’s assembly” (demos), which
probably assembled on the square, to two
brothers who were the ancestors of the first
Sagalassian family to acquire Roman citizenship
in the next generation (Waelkens 2018: 7, 9; Eich
et al. 2018: 151–152 nos. 66–67). They may
have been instrumental in the new layout of the
agora. Most likely, one of them was also
involved in the construction of a public building
replaced by the current macellum southeast of
the agora (Eich et al. 2018: 84). The two eastern
columns were not adorned by a statue until much
later (Waelkens 2015a: 100–102; id. 2018: 7;
Talloen and Poblome 2016a: 123–12, 135).
Around the same time, a canopy-roofed monu-
ment dedicated to the Tyche of the city (Fig. 1,
9
no. 7) was erected in the middle of the square’s
south side (Talloen and Poblome 2016a:
129, 133–134).
During Augustus’ reign, the urban elite was
still honored with elaborate honorific monuments,
such as the NW Heroon (Fig. 2, no. 5), one of
many on a terrace overlooking the Upper Agora
from the north. This monument apparently hon-
ored a young aristocrat, who, based on the deco-
ration, may have introduced the Dionysus cult or
initiated a Dionysiac festival in the city (Waelkens
et al. 2000c; Waelkens 2015a: 99–100).
During the first quarter of the first century CE,
a (new) bouleuterion of Hellenistic type – Doric
outside and Corinthian inside – decorated with a
weaponry frieze, arose on the slope between the
Doric temple and the expanded Upper Agora.
Accessed from an open courtyard to the north of
it (Talloen and Poblome 2016b: 121–127;
Waelkens et al. 2000b: 246–268), it had a
U-shaped seating arrangement for c. 220 council
members (Fig. 1, no. 3). Around the same time,
the Middle Hellenistic “market building” along
the agora’s southeast corner was incorporated
into a larger structure with a central columnar
courtyard (perhaps a gymnasion), of which exca-
vation is still ongoing (Fig. 1, no. 2).
In the lower city, a second agora (Lower
Agora) with a more commercial character, cover-
ing an area of 1,550m2, was also built during the
early Imperial period (Waelkens 2015a: 104;
id. 2018: 7). Its orientation was different from
that of the Upper Agora (Fig. 5, no. 1); it was
aligned with the rectangular street pattern of the
new southern urban quarters (Martens 2009: 194).
The Augustan period also saw the erection of a
small Ionic “distyle in antis” temple dedicated to
Apollo Klarios, overlooking the Lower Agora
from the west (Fig. 5, no. 3). Through Apollo,
the Sagalassians may have worshipped the living
emperor Augustus, who had adopted Apollo as
his patron (Waelkens 2015a: 110–114; id. 2018:
8). The construction of an odeon (Fig. 6, no. 7),
only finished two centuries later and eventually
displacing the old council hall, completed the
Augustan building programs in this area
(Waelkens 2015a: 105–106), most likely all
financed by the city proper.
10
Sagalassos, Archaeology of, Fig. 4 View from the east
of the southeast access to the Upper Agora with in the
foreground the southeast honorific arch, dedicated to Clau-
dius in CE 43–46, and adjoining southeast honorific col-
umn. In the background, the arch erected by Kallikles for
Caligula and rededicated to Claudius in CE 41–42. Next to
it the southwest honorific column carrying a statue of
Kallikles’ paternal uncle. (# Sagalassos Archaeological
Research Project)
During the reign of Tiberius (CE 14–37), one
of Anatolia’s oldest and widest colonnaded streets
(9.6–10 m wide; 290 m long) was completed and
embellished with a monumental gate at either end
(Jacobs and Waelkens 2013: 222–235). Purely
pedestrian (Fig. 5, no. 2), it connected the city’s
Lower Agora with the South Gate (Fig. 3, no. 5).
Most other streets were also paved during the
Julio-Claudian period, covering a very dense
water supply network that also accommodated
the houses of the rich (Martens 2006: 182;
id. 2009: 193–196). In 2007, the oldest known
Roman bath complex in Anatolia was discovered
below the second-century CE “Imperial Baths”
(Fig. 6, no. 1). Known as the “Old Baths,” this
Sagalassos, Archaeology of
building, which measured 1120 m2 and was
already in use by CE 10–30, seems to follow
Campanian prototypes (Waelkens and Poblome
2011: 59–60; Waelkens 2015a: 105–106;
id. 2016: 328). The most likely explanation for
this is the central Italian origin of many veterans in
the region.
Augustus’ tax reforms based on a population
count system directed much of the revenue
straight into the imperial treasury. Consequently,
the local elite used its resources to embellish the
city, often while carrying out urban magistracies.
In return, the city honored them by raising dozens
of honorific statues (Talloen and Poblome 2016a:
137, 147), which eventually filled both city
squares or lined the Colonnaded Street. Following
Augustus’ death, elite building programs were
focused on purely honorific monuments (mainly
arches and gates) dedicated to the emperors and
their families. These served both as an instrument
for local self-advertisement and as a means of
acquiring Roman citizenship and eventually
knighthood. Kallikles, a grandson of the aristocrat
honored on the northwest honorific column on the
Upper Agora, dedicated an arch to the emperor
Caligula (CE 37–41) in the square’s southwest
corner (Fig. 4). In CE 42/43, after the emperor’s
death and ensuing “damnatio memoriae,” he
rededicated it to Claudius, topping it with statues
of this emperor and his deceased brother
Germanicus (Waelkens 2015a: 101–102; Eich
et al. 2018: 51–55 no. 8). A few years later, in
CE 43–46, the city’s demos dedicated a twin arch
to Claudius in the southeast corner of the square
(Fig. 4), but once more it was Kallikles who
erected a statue of Claudius on top of the monu-
ment (Eich et al. 2018: 55–57 no. 9a-b). The
building inscription of another arch dedicated to
Germanicus and Claudius near the NW Heroon
shows that by then, Kallikles’ family had been
granted Roman citizenship (Eich et al. 2018:
57–58 no. 10). They are the first Sagalassians
known to have become “cives romani”
(as Tiberii Claudii: Waelkens 2018: 9; Eich et al.
2018: 59). As “civis romanus” Kallikles also ded-
icated an unspecified monument along the main
east-west axis of the city to Claudius and Nero, the
gods of the fatherland and the demos (Eich et al.
Sagalassos, Archaeology of
Sagalassos, Archaeology of, Fig. 5 Aerial view from
the south of the middle city with the Augustan Lower
Agora (no. 1) extended south by a 290-m-long and 9.8-
m-wide colonnaded street of Tiberian date (no. 2). Also
Augustan are the shrine of Apollo Klarios (and since Ves-
pasian the “urban” imperial cult) (no. 3). Along the north
2018: 156–158 no. 71). Shortly after the middle of
the first century CE, his father and uncle, as
Roman citizens, financed the construction of a
public building, probably a prytaneion (Fig. 1,
no. 8), in the southwest corner of the Upper
Agora. This building, housing the office of the
magistrates responsible for the daily maintenance
of the city and serving as the city’s banquet hall,
was excavated between 2012 and 2017 (Talloen
and Poblome 2016b: 127–129).
It was probably during the reign of Vespasian
(CE 69–96) that T. Claudius Piso, a son of
Kallikles’ uncle, forged an association between
the emperor cult and the games linked to the cult
of Apollo Klarios, the Klareia, which he
had founded under Nero and which were held
in the recently built stadium (Waelkens 2015a:
115; Fig. 3, no. 1). Piso went on to become the
11
side of the agora the Trajanic/Hadrianic single-storey
nymphaeum, renovated under the Severi (no. 4); on the
plaza above and behind it, the two-storey late Hadrianic
nymphaeum (no. 5). To the east of the agora, the Imperial
Baths overlying the Old Baths (no. 6). (# Sagalassos
Archaeological Research Project)
city’s first Roman knight or “eques” (Waelkens
2015b: 116).
Under Vespasian, another high-ranking family
obtained Roman citizenship (as Titi Flavii), fol-
lowing the introduction by one of its members of a
municipal cult for the Flavian imperial house,
albeit in connection with that of Apollo Klarios
and housed in his shrine (Waelkens 2015a:
115–116). The area around the Lower Agora was
further monumentalized in late Flavian – Trajanic
times. First, the square itself was given Ionic
porticoes along its long sides (Waelkens 2002:
347). Shortly after that, the Augustan Apollo
temple – which in the meantime had become
associated with the municipal emperor cult –
was transformed into an Ionic peripteros by the
addition of an outer colonnade. The latter’s
smooth style contrasts sharply with the exuberant
local architecture of the Antonine period, but
12
Sagalassos, Archaeology of, Fig. 6 Aerial view of the
Imperial Baths overlying the remains of the Julio-Claudian
Old Baths (no. 1). On the west side, the female bathing
circuit (no. 2); in the center, the “marble room” (no. 3) and
to the north of it the Theodosian new men’s frigidarium
perfectly correlates locally with the transition
from the first to the second century CE. The gov-
ernor Proklos (Proculus) mentioned in the build-
ing inscription of this renovation must therefore
have been the governor of Lycia and Pamphylia in
CE 101–102 (Waelkens 2015b: 188. id. 2018:
9–10) and not one of the homonymous governors
of the same province under Antoninus Pius, as
recently suggested (Eck 2013; Eich et al. 2018:
71–75 no. 20). An unpublished inscription, reused
in the prytaneion, confirms him as governor of
that province during that year. In the Eastern
Sagalassos, Archaeology of
(no. 4); on the east side, the partially excavated palaestra
(no. 5) and the original cross-shaped old men’s frigidarium,
converted to a public hall around CE 400 (no. 6). To the
northwest of the bath complex, the Odeon (no. 7).
(# Sagalassos Archaeological Research Project)
Suburbia, around the end of the century, a mid-
first-century structure with uncertain function
(Fig. 3, no. 13) was transformed into a (semi-)
public structure (probably a “schola”), which
from the second into the second half of the third
century accommodated the communal dining of
an association (De Cupere et al. 2015b; Claeys
and Poblome 2017).
The reign of Trajan (CE 98–117) initiated a
century-long building boom that peaked under
Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, and Marcus Aurelius.
At some point after the second half of the first
Sagalassos, Archaeology of
Sagalassos, Archaeology of, Fig. 7 View from the
north of the central courtyard and tholos-shaped water
basin of the macellum, financed by the city. A priest
century CE, the NE Building on the Upper Agora
was considerably enlarged and re-oriented, hence-
forth facing west towards the Upper Agora, where
most likely it had a columnar front (Fig. 1, no. 5).
Its function however remains unclear. Local aris-
tocrats still financed the construction of monu-
ments dedicated to emperors, but now these
structures usually also fulfilled a utilitarian func-
tion for the urban community. These included no
less than five monumental fountains (Waelkens
2016: 328–333) – three of which were nymphaea
with columnar screens, the two others fountains
were of the so-called tabernacle type (Fig. 5, nos
5–6; Fig. 2) – and a macellum or food market
(Fig. 3, no. 3; Fig. 7). This coincided with a
second wave of aqueduct building at Sagalassos,
as a result of which three new aqueducts supplied
the fountains as well as the Imperial Baths
(Waelkens 2016: 328–331). The urban elite were
particularly keen to fund nymphaea of the taber-
nacle type, as the alternation of niches in their
13
of the emperor cult to Commodus dedicated the surround-
ing porticoes, during the last decade of his reign.
(# Sagalassos Archaeological Research Project)
back walls with projecting columnar “taberna-
cles” or aediculae provided them with opportuni-
ties to erect statues of their founders and family
members side by side with those of emperors and
Olympians. In CE 116–117, members of the local
Tiberii Claudii dedicated an apsidal fountain lined
with freestanding columns to the city and to the
emperor Trajan near the entrance of the stadium
(Waelkens 2016: 328–329 Fig. 6; Eich et al. 2018:
63–65 no. 15). During the same reign, the con-
struction of a monumental fountain bordering the
Lower Agora to the north further monumentalized
this square (Fig. 5, no. 4). The two-storied foun-
tain, composed of a straight rear wall with two
superposed rows of nine niches each, was lined by
a two-storied columnar screen of isolated col-
umns, fronted by a drawing basin (Waelkens
2016: 329–330 Fig. 7). However, before it was
completed, most of the fountain’s upper story was
dismantled and the remaining part transformed
into the retaining wall of a new plaza at a higher
14
Sagalassos, Archaeology of, Fig. 8 Colossal portrait
head, belonging to an acrolithic statue of the emperor
Hadrian, sculpted c. CE 120–125 and at that time perhaps
displayed in the “marble room” of the Imperial Baths.
(# Sagalassos Archaeological Research Project)
level behind it. The purpose of this drastic inter-
vention was to increase the visibility of a new
fountain, built at the back of this plaza, from the
Lower Agora (Mägele et al. 2007; Waelkens
2016: 330; Waelkens et al. 2017: 448).
T. Claudius Piso, the above-mentioned first
Roman knight of the city, dedicated this two-
storied nymphaeum of aedicular type with pro-
jecting side wings to Hadrian (Fig. 5, No. 5). It
was completed by his heirs in CE 129–132
(Mägele et al. 2007; Waelkens et al. 2017;
Waelkens 2018: 12–13; Eich et al. 2018: 67–68
no. 17; 123–124 no. 49). The dismantled Trajanic
nymphaeum on the Lower Agora was hidden
behind another fountain – only one storey high
and preceded by a columnar screen – of which the
easternmost (ninth) niche was removed in approx-
imately CE 120–125. This intervention was
Sagalassos, Archaeology of
necessitated by the construction of the new Impe-
rial Baths to the east of the Lower Agora, as the
result of which the square’s northeast entrance had
to move westward, cutting the eastern extremity
of the fountain (Waelkens 2016: 330 Figs. 9–10).
All this frantic building activity resulted from
the fact that in CE 117–118, Hadrian transferred
northern Pisidia to the province of Lycia and Pam-
phylia, uniting it with the rest of Pisidia, and
accepted Sagalassos as the “neokoros,” the offi-
cially recognized center of the imperial cult prac-
ticed by all Pisidians. He also granted it the
honorific title of “first city of Pisidia, friend and
ally of the Romans” (Eich et al. 2018, 68–70
no. 19). The city carried this title proudly, including
on third-century CE coinage, until the fourth
(or early fifth) century (Waelkens 2015a:
126–127, 2015b: 199–202; id. 2018: 10; Eich
et al. 2018: 47–49 no. 7). As Pisidia’s neokoros,
Sagalassos hosted festivals and games, attracting
visitors and delegations from all over Pisidia every
year. This brought the city additional income and
necessitated the construction of buildings, the size
of which far surpassed local needs. They included a
temple of the Corinthian peripteral type, accom-
modating the Pisidian emperor cult, which became
the largest sanctuary of Pisidia. It was built on a
promontory in the southeast part of the city (Fig. 3,
no. 8). Although construction started under
Hadrian, it was only completed under his successor
and therefore dedicated to Antoninus Pius and his
entire household (Waelkens 2015a: 120–121; Eich
et al. 2018: 68–70 no 19). Henceforth, the Colon-
naded Street may have been a procession street
linking the two sanctuaries of the emperor cult.
Its increased importance possibly prompted the
replacement of at least part of the early Imperial
Ionic columns with more elaborate Corinthian
ones. In late Hadrianic times, the vista along the
street was further improved by the construction of
the late Hadrianic nymphaeum above the Lower
Agora (Fig. 5, no. 5), located in the axis of the
street (Jacobs and Waelkens 2013: 232–235;
Waelkens 2018: 12).
Another new structure to accommodate visi-
tors to the festivals was the Imperial Baths (Fig. 3,
no. 6). Covering c. 5,542 m2, these were built on
top of the infilled Old Baths, which were
Sagalassos, Archaeology of
incorporated into the largely artificial terrace upon
which the new bath complex arose (Fig. 6). The
monumental entrance of the structure as well as a
large open-air palaestra was only discovered in
2012 and partially exposed in 2013–2014. Con-
struction may have lasted until the late Severan
period (Martens et al. 2012a; Waelkens 2013,
2015a: 122–123; id. 2015b: 193–195). In
2007–2008, the excavations in the southern
apodyterium of the huge men’s frigidarium
exposed – in a later, secondary setup – the marble
remains of six nearly 5 m tall acrolithic statues
representing Hadrian (Fig. 8) and his successors
Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius and their
spouses. It has been suggested that they originally
stood in the Antoninus Pius Temple (Mägele
2013: 57–59). However, the inner dimensions of
the cella (9.2  6.83 m) are less than half of those
of other imperial temples with (even less numer-
ous) statues of similar size and could hardly
accommodate the three imperial couples.
A sunken surface in the cella floor was errone-
ously associated with a base for these statues
(Mägele 2017). Therefore, it is cautiously
suggested here that the colossal statues may have
been set up in pairs in the large niches of the
“marble room” of the new bath complex (Fig. 6,
no. 3). This may have been the “aleipterion,” a key
space where prior to the event, athletes participat-
ing in the Klareia/imperial games received the oil
to cover their bodies and where the victors were
given their prizes (Waelkens 2015b: 196;
id. 2018: 11).
A third new structure, a theater replacing a
smaller predecessor and eventually seating 7,000
(Fig. 3, no. 11), was completed during the later
second century (Waelkens 2015a: 121–122).
Around the middle of the second century CE, T.
Flavius Severianus Neon apparently became the
greatest benefactor in the city’s history. Between
CE 120 and 125, he built a structure that may have
functioned both as a public library and as a dynastic
monument (Waelkens 2015c; id. 2018: 12; Eich
et al. 2018: 124–127; Fig. 3, no. 10). Neon was a
grandson of the man who had introduced the
municipal emperor cult at Sagalassos and of a
prominent female member of the local Tiberii
Claudii. Together with his wife, he may also have
15
financed the construction of the mid-Antonine
nymphaeum on the Upper Agora (Fig. 3, no. 9;
Fig. 2). This elaborately decorated and single-
storied fountain of aedicular type with projecting
side wings dates to the reign of Marcus Aurelius.
It replaced the Augustan Doric stoa-like fountain
(Fig. 3, no. 4; Fig. 2, no. 1) along the north side of
the square (Waelkens 2015c: 235–236; id. 2016:
331–332; id. 2018: 13). Whereas the late Hadrianic
nymphaeum referred to the emperor and Apollo
Klarios (represented by a colossal statue), who
were worshipped together in the nearby Apollo
sanctuary, the mid-Antonine nymphaeum was ded-
icated to Dionysos. Two c. 2.5 m tall sculpture
groups of Dionysos and a satyr stood in the side
wings (Jacobs and Waelkens 2017: 186).
During the last decade of the reign of Commo-
dus (CE 182–192), in commemoration of an
imperial victory, a high priest of the emperor cult
financed the four porticoes of a food market or
macellum on a terrace below and southeast of the
Upper Agora (Fig. 3, no. 3; Fig. 7). The central
courtyard was paved and a tholos-shaped fountain
built in the middle of it by the city (Richard and
Waelkens 2012; Waelkens 2018: 13–14; Eich
et al. 2018: 81–85 no. 25; 193 no. 105).
The Severan dynasty saw the completion of
more than a century of continuous building activ-
ity (e.g. Odeon, Imperial Baths). Around CE
200, the Neon Library was renovated (Waelkens
2015c: 238–242) and perhaps incorporated into a
new public building adjoining it to the east, of
which the function remains unclear (Poblome
et al. 2015). Both structures bordered a new
plaza above and behind the Late Hellenistic foun-
tain house (Waelkens 2018: 14). All of this may
have been part of large-scale renovation of the
infrastructure in this area, from the late second to
third centuries CE (Martens 2009: 194). Around
the same period or shortly after, the Hadrianic
single-storied nymphaeum on the Lower Agora
saw its entire undecorated upper structure
replaced by an elaborately decorated entablature.
This carried small Victories, probably referring to
the Parthian victories of the Severi, who had
recruited soldiers from Pisidia for these cam-
paigns (Waelkens 2016: 333; id. 2018: 14).
Along the Colonnaded Street, a high priest of the
16
emperor cult dedicated a large building to Alex-
ander Severus and Julia Mamaea (Eich et al. 2018:
89–90 no. 29). The city’s second neocorate (Eich
et al. 2018: 91–92 no. 31) was perhaps granted on
this occasion.
Although urban survey data do not suggest
considerable impact from the third-century CE
crisis (Poblome 2006; Poblome et al. 2012: 170),
from the 220 s onwards the involvement of the
civic elite in financing public amenities gradually
declined. However, by the early third century, the
urban fabric was already saturated with the full
array of urban amenities that were continuously
maintained or renovated (Jacobs 2015: 166). Nev-
ertheless, this stagnation in building activity was
perhaps also the result of insecurities in the
income of the upper crust (shrinking markets,
civic instability, invasions) and a shift in focus
from imperial to civic causes (Jacobs 2013:
668). This may explain why the higher echelons
of Sagalassian society now invested mainly in
new games that celebrated their names and asso-
ciation with the Klareia and the imperial cult (Eich
et al. 2018: nos 44, 93, 109, 112, 120), as this
allowed them to display both civic euergetism and
loyalty to the emperor (Stroobants 2014: 541).
Many of the agonistic inscriptions and statues of
victors were now concentrated on the plaza in
front of the late Hadrianic nymphaeum, built by
the man who had forged the link between the
Klareia and the emperor cult. In the course of the
third century, the plaza saw the addition of a
balustrade incorporating new bases with agonistic
inscriptions on its south side, and around the turn
of the century, a portico-shaped structure was
added on the west side. Eventually, the plaza
also housed statues of emperors (Eich et al.
2018: 147–149 no. 65). The third-century boom
in agonistic festivals in Pisidia and Pamphylia
also reflected the privileges granted to the region,
because it supplied grain and probably arms to the
Roman troops for their Persian wars. The sudden
popularity of Hephaistos, the divine blacksmith,
on coins from Sagalassos and the wider region
may illustrate the latter (Talloen et al. 2015).
Sagalassos, Archaeology of
The Late Roman Imperial Period
(c. 300–450 CE)
In c. CE 297 Diocletian divided the empire into
new provinces grouped in “dioceses.” In the pro-
cess, he created a “provincia Pisidia,” part of the
“diocese Asiana.” However, while this new pro-
vincia included Sagalassos, Diocletian selected
Phrygian Antioch-near-Pisidia as its capital
(Belke and Mersich 1990: 185). Nevertheless,
Sagalassos continued to carry its title of “first
city of Pisidia” and was recompensed – probably
by Constantius II – with the title of “metropolis”
(Waelkens 2018: 14; Eich et al. 2018: 47–49 no. 7;
92–94 nos 33–3). However, it was clear that the
city had become to a certain degree less of a
regional pole of attraction (Waelkens 2002:
356–358; Poblome et al. 2012: 170; Poblome
2015: 128).
In the third and fourth centuries CE, while
cereal and olive cultivation was abandoned in
parts of the territory in favor of more reliable
livestock herding, the immediate vicinity of the
city focused on growing walnut and grapes. Oil
and wine were stored in a new type of amphora
that from the middle of the fourth century was
probably produced on the same estates as the
content. Pottery production in the Eastern Subur-
bia declined (Willet and Poblome 2015: 9;
Poblome 2015: 115; Janssen et al. 2017: 594),
but it was neither interrupted nor as much reduced
as that of many other former ceramic centers
(Poblome et al. 2008; Kaptijn et al. 2013:
75, 88–90; Poblome 2015: 109, 114–115,
121–122). Nevertheless, Sagalassos red slip
ware never filled the gap left by those centers
(Poblome 2006: 207); from the mid-fourth cen-
tury CE on, some outlying parts of the territory
even shifted to other providers for their common
and tableware (Kaptijn et al. 2013: 75, 79–92;
Poblome 2015: 123–124). During the second
half of the fourth century, however, a new line of
tableware arose in Sagalassos’ potters’ quarter,
conforming to the “koine” of Late Roman
D (Poblome and Firat 2011). A century later, yet
more ceramic activity started in this quarter
(Murphy and Poblome 2016) and, for half a cen-
tury, also east of the Neon Library (Poblome et al.
2015: 222–230; Uleners and Poblome 2014), the
Sagalassos, Archaeology of
latter possibly reflecting a general decentraliza-
tion of craft activities. Until the mid-sixth century
CE it saw the production of figurines and mold-
made wares (oil lamps, “oinophoroi”) with some
supra-regional distribution (Murphy and Poblome
2012; id. 2016; Poblome 2015: 115–116).
During the fourth century CE, Sagalassos
became the third highest-ranking bishopric of the
provincia Pisidia, after the Phrygian bishoprics of
Antioch and Philomelion; the first documented
bishop attended the Council of Constantinople in
CE 381 (Belke and Mersich 1990: 368–369).
During this century, the city may have seen
some unrest between religious factions. The
Neon Library was renovated for a second time,
but it was burned down and demolished by a
Christian mob some time before the turn of the
century (Waelkens 2015c: 242–245; id. 2018:
14–15; Jacobs and Waelkens 2017: 177–178).
This destruction also put an end to the public
character of the monumental structure adjoining
it to the east (Poblome et al. 2015: 215).
Perhaps during the interval between the death
of the orthodox emperor Valens in 378 CE and
the reign of the orthodox emperor Theodosius
I (CE 379–395), an Arian faction of the city
transformed the Tychaion on the Upper Agora
into a monument honoring the western, predomi-
nantly Arian, Valentinian dynasty. A generation
later, it was rededicated to Eudoxia, wife of the
emperor Arcadius (Waelkens and Jacobs 2014:
96–104; Waelkens 2015b: 204–205; id. 2018:
14–15; Jacobs and Waelkens 2017: 178–179;
Eich et al. 2018: 97–101 no. 37 a–d). During the
second half of the fourth century, the seats of the
odeon, which was by now probably used as a
more comfortable meeting place for the coun-
cilors than the early Imperial bouleuterion, were
raised to a higher level, on top of a podium. This
intervention protected the spectators during ani-
mal hunts and gladiatorial games, for which the
building was now also a venue (Waelkens and
Jacobs 2014: 117; Stroobants and Poblome
2015: 82). In the course of the fourth century,
public inscriptions honoring the local elite gradu-
ally became fewer and eventually disappeared
(Waelkens et al. 2006: 221–222, 226).
17
Overall, the fourth to sixth centuries CE
represented another period of growth for the ter-
ritory of Sagalassos. The number and size of vil-
lages increased (Vanhaverbeke and Waelkens
2003: 241–283; Vanhaverbeke et al. 2011) as a
result of agricultural intensification and a more
specialized craft and farming landscape
(Poblome 2014), possibly reflecting rural demo-
graphic growth (Poblome 2015: 122–125;
id. 2015b; Vandam et al. 2017b). During the fifth
and first half of the sixth century, more people
than ever inhabited the Ağlasun Valley (Poblome
2015: 122). During the fourth and first half of the
fifth centuries, Sagalassos also saw its highest
degree of specialization in livestock farming,
with a marked increase in cattle, an indicator of a
general intensification of land use (Fuller et al.
2010; Poblome 2015: 109, 114). As before, pigs
were herded in the polluted environment of
Sagalassos throughout Late Roman times. How-
ever, a drop in heavy metal content in contempo-
raneous cattle bones implies that beef no longer
came from the valleys surrounding Sagalassos –
as had been the case before, and once more from
the mid-fifth century onward – but from different,
less polluted areas in the territory (Degryse et al.
2004). This possibly reflects a higher integration
of the rural economy into the urban economy
(Vanhaverbeke et al. 2011; Stroobants and
Poblome 2015), as well as intraregional economic
specialization throughout the territory (Poblome
2015: 111). Although a similar pattern can be
observed for ovicaprines, there seems to have
existed a greater resilience in shifting their grazing
locations (Fuller et al. 2012; Poblome 2015: 113).
The late fourth and fifth centuries CE were
prosperous times for the city and left an impact
on the urban appearance, as both public and
private construction resumed. Theodosius
I (CE 379–395) cemented the triumph of Chris-
tianity by an Empire-wide prohibition on pagan
rituals and the forced closure of temples. Around
400, a new city wall was built, incorporating the
by now abandoned Doric temple and adjacent
NW Heroon as towers on either side of a new
gate. However, as it followed the trajectory of
the Early Hellenistic fortifications, it protected
only a third of Sagalassos. Despite the use of
18
spolia, many originating from the bouleuterion
and Doric temple and some blatantly pagan, its
walls were carefully built, especially near gates.
This suggests there was no hasty construction
caused by a specific threat, but rather the walls
reflect a new civic pride (Waelkens and Jacobs
2014: 94–96; Jacobs and Waelkens 2017:
179–181). The Hellenistic fountain house,
although partially providing the mid-Antonine
nymphaeum with water, was not included in the
fortification circuit. Nevertheless, new water-
collecting systems and a small but richly deco-
rated fountain were installed inside the new NW
Gate (Martens 2008: 253; Jacobs and Richard
2012: 22–23).
During the reign of the Theodosii
(CE 379–450), the Imperial Baths underwent
elaborate renovation, which changed the function
of many rooms. Some walls were clad with new
marble and some floors covered with opus sectile,
both predominantly made from spoliated material.
The “marble room” (Fig. 6, no. 3) became the
men’s hot water bathing room (caldarium),
whereas the colossal acrolithic imperial statues
were moved to the southern undressing rooms of
the former huge men’s frigidarium (cold-water
space), now sealed off from the bathing circuit
(Waelkens 2013; id. 2018: 15). A mosaic inscrip-
tion, laid during floor repair work in the early sixth
century CE, tells us that this room was now a
multifunctional public hall (demosion), also used
for communal dining (Fig. 6, no. 6). It is likely
that the space rapidly became used for organizing
public meals on the occasion of Christian feasts
and as part of Christian charity. Shortly after the
frigidarium’s conversion, its eastern aisle – trans-
formed into a kitchen before the end of the fifth
century CE – also accommodated a small wooden
theatre, replacing the infilled “natatio.” Perhaps
the city council assembled here, once the Odeon
had become a venue for organizing blood sports.
A new men’s frigidarium with a new natatio
(Fig. 6, no. 4) was created in a former entrance
hall (Martens et al. 2012a: 159–164; Waelkens
and Jacobs 2014: 111–121).
In the late fourth/early fifth century CE, two
older peristyle villas northeast of the Imperial
Baths became the nucleus of an enormous urban
Sagalassos, Archaeology of
palace, known as the Urban Mansion (Fig. 3,
no. 7; Fig. 9). Containing a public and a private
wing, it was composed of more than ninety spaces
on nine different levels. It may have been the
residence of a member of a newly emerging
super-elite, composed of “principals,” “honorati,”
and bishops. Surpassing the “curiales” (council
members) in power and wealth (Waelkens and
Jacobs 2014: 121–123), they used their houses
rather than public buildings to demonstrate their
position in society. Their palatial features were
enhanced by luxurious decorative elements such
as mosaic floors, wall paintings, and statuary
(Uytterhoeven 2014: 425–432; Uytterhoeven
et al. 2013; id. 2014: 222–227). Carefully chosen
decorative programs highlighted the educational
background of the house owner (Uytterhoeven
2009). Whereas city councilors and municipal
magistrates still carried all (by now very burden-
some) financial responsibilities of their office,
members of this new top class earned exemption
from taxation by serving in the Imperial adminis-
tration of the province(s), where they acquired
large landholdings beyond their cities of origin.
By now, Christianity had become the predom-
inant religion in Sagalassos (Waelkens et al. 2006;
Waelkens and Poblome 2011: 131–152), but the
classical culture remained deeply embedded in
society, well into the sixth century. In fact, despite
the establishment of a bishop by the end of the
fourth century, the material culture shows little
sign that Christianity at that time had a drastic
influence on the city. Temples were abandoned
rather than destroyed and their subsequent
repurposing ensured their survival until the end
of Antiquity (Jacobs and Waelkens 2017: 189).
Apart from the destruction of the Neon Library,
there is no evidence that clashes between religious
factions lead to the fires ravaging in the later
fourth century the prytaneion and the upper part
of the market building/gymnasium.
Whereas the lower level of the market building
was abandoned and infilled and its upper floor
rebuilt from scratch for an unknown purpose,
early in the fifth century the prytaneion was rebuilt
as a three-aisled space and at within a short period
lavishly renovated twice after new fires. Sigma-
shaped marble tables illustrate its continued use
Sagalassos, Archaeology of 19

Sagalassos, Archaeology of, Fig. 9 Aerial view of the private part (no. 2), between the bath complex (no. 3) and
Urban Mansion, built c. CE 400. On the left (north), the the large peristyle courtyard (no. 4). (# Sagalassos
public part of the complex (no. 1); on the right (south), the Archaeological Research Project)

for public banquets (Waelkens 2018: 16). During widespread waste dumping. The macellum also
the same century, the west portico of the Upper underwent overall renovation during the fifth cen-
Agora fronting a row of shops was also rebuilt tury but operated as a food market until the second
(Lavan 2012: 292–295; Stroobants and Poblome half of the sixth century, although one space was
2015: 91). The workshop of a blacksmith and the already used for waste disposal (Richard and
possible office of a tax collector or a civil servant Waelkens 2012: 83–104).
in charge of checking the value of the currency
rapidly encroached within the portico itself
The Early Byzantine Period (c. 450–600 CE)
(Lavan 2012: 295; Stroobants and Poblome
By the mid-fifth century, dilapidated monuments
2015: 91). After being destroyed by the Neon
of the pagan past were being transformed into the
Library fire, the public building adjoining it to
city’s first Christian basilicas. This is what hap-
the east was subdivided into smaller units. They
pened to the abandoned shrine of Apollo Klarios –
included a late fourth-century dwelling, and a
its cella and peristasis re-erected inside out – and
contemporaneous or slightly later textile and
around the same time or shortly later, perhaps also
coroplast workshop, active during the second
to the Hellenistic bouleuterion (Jacobs 2013: 317;
half of the fifth century and the early years of the
Jacobs and Waelkens 2017: 180–183; Waelkens
next century (Poblome et al. 2015: 215–230).
2018: 160). Some reused reliefs of Athena and
These arrangements seem to reflect a gradual
Ares from the bouleuterion in the atrium of the
change in the urban fabric, with eventually intra-
bouleuterion church document a Christian reinter-
mural burials, use of former domestic or public
pretation of pagan imagery (Jacobs and Waelkens
areas by craft activities, abandoned plots, and
2017: 181–182). The church was erected in the
20
former courtyard of the complex, while the orig-
inal council hall henceforth functioned as an open
atrium. These transformations were not symbols
of the victory of the new religion; rather they
reflect a continuing concern with maintaining the
city’s aesthetic appearance, as the highly visible
structures had become eyesores in the cityscape
(Jacobs and Waelkens 2017: 183). Based on
small-scale test soundings, it has recently been
suggested that this church was only built around
the middle or even in the third quarter of the sixth
century (Talloen and Poblome 2016a 142–149;
id. 2016b: 121–127). However, the current
remains clearly belong to a renovation phase of
the church, when a new mosaic in the basilica’s
aisles and an opus sectile floor in the “bema”
replaced an earlier floor covering, possibly that
of the original early Imperial courtyard. A second
layer of frescoes also covered earlier wall paint-
ings. Small columns for constructing a baldachin
over the altar were still neatly arranged against the
north wall of the church. Consequently, the test
soundings may illustrate interventions postdating
the earthquake around 500 CE, the more as half a
century later, no more new building programs
were developed in the town center (Jacobs 2015:
172). The construction of a monumental staircase
linking the Upper Agora directly to the church
(Fig. 1, no. 10) during the second quarter of the
sixth century (Lavan 2012: 292–295; Jacobs and
Waelkens 2017: 188–189) may also belong to a
renovation phase of the complex. The church was
dedicated to St Michael, who had a large follow-
ing (the “Michaelitai”) at Sagalassos during the
sixth century (Jacobs and Waelkens 2017: 182;
Talloen and Poblome 2016a: 140). Between the
middle of the fifth and the middle of the sixth
centuries, at least eight churches (of the tripartite
basilica type) were built in the city and its periph-
ery (Waelkens et al. 2006: 220, 224–226,
241–242; Vanhaverbeke et al. 2009: 182; Talloen
et al. 2017). Recently, two more were identified,
one in the Eastern Suburbia and one in the periph-
ery, dating to the second half of the sixth and the
early seventh centuries.
Christian symbols only appear on locally pro-
duced pottery around the middle of the fifth cen-
tury (Talloen and Poblome 2005: 70–77; Jacobs
Sagalassos, Archaeology of
and Waelkens 2017: 183–184), initially still over-
lapping with Dionysian motifs that remained pop-
ular for another century. However, rather than
being indicative of the continued vitality of the
cult of Dionysos (Talloen and Poblome 2005:
62–63, 68–70; Talloen 2011: 582–584), these
images were entirely decorative and narrative, as
symbols of hospitality and conviviality, and as
such part of elite iconography (Jacobs and
Waelkens 2017: 183–184). Sagalassos’ potters
also produced both anthropomorphic and zoomor-
phic figurines until the first half of the sixth cen-
tury, which remained in use into the next century.
Although originating from indigenous rider gods
(Talloen and Poblome 2015: 73–77; Talloen 2011:
593), they had also been reinterpreted to serve
Christian purposes (Jacobs and Waelkens 2017:
184–186, 191).
During the first and second quarter of the sixth
century, many structures throughout the city were
almost entirely rebuilt on a monumental scale,
affecting the urban infrastructure as well as both
public and private monuments. The date and
nature of these renovations suggest repairs after
some catastrophic event, most likely an earth-
quake, now known to have prompted extensive
work on the baths shortly after CE 500. The scale
and monumentality suggest that the citizens of
Sagalassos were still wealthy enough and willing
to restore the city to its former glory (Jacobs and
Waelkens 2013: 236; Jacobs and Sterling 2017:
199). On the Upper Agora, most statues – proba-
bly toppled by the catastrophe – and their bases
were removed (Talloen and Poblome 2016a: 140).
Only those honoring the couple which had built
the mid-Antonine nymphaeum and those of their
relatives were reassembled inside and on the roof
of this fountain, of which the eastern half and
central niche were rebuilt (Jacobs and Richard
2012: 39). The fountain was thus transformed
into a dynastic monument for the original
builders’ family (Jacobs and Waelkens 2017:
186–188). In all likelihood, the nymphaeum was
explicitly Christianized by means of a Christian
inscription and decorative elements with crosses.
Except for the two large Dionysos-satyr groups in
the lateral aediculae, mythological or pagan
statues collected elsewhere in the city replaced
Sagalassos, Archaeology of
the original sculpture display. By now, all statues
appear to have been considered purely decorative
(Jacobs 2015: 190–191; Jacobs and Waelkens
2017: 187).
Although the early first-century CE pavement
of the Upper Agora was retained throughout Late
Antiquity, the north-west corner of the pavement
seems to have been re-laid in the sixth century
(Talloen and Poblome 2016a: 141). A series of
holes cut through the pavement of the agora to fix
wooden market stalls, as well as a number of
“topos” inscriptions, allocating specific spaces to
certain salesmen, indicate that the square was now
used for commercial activities (Lavan 2012:
328–331; Talloen and Poblome 2016a: 141–142).
During the second quarter of the sixth century,
a monumental staircase built over the west portico
linked the square directly to the open atrium of the
basilica in the bouleuterion complex (Fig. 3,
no. 10), after an earlier access route from the
south, just behind the prytaneion, had been
blocked (Lavan 2012: 289–353; Jacobs and
Waelkens 2017: 188–189). During the late fifth
or early sixth century, the northern part of the
building behind and above the mid-Antonine
nymphaeum was subdivided into smaller units
with separate entrances and an arcaded front
(Jacobs 2013: 634–635; id. 2000b: 279–297).
During the first half of the sixth century, a similar
subdivision into smaller spaces also occurred in
the Northeast Building and in the market building/
gymnasium to the south of it, which is still being
excavated. In the early sixth century, the north
portico of the macellum was rebuilt once more
(Richard and Waelkens 2012: 89–99; Eich et al.
2018: 84–85).
During the first half of the sixth century, the
Lower Agora was enlarged and the staircase lead-
ing up from the Grand Colonnaded Street re-laid
several meters to the south (Jacobs and Waelkens
2013: 241–243; Jacobs 2015: 167–171). The por-
ticoes, now serving more as a food court, were
re-erected using a diverse collection of recycled
material and subsequently subdivided into several
small units. The predominantly smaller busi-
nesses of the western portico sold snacks as well
as wine, while the north side of the east portico
housed a five-roomed thermopolium, serving hot
21
food and beverages (Putzeys et al. 2005: 235–236,
2009: 184–194; Waelkens et al. 2007: 508–510;
Jacobs 2015: 166–167). By the sixth century, both
city squares had thus been converted into open-air
markets and may have been more crowded than
ever before (Lavan 2012; Jacobs 2013: 635–636).
Whereas the partially rebuilt mid-Antonine
nymphaeum on the Upper Agora had only kept
the original statues of its side wings, most of the
statuary display of the late Hadrianic nymphaeum
was still found amidst the remains of the collapsed
building. This could suggest that it had fallen
victim to the same earthquake but was never
repaired.
During the same period, the Colonnaded Street
itself also saw a substantial phase of repair, includ-
ing the partial replacement of its pavement and the
renovation of the porticoes, now predominantly
composed of pillars supporting arcades (Jacobs
and Waelkens 2013: 237–240). New decorative
monuments adorned the street. One apparently
honored Julian the Apostate (CE 361–364), unless
the inscribed statue had been re-used and plas-
tered over (Jacobs and Waelkens 2013: 245;
Eich et al. 2018: 95–96 no. 35). Immediately
south of the agora, at least eight small pagan
statues, originating from fourth-century CE
domestic contexts, were placed on top of consoles
inserted in the new pillars. The mythological stat-
uary in all likelihood had lost its pagan connota-
tions and was interpreted as an adornment (Jacobs
and Waelkens 2013: 236–250; Jacobs 2015:
167–171; Jacobs and Sterling 2017). Other streets
were narrowed and stripped of their pavements to
restore both the water network below them and the
street system. Some had their level raised with
accumulated debris (Martens 2009: 197).
A crack running the entire height of the
south wall of the frigidarium/public hall in the
Imperial Baths was repaired and the vaulted
substructures supporting the space were infilled.
The floor was leveled and covered with a new
mosaic. A sounding underneath the floor con-
firmed an early sixth century CE date for this
intervention. The cracked wall veneer was
removed, but eventually only replaced by a simple
white plaster coating. The western bath section
used by women was abandoned (Fig. 6, no. 2),
22
while the original caldarium for men became a
service room, considerably reducing the actual
bathing section (Jacobs 2015: 166–168). This
perhaps also explains the dismantling of a public
latrine in the substructures below the abandoned
bathing section. Radiocarbon dating shows that
some time between c. 420 and 600 cal. CE, the
latrine was converted and used as a container for
dung, which, mixed with large amounts of urban
waste, produced a fertilizer (Baeten et al. 2012).
Although many of these repairs were carried out
with building materials from derelict or aban-
doned structures, they testify to a great sense of
monumentality, illustrating that the municipal
spirit of old was still very much alive (Jacobs
2015: 166).
Some work elsewhere in the city may also have
been earthquake-related. During the late
fifth–early sixth centuries CE, the private bath
complex of the Urban Mansion was partially dis-
mantled and considerably reduced in size. Several
spaces of the mansion were subdivided and
changed function (Uytterhoeven 2011: 299;
Uytterhoeven et al. 2013: 376). Other changes
lack evidence for violent destruction. Around
500 or in the early decades of the sixth century,
the dwelling east of the Neon Library burned
down. Both the textile and the coroplast work-
shops were abruptly but consciously abandoned,
leaving all material in place. In the course of the
same century, however, the whole area was
reorganized with the creation of a professional
bakery, active into the second half of the century
but possibly given up before the end of it (Uleners
and Poblome 2014: 91–92; Poblome et al. 2015:
232–238).
There are indications that in the early sixth
century the available water supply was reduced
through either damage to the aqueducts (Martens
2008: 255–256) or the disappearance of springs
because of tectonic activity. The collection of rain
or natural runoff water resulting from the melting
of snow became important, as shown by the
appearance of cisterns throughout the city. How-
ever, other evidence suggests that any water short-
ages were neither dramatic nor life-threatening
(Martens 2006: 183; id. 2008: 257–259). On the
Upper Agora, the interconnected workshops in
Sagalassos, Archaeology of
the former west portico were transformed into a
portico again, fronted by an open water basin
(Fig. 1, no. 11) fed by rainwater (Jacobs and
Richard 2012: 12–13). The still functioning Late
Hellenistic nymphaeum was remodeled into a
“castellum divisorium,” with its central courtyard
and basins leveled with debris to support water
pipes (Jacobs and Richard 2012: 56–57). This
suggests a change in water usage and possibly a
significant retargeting of water resources. The
installation of small street fountains during the
sixth century confirms that water was brought
closer to potential users (Jacobs and Richard
2012: 26; Jacobs 2015: 66–69).
All these renovation activities ended abruptly
around the middle of the sixth century, when the
program of repair was interrupted in the course of
its execution or given less priority, as was the case
with the street renovation. Yet the water network
continued to function and initially there was still a
clear concern for public sanitation (Martens 2009:
197). This sudden change may have been caused
by a combination of factors, among which the
intermittently recurring bubonic plague
(CE 541–542), thought to have killed a third of
the urban and rural population of Anatolia. The
resulting demographic losses may have led to
diminished agricultural yields and famine
(Waelkens and Sagalassos Team 2000:
270–271). While urban survey data initially
show virtually no impact of the plague in
Sagalassos (Poblome et al. 2012: 171), they do
suggest much reduced occupational activity dur-
ing the later sixth and seventh centuries CE
(Martens 2008: 249; Waelkens et al. 2006:
230–231; Martens et al. 2008: 139; Willet and
Poblome 2015: 3). In 2015, the skeleton of one
plague victim was identified at Sagalassos (Van de
Vijver 2018: 228, Fig. 14). Recent Bayesian
coalescence-based simulations of mtDNA data
sets suggest that the sixth/seventh-century CE
catastrophic events (earthquake and plague) pos-
sibly caused a gradual and temporary decrease,
but certainly not a sudden depletion of the popu-
lation (Ottoni et al. 2016: 2–3). Yet the number of
sampled skeletons was very small (24 individuals
from the second up to the sixth century CE, one
mid-Byzantine skeleton) for a comparison with
Sagalassos, Archaeology of
modern mtDNA sequences from Ağlasun
(Waelkens 2018: 19). Other factors with a nega-
tive impact may have been climatic change, a
decline in long-distance trade, external military
threats, and brigandage (Vanhaverbeke et al.
2004; id. 2007: 635–640; Waelkens et al. 2006:
247–248; Jacobs and Waelkens 2017: 176). In CE
535/536, Justinian had to take measures against
Pisidian brigands rebelling against taxation
(Justinian, Novellae Constitutiones XXIV, 1).
Whatever the cause(s), it is certain that Sagalassos
was drastically weakened within a short period of
time (Jacobs and Waelkens 2013: 252).
Nevertheless, the city remained the main urban
settlement in the region during the second half of
the sixth century, even if by now the interpretation
of “urban way of life” was very different from that
during the high empire (Poblome 2014: 630).
Sagalassos gradually lost its urban appearance
and eventually gave up all municipal services
such as organized waste collection. This coin-
cided with increasing impoverishment and stress
on urban subsistence, as farming activities now
also happened inside the city proper (Waelkens
et al. 2006; Waelkens and Poblome 2011:
153–58). The reuse of spolia became widespread.
The progressive abandonment of the craft and
commercial units alongside both agorae indicates
that the population quite suddenly had other pre-
occupations (Jacobs and Waelkens 2013: 252).
Shortly after the mid-sixth century, the southern
part of the west portico on the Upper Agora was
abandoned and dismantled. Only a bakery
installed in the southernmost space as well as a
bronze workshop in the street next to it probably
functioned until the early seventh century (Talloen
and Poblome 2016a: 145–146; Jacobs 2015:
173–174). By the mid-sixth century the mosaic
floor of the prytaneion had been destroyed and
covered with soil. The structure was probably
divided into an area for cooking and one for
dining, albeit now in a religious context (the
“Michaelitai”). On the Lower Agora, only the
northernmost taverns in both porticoes functioned
until the early seventh century (Lavan 2012: 297;
Putzeys et al. 2009: 165; Jacobs 2015: 173–174).
The renovation of the Colonnaded Street was
never completed. Whereas some shops were
23
already deserted in the later sixth century, others
probably remained active until the early seventh
century (Jacobs 2015: 172, 174; Jacobs and
Waelkens 2013: 251–252).
As indicated above, in the late sixth and early
seventh centuries, waste disposal was no longer
municipally organized. The basins of some foun-
tains, the corridors and stage area of the former
Odeon, abandoned shops along the Lower Agora
and the Colonnaded Street all became primary or
secondary dumping places for consumption and
butchery refuse, and even for pottery waste. Parts
of the macellum remained in use until the early
seventh century CE, including for craft activities
(antler and bone working: Richard 2014: 272). Yet
from the mid-sixth century the northern part of the
courtyard was used as a dumping ground (Richard
and Waelkens 2012: 95–100). Water distribution
and sewage systems were no longer well
maintained either. The fact that waste was left to
rot in full view, producing putrid smells in the
very center of the city, suggests a drastic change
in mentality from the civic pride displayed only a
few decades earlier. The decline in municipal
authority eventually affected the network of
streets, many of which were ultimately
encroached by private structures (Martens 2009:
197–198; Jacobs 2013: 598–612; id. 2015:
171–172; Jacobs and Waelkens 2013: 251–252).
The public hall of the Imperial Baths, no longer
used for public banquets, eventually accommo-
dated two large lime kilns and several small fur-
naces, used to burn most marble parts and smelt
all bronze parts of the colossal imperial statues
displayed in the same space (Waelkens 2013:
70–71; Jacobs 2015: 172–173). Other parts of
the complex were still being used for communal
dining around the middle of the seventh century
(Waelkens and Jacobs 2014: 117–118). At the
latest by the second half of the sixth century, the
Urban Mansion had also lost its previously luxu-
rious character. Spaces in both the private and
formal areas were now used as storage rooms.
Squatters installed themselves in the public part,
while in the later sixth century a “xenodocheion”
or inn apparently occupied most of the private part
of the complex. The mansion’s wall cladding and
statuary fed a large lime kiln installed in the atrium
24
(Waelkens et al. 2007: 503–508; Uytterhoeven
et al. 2013: 376; Jacobs 2015: 174). In the course
of the century, the kilns of the coroplast work-
shops in the Eastern Suburbia equally became
lime kilns (Murphy and Poblome 2016:
188–189).
From the middle of the sixth century onwards,
Sagalassos red slip ware was no longer made in
the workshops in the city’s potters’ quarter, but
relocated, possibly to somewhere in the country-
side. This tableware continued in existence until at
least the end of the next century (Poblome et al.
2012: 147, 2017: 304; Poblome 2014: 634). Com-
mon wares were also made in the countryside, as
before (Poblome 2014: 632). Both types of pot-
tery show that despite a gradual decline in social
complexity, Sagalassos still formed part of a wider
cultural sphere in Southwest Asia Minor and
western Cyprus (Vionis et al. 2009a; Poblome
2014: 635). From the middle of the century, field
walls delineating plots of land suggest a return of
agricultural and pastoral activities in the Eastern
Suburbia. This was perhaps the result of less
favorable conditions on the valley floors because
of a wetter climate (Poblome 2014: 630; Poblome
et al. 2017: 304). By the later sixth century, there
is evidence for food cultivation in the immediate
surroundings of the city (Vanhaverbeke et al.
2004: 269). Some farming activities (threshing)
even seem to have taken place within the urban
context, where now there were abundant wild
cultivars (Waelkens et al. 2007: 506–507). By
now, like many contemporaneous cities,
Sagalassos had become more rural, which proba-
bly resulted in a sharp decline in public invest-
ments (Jacobs 2013: 652–655). However, even in
these decades, at least part of the population was
not deprived of decent subsistence patterns. Cen-
tralized cattle butchering and organized meat dis-
tribution continued until the early seventh century.
Fish from regional lakes and rivers, the Mediter-
ranean, and even Egypt was imported throughout
the sixth and into the seventh century (Arndt et al.
2003; Van Neer et al. 2004), as was the case with
vessel glass and wine amphorae from the Levant
and elsewhere (Poblome et al. 2005: 227–228;
Jacobs 2015: 172). However, the general quality
Sagalassos, Archaeology of
of life had certainly declined considerably (Jacobs
2015: 190–191).
In the countryside, the trend to establish sites in
easily defendable locations, starting in the second
half of the fifth century CE, accelerated in the
second half of the next century (Vanhaverbeke
and Waelkens 2003: 250–251, 297–298;
Vanhaverbeke et al. 2004: 247–279: 259, 2007:
623). At least until the end of the sixth century and
in some cases beyond, the villages in the territory
remained occupied and active, with possibly even
some degree of rural population growth in the
early Byzantine period (Poblome et al. 2017:
304). In CE 535/536, Justinian referred to Pisidia
as a region with “large and populous villages,”
without mentioning any other type of settlement
or settlement hierarchy. Rather than just reflecting
a self-regulating process of societal change
(Poblome 2014: 631), this seems to confirm the
image of former cities and towns gradually losing
their urban character and no longer being regarded
as “cities.”
The Byzantine Dark Ages (Seventh to Ninth
Centuries CE) and the Middle Byzantine
Period (Tenth to Early Thirteenth Centuries)
Eagle owl pellets deposited on the floor of the
former public hall of the Imperial Baths, after
sections of its vaults had crashed down in an
earthquake, provided radiocarbon dates between
cal. CE 540 and 620 (with 95% probability) and a
peak around CE 590 (De Cupere et al. 2009).
A recent re-evaluation of coins found underneath
certain destruction layers confirms that the most
recent coins were invariably datable to the reign of
Phocas (CE 602 610) or his predecessor Maurice
(CE 583 602). These include gold coins, which
were not usually lost easily and if lost, would have
been searched for. This suggests that the earth-
quake, which virtually wiped out Sagalassos as an
urban settlement, took place in or shortly after the
early seventh century (Jacobs 2015: 175; Jacobs
and Waelkens 2017: 176). Though the destruction
was massive, it left virtually no trace in the recent
mtDNA analysis (Ottoni et al. 2016), perhaps
because some survivors went on living in the
valley below. Although most public buildings
were left in ruins, the local community continued
Sagalassos, Archaeology of
to execute projects requiring a communal effort,
besides developing private initiatives at house-
hold level.
The intensive urban surveys identified signifi-
cant quantities of seventh-century surface mate-
rial, mainly in the western parts of ancient
Sagalassos, continuing into the upper reaches of
the Ağlasun Valley (Poblome 2014: 631). The
excavations also recognized continuity in post-
earthquake occupation at multiple locations
around the Upper Agora and in the Urban Man-
sion until the mid-seventh century (Uytterhoeven
et al. 2013: 383; id. 2014: 222; Jacobs 2015:
176, 188; Jacobs and Waelkens 2017: 189–190).
There was even an attempt to salvage the
Bouleuterion-basilica through the construction of
walls on top of earthquake debris to support the
collapsing apse (Poblome et al. 2017: 305). Con-
sequently, at least in the seventh century, the early
medieval community living among the ruins may
have been more sizeable and better organized than
previously assumed, even though its material cul-
ture was poor compared to that of the early Byz-
antine phase of the town (Jacobs 2015: 164, 189).
In the course of the seventh century, occupa-
tion was concentrated on the promontory near the
dismantled shrine of the Pisidian emperor cult,
which was eventually fortified separately. Shortly
after the earthquake, building elements such as
column drums and capitals were rolled against
the edges of the Colonnaded Street, showing con-
tinuity of some traffic to and from the old city
center from the new nucleus (Jacobs and
Waelkens 2013: 253). A water channel ensured a
continuous freshwater supply from the area
around the Upper Agora (Richard and Waelkens
2012: 100–101) to this settlement (Martens 2008:
253; Jacobs 2015: 181). However, probably
around the middle of the seventh century or some-
what later, an impressive barrier wall with two
towers, perhaps associated with the Arab inva-
sions, permanently blocked the traffic flow to
and from the earlier city center, initiating a definite
break with all earlier habitation (Jacobs 2015:
177–185).
Sagalassos appears to have lived on as a
“kastron,” a defensive and administrative outpost
within a “thema,” on the fortified promontory.
25
Since the mid-seventh century, when these new
military districts were created, it had belonged to
the Anatolic Theme (Belke and Mersich 1990:
49, 84). It is perhaps mentioned in CE 905 by
Constantine Porphyrogenetus (De thematibus
XIV, 37) as a kastron of the Cibyrrhaeotic theme
(Poblome et al. 2017: 306), to which Sagalassos
had been moved during the first half of the eighth
century. However, the reliability of this source is
questionable (Jacobs 2015: 186). The fortified
settlement was continuously inhabited until at
least the later eleventh century (Martens 2009:
191; Vionis et al. 2009a, b; Jacobs 2015:
183–185), perhaps even later (Poblome et al.
2017: 308–310). Its abandonment may have
been the result of the Seljuk control of the region
(Belke and Mersich 1990: 104). Sigillographic
evidence possibly documents its growing eco-
nomic and military importance during the second
half of the eleventh century, in the face of this
Turkish threat (Poblome et al. 2017: 308–309).
The kastron also housed the see of a bishop,
who may even have been involved in the con-
struction of the fortifications (Jacobs 2015: 186).
In any case, Sagalassos remained a regional
nuclear community of which the bishop partici-
pated in various synods until the eleventh/twelfth
century. During the ninth century, it had even
become the second highest bishopric of the eccle-
siastical province of Pisidia (Belke and Mersich
1990: 368–369; Poblome et al. 2017: 306, 309).
During the ninth to eleventh centuries, a sixth-
century basilica on the Alexander Hill was elabo-
rately renovated (Poblome et al. 2017: 308).
Yet the kastron was not the only spot of the
former city still inhabited during the Byzantine
Dark Ages and the mid-Byzantine period. During
the eighth to twelfth/thirteenth centuries, evidence
for building activities and/or occupation is also
present at the former temple of Apollo Klarios,
converted to a Christian basilica in the fifth cen-
tury (Martens 2009: 191; Jacobs 2015: 188). Dur-
ing the ninth to eleventh centuries, a smaller
chapel was built inside this church (Poblome
et al. 2017: 306–308). The use of a cemetery
surrounding it could be radiocarbon dated to the
eleventh to the thirteenth centuries (Ottoni
et al. 2011).
26
Although from the seventh century on
Sagalassos’ economy was probably based on dry
crop farming and livestock raising, the morphol-
ogy of its pottery testifies to a continued degree of
connectivity (Poblome 2014: 631–632). From the
mid-seventh century on, colder and drier condi-
tions, resulting in an increase of dry, open steppe
and maquis vegetation, eventually reinforced a
shift towards pastoralism (Vanhaverbeke et al.
2009: 183–187; Bakker et al. 2011, 2012;
id. 2013: 70–73). Pastoral activities were recently
identified on the slopes of the mountains above
Sagalassos (Talloen et al. 2017: 391). Yet there is
evidence of ongoing cultivation in many valleys
within the former territory of Sagalassos until the
eleventh/twelfth century (Vanhaverbeke et al.
2009: 183–184; Jacobs 2015: 189; De Cupere
et al. 2015a: 9; Talloen et al. 2017: 390; Poblome
et al. 2017: 311). In the countryside, life probably
continued to be centered on villages, hamlets, and
farms, functioning in a landscape in which most
former cities were abandoned, reduced in size to
kastra or had become mere villages. Evidence
from Imperial legislation and casual references
in hagiographies show that between the eighth
and eleventh centuries, the village had become
the fundamental center of the state’s fiscal inter-
ests and of rural society. Many villages were
located in remote valleys or on hill/mountain
slopes. Some were new, others were occupied
locations of fortified sites dating to the Archaic
and Classical/Hellenistic periods (Poblome et al.
2017: 311). It was here, rather than near the city,
that manufacture (e.g., of pottery) took place,
perhaps to supply the villages (Vanhaverbeke
et al. 2009: 177–181; Poblome 2014: 632;
Vandam et al. 2017b: 230). A truly pastoral econ-
omy with extensive grazing can only be detected
from the eleventh and twelfth centuries onwards
(Vanhaverbeke et al. 2009: 183–184; Jacobs
2015: 190).
More research is required to establish to what
degree the later part of the eleventh century rep-
resents a genuine break for the kastron at
Sagalassos. All sites with tenth- to eleventh-
century material also contained finds from the
thirteenth century (Poblome et al. 2017: 310).
Sagalassos’ last bishop was referred to as bishop
Sagalassos, Archaeology of
of “Agalassu,” a name living on in that of
Ağlasun. Recent finds suggest some kind of con-
tinued community organization at and around
Ağlasun, where new settlement activity devel-
oped, into the early thirteenth century. This
could reflect a partial relocation of the population
in the immediate vicinity, after the seventh-
century earthquake, and provide an explanation
for the genetic pool remaining largely unchanged
(Ottoni et al. 2016; Poblome et al. 2017: 310–311;
Talloen et al. 2017: 388–389).
During the mid-Byzantine period, a fortress
was built on the Alexander Hill (Vanhaverbeke
et al. 2009: 182), possibly by the Comneni after
they reconquered the region from the Seljuks in
the later twelfth century. It was probably the Sel-
juks who destroyed it in CE 1204, when they took
hold of Saparda (Isparta, on the other side of the
Ağlasun Dağlarι), the last Byzantine stronghold in
the area (Belke and Mersich 1990: 123, 155). This
meant the end of Sagalassos as an organized com-
munity (Poblome et al. 2017: 310). However, the
cemetery around the former Apollo Klarios shrine
and associated with another, as yet unidentified
habitation nucleus, remained in use until the mid-
dle to late thirteenth century. MtDNA analysis
suggests a drastic fall in population in the region,
corresponding to the abandonment of the city
(Ottoni et al. 2016: 5–8). In the meantime,
Ağlasun had become the new regional center.
The Seljuk han, built there during the reign of
Giyaseddin Kaykhosrau II (CE 1237 1246), the
hamam of which is preserved until this day, may
have constituted the core (marketplace) of several
outlying small-scale permanent or temporary set-
tlements (Vanhaverbeke et al. 2005;
Vanhaverbeke et al. 2009: 182). This indicates
both continued occupation of the area and a shift
in central place (Poblome et al. 2017: 310).
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Further Reading
Aperghis, M. 2004. The Seleukid Royal Economy. The
Finances and Financial Administration of the Seleukid
Empire. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Belke, K., and N. Mersich. 1990. Phrygien und Pisidien,
Tabula Imperii Byzantini 7. Wien: VÖAW.
Le Rider, G., and F. de Callatay. 2006. Les Séleucides et les
Ptolémées. In L’ heritage monétaire et financier
d’Alexandre le Grand. Paris: Éditions du Rocher.
Richard, J. 2014. Macellum/Mάkellon, ‘Roman’ food
markets in Asia Minor and the Levant. Journal of
Roman Archaeology 27: 255–274.