Professional Documents
Culture Documents
1 Introduction
Research based on computerized corpora that feature different registers has
shown that, far from being homogeneous, languages are highly heterogeneous,
with markedly different configurations of linguistic features. Nowhere is this
more apparent than in the Longman Grammar of Spoken and Written English
(LGSWE) (Biber et al. 1999), which provides a description of English grammar in
*Corresponding author: Sylvie De Cock, Centre for English Corpus Linguistics, University of
Louvain (UCLouvain), Collège Erasme, 1 Place Blaise Pascal, B-1348, Louvain-la-Neuve, Belgium,
E-mail: sylvie.decock@uclouvain.be. https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9572-4287
Sylviane Granger, Centre for English Corpus Linguistics, University of Louvain (UCLouvain),
Louvain-la-Neuve, Belgium, E-mail: sylviane.granger@uclouvain.be. https://orcid.org/0000-
0002-0047-2142
692 De Cock and Granger
four registers: conversation, fiction, news reportage and academic prose. The
corpus-based analysis shows that “each register has distinctive patterns, asso-
ciated with its particular communicative priorities and circumstances” (Biber
et al. 1999: 24). The authors of the LGSWE were aware, however, that there was
considerable variation within each register and called for “future investigations
of the sub-varieties”, such as editorials and reviews in the case of newspaper
writing (Biber et al. 1999: 17). With the help of dedicated software tools, the
automatic extraction of recurrent sequences of words, often referred to as the
n-gram method, brings out units of discourse that typify registers. This method
was used by the authors of the LGSWE to identify “lexical bundles”, i.e. “bundles
of words that show a statistical tendency to co-occur” (Biber et al. 1999: 989),
such as do you know what I mean in conversation or it has been shown that in
academic writing. As stated by Barbieri (2018: 251), lexical bundles “can reveal a
great deal about the unique linguistic characteristics and communicative func-
tions shaping registers”.
Focused on business English, this study aims to assess the extent to which
lexical bundles can reveal typical features of the sub-variety of press releases as
compared with another business English variety, that of business news reporting.
In line with Bhatia’s (1993) conceptualization of genres, press releases represent a
complex genre that serves a number of communicative purposes (see Section 2.1),
one of which is the promotion of the company that issues them. In view of this
promotional character, press releases are a tool of what Leech (1966: 64) calls
“prestige advertising”, i.e. “advertising which promotes a commercial enterprise”.
Leech’s (1966) book English in advertising concentrates mainly on “advertising
which promotes a product” (p. 64), and prestige advertising is only very briefly
discussed. Our study sets out to complete the picture provided in Leech (1966) by
exploring some of the recurrent linguistic characteristics of press releases as
compared with news reporting.
The paper is organized as follows: Section 2 sets the scene for our empirical
investigation; the focus is on corporate press releases and the linguistic analysis
centres on lexical bundles. The data and methodology used are described in
Section 3. Section 4 presents the findings: the degree of ‘bundleness’ of press
releases compared to business news reports and the key bundles typical of each
genre. The final section discusses the main results, and highlights some of the
lessons learned from the study and future avenues of research which could be
explored.
Stance in press releases versus business news 693
2 Literature review
2.1 Press releases
Texts connected with the domain of business broadly fall into one of the following
two categories: texts used to talk or write about business; and texts used to do
business and communicate with a range of internal and external stakeholders such
as employees, customers, suppliers, investors or the media (Nelson 2000). While
the former cover business-related topics and do not emanate from commercial
organizations, the latter are produced or issued by people who “communicate
using talk or writing in commercial organizations in order to get their work done”
(Bargiela-Chiappini 2007: 3). Business texts represent a wide variety of business
genres, which are generally identified on the basis of communicative purpose(s)
and situation(s) (Bhatia 1993; Koester 2010). Business genres that talk/write about
business include news articles about the world of business, research papers,
and business studies lectures (e.g. Crawford Camiciottoli 2007; Goossens 2013).
Examples of business genres used within the framework of organizations’ business
activities are internal emails, business meetings, earnings calls, press releases,
CEO letters and service encounters (e.g. Handford 2010; Huang and Rose 2018).
The main focus of this paper is on the written business genre of press releases,
which are issued by companies and are an instrument of public relations (PR).
Catenaccio (2008: 11) defines press releases as
relatively short texts resembling news stories and containing what is considered by the issuer
to be newsworthy information; they are generally sent to the journalistic community (but the
intended primary readership has been recently shifting to the general public) with the
purpose of having them picked up by the press and turned into actual news stories, thus
generating publicity, in the conviction that third-party endorsement is the best way to pro-
mote a company’s image and reputation.
releases have traditionally been directly targeted at journalists (to initiate press
coverage) and indirectly targeted at the general public (via any press coverage
based on the releases). However, with the availability of press releases on com-
panies’ corporate websites (Bremner 2018; Strobbe and Jacobs 2005), “press
release writers now have an opportunity to entirely bypass journalistic interven-
tion in reaching the public” (Catenaccio 2008: 15), especially potential and existing
investors (McLaren and Gurǎu 2005).
Genre-oriented research on press releases has examined their move structure
in some detail (Catenaccio 2008; McLaren and Gurǎu 2005) and has identified a
fairly stable standard format (announcement, elaboration, comments, contact
details, editor’s note – McLaren and Gurǎu 2005). In addition, a great deal of
attention has been devoted to the process involved in the production of press
releases by PR officers (Bremner 2014) and to the repackaging of the information
contained in the releases by journalists (Sissons 2012; Van Hout and Macgilchrist
2010) based, among other approaches, on ethnographic and cognitive-
psychological research methods. These studies have made it possible to empiri-
cally explore the complex interaction between PR practitioners, who “manage
[company] news” (cf. “news management”, Jacobs 2018: 181) and journalists, who
“make the news” in the form, for example, of news reports (cf. “newsmaking”,
Jacobs 2018: 181). In particular, they have cast some doubt on journalists’ claims
that they never use press releases and PR officers’ claims that “a lot of their copy
gets recycled verbatim” (Jacobs 2018: 181).
The key features of the language used in press releases discussed in the
literature include features mainly associated with (1) their resemblance to news
stories, which largely results from what Jacobs calls “preformulation” (2006: 201),
i.e. “a news style that requires little or no reworking on the part of the journalists
who receive [the press releases]”, and (2) the promotion of the company.
Jacobs’s work identified the following two linguistic preformulation features,
which can be seen not only to make the recycling of press releases into news
reports straightforward (which should encourage uptake) but also to make the
information in the texts appear more objective: third person self-reference and self-
quotation. These features are in line with the “style of objective reporting”
mentioned by Leech (1966: 65) in his brief discussion of prestige advertising.
Companies tend to refer to themselves in the third person singular (often using the
company’s name), which mirrors the way journalists refer to organizations in their
news reports. Quotes typically feature in the more ‘promotional comments’ move
of press releases, where the CEO and other high-ranking individuals from the very
organization issuing the release can be seen to comment on (aspects of) the
announcement. Such quotes are often referred to as self-quotes, because the
organization is quoting itself. Generally speaking, press releases could be said to
Stance in press releases versus business news 695
blur the boundary between ‘texts used to talk and write about business’ and ‘texts
used to do business’. While they are clearly used to ‘do business’, as they emanate
from companies and aim to serve their interests, they are preformulated to make it
easier for parts of the texts to be fed into news reports, i.e. into texts that are
typically used to ‘write about business’.
According to Leech (1966: 65), compared with consumer advertising (for
products and services), in prestige advertising “the more brazen forms of eulogy
are absent”. There is, however, widespread consensus that in press releases “the
information is presented in as favorable a light as possible from the corporate
viewpoint” (Pander Maat 2007: 61). The promotional character of press releases,
which stems from their “propagandistic purposes” (Pander Maat 2007: 61), has
been explored from a number of angles including the manner in which journalists
deal with promotional elements when they recycle press releases into news re-
ports. Pander Maat offers the most comprehensive and systematic empirical
analysis of promotional elements in press releases and in news publications based
on these releases. He has identified 13 kinds of promotional element in the press
releases and his is one of the rare studies that includes frequency information
about promotional elements. Some of the most frequent kinds are intensifying
adjectives (important), evaluative adjectives (excellent), property-specifying
adjectives (reliable), intensifying adverbs (considerably) and time adjuncts
(once again).
The idea of extracting and analyzing recurrent sequences of words from corpora
can be traced back to Altenberg’s (1990) study of recurrent word combinations. His
work was critical in identifying the forms and functions of routine formulae in
spoken English, a topic that had until then attracted little attention. However, the
strand of research initiated by Altenberg only truly took off with the introduction of
the construct of lexical bundle by Biber and colleagues (Biber 2009; Biber et al.
1999). Defined as the most frequently recurring sequences of words in a given
register, lexical bundles are similar to Altenberg’s recurrent word combinations
but differ from them in being operationalized on the basis of a specified set of
extraction criteria. The word sequences need to contain at least three words and
reach specified frequency and dispersion thresholds (for more details, see
Section 3.2).
It is important to bear in mind, however, that lexical bundles constitute raw
linguistic material that requires further processing. They only take on their sig-
nificance once they have been categorized in meaningful sets and interpreted.
696 De Cock and Granger
Biber and colleagues suggested two main categorization schemes, which have
been widely used in lexical bundle research. The structural classification sub-
divides lexical bundles according to their syntactic makeup, distinguishing for
example between verb-based bundles (I don’t think so) and noun-based bundles
(the extent to which). This categorization highlights major differences across reg-
isters. For example, conversation turns out to be characterized by a dominance of
verb-based bundles, while the bundles typical of academic writing tend to be
noun-based (Biber 2009; Biber et al. 1999). The functional classification distin-
guishes between three functions: referential, discourse organizing and stance
(Biber et al. 2004: 384). Referential bundles make direct reference to physical or
abstract entities, or to the textual context itself (corporate law market). Discourse
organizers reflect relationships between prior and coming discourse (on the other
hand). Stance bundles express attitude or assessment of certainty (it is possible to).
Lexical bundles have spawned an impressive body of research. The bulk of it is
focused on academic writing and usually aims to raise novice writers’ awareness of
the patterns typical of academic writing and to help them produce more idiomatic
texts. A range of studies have explored differences in the use of lexical bundles
across disciplines and have uncovered a high degree of discipline-specificity
(Durrant 2017; Hyland 2008). Another very popular research strand compares the
use of bundles by native (L1) and non-native (L2) speakers. On the whole, L2 use of
lexical bundles is characterized by a mixture of over- and underuse, with
learner speech lacking in a range of multiword units that are typical of speech
and L2 argumentative essay writing characterized by an overuse of verb-based
bundles typical of speech (De Cock et al. 1998; Granger 2017; for an overview, see
Granger 2018).
We share Greaves and Warren’s (2010: 216) view that “academic genres have
attracted a disproportionate amount of interest compared with other genres” and
advocate the exploration of lexical bundles in non-academic texts such as texts by
professional communities (lawyers, journalists, businesspeople, etc.), other types
of online communities or the general public. Although the literature relying on this
type of text is still quite limited, some recent studies show its potential (e.g.
Alasmary 2019; Fuster-Márquez 2014; Gaspari 2013). A few studies have compared
different genres of one and the same register. Jablonkai (2009) compares two sets
of EU-related texts: official EU texts and online EU news texts. She finds that,
although the two corpora are made up of written texts and discuss EU topics, their
different communicative functions result in considerable variation in the use of
lexical bundles. Breeze (2013) focuses on four genres of legal English and finds
interesting differences, among other things, in the quantity and quality of verb
bundles. Case law proves to be characterized by the use of epistemic stance ex-
pressions (it seems to me), while in legislation and legal documents (e.g. contracts)
Stance in press releases versus business news 697
Table : Main situational differences between press releases and business news reports.
BeRel BeNews
decided to start from the top of the list, as higher-ranking companies, unlike lower-
ranking companies, have a well-established tradition of providing access to press
releases in dedicated press rooms (Callison 2003). BeRel comprises approximately
5,000 words (between 10 and 15 press releases) per company. As the corpus is
intended to be representative of corporate press releases in general, the 2,559
releases included were issued by a wide range of companies operating in different
sectors (e.g. finance, IT, consumer goods, engineering, pharmaceuticals, construc-
tion, transportation) and cover a variety of company-related topics (e.g. financial
results, product launches, new management, job creation). The corpus is made up
of the main body of the releases (announcement, elaboration and comments, cf.
Section 2.1) without any headlines, leads, dates and places of release, pictures,
tables or figures. Boilerplate elements such as editors’ notes and contact details were
also eliminated from the corpus, for two main reasons: not only are they seen as
peripheral components of press releases (Sissons 2012), but they also tend to be
identical in the various releases published by the same company. The average length
of a release in BeRel is shorter than that of a news report in BeNews (400 words vs.
570 words, cf. Table 2).
It is important to point out that the overwhelming bulk of the research on press
releases carried out to date is essentially qualitative in nature and that empirical
investigations of actual texts make use of rather limited sets of data, the size of
which tends to be given in terms of the number of texts analyzed and not the total
number of words in the samples. Skorczynska Sznajder (2016) is one of the very few
studies that actually mentions the number of tokens in the corpora used, namely
c. 120,000 words in each of the three corpora analyzed. It is often difficult,
therefore, to assess the degree of representativeness of the data used in many
analyses of press releases.
To our knowledge, the one-million-word BeRel corpus is the largest comput-
erized corpus used in research concentrating on press releases in English. Corpus
size is of critical importance in a study that explores lexical bundles. According to
Cortes (2008: 46), it is “highly advisable to work with at least one million words to
Stance in press releases versus business news 699
identify lexical bundles in a corpus and to draw reliable comparisons when using
more than one corpus”.
3.2 Methodology
time-consuming manual work. This approach was not used here either, as our
study is essentially exploratory and the main focus is not on quantitative findings.
4 Data analysis
4.1 Degree of ‘bundleness’
BeRel BeNews
Table : Exclusive and shared -word bundle types and tokens in BeRel and BeNews.
Table : Top exclusive and shared -word bundles in BeRel and BeNews.
Some of the most frequent exclusive bundles in BeRel can clearly be connected
with the announcement move and self-quotes from the organizations’ high-
ranking officers (in the comments move), which are typical of press releases. The
BeNews exclusive bundles in the table reflect the reporting dimension of the ar-
ticles as well as the wide range of topics, not exclusively related to company news
(financial markets, the financial crisis, government policies). The top shared
bundles include bundles that can be found in many different written genres:
discourse-structuring bundles and referential bundles denoting time, place and
quantity.
One particularly efficient method for identifying the distinctive linguistic features
of a given register or genre is the keyword method. Scott (1997: 236) defines a
keyword as “a word which occurs with unusual frequency in a given text” and adds
702 De Cock and Granger
that “[t]his does not mean high frequency but unusual frequency, by comparison
with a reference corpus of some kind”. As pointed out by Skorczynska Sznajder
(2016: 51), the identification of keywords “can enable the detection of recurrent
patterns of meaning, which would otherwise be difficult to access and recognize,
especially in a horizontal reading of texts in a corpus”. The notion of keyness is not
limited to single words: it also applies to word sequences. Both keywords and key
phrases are highly revealing of the distinctiveness of a given register or genre in
terms of the language used and the communicative functions it serves: they “may
be shown to be indicative of the writer’s position and identity, as well as of the
discourse community, with its values and beliefs about the subject matter and the
genre that characterize it” (Bondi 2010: 7).
Using the keyword function in WordSmith Tools, we identified the key bundles
in press releases relative to news reports and then reversed the procedure and
identified the key bundles in news reports with press releases as the reference
corpus.1 The extracted key bundles will be referred to as BeRel bundles and
BeNews bundles respectively. We limited the analysis to bundles that have a
minimum frequency of 20 and that reach a significant log likelihood keyness value
(p < 0.01). In what follows we give a general overview of the structural categori-
zation of the key bundles (Section 4.2.1) before zooming in on three categories of
stance bundle (Sections 4.2.2 and 4.2.3).
1 Although keyword analysis often relies on a reference corpus that is larger than the foreground
corpus, this is not a necessary condition (cf., for example, studies by Bondi 2010 and Malavasi and
Mazzi 2010).
Stance in press releases versus business news 703
reflect the self-centered company perspective typical of the genre. A whole series of
bundles refer to the companies’ senior figures, who are quite systematically quoted
in press releases (chief executive officer, board of directors), and to companies’
financial deals and strategies (customary closing conditions, net proceeds from).
BeNews features many key NP-based bundles related to financial institutions
(Bank of England) and to stock market news (per cent of). Temporal bundles are
particularly prevalent among the BeNews key bundles, with as many as 40 bundles
containing the words day, week, month or year (final three months), which is hardly
surprising given that time is one of the key elements of news reporting (Bell 1991).
PP-based bundles account for a slightly smaller proportion of BeRel bundles
than BeNews (14 vs. 19%). PP-based BeRel bundles are mainly topic-related
(connected with companies’ stakeholders and finances: for our customers, of
common stock), with the exception of a few complex prepositions (in support of).
Here too, temporal bundles prove to be characteristic of BeNews (in recent months).
The preponderance of topic-related bundles boosts Biber et al.’s referential cate-
gory, which dominates in the two key bundle lists. However, the VP-based category
accounts for a sizeable proportion of the key bundles, with a slightly higher pro-
portion in BeRel than BeNews (34 vs. 28%), which counterbalances the lower
proportion of PP- and NP-based bundles. Unlike the other two categories, which
prove mainly to have a referential function, the VP category plays a key role in the
expression of stance. It allows speakers and writers to modulate their message in
light of the addressee and the situation thanks to a range of choices they can make
in terms of tense and aspect, voice and modality, as well as of types of subject and
complement. We have chosen to focus more particularly on stance bundles since
stance is an important element in both press releases and news reports, given their
main shared and specific communicative purposes: to inform (both genres), to
persuade and promote (press releases) or to evaluate (news reports). In the
following two sections we report our findings on the types of stance that emerge
from our data as particularly distinctive: modal, personal and evaluative.
704 De Cock and Granger
The study of modal stance is often limited to core modals and semi-modals, but in a
discourse-based approach to modality it is advisable also to include the “large
number of other relatively fixed expressions with meanings similar to the modal
auxiliaries; for example, want to, be able to, be obliged to, be likely to, be willing to”
(Biber et al. 1999: 484).
Table 7 gives the number of modal key bundles in each corpus, distinguishing
between those that contain a modal auxiliary (will serve as) or a semi-modal
(is going to) from those that contain a modal expression (are likely to).
The table shows that, while the non-modal VP-based bundles dominate in the
two corpora, this dominance is particularly striking in BeRel (89 vs. 68%). BeNews
contains many more modal key bundles than BeRel (32 vs. 11%). Several of these
bundles contain modal expressions (e.g. seem to, be thought to, be unlikely to),
which shows the benefit of extending the notion of modality beyond the traditional
categories of core and semi-modals.
A detailed analysis of all the modal markers is beyond the scope of our study
but a few points are worth noting. Overall, the table shows how different the modal
bundles are in the two genres. Not only are they more frequent in BeNews than in
BeRel but they are also quite different. In BeRel the main modal is the core auxiliary
will, which may be a pure future (see example 1) but in many cases expresses the
company’s strong commitment (see example 2). Volitional will is described by
Leech (2004: 87) as follows: “[o]ccurring mainly with first-person subjects (except
in indirect speech), will in this sense can convey a promise, a threat, an offer or a
shared decision. The volitional element is reinforced by a feeling that in the act of
speaking, a decision is made, and that the fulfilment of the intention is guaran-
teed”. While the two main meanings of will – futurity and volition – can be clearly
distinguished in some contexts, Leech (2004: 56) rightly observes that in general
they “are so closely intermingled that it is difficult to separate them”. The second
most frequent auxiliary is shall, which has a much more limited use as it is only
found in the disclaimers included at the end of some press releases (see example 3).
Stance in press releases versus business news 705
(1) The Company will host a conference call on Thursday, May 18, 2017 (…) [BeRel]
(2) Northwestern Mutual Future Ventures Fund II will continue to advance the
company’s investment strategy (…) [BeRel]
(3) This press release shall not constitute an offer to sell or the solicitation of an
offer to buy any securities, nor shall there be any sale of these securities (…)
[BeRel]
In BeNews the most frequent modal is the core auxiliary would, typically used in a
that-clause after a speech verb (often in the simple past) to report a company’s or a
government’s intentions, promises and claims. This is evidenced by the two most
frequent key bundles – said it would and that it would – and confirmed by the
Collocate function of WST, which gives say as the main lexical collocate of would.
But other uses of would are also found, often in hedged statements (example 4).
The presence of have to as the second most frequent modal and the total absence of
must are in line with the declining use of must to express obligation noted by Leech
et al. (2009: 87–89).
Probably the most interesting finding that emerges from our analysis is the
number and variety of modal expressions used in BeNews and their total absence
in BeRel. All of them signal epistemic stance expressed by either adjectives (in
particular, likely and unlikely), copulas (appear and seem) or passive verbs such as
be expected to. The bundle is likely to actually has the highest keyness value of all
the modal bundles in BeNews (see example 5). Most of these modal expressions
would not have been investigated in a corpus-based study relying solely on the
traditional core modals and semi-modals.
(4) It would be hard to find a large industry in America which is adding jobs. For
that matter, it would be hard to find a large American company making net
additions to its payroll. [BeNews]
(5) The MPC might cut by another half-point, but this is likely to be coupled with the
unprecedented step of “printing money”. [BeNews]
with it (it is certain) and the latter with phrases marked with the pronoun I (I’m
certain that) (p. 654). In the remainder of this section we distinguish between
bundles with the 1st person pronouns I and we (I look forward to, we continue to)
and the 3rd person pronouns it and there (it could be, there was no) in order to
ascertain the extent to which the different communicative functions of press re-
leases and news reporting are manifested in the pronoun-headed bundles.
Table 8 shows that in BeRel we, and to a lesser extent I, are commonly used in
formulaic chunks, which almost invariably occur as part of company self-quotes.
Interestingly, the majority of them express not only personal stance but also
evaluative stance. This is due to the presence of a large number of we are + adjec-
tive chunks featuring highly positive adjectives: pleased, proud, committed,
excited, honored, thrilled, delighted, confident (see examples 6 and 7).
(6) We are excited to be developing the infrastructure necessary to make this option
available (…),” said Bob Sulet, CBRE’s president and chief executive officer.
[BeRel]
(7) “(…) We are proud of our performance on key environmental, social and
governance issues (…),” Tim Casey, senior vice president of LNG, commented
(…) [BeRel]
In his study of promotional language in press releases, Pander Maat (2007: 73) has
found that quotes tend to contain more promotional elements than non-quoted
material. As a result, he suggests that “quotes may be a device to smuggle some
promotion into the news report”, as news reports typically include quotes and
“journalists have less freedom in editing quotes than editing other sentences”
(Pander Maat 2007: 73). The distinctive dominance of positively laden adjectives in
press releases also emerges clearly from a comparison of the top 10 key adjectives
in the two corpora (see Table 9). While the adjectives in BeRel are overwhelmingly
positive, the top key adjectives in BeNews express a range of different meanings,
few of which are clearly positive.
Table : First and third person pronoun key bundles in BeRel and BeNews.
I
we
it
there
Total
Stance in press releases versus business news 707
In BeNews key bundles, personal stance is totally absent. While the pronoun it
may refer to some specific entity, it can also be the impersonal pronoun it used in
anticipatory it structures, for example. Unfortunately, apart from a few bundles
which are unambiguously personal (it plans to) or impersonal (it is hard), the
majority of the it bundles are too short for it to be possible to distinguish between
the two uses (it is not, it could be, it was not). However, it is possible to disambiguate
the bundles by using the concordancing facility of WordSmith Tools. For example,
searching for the sequence it is followed by the word that in a window of 10 words
to the right of the search string allowed us to identify a wide variety of anticipatory
it clauses in BeNews. This method brings out the diversity of stance expressions
used by news writers and is therefore a highly valuable complement to lexical
bundle extraction: the lexical bundle approach identifies what is fixed in
2 https://ohiostate.pressbooks.pub/stratcommwriting/chapter/press-release-structure-and-
format/.
710 De Cock and Granger
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Bionotes
Sylvie De Cock
Centre for English Corpus Linguistics, University of Louvain (UCLouvain), Louvain-la-Neuve,
Belgium
sylvie.decock@uclouvain.be
https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9572-4287
Sylvie De Cock is Professor of English language, linguistics and business communication at the
University of Louvain (UCLouvain). She conducts her research at the Centre for English Corpus
Linguistics (founded by Sylviane Granger). Her interests include corpus linguistics, phraseology,
English for specific purposes (business communication), learner corpus research (spoken and
written learner corpora) and pedagogical lexicography.
Sylviane Granger
Centre for English Corpus Linguistics, University of Louvain (UCLouvain), Louvain-la-Neuve,
Belgium
sylviane.granger@uclouvain.be
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0047-2142
Sylviane Granger is Professor Emerita of English Language and Linguistics at the University of
Louvain (UCLouvain). In 1990 she launched the first large-scale learner corpus project, the
International Corpus of Learner English, and since then has played a key role in defining the
different facets of the field of learner corpus research. Her current research interests focus on the
analysis of phraseology in native and learner language and its integration into reference and
instructional materials.