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BUTABU
A D O B E A R C H I T E C T U R E O F W E S T A F R I CA

JA M E S M O R R I S
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BUTABU
A D O B E A R C H I T E C T U R E O F W E S T A F R I CA

JA M E S M O R R I S

PRINCETON ARCHITECTURAL PRESS, NEW YORK

EarthenArch_quark2.0 2/20/03 9:18 PM
Published by
Princeton Architectural Press
37 East Seventh Street
New York, New York 10003
For a free catalog of books, call 1.800.722.6657.
Visit our web site at www.papress.com.
© 2003 Princeton Architectural Press
All rights reserved
Printed and bound in Hong Kong
06 05 04 03 5 4 3 2 1 First edition
Photographs © James Morris 1999/2000
Text © Suzanne Preston Blier
No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any man-
ner without written permission from the publisher, except in
the context of reviews.
For my wife, Giovannella Gaetani dell’Aquila
d’Aragona, and daughters, Sofia and Arianna
Page 3
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Every reasonable attempt has been made to identify owners
TK
of copyright. Errors or omissions will be corrected in subse-
quent editions.
This project was supported by a grant from the Graham
Foundation for Advanced Studies in the Fine Arts.
Editing: Clare Jacobson
Design: Jan Haux
Special thanks to: Nettie Aljian, Ann Alter, Nicola Bednarek,
Janet Behning, Penny Chu, Russell Fernandez, Mark Lamster,
Nancy Eklund Later, Linda Lee, Nancy Levinson, Katharine
Myers, Jane Sheinman, Scott Tennent, Jennifer Thompson,
Joe Weston, and Deb Wood of Princeton Architectural Press
—Kevin C. Lippert, publisher
from Guinée, and Elhadj Affouad from Araouane, 3
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Mali—both great drivers and masterful mechan-
ics. Additionally I thank all the people who
I want to thank the many people who encouraged
opened their doors and let me into their homes
me in this project, and make a particular men-
and mosques and onto their roofs and terraces
tion of the following: the Italian architect
to take these pictures; all were very friendly and
Fabrizio Carola for his hospitality and assis-
welcoming, if slightly bemused. Finally, I thank
tance in Bamako, Mali; Stefano Capotorti, head
my family, and especially my wife, for supporting
of the aid agency Terra Nuova in West Africa,
me and putting up with the frustrations of see-
who offered invaluable logistical support, guid-
ing this project through to publication.
ance, and friendship and provided me with both
road and river transport for both of my journeys;
Seydou Dolo from Bamako, Mali who acted as my
translator, guide, assistant, and good friend
throughout both trips and without whom these
photographs would not have been taken. I also
thank my long-suffering drivers, Alassane Diallo
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CONTENTS
TEXT
3 INTRODUCTION
144 THE ADOBE BUILDINGS IN WEST AFRIKA
4 materials and building traditions. Synthesized in
INTRODUCTION
This lavoir owes its existence to the concerns of
Norbert Boulet, mayor of this commune, who on
July 15th 1813, laid its foundation stone; may his
successors always show similar zeal towards
public service. —Dilo, Yonne
Among public buildings of the French rural her-
itage, the lavoir, or public washhouse, is the most
discreet and humble; though often beautiful, it is
seldom remarked upon. Lavoirs are austere in
form, yet each is unique, possessing its own char-
acter. Their architecture reflects the basic need for
shelter and flowing water, with local and regional
variations deriving from the use of indigenous
PLATES
10 THE HISTORIC TRANS-SAHARAN TRADING CITIES
36 RURAL ARCHITECTURE ON THE BANKS OF THE
RIVER NIGER
82 HAUSA ARCHITECTURE
114 DOGON ARCHITECTURE
128 ARCHITECTURE OF TWO SMALL, REMOTE
ANIMIST GROUPS
the words of Eugène-Emmanuel Viollet-le-Duc,
ism, decay, and destruction.
Lavoirs resonate with the sensorial and social
“There is often more art in a lavoir showing off
dimensions of the laundresses’ tasks, yet, unused
the sincere and judicious realization of a program
and empty, they convey an impression of mystery
than in certain sumptuous edifices whose only
and solitude, replete with ghosts and memories.
merit is to let one think: it must have cost very
Their interiors of curious beauty are often secret-
much.”
ed behind anonymous building enclosures that
Lavoirs flourished from the seventeenth century
filter daylight through their apertures to reflect
until the early twentieth century, when running
off the water’s surface. These simple facades hide
water and the invention of the boiler and the
three hundred years of women’s social encoun-
domestic washing machine made them obsolete.
ters, hard work, and spirited conversations. As a
Today the lavoir is often considered an outmoded
result of their simple functional requirements
form of public infrastructure, a relic of another
and their endurance through periods of intense
era, evocative of different, and for the most part
political and social upheaval, the lavoirs reveal a
undesirable, attitudes toward work, time, public
dense history of building technology and formal
life, and gender. Unusable and socially irrelevant,
symbolism.
these buildings have faced abandonment, vandal-
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WHITER THAN WHITE FROM STRUCTURE TO ARCHITECTURE

examples were initially built for the elite on pri-
vate property, generally within the vicinity of a
The year of our lord 1821, the 26th of the reign of These waters were brought to Courson in 1847,
château or a church. For the remaining rural pop-
Louis-le-Désiré [Louis 18th], love, respect, thank- under the administration of Mr. Bouillé, mayor.
ulace, riverfront platforms were adapted into ver-
fulness, to you, François Condamine, this beauti- This lavoir was built in 1857 under the same
nacular lavoirs, few of which remain.
ful lavoir was given to us by your munificence. administration, according to the plans of the
—Saint-Martin-sur-Oreuse, Yonne architect Grégoire Roux. —Courson-les-Carrières,
GOING PUBLIC
Yonne
Lavoirs first appeared in seventeenth-century
By the end of the eighteenth century, the plague
France in direct response to emerging health con- In most French villages and small towns, there
had become a distant memory, and a drastic shift
cerns. The lack of independent return-water sys- are few basic public buildings. The church
in mentality advanced the virtues of water. With
tems had gradually polluted the country’s waters crowned by a steeple is the most prominent early
the cholera epidemic of 1832, water was given a
through most urban watersheds. A succession of example. With the advent of the Republic, the
new purely beneficial role; as air was now thought
plague epidemics had ravaged the country from town hall (mairie) and the community center
to be conducive to illness, it had to be cleaned,
the 1450s to the 1560s, and warm water was (salle-des-fêtes) emerged, followed by the public
and this could only be done with water. The entire
thought to be responsible for opening pores and school, the market hall, and the lavoir. The archi-
infrastructure for the water system was reevalu-
letting in illness. Growing fears of the ill effects of tecture of these minor public buildings was a
ated and took priority over monumental civic
water had ended the popularity of public baths, direct reflection of the town’s wealth. Thus, dur-
buildings. Issues of water distribution were cou-
associated with pleasure more than with cleanli- ing the nineteenth century the architecture of
pled with concerns about its disposal, and streets
ness, and steam rooms, branded by the church as rural lavoirs shifted from minimal functional
were redesigned to accommodate water runoff in
places of decadence and debauchery. A general expression to symbolic embodiment of civic
gutters.
fear of water prevailed for nearly three hundred pride, represented in neoclassical form. Although
As a consequence of unequal access to water,
years. the specific form of the lavoir varies according to
class distinctions were visually apparent and
Public health became a prime political issue site constraints, such as means of access to water,
cleanliness became emblematic of affluence. The
under the reign of Louis XIV (1643–1715), when a proximity to the town center, and availability of
1849 epidemic, which killed 20,000 Parisians,
growing concern with cleanliness and health local materials, each embodies the general social
highlighted this disparity. It devastated the city’s
paradoxically coincided with the conception of and technological milieu in which it was created.
overcrowded center, the barricaded territory of
water as dangerous. Wiping the body replaced
the laboring classes, rather than the wealthy out-
washing and cleanliness became a visual concept. DOWN BY THE RIVER
lying neighborhoods with their emerging sanita- 5
Clothes were believed to absorb all of the skin’s
tion. As the concept of cleanliness evolved from a
impurities; thus the whiter one’s garments, the The first rural lavoirs were vernacular structures
primarily visual phenomenon to one involving
cleaner one appeared to be. Only underwear— built directly on the river. The main design con-
issues of health, a new word entered the French
made of serge, hemp, or the most expensive alter- cern, particularly in the north of France, was to
vocabulary: hygiene.
native, linen—could touch the skin, and it was provide a shield against the cold. At Mereville
Following the coup d’état of 1851 and the begin-
changed more or less regularly, according to the (Essonne) the enclosure was maximized and the
ning of the second empire, Baron Georges-Eugène
wearer’s social status. Cleanliness was thus asso- roof lowered to protect kneeling laborers, while
Haussmann’s engineer, Eugène Belgrand, config-
ciated not only with physical and moral well- optimizing daylight on the slanted stones to facil-
ured an impressive water and sewer network sys-
being, but also with wealth. Unlike underwear, itate spotting stains. Although these early struc-
tem for Paris. Separate conduits divided washing
outerwear did not necessitate washing, since it tures were generally outside of town and purely
water from potable water, and affordable public
did not come in contact with skin. People’s desire functional in form, an architect’s hand was occa-
baths and free lavoirs appeared in every neigh-
to expose clean white garments induced changes sionally visible, as with the lavoir of Vanvey, built
borhood. Similar improvements soon took place in
in fashion, such as excess underwear overflowing in 1824 according to the plans of Dijon architect
the provinces after the government made the
at the sleeves and collars to reveal one’s shade of Antoine Chaussier.
extraordinary sum of 600,000 francs available to
white. A primary factor in the lavoir’s form was the peri-
provincial towns for the construction of public
The construction of lavoirs followed closely upon odic shift in the river’s water level. Designs that
baths and lavoirs.
the cult of white linen. Architecturally significant address this issue range from the purely architec-
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MAP

6
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structure due to the heavy loads it had to bear.

tural to the mechanically engineered. Archi- for templelike structures and neoclassical orna-
Lavoirs were oriented to the south to allow for a
tectural examples include the lavoir of Avigny ment. Provincial architects, eager to follow
cool, shaded space during the sweltering summer
(Côte-d’Or), which has a four-bay facade that Parisian fashion but short on monumental com-
heat, and a midday ray of sunlight during the win-
steps up to the access door. As the river rises, the missions, found an appropriate venue for this for-
ter months.
usable entry shifts from one bay to the next while mal expression in the lavoir. Beginning in the
portions of the interior become submerged. eighteenth century, architects were regularly
DOING LAUNDRY BELOW GRADE
Construction of the lavoir of Voutenay-sur-Cure, entrusted with civil engineering projects, due to
built in 1827, involved banking the river and cre- the royal administration’s endorsement of the
In towns lacking a nearby spring or stream,
ating an artificial island on which to site the profession to supervise provincial expenditures
lavoirs were excavated from the ground and laun-
building. The river flows symmetrically to either on public works. By 1820 communal resources,
dresses traveled down to the level of the water
side as well as through the structure, in which a which had been mobilized under the first empire
table. Because these could be as deep as fifteen
double-stepped basin accommodates a range in for the Napoleonic campaigns, were reallocated
feet, limiting access to natural light, such lavoirs
water level. for infrastructural improvements, and new
often include an impluvium roof. The open seg-
Mechanical apparatuses are apparent in lavoirs lavoirs supervised by architects appeared
ment of the roof admits natural light; its slanted
scattered along the banks of the Eure, used by the throughout the country.
sides protect the laundresses from winds and
tanning industries of Chartres (Eure et Loir). Lavoir-temples first appeared in the Franche-
rain while collecting rainwater and directing it
Adjustable platforms hung with chains or steel Comté, where Claude-Nicolas Ledoux designed
into the circulation system. Many of these sub-
cables from a mechanism of winches and pulleys bridges, roads, fountains, and troughs, in addition
surface lavoirs, such as those at Brienon-sur-
allow the working surface to be adjusted relative to lavoirs. Here he introduced a formal sensibility
Armançon and Tonnerre (Yonne), are almost invis-
to the water level. This mechanism was often used rarely found in such rural locales, thereby raising
ible from the street, except for their rooftops
to upgrade older structures, such as the lavoir of architectural standards throughout the region.
emerging from the ground. These austere win-
Mirebeau-sur-Bèze (Côte-d’Or), where the plat- Healthy rivalries soon arose among neighboring
dowless lavoirs have spacious, brightly lit court-
form engineering was refitted in 1904. communes and lavoirs became prime manifesta-
yards lined with colonnades that surround shim-
tions of the town’s sophistication and wealth. As
mering central water basins, and cloisterlike cir-
GOING TO THE SOURCE a result, the most remarkable lavoirs are found in
culation around their perimeter. Their interiors
clusters, which are especially dense in the
are reminiscent of western India’s stepwells and
Many hill towns lacking an adjacent river built Franche-Comté region, specifically in the Haute-
other inhabitable wells, such as Orvieto’s Pozzo di
lavoirs directly over a spring. These structures, Saône, a department made rich by exploiting its
San Patrizio.
often embedded in a hillside, are particularly dense forests for wood production. Architects of 7
prevalent in arid regions such as Provence and the Haute-Saône were particularly fond of the
FREESTANDING LAVOIRS
the lower Alps. Because their flowing water is Palladian Serlian motif. Other regions of exuber-
fresh and pure, these lavoirs are often part of a ant lavoir architecture and equivalent wealth are
When engineers devised new systems for pump-
complex that includes a potable water fountain the wine valleys, specifically the departments of
ing and channeling water, the lavoir became inde-
and trough. The course of water always follows the Yonne and Côte-d’Or in Burgundy, as well as
pendent of natural water sources. Once flowing
the same hierarchy between tasks: drinking foun- the valley of the Gironde near Bordeaux (the
water could be achieved in any location, a broad-
tain, followed by trough, then by the washing Bordelais).
er range of forms was possible; these were no
basins. Cattle would always take upstream prior- In the South of France, freestanding lavoirs main-
longer conditioned by site constraints but
ity over the cleaning of laundry. tained a lower profile and retained much of their
responded to broader social needs. As the lavoir
The vaulted space of each lavoir results from its vernacular character. The Midi-Pyrénées,
came to reflect a town’s modernity, its wealth, and
urban site. Most hill towns of Provence are built Languedoc, and Provence were not prosperous
the cleanliness of its citizens, its external form
on an infrastructure of vaulted retaining walls wine-producing regions at the time, and their
became increasingly independent of its interior.
stepping down the south face of the mountain warmer climate did not necessitate enclosing the
Function was expressed on the interior, and sym-
side. Lavoirs naturally occurred under one of the lavoir, which often consisted only of a simple
bolism on the facade.
vaults and several are located under the town water basin occasionally sheltered by a free-
Following the discovery of Pompeii’s ruins in
square, reinforcing the justification of a vaulted standing roof. These lavoirs are autonomous
1748, Parisian architects developed a penchant
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open-air pavilions rather than buildings. They age closets were cleared of six-months worth of
Due to financial constraints, the lavoir was built
offer protection from sun or rain but not wind. linens, sheets, and shirts—mostly whites. These
as a single-story structure only. The beautiful
Subsequently, a wall was often erected between piles of soiled laundry, kept in humidity-free oak
complex of Jaugey (Côte-d’Or) combines a foun-
columns on the side facing the prevailing winds. armoires or attic granaries throughout the year,
tain with a two-basin lavoir framing a chapel to
In the valley of the Rhône, most lavoirs are closed were soaked at home in basins filled with water
Saint-Fiacre. The gurgling of flowing water mixes
to the north because of the Mistral, a strong and for an entire day to loosen the rough stains and
melodiously with the sound of the bell crowning
cold local wind coming down from the Alps. By grease. During that time, women collected fire-
the campanile, making this elegant edifice an
thus exposing the laundresses to public view, the wood and ashes to be used the following day.
unusual union.
southern lavoir renounced the sober civic aura of On the second day, referred to as “hell,” the women
Today public functions such as those of the post
the Franche-Comté model in favor of the visible sorted the linens and carefully layered them in
office or office of tourism might occupy the upper
reality of working-class women with their crude large pine basins mounted on tripods, at the bot-
level of a lavoir—if not the space of the lavoir
vocabulary and penchant for gossip. tom of which were placed herbs with bleaching
itself—although it is clear that such spaces were
Nevertheless, the sight of the structure’s stones properties. Depending upon the region, or the
originally intended for different public uses. Even
impressed by centuries of demanding physical individual woman’s family secrets, these herbs or
private residences occasionally exist above
work commands an admiration and respect digni- other organic matters varied from vine shoots to
lavoirs, with multiple examples in the town of
fied of architectural monuments. chopped iris rhizomes to nettle. Saponin and
Chartres (Eure-et-Loir).
crushed egg shells were especially known for
FUSION BUILDINGS their whitening properties, which sweet clover
LAUNDRY DAYS
served as moth repellant. In Provence, thyme, fen-
The expense of constructing lavoirs often taxed a nel, or lavender (Latin: lavere—to wash) were also
It is not permitted to use the beater or to hold
village’s limited resources, and so a range of dual- used to perfume the laundry. A heavy sheet cov-
loud conversations from 8 PM to 7 am. —Vence,
function buildings emerged. The most common is ered the basin and ashes made of freshly cut
Alpes-Maritimes
the lavoir-mairie, which combines the two most wood were spread on top. Such ashes contained a
prevalent civic building programs, lavoir and city high concentration of potassium carbonate, or
The monumental facades of the Franche-Comté
hall, into a single structure. Lavoir-mairies are potash, an effective cleansing agent. Boiling water
lavoirs, with their classical proportions and pub-
found extensively throughout Burgundy, and was then poured over the ashes, and it slowly fil-
lic arcades, reflect the aspirations of those who
there are several in Franche-Comté. This unlikely tered through the many layers before trickling out
facilitated their construction: civic leaders, archi-
combination compensated for the lack of respect from a small aperture at the bottom of the basin.
tects, engineers, and workers, most likely all men.
given to habitués of the lavoir by providing vil- The water was then collected, reheated, and
8 These dignified exteriors contrast with the soft,
lagers a structure that reflected greater civic poured back on top. This cycle was repeated many
dark, humid spaces of the interiors that consti-
pride. It also provided the governing body of a times over the course of the day.
tute the women’s sphere. The following sections
town with an unrivaled edifice, a sensitive issue The third day, “Heaven,” reflected a balance
attempt to revive the atmosphere of the old lavoir,
in villages where the architecture of the lavoir between hard work and social pleasures. It began
a dynamic social place which mirrored the perfid-
often surpassed that of structures used by more with the women gathering to march down to the
ious complexities of life, accentuating the con-
esteemed villagers. lavoir, carrying heavy loads of wet laundry in
trast with today’s empty, silent space that only
This political strategy had variants to please dif- wheelbarrows and in bundles on their heads. This
reflects inverted images in the water’s too stag-
ferent groups, and throughout the country vari- final day at the lavoir concluded with feasting on
nant surface.
ous public functions were paired with the lavoir baskets of food and alcohol in the presence of the
under a common roof. In Sennevoy-le-Haut, the young children who accompanied their mothers.
RITUAL
lavoir is built under the community center. The At the lavoir, often a mile or two out of town,
town of Reulle-Vergy (Côte-d’Or) housed commu- women knelt down in their carrosse or auget, a
The evolution of the lavoir closely followed
nal archives above the lavoir while in Sœuvres personal wooden box with a carpeted bottom,
changes in laundering practices. Lavoirs were
(Yonne) and Dissangis (Yonne), it is paired with that protected them from the spattering of water
originally used only for rinsing during a biannual
the public school. In Le Cordonnet (Haute-Saône), and the hard surface of the ground. They washed
community event, performed over the course of
the plans for the lavoir designed in 1826 included off the ashes that had absorbed the grease with
three days, referred to as the buées, or bugades in
upstairs quarters for the village school teacher. soap, then clobbered the fibers of the laundry in
Provence. On the first day, called “purgatory,” stor-
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villages, such as in Saint-Michel-l’Observatoire

the water with a wooden beater until all remains from the center and flows out toward each end, as
(Alpes-de-Haute-Provence), a sign hung in the
of soapy water were removed. The loads were then in Bourogne (Territoire de Belfort, Franche-Comté)
main lavoir says, “Notice: washing the linen of the
hung to dry either on the lines provided in the or is channeled to each extremity and flows down
ill will be punishable by fine.” Down the road, and
lavoirs or on sawhorses brought for the occasion, through pairs of rinsing and washing basins into
down stream, another lavoir bears the following
or spread on the surrounding bushes and lawns, a common central drain, as exemplified in the
words stenciled on the wall: “Lavoir reserved for
where sunlight would contribute to the bleaching lavoir of Aups (Var) (see color plate 2).
contagious diseases.” In the nearby town of
of whites. Each family aimed to cover the greatest
Forcalquier, a grave incident occurred in 1478,
surface with linen; this display was a source of IMPROVED STANDARDS
after a woman washed the clothes of her hus-
pride for the rich villagers. During the eighteenth
band, who died from the plague, at the lavoir de la
and especially nineteenth centuries, linen was The lavoir’s daily usage prompted transforma-
Bonne Fontaine. The disease contaminated women
considered a capital asset. Brides’ dowries con- tions and ameliorations in its mechanics. Owing
who came to wash sheets, further spreading the
sisted mostly of a collection of embroidered to the increased manipulation of water levels,
epidemic. The town council had to intervene,
sheets, tablecloths, napkins, and towels assem- basins could be raised from the ground to a more
ordering a complete draining of the basins.
bled to last the newlyweds’ lifetime. During the ergonomic height, relieving users of backaches
The lavoir of Saint-Chamas (Bouches-du-Rhône)
eighteenth century the theft of linens met severe and early arthritis. As new lavoirs were built,
is as far downstream as possible. Built on the
punishment because it infringed on the notion of additional components were adapted to preexist-
bank of the Etang de Berre on the Mediterranean,
public faith, and a person caught stealing could ing forms, remediating existing inconveniences.
its waters pour directly out on the beach. It is
be subjected to public beating or shackles. When possible, fireplaces were included in a cor-
commonly referred to as the lavoir des pestiférés,
The traditional buées occurred twice a year, at the ner to heat up cauldrons of hot water to mix with
reserved for linens that have been exposed to lep-
beginnings of spring and autumn. The less fortu- the cold running water, and to provide the lavoir
rosy or the plague.
nate classes and mothers of young children were with much-needed warmth during the winter.
In most lavoirs, the privileged places upstream
obliged to do laundry on a more frequent basis. Occasionally, an enclosed bathroom can be found
were highly coveted, and women would need to
The increased frequency of the practice of wash- in a corner, although it probably was added dur-
wake up early to reserve their spot there. All other
ing prompted laundresses to petition town offi- ing the early twentieth century.
users would inevitably be washing in gray water.
cials for the construction of lavoirs in each neigh- To accommodate weekly cleanings of the basins
In the town of Les Milles (Bouches-du-Rhône)
borhood. Once the lavoir had to be shared on a necessitated by increased deposits from soap-sat-
near Aix-en-Provence, the architect included
daily basis, the traditional schedule of the buées urated water, drainage systems were devised to
lanterns, suspended from the roof structure,
was abandoned. allow for partial use of the lavoir during the
which prolonged the use of the lavoir from the
cleaning. While the washing basins were drained 9
crack of dawn well into the evening, accommodat-
DIVISION OF LABOR and brushed, the rinsing basins were used as
ing a high turnover of users. In most centralized
soaping sinks, until their turn to be cleared and
locations, however, the laundresses were not
Advances in cleaning products and the develop- scrubbed. Overflow drains and an adjustable lock
allowed to disturb the silence of the night. Basins
ment of affordable soap allowed for the washing helped to maintain a stable water level. A
would be cleaned on Sundays only, providing
and rinsing cycles to occur in a single day at the drainage groove toward the bottom of the slanted
ideal working conditions to only one washerwom-
lavoir. Basins were thus divided to allow for washboard stone caught the foam created on the
an, one day a week.
simultaneous washing and rinsing. A hierarchy of water’s surface, while leveled washboard stone
One interesting solution to the high demand for
placement was instilled along the length of the caught the foam created on the water’s surface,
upstream positions can be seen in the multibasin
lavoir, with the rinsing basin always being while leveled portions of the stone were used to
lavoirs of Provence. The flow of water is divided
upstream from all others. The water would then hold soaps.
into parallel circuits, each accommodating a rins-
flow into the washing basin, where whites were
ing and a washing basin—thus multiplying the
given priority over colors, generally pushed far-
desirable spots—before merging back together in
ther downstream. Next came garments with men-
the return water canalization. Another solution
strual blood, followed by cloth diapers, and final-
based on the same principle is to divide the
ly the clothes of the sick, though these were gen-
length of the longitudinal basin into two symmet-
erally outlawed from the public lavoir. In many
rical halves. The flow of water either emerges
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PLATES
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House, Djenne, Mali | 12

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House of the chief of Djenne, Mali | 13

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Street view, Djenne, Mali | 14

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Mausoleum of the Askias, Gao, Mali | Friday Mosque, Agadez, Niger | 15

EarthenArch_quark2.0 2/20/03 9:18 PM Page 16

Friday Mosque, Agadez, Niger | 16

EarthenArch_quark2.0 2/20/03 9:18 PM Page 17

Friday Mosque, Djenne, Mali | 17

EarthenArch_quark2.0 2/20/03 9:18 PM Page 18

Friday Mosque, Djenne, Mali | 18

EarthenArch_quark2.0 2/20/03 9:18 PM Page 19

Friday Mosque,........
Djenne, Mali | 19
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Friday Mosque, Djenne, Mali | 20

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Friday Mosque, Djenne, Mali | 21

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Friday Mosque, Djenne, Mali | 22

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House, Djenne, Mali | 23

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House, Djenne, Mali | 24

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