PROSTITUTION

The profession of prostitution in 19th century Bengal underwent significant changes

due to the introduction of new commercial and administrative relations.
'Beshya' in the Class Structure was reduced to the status of yet another profession
where a person hires out his/her body and sells the skills in the market like a wage
worker. With the societal attribution of moral value to the reproductive system where
woman's fertility was regarded as ' sacred, a prostitute was one hired for body
without the obligation to reproduce.
Sumanta Banerjee highlights the commercialization of social relations, the loosening
of traditional social norms, and the emergence of a new clientele with different
demands and status. It also delves into the multi-level structure of the profession, the
class differences among its practitioners, and the responses of the prostitutes
themselves to the changes taking place in the socio-cultural milieu of their
profession.
A prositute is condemned to the exclusive role of a specialist in sexual entertainment.
Stripped of all emotional and intellectual attributes, she becomes the female body.
Reduced to a source of purely utilitarian needs, her body is required to produce the
regular nocturnal of pleasure . The Beshya represents the ultimate in the Marxian'
concept of alienation in a capitalist society.

In the period preceding the colonisation of Bengal by the British courtesans, fallen
women (those deserted by their husbands, or seduced by lovers to be abandoned
later) were forced to live segregated from the society and Not all of them could be
called professional prostitutes as many had other jobs but their company was easily
accessible to the village male looking for extra-marital or pre-marital sex.

these women were allotted participatory roles in the various social, cultural and some
religious ceremonies. There was a custom in Bengali rural society which laid down
the rule that the making of the image of the goddess Durga could not be perfect
unless it was made from the clay collected from the earth of a prostitute's door steps.

There was also a class of female go- betweens known as 'Kutni.

contrast with these free women inhabiting the peripheral areas of Bengali rural
society, there was another class of women who could be described as the later variant
of concubines. The newly arrive Europeans picked many to be their mistresses.
English missionaries from the beginning of the 19th century were found increasingly
voicing concern over the rapid rise in the number of children "born to Europeans by
native women

Another class of concubines or mistresses came from among the displaced Muslim
musicians and dancers of northern India.
The worst form of concubinage was the system of keeping 'band is' or slave-girls by
rich Muslim households. Sometimes, these women managed to escape-but to be
entrapped in prostitution in the open market.
With increasing famines, rootless and displaced women and girls were sold away by
their famine - stricken parents, singers and dancers fallen on evil days, widows and
daughters from Kulin brahmin families rejected as liabilities by their families, female
slaves seeking escape from captivity, victims of seduction and abduction—formed the
first generation of prostitutes in the colonial world of market economy in 19th
century Bengal.

With colonisation by British New towns emerged and

Prostitutes began to acquire a new utilitarian value among their new clientele in
these towns. Calcutta which was the main centre of trade and administration
colonial administration, emerged as the main flesh-pot for the new patrons of
prostitution in the beginning of the 19th century. It thrived in the city because of the
indirect impact of the British colonial order on the life-style of The Bengali citizens
there

With extensive trade and commerce opportunities, a new class of rich Bengali
appeared which formed the foundation of the clientele in Calcutta. The babu
phenomenon was growing ,and in response to their demands, institutionalisation of
system of prostitu- tion occured through different stages in 19th century Bengal.

Bhabanicharan's 'Naba-bibi-bilash' turns to the prostitute. It describes in details the

various stages in the life of a typical prosti- tute of early 19th century Bengal, from
which we get an excellent idea of how prostitutes were recruited and trained, how
they moved up the social ladder and later how it diminishes.

By the 60s of the 19th century, prostitutuion had expanded, its composition had
changed to a considerable degree, and the clientele had become diversified. Apart
from Calcutta, other mofussil towns and cities of Bengal saw large-scale emergence
of brothels. Red light areas grew in numbers . a new generation of prostitutes had
emerged during this period fromIn British administrative terms, they were
described as 'hereditary prostitutes'and in the Bengali slang of the
underworld as 'dobol khanki'. Secondly, a large number of poor women
came from the depressed castes.

An official report of the late 1860s divided Calcutta's prostitutes into

seven categories
•The first category consisted of "hindu women of high caste who live a retired life,
and who are kept or supported by rich Natives'',

•The second category comprised ' 'Hindu women of good caste, who,
being possessed of small means, live by themselves, receiving a limited
number of visitors of their own, or of a superior caste".

•The third group was formed by '' Hindoo women living under a bareewallah (house-
owner), either male or female, who make advances to them for lodging. These
women receive Hindoo visitors only without distinction of caste."
•The fourth category consisted of "dancing women, Hindu or Mussulman, receiving
visitors without distinction of creed or caste,"

•The fifth, sixth and seventh classes comprised, re- spectively, ' "Mussulman public
prostitutes; low caste Hindu and low Christian prosttutes; and European prostitutes.

contemporary Bengali accounts reaffirm the class distinctions among prostitutes

which were sought to be quantified by British official records.
Among the Muslim prostitutes there seemed to be a tendency to hide their religious
identity.

The responses of the prostitutes themselves to the various experiences involved in

their profession in 19th century Bengal deferred to a great extent. Even though many
Did not have any rational Control over their lives, lived in poverty, and were forced
in prostitution in the other, a new Generation of prostitutes was emerging in the
latter half of the 19th century who seemed to be increasingly vocal in the assertion of
their voluntary choices, individual priorities as well as general grievances.

Manifestations of such responses can be traced to several sources: (i) songs and
sayings current among prostitutes and their pimps and customers in the red-light
areas; (ii) letters of prostitutes in contemporary newspapers; and (iii) reminiscences
of actresses who came from the red-light areas. The songs and sayings of the
prostitutes were primarily about their customers—the rakes and false lovers, the
seducers and gigolos.

A major development in the Bengali cultural field in the I870s was the recruitment of
actresses from the red-light areas to perform in female roles in Bengali plays (since
bhadralok families did not allow their women to perform along with male actors in
the public stage). Actresses like Golap, Jagattarini, Elokeshi, Tinkari and Binodini
left a lasting impression on the contemporary Bengali audience.

Philippa Levine examines the intersection of sexually transmitted diseases,

prostitution, and colonial governance in British India during the late 19th and early
20th centuries. The author argues that the regulation of venereal diseases and
prostitution in British India was a matter of significant political and racial
significance, with implications for colonial rule and gender dynamics. The legislation
aimed at controlling female prostitution and curbing venereal disease in India was
more coercive and directly affected the indigenous urban population, unlike the
legislation in Britain.

the complexities of sexual relations between British soldiers and local women grew
including the existence of approved and registered women for the use of the troops.
It emphasizes the central role of sexual politics in maintaining colonial rule, the
anxiety around miscegenation and homosexuality, and the concerns about
maintaining masculinity and authority in the context of imperial conquest.
The nature of the relationship between British soldiers and local women in India was
complex and varied depending on the rank and status of the individuals involved. For
ordinary soldiers, there were limited choices, with instances of men petitioning to
marry local women or maintaining long-term relationships with mistresses.
However, the authorities preferred to ensure a steady supply of women available for
temporary hire wherever soldiers were stationed. These women were often inspected
and housed conveniently close to barracks. The soldiers themselves occupied an
ambiguous position, with no social standing within the European community in
India, leading to their reliance on local women for various services, including sex.
The soldiers' low status and lack of control over their lives in India contributed to
their reliance on local women for companionship and sexual relations. The
relationships between white officials and local women were of an entirely different
nature, often long-term and less easily detectable

The British control of venereal diseases in colonial India was primarily achieved
through legislation aimed at regulating female prostitution and curbing the
transmission of venereal diseases, particularly among the British military. The
passing of the Indian Contagious Diseases Act in 1868 and the
Cantonments Act in 1864 were key measures in this effort. These laws
organized and supervised the sex trade within military cantonments and
major Indian cities and seaports, directly affecting the indigenous urban
population. The legislation allowed for the supervision, registration, and
inspection of prostitute women, and it was more coercive and extensive
than its domestic counterparts in Britain.
The British authorities in India also established regular examination of women and
hospitals for their reception when diseased. The legislation aimed to control the
health of soldiers by regulating the women with whom they slept, and it was part of a
broader and more uniform effort under direct rule. The regulations were enforced
through a complex pattern of segregation and control
the strength of the British Army in India, as a fighting machine, has been impaired by
disease. With prostitution growing around British Cantons, and spread of Sexually
transmitted diseases, prostitutes were blamed.
Attempts to control the health of soldiers through the control of the women with
whom they slept
came to be established on a more secure and permanent footing in 1860s.

Regulations of prostitution was not visible before but was diverse with different
identities. Post 1857. There were two definitive implications for prostitution.

the repeated failure of the East India Company's surgeons and officers to control
venereal disease among the European soldiery. The decline of long-term,
monogamous relationships between European men and Indian women, and the rise
in shorter-term sexual transactions in and around military cantonments, also played
a role in shaping the legal and moral boundaries surrounding prostitution leading to
condemnation and criminalization.

Erica Wald Mentions that prostitution was deeply problematic. Woman’s identity
was defined as wise and as Bazar Women and there was drastic shift in their
identities becoming more strict.she discusses the transformation of women
previously associated with cultural, religious, and artistic roles, such as courtesans,
devadasis (temple dancers), and nautch girls, into targets of medical and moral
condemnation. The lock hospital system, established to monitor and treat women
suspected of being diseased, faced challenges and criticisms for its inefficacy and
coercive nature These hospitals were intended to detain and treat women suspected
of being diseased, primarily those engaged in sex work, in order to reduce the
transmission of venereal diseases to European soldiers. The system involved periodic
internal examinations of women, with the police, peons, bazaar kotwals, and matrons
playing crucial roles in surveillance and enforcement. The women suspected of being
diseased were detained in the hospital until deemed healthy, and they were not
permitted to leave without obtaining a Certificate of Discharge..

the hospitals failed to produce the expected results in reducing the levels of venereal
disease among the troops, leading to repeated explanations and justifications by
surgeons and commanding officers. This failure ultimately led to the partial abolition
of the lock hospitals in 1810, with reductions and suspensions occurring in
subsequent years. However, despite these official measures, the inspection and
forced treatment of women continued unofficially, and surgeons often adopted
liberal interpretations of the lock hospital rules.
Furthermore, the operation of lock hospitals had broader social and cultural
implications. The system contributed to the moral and legal separation of women
associated with sex work from Indian society, as they were increasingly targeted and
defined in derogatory terms. The hospitals also played a role in reshaping social and
sexual relationships in early nineteenth-century India, promoting a more puritan
vision of distance and discouraging monogamous relationships between European
men and Indian women.

In eighteenth and nineteenth-century India, courtesans, devadasis, and nautch girls

held distinct roles and were perceived differently by society. Courtesans were valued
for their skills in music and dancing and were seen as important members of the
courtly tradition, providing entertainment and education in social etiquette and
poetry to the gentry and aristocracy. Their sexual services were only a small part of
their role, and they were not initially viewed as prostitutes. However, as the
Company's territorial expansion disrupted court centers, the courtesans' cultural and
artistic functions diminished, and they were increasingly perceived as simply
prostitutes by the military and medical administrators.
Devadasis were dedicated to temples at a young age and trained in traditional song
and dance to perform religious rituals. They were also responsible for various temple
duties, and their sexual relations were carefully regulated. Initially, they were seen as
performing an important religious function, and British observers rarely implied any
sexual nature in their descriptions of them. However, missionary campaigns and
medical concerns led to a transformation in the perception of devadasis, and they
were eventually labeled as "temple prostitutes."
Nautch girls were called upon to sing and dance at public and private events, and
British observers initially praised their abilities without necessarily perceiving a
sexual element to their role. However, missionary-led writers and medical
administrators began to refer to them as "prostitutes" in the early 1820s, leading to a
shift in societal perception.
Over time, the roles and societal perceptions of these women changed as they were
increasingly categorized as "prostitutes" by colonial authorities. This redefinition of
their social and legal status was influenced by the failure of the East India Company's
surgeons and officers to control venereal disease among the European soldiery. The
moral and medical boundaries established around these women paved the way for
their later moral condemnation and criminalization, leading to a significant impact
on their societal roles and perceptions.

Veena Talwar Oldenburg provides the nostalgic picture and explores the
unconventional lives of the courtesans in Lucknow, India shedding light on the social
and economic power wielded by these women in the face of colonial and patriarchal
oppression.
The courtesans in Lucknow were not only entertainers but also wielded significant
economic and political influence. Despite facing penalization and debasement under
British colonial rule, they employed various tactics to resist and protect their rights.
These included maintaining two sets of income records, bribing officials, and publicly
refusing to pay taxes. Oldenburg argues that their lifestyle was not complicit with
male authority but rather a resistance to patriarchal values.
the courtesans' lineage, revealing pride in their ancestry and perseverance through
generations of systematic harassment and bans. Oldenburg also highlights the social
and economic reasons that led women to become courtesans, including escaping
from abusive or oppressive situations. The courtesans' life-stories reveal their
resilience and agency in creating a different fate for themselves.
the courtesans' use of strategic pretense and emotional manipulation to gain material
wealth and independence. They mastered the art of nakhra, or pretense, to coax
money from clients, demonstrating their adeptness at navigating a patriarchal
society for their own gain.
the courtesans' unconventional relationships, revealing that many found emotional
and physical fulfillment in relationships with other women. This lesbianism was seen
as a means of finding emotional stability and intimacy within a society that restricted
their autonomy. The courtesans Lost their patronage and prestige with colonialism.
Annexation of Awadh led to their further decline. Many were reduced to common
prostitutes.

Oldenburg draws parallels between the lifestyle of the courtesans and that of male
ascetics, both of which serve as modes of social dissent and subversion of existing
gender norms. Despite the loss of political power, the courtesans' lifestyle continues
to provide women with an alternative means of economic independence and
resistance to patriarchal values.

. she also addresses the impact of missionary campaigns and the erosion of
traditional roles of women in Indian society. the moral and medical boundaries
established in the early nineteenth century were pivotal in redefining the social and
legal status of women deemed "prostitutes."
The interpretations of purity was imposed by the British on the various sections.
They were double edged implications. Some courtesans Excepted the implications,
but many were unhappy as their statuses were loaded with empty promises from the
heart of the city. They were thrown into the periphery.

Nauch Girls :
The ones who danced in the private functions, and may or may not have provided
favours, but now were doomed into prostitution. With the dance forms, losing losing
its status, they were looked down upon.

Devdasis :

Dedicated to God and Temple since young age, they performed and ritual, and when
they came of age, they were married To their deities. In many regions, the first born
sons of Brahman family, could have lations with the Devdasis with Careful regulation
and choice. In South India Royal patronage was commonly given. Children were
given property rights and these relationships brought prestige to the Brahmin family
as sexual relation was only with one person. But they were also looked as sexually
suggestive sources of entertainment.these women often came from lower caste and
condemned by the Dalit groups and other reformist legal changes were introduced
under criminal laws, in the 1860 penal code
Any female sexual act outside marriage was considered unchaste And immoral by the
court. Indian reformist supported the same with leaving the woman with no choice ,
They were banned

Indrani Chatterjee looks into these relationships, more realistically. The native
woman suffered and section labour was assigned with terms like companion, female
friend, house, worker, and their identities as slaves were hidden.

Durbagh Ghosh Further, explain that there was a shift in clientile. “Kothas were
replaced with brothel areas.a