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Battle of Vukovar
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Battle of Vukovar
The Battle of Vukovar was an 87-day siege of the Croatian
Part of the Croatian War of Independence
city of Vukovar by the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA),
supported by various Serbian paramilitary forces, between
August-November 1991 during the Croatian War of
Independence. It ended with the defeat of the local Croatian
National Guard, the near-total destruction of Vukovar and the
killings or expulsion of most of the Croat population.

Although the battle was a significant and symbolic loss for

Croatia, which did not regain control of the town until 1998, it
was also a very costly victory for the JNA and helped to gain
the international support for the Croatian independence. As
such, it is widely regarded as having been a crucial turning
point in the course of the war. [1]

Contents
1 Background on Vukovar
2 Prelude to battle
3 Early stages of conflict The water tower in Vukovar, 2005.
4 The battle: part I Heavily damaged in the battle, the tower has been preserved
5 Opposing forces as a symbol of the town's suffering.
5.1 Croatian forces Date August 25 - November 18, 1991
5.2 Yugoslav/Serb forces Location Vukovar, Croatia
6 The battle: part II Result Yugoslav (Serb) Pyrrhic victory
7 The battle: part III
8 Political aspects Belligerents
8.1 International reaction Yugoslav People's Croatian National
Army Guard
8.2 Croatian reaction
Serbian Croatian police and
8.3 Serbian reaction paramilitaries militias
8.4 Other Yugoslav reaction Local Serb militias Croatian Defence
9 Aftermath Forces (HOS)
9.1 The end of the campaign Commanders
9.2 Captives and war crimes Mladen Bratić† Blago Zadro†
10 Casualties Života Panić Mile Dedaković
10.1 Croatian Branko Borković
10.2 Yugoslav Strength
11 References Up to 36,000, depending Some 2,000 (in
12 See also on the phase of the battle Vukovar)
13 External links Casualties and losses
Unofficial Serbian Official Croatian figures:
figures: 879 dead
1,103 dead 770 wounded
2,500 wounded

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Background on Vukovar
Vukovar is an important regional centre on the border between Croatia and Serbia, situated on the right bank of the
Danube river. It is a major river port and capital of what was, before the war, an extremely ethnically mixed area.
In the Vukovar municipality, which included the town and surrounding villages, the 1991 census recorded 84,189
inhabitants of which 36,910 were Croats (43.8%), 31,445 Serbs (37.4%), 1,375 Hungarians (1.6%), 6,124
"Yugoslavs" (7.3%), and 8,335 (9.9%) others or undeclared.[2]

The town of Vukovar itself was inhabited by approximately 45,000 people at start of 1991. A small majority
(52.98%) of the city's population was reported to be Croats. Serbs constituted 36.28% of the population and other
nationalities made up the remainder. Most of the Croats lived in the town centre, while most of the Serbs lived in
the town's industrial suburbs. Prior to 1990, though, the town's population was largely integrated, with an unusually
high percentage of mixed marriages and people describing themselves as "Yugoslavs" rather than Serbs or Croats.

Prelude to battle
On 25 June 1991, Croatia declared independence from the Socialist Federal
Republic of Yugoslavia. This was strongly opposed by the country's
substantial Serb minority, who took up arms against the Croatian government
across a wide area of the country. They were supported in their opposition by
V
the Serbian leader Slobodan Milošević and by the Serb-dominated leadership u
of the JNA. k
o
At this stage in the Yugoslav conflict, the objectives of Milošević and the v
a
JNA were somewhat different. Milošević sought to support the efforts of the r
rebel Serb communities to secede from an independent Croatia and associate
with a Serb-dominated Yugoslavia. The JNA leadership also supported the
Serb rebellion but went further, aiming to decisively cripple or overthrow the
new Croatian state. According to its former head, Veljko Kadijević, it
planned to advance deep into Croatia, capture the capital Zagreb and destroy Vukovar (Croatia)
its armed forces. Having done this, the new Yugoslavia could dictate its western borders, leaving Croatia as a
rump state shorn of much of its territory. A key element in this plan was the use of heavy armored forces to capture
the Serb-populated region of Eastern Slavonia, and then to advance west from there to Zagreb.[3]

The region was already in the grip of a long-running political crisis. The leading Croatian nationalist party, the
HDZ, had little direct influence in the Vukovar municipality, having won none of the area's five parliamentary seats
in the 1990 elections. In July 1990, the Serb-dominated Vukovar Municipal Assembly came into conflict with the
seceding Croatian national government when it refused to endorse the controversial new Constitution of Croatia,
which downgraded the political status of the country's Serb minority. The assembly was dominated by the League
of Communists of Croatia. A Serb agricultural engineer, Slavko Dokmanović, was elected chairman of the
assembly.

By the spring of 1991, paramilitary militias from Serbia proper – reportedly supported by Milošević through the
Serbian Interior Ministry (MUP) – had established themselves in a number of localities in Eastern Slavonia. Serb
paramilitaries established a base in the Serb-populated suburb of Borovo Selo on the outskirts of Vukovar. Militant
propaganda from both Belgrade and Zagreb added to the tension, radicalising many of the local population and
encouraging each side to view the other in the worst possible light. Tensions were further inflamed by the actions
of hardline members of the ruling HDZ who carried out attacks against Serb civilians and property.[4]

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Early stages of conflict

The first casualties at Vukovar came in May 1991, when two Croatian policemen were taken prisoner in Borovo
Selo. A detachment of Croatian Interior Ministry (MUP) police was sent in to rescue them on 2 May but came
under heavy fire, suffering twelve fatalities and another 20 injured. It was widely reported that the bodies of the
dead were mutilated and put on display by the paramilitaries. In the wake of the Borovo Selo killings, relations
between Croats and Serbs worsened sharply and intercommunal attacks took place in a number of other places in
Croatia over the following months.[5]

As the situation in Eastern Slavonia deteriorated, Serb and Croatian paramilitary groups mounted a sporadic
campaign of violence and intimidation against each other and against civilians. In Vukovar itself the local militia
commander, Tomislav Merčep, gained a reputation for brutality against local Serbs and was eventually removed
from his post by the Croatian government. At least 80 Serb civilians were claimed to have been killed or
disappeared in these incidents.[6] On 9 April 1991, Dokmanović wrote a dramatic letter to Croatian President
Franjo Tuđman declaring "that the current situation in Vukovar is extremely critical and threatens to escalate any
time into inter-ethnic conflict with possible permanent, tragic and unforeseeable consequences, which is
particularly emphasized by [the] increasingly frequent arming of civilian population, which continues and is
causing the atmosphere of fear and absolute lack of confidence of the entire population in any government
institutions."

In an effort to take control of the situation in Vukovar, the Zagreb government removed the municipal assembly
and its chairman from office in July 1991. They were replaced by a government-appointed commissioner, Marin
Vidić Bili. This further alienated the local Serbs, but Vidić appears to have had little influence on the ground in any
case. Throughout July and August 1991, the Croatian government progressively lost control of Eastern Slavonia as
paramilitary forces and local Serb militias, often supported by JNA units stationed in the area, expelled government
officials and set up barricades and minefields.

The JNA took up positions on the other side of the Danube, and JNA gunboats patrolled the river. Sporadic mortar
attacks on Vukovar began in July, and long-range artillery attacks began from early August. By the end of August,
the population of the city had fallen to around 15,000 people. The remainder comprised a mixture of Croatians,
Serbs and other nationalities.[5] Vukovar was by this time largely surrounded by Serb-controlled territory, and from
25 August onwards was subjected to regular shelling and air attacks. There was, however, no attempt as yet to
capture it; the fighting consisted principally of intense exchanges of fire between Croatian- and Serb-held territory.
[7]

The battle: part I

From 25 August Vukovar was under constant artillery and rocket bombardment. In many parts of the country the
real war had started, and by the start of September 1991 the Croatian government had lost control of nearly a third
of the country. Its forces were poorly armed and, without access to heavy weapons, were unable to put up effective
opposition to its better-armed opponents. The JNA, as the national army of Yugoslavia, was still deployed
throughout Croatia and was seen as a major threat to the republic's secession from the Yugoslav federation. It was,
however, already seen to be openly acting in support of the Serb rebellion in the Croatian Krajina and by mid-1991
most Croatians regarded it as a hostile force.

In order to eliminate the threat of the JNA's garrisons and remedy its own lack of heavy weapons, on 14 September
1991 the Croatian government launched an attack on JNA garrisons and arms depots throughout government-held
territory – an offensive dubbed the "Battle of the Barracks". They had already been effectively besieged for a
couple of months but the Croatian forces had not, up to that point, attempted to capture them. The outcome of the

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offensive was mixed; some depots were successfully captured, while others were destroyed or evacuated after
negotiations. Nonetheless, it enabled the Croatian forces to obtain a large number of heavy weapons, it eliminated
a strategic threat to the Croatian rear and it significantly weakened the strength of the JNA.[7]

Vukovar's JNA barracks, in the southern suburb of Sajmište, was one of those attacked on 14 September. The local
Croatian forces were, however, unable to capture it and, in retaliation, the Chetniks (Serbian paramilitaries)
launched a major attack on the southwest of Vukovar from the direction of Negoslavci. 2,000 residents fled,
reporting scores of civilian deaths and mass killings.[5]

In response to the "battle of the barracks", the JNA activated its

strategic offensive plan. The main element of this was the drive on
Eastern Slavonia. The JNA's objectives in the first stage of the battle
were to take the Serb-inhabited areas of Eastern Slavonia plus
Vukovar, then to progress west via Vinkovci and Osijek to Zagreb.

On 19 September a huge column of JNA armor left Belgrade; foreign

journalists reported that it stretched for nearly 10 km and included at
least a hundred tanks, mostly T-55s and M-84s, as well as armored
personnel carriers and numerous towed heavy artillery pieces. The
force crossed the Croatian border on 20 September, near the Serbian
town of Šid. Further support was provided by other JNA units, notably Map of military operations in eastern
Slavonia, September 1991 - January 1992
the 12th (Novi Sad) Corps, advancing from Serbia's Vojvodina
province.[5]

Few problems were experienced in the early days of the campaign, and the JNA took the time to expel non-Serbs
from mixed communities en route, such as at Ilok.[8] Pockets of Croatian defenders outside Vukovar were quickly
routed and fell back to Vukovar. The JNA's 1st Guards Mechanised Division quickly reached the town's barracks
and lifted the Croatian siege of the facility. They also moved to encircle Vukovar. By 30 September the town was
almost completely surrounded; all roads in and out of the town were blocked and the only route in was via a track
through a perilously exposed cornfield.[9][7]

During the period of 14th to 20th September, JNA launched some of the largest tank and infantry attacks at the
city. One of the major attacks in this period was started on September 18th from the north on Trpinjska cesta;
launched by the JNA's 51st Mechanized Brigade's one Mechanized Battalion of about 30 tanks and 30 APCs.
These fell into an ambush, and were almost wiped out. As a result, an area where the fighting occurred was
nicknamed Tank graveyard.[10] In total, about one hundred armoured vehicles were destroyed there, 15 of which
were destroyed by Colonel Marko Babić.[11]

Vukovar was cut off for a time after the village of Marinci, straddling the route out of the city, was captured on 1
October. Shortly afterwards, Vukovar's deputy commander Mile Dedaković - Jastreb broke out through the Serbian
lines to reach Vinkovci. His place was taken by his deputy Branko Borković (known as "Mladi Jastreb", or Young
Hawk). A Croatian counter-offensive was mounted in the second week of October in an effort to break the siege
and succeeded in retaking Marinci. However, the counter-offensive was called off by Croatian President Franjo
Tuđman, apparently at the urging of European Economic Community negotiators attempting to obtain a ceasefire.
The pause enabled the JNA's 252nd Armoured Brigade to retake Marinci on 14 October and consolidate the
captured territory[12]. Vukovar was now fully besieged.

Opposing forces

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Croatian forces
Vukovar was defended by a force of some 2,000 defenders drawn from local militias, the 204th brigade of the
Croatian National Guard (ZNG) and Interior Ministry forces. Although the defenders were routinely castigated as
extreme nationalist Ustaše by the Serbian media, they reflected Vukovar's ethnic mix. As many as a third of
defenders were said to be non-Croats. They were relatively poorly armed with little heavy weaponry, though they
gained some additional weapons following the capture of JNA barracks elsewhere in Croatia.[12] Despite their
small numbers and poor weaponry, they were far better motivated than their opponents, as [in some instances] their
families were located in the town, and they would naturally fight with more vigor and emotion. They also benefited
from the defensive advantages offered by urban terrain.[4]

Dedaković and the defenders' Chief of Staff, Branko Borković, played a key role in devising defensive tactics that
kept the JNA out of Vukovar for a prolonged period of time. They created a unified command structure that created
a single brigade from a number of previously disparate elements. Their tactics centred on the creation of an
integrated defence system that featured the mining of approach routes, roving anti-tank teams, snipers and heavily
fortified defensive strongpoints. This combination was intended to slow down and dissipate JNA attacks to the
point where counter-attacks could force a retreat.

Yugoslav/Serb forces

The attacking force was a mixture of JNA soldiers, conscripts from the Serbian Territorial defence force
(teritorialna obrana or TO), chetniks (Serbian nationalist paramilitaries) and local Serb militiamen. At its largest, it
numbered about 36,000 troops.[7] Although it was in theory far stronger than the Croatian forces and was much
better equipped, it suffered from often low morale, poor leadership, and constant desertions, which reduced the
strength and capability of many units. Many of the JNA soldiers were not Serbs in the first place, a large number
being Bosniaks and Kosovo's ethnic Albanians. By this stage, the non-Serb members of the JNA were not
particularly supportive of either Serbian nationalism or the nominal cause of Yugoslav unity. The non-Serb soldiers
were distrusted by the Serb-dominated officer corps, and many deserted from a battle in which they felt that they
had no stake of their own.

Low morale was a problem for the Serb members of the JNA as well, and desertions and protests were frequent
among the largely conscripted force. The war was unpopular at home and the JNA experienced severe problems in
mobilizing soldiers for the battle. The Army as a whole struggled to explain adequately what it was fighting for (it
was only in October 1991 that its insignia was altered to replace the Communist red star with the Yugoslav tricolor
flag, symbolising its shift from Communist to nationalist ideologies).

The attackers also suffered from a persistent lack of coordination between the various groups involved. Even
within the JNA, there were problems in establishing a unified chain of command between the different corps and
divisions on the battlefield. There were even greater problems in coordinating movements with the Serbian TO
militias, Serbian paramilitary groups and the local Croatian Serb militias. The paramilitaries and militias were
often poorly organised and undisciplined, often drunk, and soon gained a reputation for considerable brutality.
Massive desertions and the casualties suffered by poor organization during the battle led to JNA recruiting people
off the streets in Serbia and sending them to the battle zone, which only worsened their losses.

The battle: part II

From mid-October 1991 to the fall of the city in mid-November, Vukovar was entirely surrounded by JNA and
Serbian forces. Its remaining inhabitants – who included several thousand Serbs – took refuge in communal bomb
shelters which had been built during the Cold War as insurance against a Soviet invasion. A crisis committee was
established, operating from a nuclear bunker underneath the municipal hospital. It organised the delivery of food,

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water and medical supplies, keeping to a minimum the number of civilians on the streets and ensuring that each
bomb shelter was guarded and had at least one doctor and nurse assigned to it.

The hospital was kept busy dealing with hundreds of wounded people; in the latter half of September, it had
received between sixteen and eighty wounded each day, three quarters of them civilians. Despite the building being
clearly marked with the Red Cross symbol it was shelled and bombed along with the rest of the city. On 4 October
the Yugoslav Air Force attacked it, destroying its operating theater. One bomb fell through several floors, failed to
explode and landed on the foot of a wounded man, who survived.[5]

Despite the attacking forces' numerical superiority and far greater firepower, they were unable to dislodge the
Croatian defenders. The JNA's attempts to storm the city were beaten back with heavy losses in manpower and
equipment. Its largely conscript force had no training for urban combat and little desire to undertake such
dangerous work. They were also ill-equipped for such work – the JNA, like other armies before it, found that its
heavy armour was simply not suited for intense urban combat.

Unable to engage the defenders directly, the army instead resorted to intensive long-range artillery bombardments
supported by occasional Yugoslav Air Force bombing raids. By the end of October, much of Vukovar had been
reduced to ruins. Ironically, though, this actually worked to the defenders' advantage; as the Red Army had found at
Stalingrad fifty years previously, a destroyed city offered far more defensive positions than an intact one.

The poor performance of the JNA had been an unwelcome surprise to the Army's high command in Belgrade, and
at the start of October General Života Panić, the commander of the First Army District, was put in charge of the
Vukovar operation. He was accompanied to the front lines by the JNA Chief of Staff, Blagoje Adžić. The two men
were appalled by what they found - a situation which Panić himself described as "chaos".

Panić swiftly made major changes, integrating the paramilitaries into the JNA command structure and putting in
place a single chain of command with himself at the apex. Poorly motivated conscripts were replaced with
nationalist Serb volunteers wherever possible.[5] The Serbian Ministry of the Interior played a crucial role in
facilitating this, organising volunteers from Serbian nationalist parties and clubs and sending them to Eastern
Slavonia. Although relatively untrained, they made up for this with an often xenophobic dedication to the cause.[7]

The battle: part III

In desperate attempt to end this battle, in late October 1991. general
Panić identified the JNA's key weakness as being its inability to carry
out a coordinated assault with well-motivated and equipped troops.
The Croatian defenders had previously been able to defeat the JNA's
disjointed, single-sector attacks but did not have the numbers to defeat
a coordinated attack on multiple sectors.

On 30 October, the JNA launched just such an attack with well-trained

infantry and engineering troops systematically forcing their way
through the Croatian defences, supported rather than led by armour.
Paramilitary forces were used to spearhead the assaults. The JNA Map of the final phase of the Battle of
forces, divided into a northern and southern operation sector, attacked Vukovar
multiple points simultaneously; as predicted, the defenders were unable
to repulse such an attack. On 3 November JNA troops launched a successful amphibious assault across the Danube
to meet up with the Serbian paramilitary "Tigers", led by the notorious warlord Željko Ražnatović ("Arkan"). This

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split the Vukovar perimeter in half, isolating a pocket of Croatian defenders in the suburb of Borovo Naselje. Even
so, the pocket held out until 16 November.

Further south, the JNA's "Operational Group South" systematically cleared the town centre, isolating the remaining
defenders. A key hilltop was captured on 9 November, giving the attackers a clear view of the town. The assault
was largely led by paramilitary troops, with JNA and TO soldiers providing support, especially in demining
operations and close artillery support. By 15 November the defenders had been reduced to isolated pockets, and on
18 November they surrendered.[7]

Political aspects
International reaction
Throughout the siege, the international community attempted unsuccessfully to bring the fighting to an end.
European Community negotiators repeatedly sought to arrange ceasefires, but neither side observed them; some
broke down within hours. By September, some EC members were calling for military intervention by the Western
European Union but this was vetoed by the United Kingdom. Instead, a peace conference was convened at The
Hague, Netherlands, under the chairmanship of Lord Carrington.

Parallel efforts were undertaken by the United Nations, which imposed an arms embargo on all of the Yugoslav
republics in September 1991[13] For the most part, however, neither the UN nor the EC was able to achieve much
beyond issuing plaintive statements asking the combatants to stop fighting. The closest either came to actually
condemning one or other of the two sides was in a statement issued by the EC on 12 November 1991, in which it
condemned the escalation of attacks on Croatian towns by the JNA and Serbian forces.

In terms of international media coverage, there is little doubt that the Serbs were cast as the villains of the battle.
There was no international media presence in Vukovar itself (unlike in the sieges of Sarajevo and Dubrovnik) and
relatively little of the fighting at Vukovar was broadcast to foreign audiences. Western media coverage was
dominated by the simultaneous Battle of Dubrovnik. The British journalist Misha Glenny, who reported from
behind both sides' front lines, comments that the JNA and especially the Serbian paramilitaries in eastern Slavonia
were often extremely hostile to the foreign media, in marked contrast with the relatively open Croatians, who took
every opportunity to portray their cause as a struggle against oppression.[14]

Croatian reaction
Reactions to the battle in Croatia and the rump Yugoslavia varied considerably. Croatians saw the battle for
Vukovar as a life-or-death struggle for the survival of their nation, which they compared to the Soviet Union's
decisive Battle of Stalingrad. The aftermath of the battle was marked by controversy over the Croatian
government's apparent lack of resolve in dealing with the battle. Two half-hearted relief operations were mounted
in October and November but failed to gain any ground. Dedaković and Borković both survived the battle and
spoke out publicly against the government's actions. In an apparent attempt to silence them, both men were briefly
detained by Croatian military police.

From a strictly military point of view, however, there was little to be gained from a Croatian counter-offensive. The
battle of Vukovar had broken the back of the JNA offensive. The town itself was strategically expendable and was,
in any case, probably indefensible. It was virtually surrounded by Serb-held settlements and overlooked Serbia
itself, from where it could be (and was) bombarded and assaulted. Although the Croatian government undoubtedly
felt the sting of defeat at Vukovar, in a strategic context the damage and delays inflicted on the JNA more than
made up for the loss of the town.[7]

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Serbian reaction
The high number of casualties incurred in the battle caused serious popular discontent in Serbia and Montenegro,
where tens of thousands of those receiving draft papers went into hiding or left the country. A near-mutiny broke
out in some reservist units, and mass demonstrations against the war were held in the Serbian towns of Valjevo,
Čačak and Kragujevac. In one famous incident, a tank driver named Vladimir Zivković drove his tank all the way
from the front line at Vukovar to the federal parliament in Belgrade. Many Serbs simply did not identify with the
Croatian Serb cause and were unwilling to see their lives, or those of their children, sacrificed at Vukovar.[15]
Although the great majority of JNA casualties were Serbian, Serbia itself was never formally at war.

In a sign of the popular distaste for the battle, the JNA's attempts to draft further troops for a deeper attack into
Croatia failed dismally. Only 13% of those eligible for the draft actually reported for duty, and by the end of 1991
6,000 cases against deserters and draft-dodgers were pending in Belgrade's military court alone.[16] The failure of
the draft meant that large elements of the JNA's planned offensive into Croatia had to be abandoned for simple
lack of manpower. However despite this failure, the Novi Sad city authorities led by the Serbian Radical Party
decided in 2007 to rename a few of the city streets after men who participated in the Battle of Vukovar. The
opposition councilors left the assembly’s session in protest, however the assembly still decided to support the
renaming[17].

Other Yugoslav reaction

In Bosnia, from where many JNA soldiers had been conscripted, President Alija Izetbegović appealed to citizens to
resist the draft on the grounds that "this is not our war".

JNA conscript soldiers from the Republic of Macedonia participated in the battle, but apparently without much
enthusiasm. Macedonia had just declared its independence from SFR Yugoslavia during the battle (on 08.09.1991.)
, and many conscripts from Macedonia were still held in JNA by the commanding officers, most of which were
Serbs. In 2005, Macedonian Chief of Staff General Miroslav Stojanovski became the focus of international
controversy after it was alleged that he had been involved in possible war crimes following the battle.[18]

Aftermath
The aftermath of the battle was dominated by two principal issues: the JNA's ongoing campaign in Croatia and the
fate of the non-Serbs left in Vukovar when the town fell.

The end of the campaign

The three-month siege tied down some of the best units the Yugoslav Army had, including 2 tank and 6
mechanized brigades in the wider area - substantial part of the Army's tank assault force - which eased the pressure
on other fronts in Croatia. This three-month pause, during which the JNA was concentrating on defeating just one
Croatian infantry brigade, enabled Croatia to complete the mobilization started in October. As a result: when the
battle of Vukovar begun, Croatian Army had less than 20 infantry brigades, which rose to about 60 when it was
over.

The JNA's General Panić was determined to carry forward the JNA's long-delayed advance into Croatia following
the fall of Vukovar. After the battle had ended he moved most of his forces forward toward Osijek, the JNA's next
strategic target. Vukovar itself was largely left in the hands of paramilitaries. Osijek was, however, a far tougher
target than Vukovar. It was a much bigger city, with three times Vukovar's population; it was much better
defended; it had better lines of communication with the rest of Croatia than Vukovar had enjoyed; and the JNA
itself was a depleted force in the aftermath of the battle of Vukovar. Furthermore, Croatian forces were now better

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equipped than they had been at the start of the offensive, thanks to the capture of JNA supplies from former federal
depots.

Osijek was subjected to intensive shelling in preparation for a planned assault but at this point, Serbia's Slobodan
Milošević intervened. The JNA had by now captured most of the Serb-inhabited regions of Croatia and Milošević
had little interest in taking predominantly Croatian-inhabited territory, much less in Panić's goal of toppling the
Zagreb government and putting Croatia under military occupation. Moreover, the ongoing war was causing serious
political difficulties in Serbia. After Milošević compelled the JNA high command to order Panić to end his
operations, ceasefire talks between Serbia and Croatia were opened under the mediation of UN envoy Cyrus
Vance. In January 1992, an armistice was agreed, temporarily ending the fighting in Croatia.[7]

Captives and war crimes

The fate of those captured at Vukovar; both military and civilians; was grim. Many appear to have been summarily
executed by Serbian paramilitaries; journalists visiting the town immediately after its fall reported seeing the
streets strewn with bodies in civilian clothes. BBC television reporters recorded Serbian paramilitaries chanting:

Slobodane, Slobodane, šalji nam salate, biće mesa, biće mesa, klaćemo Hrvate! ("Slobodan
“ [Milošević], Slobodan, send us some salad, [for] there will be meat, there will be meat, we will
slaughter Croats") [9]
”
— chanting Serbian paramilitaries

The defenders of the northern pocket of Borovo Naselje were unable to escape and most are reported to have been
killed.[12] Many of the defenders of Vukovar proper were also killed although some, including the commanders,
successfully broke through JNA lines and escaped to government-held territory. Of the non-Serb civilian survivors,
most were expelled to government-held territory but around 800 of the men of fighting age (civilians and captured
soldiers alike) as well as many other civilians were imprisoned in Serbian prisons. Majority from Vukovar ended
up in the Sremska Mitrovica camp. Although most were eventually freed in prisoner exchanges, some reportedly
died after being tortured.

Many of the Croatians in the Vukovar hospital (around 260 people plus several medical personnel) were taken by
JNA and Serb paramilitary forces to the nearby field of Ovčara and executed there (Vukovar massacre). Three JNA
officers, Mile Mrkšić, Veselin Šljivančanin and Miroslav Radić were indicted by the International Criminal
Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) on multiple counts of crimes against humanity and violations of the
laws of war.[2] The three indictees were either captured or handed themselves in during 2002 and 2003 and stood
trial in October 2005. On 27 September 2007, Mrkšić was sentenced by the ICTY to 20 years' imprisonment for
murder and torture, Šljivančanin was sentenced to five years' jail on charges of torture, but was acquitted on
charges of extermination, and Radić was acquitted.[19] Slavko Dokmanović was also indicted and arrested for his
role in the massacre, but committed suicide in 1998 days before judgement was to be announced.

The Serbian chetniks (paramilitary) leader Vojislav Šešelj has been indicted on a variety of war crimes charges
including several counts of extermination in relation to the Vukovar hospital massacre, in which his "White Eagles"
were allegedly involved.[20] In addition, Croatia has tried a number of Serbs for war crimes committed at Vukovar
– although most of the original indictees either died before they could be tried, or had to be tried in absentia[21] –
and in December 2005 a Serbian court convicted fourteen former paramilitaries for their involvement in the
hospital massacre.[22]

Although the initial attack on Vukovar has not been the subject of war crimes charges, the ICTY's indictment of
Slobodan Milošević characterised the overall JNA/Serb offensive in Croatia – including the fighting in Eastern

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Battle of Vukovar - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Página 10

Slavonia – as a "joint criminal enterprise" to remove non-Serb populations from Serb-inhabited areas of Croatia.
Milošević was also charged with responsibility for exterminations, deportations and destruction of property
conducted in Vukovar, as well as involvement in the hospital massacre.[23]

The hospital massacre is now the subject of a major international feature film currently in development.[24] On 3
August 2007, Croatian media reported that Oscar nominee Toni Collette, is set to be offered the role of Dr. Vesna
Bosanac in the up and coming feature. To this day, Dr. Bosanac remains the director of Vukovar Hospital.[25]

Casualties
Croatian
By the end of 1991, the official figures issued in Croatia showed that approximately 3,210 Croats were killed and
17,393 people injured during the conflict. Most of the casualties resulted from the siege of Vukovar[26]. The exact
numbers of casualties at Vukovar is still unknown. According to official Croatian figures, published by Croatian
Ministry of Defence in 2006, Croatia lost 879 soldiers killed and 770 wounded in Vukovar only.

According to Croatian general Anton Tus, about 1,100 of Vukovar's defenders were killed, 2,600 defenders and
civilians were listed as missing, and another 1,000 Croatian soldiers were killed on the approaches to Vinkovci and
Osijek. He noted that the intensity of the fighting can be judged by the fact that the losses in Eastern Slavonia
between September-November 1991 constituted half of all Croatian war casualties during the whole of 1991.[12]

In his book "Croatian history", published 2004, Croatian historian Ivo Goldstein wrote that Croatian military losses
in the Battle of Vukovar were 2,500 military dead (including forces which helped defence of Vukovar outside the
town).

The CIA estimates Croatian casualties at around 4,000-5,000 dead across Eastern Slavonia.[7]

Yugoslav
Estimates of JNA losses are complicated by a lack of official figures. Former commander of the Novi Sad Corps,
pensioned general Andrija Biorcevic, could not remember how many people he lost, but he said that he believed
that it was not more than 1,500 killed. Biorcevic explained that during the siege of Vukovar, "most of the combat
activities took place from a distance and from well entrenched positions"[27].

The only exact figures of Serbian losses in the Battle of Vukovar published by their side (published by Miroslav
Lazanski, an unofficial spokesman of the JNA and well known military commentator from Belgrade) were 1,103
soldiers and volunteers killed, 2,500 wounded, 110 tanks and APCs destroyed and 2 planes shot down, while
another fell because of malfunction.

In 1997 Tus himself estimated enemy losses in the three months of war to be in the order of 10,000 dead, 600
armoured vehicles, and 23 aircraft[27] (modern Serbian sources, however, say only about 6,000 Serbs and
Yugoslavs were killed or disappeared in the four years of war, including some civilians). During this period, said
Tus, the Croats lost only 1,850 fighters (since then, he gave a higher estimates of Croatian losses).

References

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Battle of Vukovar - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Página 11

1. ^ Scrinia Slavonica br. 2/2002. (http://www.ceeol.com/aspx/issuedetails.aspx?issueid=f9375b6d-30b2-4e00-9335-

63cab422bfb3&articleid=3682c307-db71-474e-aad9-c57ee0f5bb6f#a3682c307-db71-474e-aad9-c57ee0f5bb6f) D. Marijan:
Bitka za Vukovar 1991.(summary in English)
2. ^ a b ICTY, Mrkšić et al Third Consolidated Amended Indictment (http://www.un.org/icty/indictment/english/mrk-
3ai041115e.pdf) , 15 November 2004
3. ^ Kadijević, V. Moje vidjenje raspada (1993)
4. ^ a b Gow, J. The Serbian Project and its Adversaries, p. 159-160 (C. Hurst & Co, 2003)
5. ^ a b c d e f Little, A. & Silber, L. The Death of Yugoslavia (Penguin, 1996)
6. ^ "Danube Carries Something (http://www.ex-yupress.com/feral/feral193.html) ", Feral Tribune, 5 December 2002
7. ^ a b c d e f g h i Balkan Battlegrounds (Central Intelligence Agency, 2002)
8. ^ Gow, J. The Serbian Project and its Adversaries
9. ^ a b Tanner, M. Croatia (1997)
10. ^ (Croatian) Vukovar - Junački otpor trideset puta jačem agresoru (http://www.vecernji.hr/newsroom/news/croatia/
Vukovar/677552/index.do)
11. ^ (Croatian) Umro Marko Babić - odlazak heroja s Trpinjske ceste (http://www.jutarnji.hr/dogadjaji_dana/clanak/art-
2007,7,6,marko_babic,81282.jl)
12. ^ a b c d p. 54 - Noel Malcolm (Foreword), Branka Magas (Editor), Ivo Zanic (Editor) (Nov 2001). "The war up to the
Sarajevo Ceasefire", The War in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina 1991-1995. Frank Cass Publishers. ISBN 0714682012.
13. ^ United Nations Security Council Resolution 713 (http://www.nato.int/ifor/un/u910925a.htm) .
14. ^ Glenny, M. The Fall of Yugoslavia. Penguin, 1994.
15. ^ Stevanović, V. Milošević: The People's Tyrant, p. 70
16. ^ Collin, M (2 April 2001). This Is Serbia Calling: Rock 'n' Roll Radio and Belgrade's Underground Resistance (in
English). Serpent's Tail. ISBN 1852426829. , p. 48
17. ^ Streets named after Vukovar commanders (http://www.b92.net/eng/news/politics-
article.php?yyyy=2007&mm=04&dd=04&nav_category=90&nav_id=40513) (HTML). b92 (4 April 2007 09:34).
Retrieved on 2007-09-30.
18. ^ "Army chief faces Vukovar inquiry (http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/4472382.stm) ", BBC News Online, 25
November 2005
19. ^ Two jailed over Croatia massacre (http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/7016290.stm) , BBC News, 27 September
2007, accessed 28 September 2007
20. ^ ICTY, Vojislav Šešelj Modified Amended Indictment (http://www.un.org/icty/indictment/english/ses-ai050715e.pdf) ,
15 July 2005
21. ^ "Vukovar war crimes trial halted (http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/3765199.stm) ", BBC News Online, 1 June
2004
22. ^ "Serbs jailed for Vukovar massacre (http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/4521520.stm) ", BBC News Online, 12
December 2005
23. ^ ICTY, "Milošević: Croatia: Second Amended Indictment" (http://www.un.org/icty/indictment/english/mil-
2ai020728e.htm) , 28 July 2004
24. ^ The Trinity of Vukovar - A Major Motion Picture (http://www.thetrinityofvukovar.com)
25. ^ Toni Collette glumit će dr. Bosanac? - Jutarnji.hr (http://www.jutarnji.hr/kultura_i_zivot/film/clanak/art-
2007,8,3,vukovarsko_trojstvo,84829.jl)
26. ^ Fourth World Bulletin • (October 1992). Commentary (http://carbon.cudenver.edu/public/fwc/Issue3/croatia-2.html)
(HTML). Fourth World Bulletin •. Retrieved on 2007-09-30. “By the end of 1991, the official figures issued in Croatia
showed that approximately 3,210 Croats were killed and 17,393 people injured during the conflict. Most of the casualties
resulted from the siege of Vukovar. Unofficial Red Cross figures show 25,000 casualties for both sides of the conflict.”
27. ^ a b balkan media & policy monitior (http://mediafilter.org/Monitor/Mon.55-56/Mon.55-56.Vreme4.html) (HTML).
mediafilter (2007). Retrieved on 2007-09-30. “In all truth, Biorcevic could not remember how many people he lost, but he
said that 'he does not believe that it was more than 1500 killed'. Biorcevic explained that during the siege of Vukovar,
most of the combat activities took place from a distance and from well entrenched positions'.”

See also
The Trinity of Vukovar (A new feature film based on the siege of Vukovar) (http://
www.thetrinityofvukovar.com)

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Battle of Vukovar - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Página 12

Vukovar – Final Cut (2006 Croat-Serb documentary film) (http://www.b92.net/specijal/vukovar-eng/

press02.php)
Harrison's Flowers (http://www.harrisons-flowers.com)
Vukovar massacre

External links
HRT film footage of the 1991 siege and bombardment of Vukovar (http://www.youtube.com/
watch?v=G7FQfY3BZq4)
Vukovar, hrvatski grad heroj - istinita priča; Vukovar, heroic city in Croatia - the true story (http://
www.vukowar.com)

Yugoslav wars [hide]

Main Events [hide] Specific articles Participants People

Wars and conflicts 1990 Local states: Politicians:

Slovenian War (1991) • Log Revolution SFR Yugoslavia (SFRJ/ Ante Marković
Croatian War (1991- SFRY) Borisav Jović
95) 1991 FR Yugoslavia (SRJ/ Dobrica Ćosić
Bosnian War (1992-95) FRY) (now Serbia and Zoran Lilić
Croat-Bosniak • Ten-Day War Montenegro) Slobodan Milošević
war (1992-94) • Plitvice Lakes incident Slovenia Milan Milutinović
Kosovo War (1999) • Borovo Selo killings Croatia Momir Bulatović
Preševo Valley conflict • Dalmatian anti-Serb riots Bosnia and Milo Đukanović
(2001) • Battle of Dalmatia Herzegovina Milan Kučan
Macedonia conflict • Battle of Vukovar Kosovo Janez Janša
(2001) • Vukovar massacre Macedonia Franjo Tuđman
• Battle of the Barracks Stjepan Mesić
Background articles: Unrecognised states and Alija Izetbegović
• Lovas massacre
entities: Adil Zulfikarpašić
Partisans • Gospić massacre
Radovan Karadžić
Josip Broz Tito • Baćin massacre Republic of Serbian Milan Babić
Brotherhood and unity • Saborsko massacre Krajina (RSK) Goran Hadžić
League of Communists • Siege of Dubrovnik Republika Srpska (RS) Milan Martić
of Yugoslavia • Operation Otkos 10 Herzeg-Bosnia Fikret Abdić
Croatian spring • Škabrnja massacre Autonomous Province Ibrahim Rugova
Memorandum SANU • Operation Orkan 91 of Western Bosnia Boris Trajkovski
Anti-bureaucratic • Voćin massacre
revolution Armies: Top military commanders:
Breakup of Yugoslavia 1992
Karađorđevo agreement Yugoslav People's Veljko Kadijević
Graz agreement • Operation Maslenica Army (JNA) Martin Špegelj
Serb propaganda • Siege of Sarajevo Yugoslav Territorial Života Panić
• Foča massacres Defense Forces (TO) Momčilo Perišić
Consequences: • Višegrad massacre Slovenian Territorial Janko Bobetko
• Miljevci plateau incident Defence (TORS) Mile Mrkšić
Brioni Agreement Croatian Army (HV) Ratko Mladić
Dayton Agreement 1993 Army of Republic of Rasim Delić
ICTY Bosnia and Sefer Halilović
List of ICTY • Lašva Valley ethnic Herzegovina (ARBiH) Atif Dudaković
indictees cleansing Army of Republika Agim Çeku
Human rights in Srpska (VRS) Dragoljub Ojdanić
• Ahmići massacre
Croatia Croatian Defence Ljube Boškoski
• Operation Neretva '93
Human rights in Serbia Council (HVO)
• Operation Medak Pocket
Kosovo Liberation
Articles on nationalism: Army (KLA)

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Battle of Vukovar - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Página 13

Ethnic cleansing 1994 Macedonian Army Other notable military

Greater Albania (ARM) commanders:
Greater Croatia • First Markale massacre
Greater Serbia • Banja Luka incident Military formations and Blago Zadro
Serbophobia • Operation Bøllebank volunteers: Ante Gotovina
Croatian nationalism • Operation Amanda Jovan Divjak
Serbian nationalism • Operation Tiger Croatian Defence Naser Orić
Forces (HOS) Ivica Rajić
1995 Serbian Radical Party Vojislav Šešelj
Volunteers Mirko Jović
• Operation Flash Knindže Kapetan Dragan
• Zagreb rocket attack White Eagles Željko Ražnatović
• Tuzla massacre Serb Volunteer Guard Nebojša Pavković
• Mrkonjić Grad incident Scorpions Hashim Thaci
Liberation Army of Ramush Haradinaj
• Srebrenica massacre
Preševo, Medveđa and Suleiman Selimi
• Operation Summer '95
Bujanovac (LAPBM) Muhamet Xhemajli
• Operation Storm
National Liberation Ridvan Chazimi-Leshi
• Second Markale massacre Army (NLA) Ali Ahmeti
• NATO bombing of the RS
• Operation Mistral Key foreign figures:
• Operation Sana External states:
• Dayton Agreement Wesley Clark
NATO Bill Clinton
1999 United States Helmut Kohl
Germany Boris Yeltsin
• Račak incident Canada Tony Blair
• Rambouillet Agreement Vatican François Mitterrand
• NATO bombing of the FRY Russia Butros Butros Gali
• Resolution 1244 Austria
• Operation Joint Guardian United Kingdom
France
2001 Italy
Saudi Arabia
• 2001 Macedonia conflict Iran
• Operation Essential Harvest UN (UNPROFOR)
• Ohrid Agreement

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