Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Sangita Dhal 1
Abstract
LGBTQIA+ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, lntersex and asexua~ 11
evolving Issue which needs to be debated in the legislatures and political spa -
general to deconstruct and redefine the narratives which have been lnflu:
by the dominant sociocultural stereotypes. This is important In the context~
the changing scenario worldwide involving the LGBTQIA+ community Wh
assertions are being witnessed to reclaim the democratic space and civil rl&hts"-
give shape to a more egalitarian and lnclusive·civic culture. This article hlghll~
the changing character of the public discourse on LGBTQIA+ community In lndQ
in recent times and its impact on the judiciary and the political system. In the
light of the recent Supreme Court landmark verdict of decriminalising Section
377 of Indian Penal Code (IPC), the present article seeks to examine a Yast
array of possibilities and challenges before the LGBTQIA+ community. The legal
safeguards guaranteed through judicial pronouncements by the Supreme Court
(6 September 2018), however, do not ensure the creation of an enabling social
environment to accept homosexuality as a 'normal behaviour'. Hence, unless
corresponding corrective measures are taken to bring about social reforms for
change of perception towards the homosexuality community, no amount of Jud~
cial intervention will guarantee their inclusion in the mainstream.
Keywords
Identity, sexual minorities, discrimination, diversity, rights, justice
1
Department of Political Science, Kalindi College, University of Delhl, India.
Corresponding author:
Sangita Dhal, Associate Professor, Department of Polltlcal Science, Kallndl Col191e, University d
Deihl, Delhi 110009, lndla.
E-mails: sangltad I S02@gmall.com: sanglt.adhal@kallndl.du.ac.ln
Dhal 35
Introduction
Tw~ decades into the 21st century, democracy as an ideal form of organising
social and political lives of people across the world has witnessed increasing
acceptance and steady growth. Diverse issues concern diverse people with differ-
e_n~ demands fo~ individual and group rights characterising their indigenous iden-
tities and now increasingly finding space in public discourses. This is a sign of
~ture demo~racy accommodating pluralist ambitions of people thereby turning
into _sub~tantive democracy while starting these much-delayed conversations.
Pubhc disc~urse and sexual minority is a case in point, which draws attention of
the academia for the sheer potential it has to turn ordinary democracies into sub-
stant!ve d~mocracies. When public discourse gets this momentum and impacts
pubhc po~1cy and legislative initiatives, democracy at large gets strengthened and
democratic ethos becomes a darling point for citizens to engage in political dia-
logue as a collective. Sexual minorities and their concealed identity remained
outside public discourse for a very long time, before they came out in the open
recently after decades of self-assertion and growing consciousness of their sexual-
ity that took shape in political movements in different parts of the world.
The 21st-century has opened several windows of opportunity in different
spheres of life. Apart from economic and political spheres of the public domain,
individuals' private sphere is now becoming the new domain of self-assertion
where sexual preferences, marital decisions, professional career choice, live-in
relationships and, above all, financial independence are being treated as non-
negotiable democratic rights of individuals belonging to all genders. These
demands are articulated as expressions of democratic aspirations of hitherto
unrecognised and marginalised communities such as sexual minorities.
The perennial conflict between the mainstream society and these minorities
is to be contextualised in the larger framework of patriarchal male-dominated
society. While decoding the complex nature of such society, it is revealed that
democratisation process in the pos,-colonial states lacked depth to effectively
bring about transformation in the society through progressive legislation and
atfmnative actions even after decades of Independence. Hence, democratic aspi-
rations of such minority groups began to get voice and expression today through
new social movements, spearheaded by civil rights activists. This article analy-
ses that the perception of 'sexual orientation' in the social space predominantly
revolves around the heteronormative discourse in the social, cultural and civil
spheres. It also deals with the changing character of the public discourse on
lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer and intersex (LGBTQIA+) community
in India in recent times and its impact on the judiciary and the political system.
Ahistorical overview of the LGBTQIA+ community in India and their journey
of trials and tribulations through the long legal battles coupled with the prevail-
ing sociocultural stigma shall be examined to understand the role of the state and
its responses in tenns of public policy towards the sexual minorities. In the light
of the recent Supreme Court landmark verdict of decriminalising Section 377
of Indian Penal Code (IPC) (dealing with 'unnatural offences' pertaining carnal
~tercourse against the order of nature), the present article seeks t~ examine a
36 Indian Journal of Pubr,c Ad m/ ~ &A, '
+ community. ,
~ast array ofpossibilities and challenges before the LGBTQ~ l\ii
their ciVit ri
mcludcs an alttmpt to explore the prospects of fw1hc:r_advancm~
ed public Po~
and demands which in tum will facilitate the formulation of desir
i~n and status hi~
and_ legislative measures lo legitimise and le~ e their posit
e character of tbt ,
society. The article shaJJ also attempt to examine the conservativ
sociocultural fabric of the Indian society, which denied the LOB
TQIA+ S
deprived thctn
nity their rightful place and democratic space in the polity and Of
their legitimate rights for asserting their identity.
~f trends"'~
In a rapidly globalising world, no nation ~un e to the ~ ty tha t~
n digni
are characterising the new waves ofdemocra~c nghts and huma
such devel opments across the .
the lmger question ofhwnan rights. It is observed that
~~rm of ~~
world have fmmd reso~ce political decision-making in ~e
nties. In thi s~
public policy towards mitigating the concerns ofthe sexual mmo
ds LGBTQ~;
it is pertinent to know the mindset of the popcymakers to~ar
community, which is by and large a reflection of a conservativ
sociocultural reality. ~or the effective exercis~ of their right
s with
e and patriarthal I
free choice, the
the SOCiety to
I
LGBTQIA+ commumty are constantly engagmg themselve
+ COIDIDUJlitiea
explore their own identity. Suppressed for a long time, the LGBTQIA
of life, not only in
in India have rightly demanded their due share in all spheres
c sector and private
employment but also in education and services both in the publi
s of Indian Sexuai
domain. Queer organisations, such as People for the Right
n, through their
Minorities [PRISM], Hamsafar Trust and Naz Foundatio
l mino rities but also
comprehensive efforts catalyse positive change not just for sexua
e society as a whole,
for laying the foundation of an inclusive, diverse and progressiv
Historically, there have been dominant interpretations that have been used to per-
petuate oppressive systems against the sexual minorities as a result of which they
are often rejected and alienated by many religious leaders and religious communi-
ties. It was assumed that individual must exercise control over 'deviant behav-
iour' and succumb to the nonnative idea of family. Any idea that did not fit in the
normal social category offamily space would be relegated to the periphery thereby
creating a binary between the nonnal and the deviant human behaviour. This
binary perception generated counter consciousness among the homosexual class
as it interfered with their natural rights of life and liberty. This awareness resulted
in group consciousness about the state's definition of unnatural behaviour con-
fronting with individual's natural rights.
The non-heterononnative gender and sexuality perceptions have been used in
the Hindu, Buddhist and Jain literature. Scholars and writers like Devdutt Pattanaik
(2018) have pointed to the temple art, scriptures and rituals that have used queer
metaphors to explain metaphysical ideas. Professor Faizan Mustafa (2018) has
rightly asserted that the Judeo-Christian morality had a strong impact on the formu-
lation of the colonial state laws in India. Islam also considers homosexuality as a
sin. Ancient Indian culture and mythology were more liberal as it has been evident
from the character of Shikhandi in the Mahabharata, and Lord Vishnu's female
incarnation as Mohini. Scriptures such as Sushruta Samhita and Chara/ca Samhita
allude to homosexual men and women. Some of the famous ancient temples in
India such as Khajuraho (Madhya Pradesh) and Sun Temple at Konark (Odisha)
also have erotic paintings and sculptures that display qomosexual images which
proves the prevalence of alternative sexuality and its acceptance in ancient times.
In the Victorian Age the state exercised the power on controlling sexuality
where ethics was converted into political issue with the underlying idea of control
38 Indian Journal
= - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -of-Public Administration
---.:.~ 6
by the state on every aspect of individual's life. The narrative centred around
theme of 'personal is political', where the state controlled the personal choic !ht
individuals [the concept of 'govemmentality', developed by Michel Fouca~Of
In The History of Sexuality (Vol. I), Michel Foucault's (2008) subtle distincti t].
between ethics and morality encouraged queer activists to perceive ethics as :
undoing of social practices. c
Although homosexuality came to be recognised an abnormal condition, th
practice ofwhich was considered illegal and ~suited m~e sev~t ofP~slun ~
it also came to acquire a 'voice' that it was hith~ dented. '111!8 1s a classic illUstra,
tion of Foucault's conceptualisation of the relation between discourse and counter,
discourse. He says the cause for homosexuality used the very tools of discoUrse
which were employed to suppress it. The binary between the normal and ~e deviant
generated a counter consciousness ~ong the homosex~ class an~ thett ~otion of
natural rights. What the state is defin1ng as 1mnatural act ts actually mterfenng With
the exercise of individual's natural rights. Many scholars have noted that most of
the texts which have achieved canonical status, do not reflect the voices of wornen
or the sexual minorities rather they are the compositions of elite male members Who
had access to learning and leisure and therefore represent a biased and prejudiced
view expressing the diverse Indian culture and its social norms. (Meera Baindur, an
activist and inter-faith researcher from Bangalore, cited in Georges [2019]). Thus
the correct interpretation of religious texts is necessary to address the pertinen;
problem of discrimination which affects the LGBTQIA+ lives.
iiii
r,::::;;;iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii~==;~;:::==~iiiiiiiiiii
28 countrit1.,
124 countries have 24 countrfes allow recogni'>P
stopped penalising same-sex couples to partner<;hip ,Hllonp
homosexuality marry same ~l'X coupl, ... •
LGBTQIA+ challenge the notion that humans are inbuilt with heterononnatiy.
ity and that homosexuality is a mental illness that is perceived as a deviance to
be corrected by the state and ~ts institutions. Th~se n~tions.as~ume that all things
natural are superior and all things unnatural are infenor. Bntain had sodomy laws
in all their colonies; India was one of the few former colonies that had the anacb.
ronistic law (Section 377 of IPC). In July 1990, Hong Kong decriminalised adult
consensual homosexual acts. In fact, India, Pakistan, Malaysia and Singapore are
the only Asian fonner colonies that still have sodomy laws. Countries such as the
USA and Canada took the first step with decriminalisation and much later recog.
nised the right to remarry (refer Figure 1).
Dhol 41
(Article 21 ): Right to life includes right to live with human dignity and all that
goes along with it. In this regard, Section 377 of IPC is a violation ofArticle 14 of
the .c~nsti~tion since it encourages discrimination against person purely based on
therr deviant sexual behaviour'. The idea that sexual relations must take place
only wi~ the prescribed sexual format shows bias, ignorance and lack of toler-
ance to d1.fferent sexual orientations and different patterns of loving.
In.A~nl 1994, AIDS Bhedbhav VidrohaAndolan (ABVA) filed a petition in the
Delhi High Court demanding for the end of Section 377 ofIPC which criminalises
homosexuality and encourages oppression of the sexual minorities. The underly-
in~ ~e~e o~ the judgement passed by the Delhi High Court in 2009 was that the
crurunahsation of homosexuality was against the principles of liberty, equality
and non-discrimination guaranteed by the Constitution. Both the criminalisation
and legal invisibility of such relations affect the rights of sexual minorities to
equal treatment and opportunities in areas such as employment, housing, public
services and health benefits.
For the resilient LGBTQIA+ members, they hope for a social change by invok-
ing proactive changes in the society and its institutions which puts forth their
views in the right perspective through a multi-pronged approach which includes
the fallowing:
• Situating LGBTQIA+ community in the sociocultural domain
• Mapping the contours of state initiative towards LGBTQIA+ community
rights
• Issue of broader human rights and justice for the sexual minority groups
• Abstract laws are inefficient to reflect the lived experiences of human beings
The government and the judiciary also need to look at how the current laws impact
the lives of the LGBTQIA+ community. By assimilating LBTQI A+ community
through inclusion and meaningful participation in the various socio-economic and
political forums and platforms, the larger goals of promoting composite culture
shall be achieved and a diverse and vibrant cultural fabric of the nation will be
created. Therefore, there is a need to reshape the political landscape with more
assertions from the hitherto marginalised communities like LGBTQIA+ which
will ensure a true democratic inclusive and a just society.
Sexual minorities along with other disadvantaged groups such as Scheduled
Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Classes, religious minorities, disabled
groups and women demand for an inclusive development agenda of the state to
enable them to share the benefit of economic growth and to participate in the
functioning of the state institutions. Despite the diversity within this group, they
come together, as their experiences are shaped by social exclusion from a hostile
social environment and cultural milieu (Verma, 2012).
of sexual minorities. Unless further reforms are introduced in the legal journey,
discrimination against the sexual minorities will never end.
Sexual minorities are vulnerable in public spaces so they must be granted pro-
tection and their right to privacy must be respected. State has to take various con-
certed measures to eliminate the stigma associated with the sexual minorities and
work towards providing them a broad range of entitlements and access to equal
opportunities. According to Justice Chandrachud, LGBTQIA+ members have a
constitutional right to equal citizenship in all its manifestations. However, the
irony is that even now the homosexual couples cannot adopt a child and same-sex
marriages are not legalised (Rajagopal, 2018).
The other issue of concern relates to the reluctance of homosexual men to report
rape or other crimes for the fear of ill-treatment and adverse legal implications,
which has tremendous psychological effects. With the 2018 Supreme Court judge-
ment, the state has to ensure that the law enforcement agencies do not penalise/
punish individuals having consensual sex. Nevertheless, the judgement has opened
up grey areas as India's laws on sexual assault do not recognise men as victims of
rape. The Supreme Court judgement has merely decriminalised homosexuality, but
it has not altered the civil law on it, though the judges have unanimously held the
view that freedom of choice cannot be subject to majoritarian perceptions.
Funding
"2:: :!: received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of
Notes
1. www.nazindia.org
2. RSe~evedA20thl9,_ Septem~er 3 from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National Legal
ervices_ u onty_v._Umon_of_India - -
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