Rise of the Dalits and the Renewed Debate on Caste

Author(s): Rajni Kothari

Source: Economic and Political Weekly , Jun. 25, 1994, Vol. 29, No. 26 (Jun. 25, 1994),
pp. 1589-1594
Published by: Economic and Political Weekly

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/4401398

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 SPECIAL ARTICLES

Rise of the Dalits and the Renewed

Debate on Caste
Rajni Kothari

For long consciousness of caste was the preserve of the brahminic upper castes. Today something quite different
is happening: the very sufferers from the system (including the caste system) are invoking caste identity and claims.
Of course, as there is no clear and well-thought-out ideologicalframework that is relevant to undertaking these
new, struggles, co-optation and buying up, divide and rule by the dominant class or party continues.
But it appears from a variety of indications that the process has started and there is need to provide fresh impetus
and intellectual understanding backed by political action based on new models of coalition-making that cut across
the wide array of deprived and oppressed social strata.

WE are in the middle of a new debate on people, that as the development process also invoking caste identity and claims. Precisely
the age-old issue of caste in a radically gets under way and more and more people those who should seek obliteration of the
changed historical setting both at home and and communities benefit from it all and the divisions and disparities that characterise
globally. It is a setting of growing human sources of poverty, unemployment and the deeply hierarchical nature of the caste
iniquity and widening social chasms within human misery are eliminated, and that as the system are found to use it the most, still
and across nations. But, more pertinently, productive forces get unfolded and the hoping to undermine it by undertaking basic
it has been gradually dawning on us that the dialectic of history gets working, there will transformation in the social order, defeating
various ideological models of dealing with be no need for 'parochial' structures of caste,
the forces of communalism and fascism, and
oppression of the poor and discriminated community, tribe and various feudal vestiges do precisely what the larger secular order
sections of society, protecting their freedom and that people will enter into new has failed to provide: a society free of
anddignity and their sheersurvival as human relationships of a more secular and political exploitation and oppression and indignities.
beings and communities, have proved not kind. These assumptions have since been No doubt, the more such assertion takes
just inadequate but by and large irrelevant. belied. As we think backwards and examine place, the more the backlash from the upper
Meanwhile, the new thinking on economic our record on the promises that were held castes and the well-to-do who find this rise
development is going to exacerbate the out by the system and the dominant ideology of the masses intolerable and something
situation. of 'development' to the poor and the they have never been used to and the more
Acts of brutality and terror continue to oppressed peoples, in which incidentallythe theefforts to divide, confuse and co-opt the
be part of the atrocities perpetuated on the people themselves had reposed a lot of faith, forces of change. As there is no clear and
dalits and other lower classes, the more so we are struck by our incapacity and our well-thought-out ideological framework that
the more they become conscious of their growing powerlessness before the vested is relevant to undertaking these new struggles,
rights and begin to assert themselves. Entireinterests that have acted in concert to take the processes of co-optation and buying up,
communities are found to be in deep turmoil,the system in completely different directions. of divide and rule, by the dominant class or
face constant humiliation and growing It seems to me that there are two main party continues. We are nowhere near the
erosion of their identity and sense of being reasons for this. First, the very agenda of end or even the glimpses of an-end to iniquity
part of civil society, the nation and the state. democratic national building and social and exploitation. But it appears from a variety
Ever so often we hear ghastly tales of these transformation has not been carried through. of indications that the process has started
atrocities taking place in one or another part A'nd, second, we are' finding that Indian and there is need to provide fresh impetus
of the country. The police, the political reality is proving too complex and ridden and intellectual understanding backed by
parties, the bureaucrats in charge are always with deep divisions and paradoxes which are political action based new on models of
found to arrive late on the sceneof rampage. proving unamenable to traditional analysis coalition-making that cut across the wide
Then follow the journalists and the and ideological interpretations. Over time, array of deprived and oppressed social strata.
photographers, the lawyers and the human after showing a lot of patienice and
rights activists. The ministers and the chief forbearance, the people are losing faith and HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF NEW
ministers arrive still later and, so that the are coming to the conclusion that they might UPSURGE OF CASTE
political mileage is not lost, the prime minister have to fend for themselves. This is not to
follows suit in a quick helicopter ride. A be regretted for the essence of the democratic Given this overall statementof the problem,
commission of inquiry is soon announced, process is that people come into their own let me now turn to a somewhat detailed
compensation for the families of the dead and not wait endlessly for the state or the consideration of the theoretical and political
is widely broadcast and in the meanwhile political parti"es to make things better for issues involved in the whole debate on caste
we are told that it was all the work of some them. and its role in social transformation. In the
'anti-social elements' and opposition parties It is against this background that the newly mindless drift from a pursuit of consensus
and groups. This sequence has now become exploding caste identity and consciousness out of a highly diverse and plural set of
a routine in the relationship of the mainstream needs to be viewed. For long consciousness interests and identities to polarisation that
Indian polity with the poor and the oppressed.of caste was the preserve of the brahminic threatens to undermine it all and from
The long-held assumption that as the uppercastes. Today something quite different insistence on national self-reliance and
project of nation-building gets under way is happening: the very sufferers from the sovereignty to integration into the world
and democratic rights are extended to the system (including the caste system) are market the entire social and cultural terrain

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have been thrown into turmoil. It has thrown justice, not as a result of state policy but as caste system. I had developed this view at
the balance between the traditional civil a matter of right, hence sought to be acquired some length in an earlier work, published
society and the modern state into jeopardy, through access to state power. The traditional as far back as 1970,4 where I had argued that
moving away from the earlier 'fit' between liberal view of pluralism is now being "casteism in politics is no more and no less
social diversity and democratic institutions' countered by a more radical interpretation than politicisation of caste" which, in turn,
to a-growing lack of fit between the two of it. leads to a transformation of the caste system.
arising out of aggressive social and This happened both structurally and
ideological assertions based on majoritarian CASTE AND STRUGGLE AGAINST OPPRESSION ideologically. Within the social structure of
claims of a hypothetical community caste a whole variety of new alignments took
(claiming to be a 'religion') and throwing In this upsurge the struggle for social place which undermined the rigidity of the
the political system that was designed to be justice is found to move beyond the logic system-both the splitting and the federating
multi-centred, multi-ethnic and multi-caste of class or of socialismn and thus also of caste, along secular political lines, enabling
out of gear. In the process the state itself has constitutes a major challenge to both the them to bargain with political parties and
become at once more centralised and more politics of the Left and the politics of what adopt organisational forms in keeping with
oppressive, especially vis-a-vis the deprived, are known as the 'new social movements' the demands of the latter.5 Ideologically
the weak, the marginalised (both traditionally alongside being a challenge to the Nehruvi an there took place a basic shift from hierarchy
marginalised and newly marginalised) and perspective that has guided the post- to plurality, from ordained status to
the victimised sections of society. independence elite's thinking on social negotiated positions of power, from ritual
Yet, during the same period (especially in change, economic development, modernisa- definitions of roles and positions to civic and
the last few years), given their disappointment tion, secularism, modern education and political definitions of the same.
with the Indian state on which they had electoral democracy all of which were Of course, as already hinted, in the post-
relied so much for ending their states of supposed to move the country towards a independence period various efforts have
oppression and discrimination-and still progressive, non-hierarchical, non-segmental, been made to reduce the potency of caste
do-the poorer and socially marginalised 'open society'. It is a challenge that is in the social process and in time eliminate
sections, including the ethnic and religious beginning to put on the defensive a large it from the operation of the same. These
minorities, have started seeking out their cross-section of individuals and institutions efforts have not succeeded. Part of this effort
own futures on the basis of their own identitiesthat were hitherto engaged in the task of is based on the idea that as secularism will
and numbers. This has led to a mobilisation 'nation-building' and the building of a undermine communal and religious identities
based on caste, sub-caste (including withifl 'secular' society. For most of them caste it will undermine caste identities as well or,
religious minorities), tribe, ethno-regional continues to be an anachronism. That caste as held by some others, as class consciousness
and such other identities. and caste identity can, under certain grows, caste consciousness will decline. Or
Both mainstream intellectuals and circumstances, prove to be secular for the that with 'equality' of access and opportunity
mainstream political response to such social political process and is able to counter people will be drawn out of their caste and
churning based on caste and caste-like communal parties and ideologies is creed and other traditional identities into the
identities have been at best ambivalent and unacceptable to most of them. When I had modern sector, that modern education will
at worst hostile and contemptuous. In India argued such a case following the adoption make them part of a single and homogeneous
caste has continued to baffle and bewilder of the. Mandal Commission Report by the middle class and that a new conception of
observers, both Indian and non-Indian. As National Front government, leading unity based on national identity will emerge.
a social phenomenon it is considered strange sociologists of thecountry had expressed As this happens both communalism based
and intriguing even among inhabitants of strong disagreement with me.3 I continue to religious assertions and casteism based
on
the land for whom caste and the 'caste system'
hold that position. For me caste can be on traditional identities of both 'varna' and
have had a long pedigree and have been the oppressive but it can also provide a basis 'jati' type will simultaneously go under.
source of both identities and animosities, for struggle against oppression. It can at This pairing of 'caste' and 'communalism'
both horizontal alignments and vertical once be a-traditionaliser and a moderniser. has been most misleading and tends to confuse
exploitation and oppression. This may not It has the potentiality of being a two-pronged the persistence of plural identities with
be so for the mass of the people but is catalyst: as purveyor of collective identity attempted polarisation. The term 'communal
certainly the case with the more educated and annihilator of the same hierarchical order identity' can itself take two wholly opposite
middle classes including the ruling elite from which the collective identity is drawn. forms-identity giving and identity eroding,
whose business it should be to understand Furthermore, certain types of caste subjugating and eradicating-just as
and recognise the social terrain over which mobilisation are also pitched against 'community' can have distinct meanings. It
it presides. On the contrary, there is utter communalism of the religious sectarian can type,
be used in the macro all-encompassing
confusion. Semantically and ideologically hence my characterisation of it as a 'secular form of polarising comniunities or in micro
'casteism' is considered to be at least at par
upsurge' against which the eminent pluralising form as has all along been the
with 'communalism' if not worse. (Many sociologists had expressed their case on the ground in rural India (the former
who have been attracted to the communal disagreement. meaning has acquired some sway only of
overtones of Hindutva are against caste It all depends on the activisation and late). With the entry of the democratic
raising its head to register old or new claims deepening (as against stagnation and flatten- political process the pluralistic micro
on the system.2) This growing politicisation ing or regression) of the democratic process. perspective took precedence over the
of caste is found to be even mnore It was argued very early by M N Srinivas
polarising macro attempt that was carried
disconcerting with the changed focus of and others that with the coming of democracyover by some from pre-partition days and
claims and demands on the part of those whocaste got a new lease of life. This is being in the meanwhile the diverse micro processes
press their caste identities: from economic said now with much greater vehemence. Theadded up to a new macro structure of society-
advancement to social status and political point is that caste does resurface as a result politics interaction-until the old macro view
power. The pluralism that has all along been of the democratic process but in its reverberated with a bang after the challenge
there and has been accepted as inherent to resurfacing it gets transformed. Indeed, one thrown to it by the Mandal phenomenon.'
the Indian social terrain is now being can argue that 'casteism in politics' is an More recently, the polarising thrust has
expressed in an upsurge of equity andagenda
socialfor the very transformation of the received a setback following the state

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elections in 1993 and there seems to be a of the entire social terrain below the new maladies-environmental degradation,
sigh of relief among secular parties and privileged upper castes. violation of the status of women, destruction
intellectuals; it seems that the Indian polity Which way the phenomenon of caste will of tribal cultures and the undermining of
has an inherent capacity to contain extremities take Indian society it may be too early to human rights-none of which are in and by
and polar positions when these are say. Much will depend on the vitality as themselves transformative of the social order.
overstretched, a sort of refusal to get into against erosion of the democratic process, They are in that way quite different from
a dark alley or an abyss of total destruction. of the ability of the intellectuals to impart revolutionary ideologies of the past. But
But whether the forces of Hindutva have social -eontent to the development process their basic weakness lies in their beiiig so
been rolled back for good is by no means and the extent to which the growing heavily fr-agmented. In this they are not any
clear. Nor is there any clue as to what will convergence between the forces of different from earlier attempts at social
take its place. It should also be remembered privatisation and globalisation and the change or from the nature of party politics
that it was not the parties or the intellectuals theology of a religious monolith represented that we have had. Fragmentation that is short
who rolled it back but rather a large upsurge by Hindutva can be contained. But whichever of total disintegration has been the hallmark
of both consciousness and political assertion way it goes, there is no gainsaying the of Indian society. That it is partly based on
on the part of the dalit masses on the one importance of caste in the social process in the very pluralism of Indian society which
hand and the Muslim middle level leadership the coming decades. allows it to 'hold' may be true but that it
in UP on the other. It is also not clear as constantly debilitates the entire social process
to who will be the net beneficiary. Will it IMPORTANCE OF CASTE IN THE SOCIAL PROCESS is equally true. Nations that have split as a
not be the same old story of others doing result of'determined polarisation have had
the mobilisation-dissident movements, This is important to grasp as on the one to go through traumas of violence and warfare
grass roots organisations and a section of hand the almost the entire spectrum of secular but have not at the end come out badly, not
opposition-and the old status quo Congress striving, from the liberal to the radical, has worse anyway than steady erosion which too
Party gettingthe benefit of it all, putting both ruled out caste and caste identity as part of entail a lot of violence and a whole series
the major adversary (in this case the BJP) the transformative process while on the other of micro civil wars and secessionist
and the new social forces (in this case the hand there is emerging a new caste movements. Add to this state of
dalit and other lower castes) on the margins. consciousness (sometimes dubbed as caste- fragmentation a high degree of passivity-
Already, the new government in UP is class) which is finding the traditional secular cum-quiescence-cum-confirmity on the part
dependent on the Congress for its survival approach to social transformation as wanting of large sections of the people, and the result
in office. and in effect leaving the truly deprived and is a virtual state of sterility and stupor which
This process is still under way and has of destitute social strata, the dalits in particular is however riven with deep tension, distress
late received new social inputs. It is a highly but other backward castes too, out of the and multiple polarities. A large part of the
complex and turbulent process. While there purview of state power, and arguing for a space occupied by the new social movements
is no doubt that both commualism and the new form of radicalism based on the assertion seems to be suffering from these various
caste system pose dangers to the democratic and the claims of these castes. The secular chafacteristics which have prevented them
polity, they are quite distinct from each otherforces have been expressed in three streams: from being relevant to the truly oppressed
and in the case of caste, can be used in the liberal democratic state operating through and the poor in the form of a solid unified
support of secularising and democratising the institutions of parliamentary democracy movement of the people. They are too
movements. The two can of course combine; and the legal framework of the Constitution fragmented, reactive, ad hocish, providing
the worst of communalism and the worst of which laid down people's rights and the no comprehensive framework of basic social
caste oppression can converge, the former principles of equality and non-discrimination change. Their being anti this or that (anti-
undermining plurality and diversity and the on grounds of caste or creed but provided west, anti-capitalist,' anti-development, etc)
basic democratic vision of the society while no institutional mechanisms for realising the does not make them any more coherent, any
the latter providing new leases of life to the same, also no clear social-as opposed to more relevant to oppressed and peripheralised
brahminic social order the essence of which formally-legal and political-prescriptions; communities.
is contempt for the labouring classes and for the social movements (often called the new
labour as such, especially for the most social movements) that arose to demand NEW 'DALIT' MOVEMENT
arduous and demeaning kinds, the ultimate fulfilment of these rights but also failed
logic of which has been the phenomenon being too fragmented and lacking in real It is against this growing irrelevance of
of untouchability (arising out of the basic transformative quality; and the traditional various grass roots movements that the new
dichotomy between the brahmin, the Left (both parties and intellectuals, of both 'dalit' movement in India is emerging, or
dispenser of knowledge, and the sudra, the Marxist and Leninist-Maoist variety) which seems like emerging. The dalit consciousness
bearer of all variety of physical labour). also lacked in a clear social agenda beyond is by no means limited to the scheduled
There are also inherent limits to the the traditional highly simplistic bourgeois- castes. It has begun to symbolise a much
pluralism represented by the caste system. petty bourgeois-kulak-proletariat depiction broader spectre of the oppressed and hitherto
Pluralism can be as exploitative as other- of a highly complex indigenous reality and excluded social strata. It is based on an
failed to give to the dalits, the backwards
regarding and ameliorative. Plurality can be attempted though by no means still realised
and other oppressed social strata a position
hierarchised, instilled with animus, brutalised. solidarity of the poor and the discriminated
When this is combined with economic in their own organisational structures. I have classes of the people, long held back and
deprivation and traditional attitudes of -said
socialenough on the mainstream liberal frustrated, its leadership divided and bought
pollution it can reinforce the impacts of democratic system's failures above and over, distanced from the masses and co-
corporate capitalism and bureaucratic enough is known about it any way. In what opted within the mainstream and in
hegemonism, and produce a world in which follows I shall deal with the othertwo secular establishment structures and positions. Were
millions are excluded, and made dispensable.7 efforts-the social movements (often called it not for a systematic and continuing
In the process the dalits and other seemingly new social movements) and the ideological onslaught by the rUral upper castes and the
upward mobile castes can be marginalised. Left. real and deadly fear of a political kind held
Alongside.proletarianisation and general As I see it nearly all 'new social out by the emergent brahminic party (the
pauperisation can also take place dalitisationmovements' have emerged as correctives to BJP) and its arrogant cultural expression in

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the form of the VHP which in turn allowed that were hitherto peripheralised by Gandhian camp or among his intellectual
a gradual alignment and realignment with mainstream Hinduism, with some recalling disciples since then. If after almost half a
major minorities (the Muslims in particular), of humanistic and socialist thinkers-M N century since his death large sections of
the dalit phenomenon would not have Roy, Raja Rammohan Roy, many of the old Indian society find him dated or irrelevant
emerged with the power and confidence that liberals who were committed to eradication or too patronising for them to feel one with,
it did in 1993. Even then it is no more than of various evils in Hindu society before so be it. There is no need to immortalise
a beginning for what has happened is Gandhi arrived on the scene and pushed into
him. It is not part of Indian tradition to make
somewhat unexpected even as it has the background the whole social dimension heroes out of history except to make gods
happened. It will continue to remain weak of national liberation.' We have yet to begin and deities out of them and add to the
until its main thrust is merely in terms of to grasp the larger ramifications of the dalit pluralist pantheon that has imbibed in the
demands made on the state for jobs and movement, once it takes roots. It is likely masses attitudes and sentiments that have
positions instead of undertaking transforma-
to rekindle prevailing ideologies with new made them resist monolithic interpretations
rallying points and in the process indigenise
tion of civil society and thereby transforming of either culture or politics. But it has at
the nature of the state, and until the pressure
social theory. the same time pluralised deprivation and
put on its own leadership from the grass suffering as well and, apart from periodic
roots is not strong enough. Also, there are CRITIQUE OF GANDHISM FROM THE OPPRESSEDand fragmentary outbursts of defiance, kept
continuing divisions both within the dalits them disunited in the arena of power. In
and vis-a-vis the backwards and there is Foralongtime now Gandhi andGandhism return they have been recipients of mercy
continuing to be disproportionate depend- have provided important ingredients of ('daya') and patronising by the elite.
ence on personalities most of whom happen indigenous and alternative thinking, both Knowingly
in or unknowingly, Gandhi fell
to be unreliable in the long run. All the same, India and to an extent globally. Gandhi will prey to the patronising tradition. The dalit
in rolling back the threat of fascism combined continue to be relevant, given his in many challenge to the Gandhian legacy is part of
with fundamentalism the role of the dalit ways highly original challenge to the vision a new stirring of consciousness among the
movement is likely to prove historic. and perspective held out by the west. But subjugated which rejects patronising and
The dalit movement is also distinctive in we should not be surprised if within India insists on their rightful share in the power
some other respects compared to the new his appeal suffers a decline and erosion. structure of society.
social movements or the 'alternatives There is a fast emerging critique of the And yet, despite this challenge to diverse
movement' on major issues, especially in Gandhian approach to,the basic crises facing ideological models by the new wave of
respect of the nature of struggle against India, mainly from the ranks of the oppressed.
radicalism represented by the dalit and other
dominant forces. It poses the question as There is a curious paradox in this. Gandhi oppressed and victimised social strata, there
what to emphasise more, western hegemony had the genius of recognising the two issues is as yet no clear and categorical 'new
or caste domination within India, reflecting that divided Indian society and were likely alignment of forces', no real phenomenon
the issue posed much earlier during the to defy its integrity-the oppression of the of solidarity of the lower castes despite
independence movement as to what was dalits on the one hand and the alienation of growing and intensifying conflicts across
more important-social emancipation or the Muslims on the other. And although. hethe hierarchy of the 'caste system'. In fact
political autonomy. What is more important: was forced to devote much, the most of his the parallel often drawn with class is
autonomy (and agitational politics) of the time and his unique techniques of resistance misleading, as is the caste-class idea, perhaps
community or autonomy of the nation in the to the power of the mighty to the movement more so because there has not emerged any
international order? If it is both, how to against the British, he was deeply possessed real class solidarity either, which could have
reconcile the two? We seem to be back to of these two sources of division and given to the consciousness of caste a new
the Ambedkar-Gandhi controversy. The debilitation of the Indian nation and kind of subaltern identity. Doubtless, there
same is the case with the overall critique of civilisation. And yet, in the end, he failed are recognisable ideological as well as interest
modernity and of the western civilisational on both counts. He could not stop partition based bonds at all levels-upper, middle,
thrust that is to a degree central to the and he failed to humanise Hinduism. He lower-but equally strong are the cleavages
'alternatives movement' and to many of the ended heroically, trying to stem the tide of within each. Cutting across them all is a
new social movements. The dalits' communalism through his marathon padyatra 'ruling class' which is controlled by the
expectation and strategy seems to be and
designed
fast unto death in Noakhali and giving brahminic upper castes in politics but also,
to challenge the dominant castes by means his life in defence of the Muslims but in and more potently, in the bureaucracy and
of education, employment and special rights,giving his singular attention to the Hindu- among the intelligentsia as well as the
in short a struggle against theq system that Muslim divide, he gave little time to take surviving-and now reviving-colonial
begins with challenging injustices within it,up cudgels on behalf of his 'harijans' against advisors, capitalist road-rollers and high
thinking of the struggle against imperialismthe caste Hindus. There was also something professionals who are able to foster and
and other such things as of second order wrong with his whole model of reconstructing manipulate the diverse cleavages at all levels,
importance. Or, as some of them would say, of India of the future. Mere stresson reviving including the newly emergent level of the
re-define the nature of imperialism in village economy and decentralisation of the dalits and the OBCs. And yet, it is the latter
essentially social terms-both globally and state apparatus was not enough. He failed that provides the possibility-a new
locally. to give attention to the social power structurepossibility-of radical change. Not only is
Similarly, carrying further such a that pervaded it all. Today his model is a new generation of leaders on the upswing,
perspective, the more the social question seriously being called into question, and exuding both a new confidence based on
acquires primacy, the more the return of a rightly so. 1, for one, do not find anything new alignments of voters and a more basic
wholly different set of critics, reformers anduntoward in such questioning. The sooner confidence about carving out a new future
revolutionaries than those propelled by the the Gandhian model is subjected to new for themselves. There is of course no inherent
Congress movement and overshadowed by perceptions of Indian reality-as are the reason why caste should have become the
Gandhi-Ambedkar, Phule, the Periyar, a liberal bourgeois and the Marxist models- basis of such confidence about radical change.
whole variety of regional heroes and 'sants' the better we will be able to creatively It is only because other models of social
(including many from the Bhakti movement) respond to that reality. Gandhi died in 1948 change (provided by liberal democracy, the
revered by various castes and communities, and there has been little new thinking in the new social movements and, as we shall

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presently see, the Marxist Left) have failed Even the niore Maoist groups committed to pastures, engaging both in a backlash against
to fulfil aspirations of the depressed social 'annihilation of class enemy' are riven by the newly emerging forces (as found in the
classes and the minorities-who incidentally caste bickerings arising from domination by recent epidemic of violence in UP) and co-
had for long placed a lot of faith on one or brahmin and brahminic individuals. Some optation of the middle and lower castes, the
ali of these other models-that the relevance of the M-L individuals and groups did join backwards and, most of all the dalits,
of caste as a basis for mobilisation has radical movements of the regional self- especiallv the highly educated and influential
emerged (or re-emerged). determination and ethnic-federal types (e sections
g, thereof who have been able to mnove
in Punjab, Kashmir, Assam and the North- out of the menial and depressing condition
FAILURE OF LEFT MOVEMENT East) leading to a collaboration between two of the toiling masses and who are able to
types of militancy, but failed to address spearhead a movement against the dominant
Which brings me to a consideration of the themselves to the burning social issues. If forces but have instead been 'Sanskritised'.
third stream of secular politics mentioned anything, they have tended to ignore the The Ambedkarite movement too is beset by
above, namely, the Left movement. As with truly oppressed and out-caste social groups, this same virus of endemic co-optation-
the liberal democratic movement and the as for instance in Punjab where the SC and from the old days of the Scheduled Caste
new social movements the Left movement other 'majhabi' elements have continued to Federation and the Republican Party to the
too has failed to produce a basis of real social support the Congress. Dalit Panthers to the various anti-reservation
change. There are many reasons for this. Perhaps the only major exception has been movements to the recent outbreak of the
First, the Left movement ceased to be a the 'Satyashodhak' ideology of caste-class Ambedkar cult. It is by no means surprising
'movement' long back. The assumption that but (a) this has remained confined to a few that the main beneficiary-as well as
the politics of the Left would be based on districts of Maharashtra and even there has propagator-of this cult is a class of IAS
a mass movement that would in turn utilise been unable to evolve a common front bureaucrats and academics. Hence the
institutional spaces within the system has between mahars and other SC groups, and disproportionate, almost exclusive, emphasis
not happened. In fact the reverse has (b) has got bogged down to settling scores on reservations.9 Meanwhile, scared by the
happened: legislative and electoral spaces with CPI(M) -which in its vehement rise of the dalits and their slow entry into
have utilised and manipulated the mass denunciation of such radical dissidence and the middle class professions, the uppercastes
movements. Second, even as a movement its sense of discomfort with anything which are trying to project, through their hold on
to the extent rank and file parties and legitimises caste and caste consciousness the media and manipulations in the rural
continuing concern with ideological issues (even among lowly and the oppressed castes), political arena, a picture of a phenomenal
were still there, it failed to provide the kind has poured scorn and ridicule on it. In some increase in 'casteism' and the outbreak of
of praxis that socially oppressed populations areas it has even collaborated with the 'caste wars' which is how they are
needed. It was at once fragmented and governing class, ineluding the police. On the interpreting local incidents of conflicts and
monolithic ('democratic centralist'), riven whole both the Satyashodhak kind of violence.
by multiple divisions yet providing no real reformation in the Marxist ideology and the
pluralism, no vibrant democratic process in truly grass rootsy and authentic formations I)ALIT-BAHUJAN ALLIANCE
its organisational framework. It was for too like the Kashtakari Sangathana have faced
long-and still is-dominated by upper a determined pincer of right reaction and theAgainst all this experience of continuing,
castes, brahminic in both style and intellectual
establishment Left. let downs and reactions comes the latest
grasp. It provided no -cal fresh alternative The overall result is that whereas the stream of non-Left radicalism, namely, the
to the nationalist secular credo to which it emerging political process propelled by an dalit-bahujan alliance of SCs and OBCs,
is still wedded. In terms of the development upsurge of mass consciousness among the offshoot of the Mandal slogan but couched
paradigm too it is a prisoner of western dalits and otheroppressed groups is definitely in terms not just of achieving social justice
progressivism-cum-technologism, seeking moving leftward, the Left movement itself (which is still based on the idea of making
credibility not from a mass movement but has been unable to strike roots among these the existing state and its power-holders more
by joining the parliamentary democratic and social strata and, through that, in the wider just and accommodative of the lower social
nationalist-secularframework, wholly failing political arena. Instead, completely non-Left strata) but of the dalits and theOBCs grabbing
to provide an alternative to it. Worse still, and socially upper class forces are on the political power.. There are problems with
the main parties (CPI and CPI(M) never upswing-the Tikaits, the Sarad Joshis, the this too. First, the SCs and OBCs have little
really got out of the Congress-Communist Nanjundaswamis and so on, with even in common, socially and organisationally.
honeymoon (even after the emergency sensitive intellectuals and activists in close While the SCs are, relatively speaking,
experience) in the making of which Marxist sympathy with the dalits (Gail Omvedt being structurally homogeneous, the OBCs are
intellectuals and academics of the CP varietya prime example) joining in. There seems internally highly differentiated and
played a leading part; for most of them to be a continuing hold of economism, heterogeneous. Many of the latter are found
crumbs of office and influence proved toodeliberate overlooking of the social to be perpetrating terror on the former in the
seductive. Even later, after full disillusion- dimension, whereas the reality isthat rural centralareas. Second, provoked by the
ment with the Congress, whenever they have to the political crisis facing India is a social phenomenon of co-optation over such a long
been faced by a challenge from the Right, crisis and an important part though not the period, there has emerged a tendency among
they have tended to slip into an opportunistic whole of the social crisis is a crisis of the the dalits to insist on 'autonomous',
alliance with the Congress as against building caste system. Hence the rise of the new exclusivist identity and membership, striking
a viable and-long-term Left alternative ideological appeal wedded to a name other a discordant attitude towards movements
within the system, not to speak of a major than Gandhi and Nehru, Marx or Lenin or and intellectuals and political activists that
revolutionary alternative- to it. Mao, namely, Ambedkarism. are committed to them but belong to other
As for the Naxal groups too, after waging Unfortunately, the Ambedkarite appeal castes. The recent Mayawati assault against
some heroic struggles in various micro and too is riven with both confusion and schism, Gandhian, Lohi aite and leftist efforts to serve
regional settings, most of them have shown spurred by the multi-faced Janus of the dalit cause highlights just this.
signs of exhaustion and have sought entry brahminism. Contrary to common belief, Paradoxically, all this is precisely what can
into the legi.slative-electoral arena, mostly brahminism is not some fixed dogma but is be used by the ruling class and particularly
fielding upper and middle caste candidates. highly adaptable and looking for ever new by the Congress Party by (a) inducting dalits,

Economic and Political Weekly June 25, 1994 1593

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backwards and others in the establishment moving appeals of citizens on the march to Mandal in the form of an upper caste
thus giving them, especially the educated protesting against the agonising reports on brahminic backlash against the threat of an
OBC-dalit-Muslim alignment and that in turn
among them, a sense of triumph but then atrocities, rampages and rapes, the inspiring
it met its waterloo precisely from that
(b) working out concessions of various kinds chronicles of,micro-movements of tribals
alignment, in the Assembly elections of 1993
and co-opting and corrupting them. The BJP and other 'indigenous' peoples struggling to
and since. See my An All-Out Brahminic
too is in the process of devising a strategy retain and enrich their land and forests, their
Offensive against The Masses', The Pioneer,
tihat will cash in on such divisions. ancestral heritage and their holistic January 26, 1993.
The current permeation of this exclusivist worldviews. What the dalit movement needs 3 For the controversy, see my article, 'Caste
notion of identity and struggle in grass roots, to do is to take all this in and to provide and Politics: The Great Secular Upsurge', The
struggle-oriented movements on the Left is a new vanguard of social change. In the Times of India, September 28, 1990 followed
undermining their radical socio-economic process, broad-base and deepen the social by M N Srinivas, A M Shah and B S Baviskar,
striving and making them (including the and cultural terrain of the 'dalit movement'. 'Kothari's Illusion of Secular Upsurge', The
Times of India, October 17, 1990.
Left parties) concede and co-opt."' All this Such an integral vision is not going to be
4 Caste in Indian Politics, Orient Longman,
is producing a new crisis of idenfity of left easy to put on ground. It is not an abstract
New Delhi, 1970.
and radical politics. Coming on top of the academic exercise one is talking about.
5 See Rajni Kothari and Rushikesh Maru, 'Caste
larger crisis of identity of the Left movement,Actually, even as an act of imagination, it
and Secularism in India: Case Study of a
following the collapse of socialism in the does not exist anywhere. At no point in the Caste Federation', Journal of Asian Studies,
global political arena and acute questioning history of ideas has there emerged a truly 25(1), November 1965. Also, Lloyd and
of the Marxist ideology and of Marx (and integrated vision that could steer humanity Susanne Rudolph, 'Caste Associations in
Lenin) individually, this kind of aggressive to a coherent future that could be pursued India', The Modernity of Tradition, University
posturing by the dalits will only put the Left realistically and could mobilise a comtbina- of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1967.
further on the defensive. But nor would it tion of hope and determination. At each 6 See my 'Pluralism and Secularism: Lessons

provide the dalit cause the necessary political juncture in the long travails of the human of Ayodhya', Economic and Political Weekly,
December 19-26, 1992.
base for it to be a catalyst of history. Unless enterprise the normative and ideational efforts
7 On the Dispensability thesis, see my 'Of
the new consciousness aimed at bringing failed to generate relevant interventions in
Humane Governance' and 'The Phenomenon
about radical transformation also sees itself the social terrain that could really reach out.
of Two Indias' in State against Democracy,
as part of a larger social and global movement The Encyclopaedist (who tried to lay an op cit.
opposed to both capitalist and imperialist intellectual foundation for the European 8 Gandhi tried to pursue a simultaneous attack
designs and fundamentalist and fascist social Enlightenment) tried this in vain. We have on the political and socio-economic fronts
forces, both of which are on the upswing tried to show in this paper how the liberal (his own conception of his work being one
(despite the latter being held back as a result democratic variatibn of it and, though much of transcending the dichotomy between social
of the dalits and the Muslims defeating the more radically conceived, the Marxist reform and political struggle, as also the

variation too failed to respond and reach out opposition between the Liberals and the
BJP in UP), they are bound to face the pincer
Radicals in the Congress) by adopting
mentioned above, of backlash on the one to the ideological needs and the praxis that
a 'constructive work programme' whichcould
hand and co-optation on the other. The dalit socially oppressed peoples and communities
take up various issues-from untouchability
movement must emerge as a movement for called for. From the more spiritual and moral and the condition of the tribals to the whole
genuine emancipation, aligning with all social domains, Gandhi and his disciples have failed social arena of education, health and sanitation
action groups engaged in a politics of to reach out to them while the philosophical to his advocacy of khadi and village and
transformation, mobilising them all for a outpourings of Sri Aurobindo and Ramana small-scale industry-and keep the 'armies'
fundamental defeat of the brahminic social Maharshi reached out even less; by and large mobilised by various non-cooperation
order. Where it should seek a change is with they remained confined to the pulpit. Yet movements fruitfully engaged. But there

respect to the present economistic definition precisely may have been the flaw in the whole
the mere fact of the inadequacy of prevailing
approach. For the priority was always the
of such transformation and ask for a ideological models should not numb our
anti-British movement, not social transforma-
fundamentally social re-definition of the senses and detract us from the required efforts
tion. In that lay Gandhi's strength too: he
same. Even the battles against imperialism to pick up the threads and provide a new could make a success of his model of a nation-
and the 'new world order' should be socially beginning. For one must continue to hope wide yet on the whole non-violent struggle
defined, within and across nations. But there and keep struggling so that out of the myriad against imperialism without having to build
is no need to be exclusivist either in terms of churnings of the same human enterprise a a cadre-based party of national liberation. But
caste identity or any other social categorisation. relevant future can take shape. The dalit in that very success lay his failure as a social
There shouldbe no compromising in any such movement in India should be considered as emancipator.
broadbasing but there should be no fear or part of that churning. 9 I happen to be a strong advocate of reservations
but mainly as a means of augmenting both
sense of insecurity either.
Notes the social and the numerical base of the
PERSPECwnVE FOR DALIT MOVEMENT oppressed groups and their ability to permeate
[This paper presents a further development of the
established or freshly conceived institutions
There is no shortage of sensitive and Tenth AKG Memorial LIecture delivered on March
(e g, only thus can panchayati raj institutions
committed people in castes and classes 22, 1994. Parts of it have been used in my 'Caste,
be made socially representative, otherwise
occupying the middle spaces in the country. Communalism and the Democratic Process' to
they will continue to be dominated by the
be published in South Asia Bulletin, Department
One has only to watch the deeply moving rural upper castes and their mafia operations).
of History, Duke University, USA. A much
plays and films, read the highly unnerving But this alone cannot fulfil the needs either
shorter version appeared as 'Dalits of Today:
reportage on social oppression and state of an organic social identity of struggling
Gandhi, Ambedkar Not Relevant', The Times of
groups or the beginnings of a new and relevant
terror, gauge the stirring of the depths of India, May 16, 1994]. ideology.
our consciousness through literary and other
1 See my 'Why Has India Been Democratic' 10 1 found this recently when I was in Andhra
humanistic efforts (the mobilisation of the
published in State against Democracy: In Pradesh even in such radical and to my mind
nation's creative artists and litterateurs after
Search of Hunane Governacice, New Delhi, highly committed political movements like
December6, 1992by Sahmatbeing only one Ajanta, 1988. the Andhra Pradesh Civil Liberties Committee
example of it), alongside the dalit poetry, 2 Indeed, one interpretation of the Hindutva (APCLC) and, at another level, in thie People's
the highly disturbing 'feminist' exposes, the tirade is that it was an almost instant reaction War Group (PWG).

Economic and Political Weekly June 25, 1994

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