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I argue that REG needs to be satisfied for the identical element in the first conjunct to be
deleted.
Keywords: RNR, backward gapping, Turkish, PF-deletion, linearization
NON-SIMULTANEOUS TRANSFERS, CASE DOMAIN FUSION AND THE LIGHT VERB
CONSTRUCTION
Tohru Ishii
This paper deals with the light verb construction in Japanese. The light verb construction
involves the light verb suru 'do' and an argument-taking noun called a verbal noun which is
marked by the accusative case particle. Since Grimshaw and Mester (1988), the light verb
construction has drawn much attention in recent literature mainly due to a paradoxical PF-LF
mismatch in argument linking it exhibits. Given that the light verb suru 'do' is semantically
empty, the arguments in the light verb construction are assigned θ-roles by a verbal noun.
These θ-markings take place within the nominal phrase complement of the light verb suru
'do', which is headed by a verbal noun, given the locality condition of θ-marking, which
requires that θ-marking should take place within the maximal projection of a θ-role assigner.
This suggests that the arguments should be inside the nominal phrase complement. The
arguments, however, may not be marked by the genitive case particle -no, i.e. the case
marking of the nominal system. This suggests that the arguments may appear outside the
nominal phrase complement. It has been widely assumed that while θ-marking is an LF-
phenomenon, Case marking is a PF-phenomenon; the light verb construction exhibits the PF-
LF mismatch. This paper proposes that the nominal phrase complement of the light verb suru
'do' functions only as an LF-phase but not as a PF-phase. I also propose "case domain
fusion," arguing that when more than one case domain overlaps, "case domain fusion" must
take place, where the notion of "case domain" is regulated by the Phase Impenetrability
Condition. It is shown that our proposed analysis straightforwardly accounts for the
paradoxical PF-LF mismatch in the light verb construction. It is also shown that various
properties of the light verb construction like Case marking of an external argument, the
ergativity constraint, the distribution of indeterminate pronouns, and resistance of "bare"
verbal nouns to movement operations follow from our analysis. If our proposed analysis is
on the right track, it presents evidence for the view of non-simultaneous Transfers, where a
syntactic object can be transferred to a single interface (either only to the sensory-motor (S-
M) interface or only to the conceptual-intentional (C-I) interface) during a derivation.
Keywords: Light Verb, PF-LF Mismatch, Non-Simultaneous Transfers, Phase, Case Domain
DATIVES IN JAPANESE
Richard Larson & Naomi Harada
Datives in JPN (and other V-final lgs) raise serious questions for syntactic projection. ENG
PP datives like (1a) are typically assigned layered VPs with theme above goal (1b). Inverting
head order in vP and VP for the equivalent sentence in head-final JPN yields structure (2a), in
which theme precedes goal. But the natural order is (2b), where goal precedes theme. This
situation obtains not only with JPN possessor datives, but also with simple directional datives.
We expect order (3a) under projection counterpart to English, but the unmarked order is (3b).
Dative order in (2)/(3), is in fact part of a bigger puzzle with -ni. In ENG transitive and
intransitive locatives (4a)/(5a), theme projects higher than location (4b)/(5b), hence with
parallel projection for JPN we expect theme to precede loc (4c)/(5c). But in both cases loc
must precede theme. Similar points hold for JPN possessives (6).
We argue that these data reflect no deep differences in projection between ENG and JPN, but
rather a specific fact about -ni. In all the cases above, ni-phrases occur higher than a
structurally-case-marked DP - either DP-o or DP-ga. We propose this is an agreement
phenomenon. Adopting Pesetsky & Torrego’s (2004) theory of feature valuation, we propose
that: (i) ni is not a case-marker, nor a case-probe; and (ii) ni-phrases bear an unvalued,
uninterpreted case feature and can obtain case by agreement via a structural case probe (v,T).
If DP-ni occurs below a structural case probe, but above an element valued for structural case.
DP-ni can agree with the probe before search terminates, and be valued (7a). But if DP-ni
occurs below such a probe, and below the element valued for structural case, search will
terminate before DP-ni is reached, and its case feature will be unvalued, yielding a crash (7b).
SEARCH TERMINATES
b. Probe … DP–NOM/ACC *DP-ni
We propose that Japanese ni-phrases merge in the low positions found in ENG and expected
under θ-theory, but that they A-scramble to the edge of vP/VP, achieving the proper
configuration for agreement. Thus in datives and transitive locatives, ni-phrases occur
between the accusative probe v and o-marked object. In intransitive locatives and possessives,
they occur between the nominative probe T and ga-marked subject.
Keywords: dative Case, double object constructions, concordial Case, Case agreement,
Japanese
(1) [CP3 [CP2 [CP1 [TP [v*P [VP V] v* ] T] C1E-modal ] C2 U-modal ] C3SFP]
This provides evidence for Split CP hypothesis in a sense of Rizzi (1997) by means of
Japanese modal forms and their person restriction phenomena on subject NPs. We claim that
distribution of Japanese modals reveals a rich discourse-interface system of CP-domain.
We explore properties of Japanese modality intentionally focusing our attention on their
forms and syntactic positions. First, we divide Japanese modal forms into G(enuine)-modals and
Q(uasi)-modals and we treat the G-modals only in this paper, because the formal discrimination
between the G-modals and the Q-modals plays a significant role in distilling the genuine
characteristics of Japanese modality from diverse modal expressions. Furthermore, the G-modal forms
are further divided into two types, E(pistemic)-modals and U(tterance)-modals.
Traditional Japanese grammarians observed that Japanese has an agreement-like
phenomenon, that is, person restriction on subject NPs (Nitta 1991) as in (2). (2) shows that the 2nd
person subject sounds awkward in matrix clauses, but this awkwardness is removed when the (a)-
sentence is embedded.
We further explore the following syntactic properties of Japanese modal forms: (i)embedding
in Mikami’s (1973) C-type conjunction clauses, (ii)co-occurrence with Topic –wa. The results of our
investigations are summarized as Table 1 given in (3).
We will show that split CP system gives a unified account for all of the properties of Japanese
modals given in Table 1 Finally, we claim Sentence Final Particles should not be treated as a typical
U-modal form, but as an independent head, that is, C3, in the CP-system.
Keywords: CP-system, person restriction, modal forms, Utterance-modals, Genuine-modals