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DDX ASD DifferentialDiagnosis of Autism Spectrum Disorder
DDX ASD DifferentialDiagnosis of Autism Spectrum Disorder
Differential Diagnosis of
Autism Spectrum Disorder
ii
iii
Differential Diagnosis of
Autism Spectrum Disorder
EDITED BY
K AT H E R I N E K . M . S TA V R O P O U L O S , P H D
AND
J A M E S C . M C PA R T L A N D , P H D
iv
DOI: 10.1093/med-psych/9780197516881.001.0001
9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
CONTENTS
Contributors vii
CONTRIBUTORS
viii Contributors
In the nearly 20 years that DSM-IV criteria were in existence, research had mush-
roomed as had the development of standardized assessment tools geared toward
these criteria. The convergence of DSM-IV and ICD-10 was also a major accom-
plishment and fostered the growth of research worldwide. At the same time, sev-
eral concerns arose relative to this approach to diagnosis, including diagnosis
among the young and the higher cognitively functioning, the need for a better
category class name than pervasive developmental disorder, and so forth (Mayes
et al., 2001; Ozonoff & Griffith, 2000). As part of the DSM-5 process, several im-
portant changes were made, including reliance on standardized assessment in-
struments rather than field trials (Greenberg, 2013).
In DSM-5 (APA, 2013) changes included the use of a new term, autism spec-
trum disorder (ASD), both for autism as a condition and the class of conditions
to which it belongs. The other diagnoses previously recognized in DSM-IV were
dropped. What had been the “triad” of impairments spanning social behavior,
communication, and repetitive and restricted behaviors was condensed in a
3
“dyad,” preserving restricted and repetitive behaviors but merging social and
communicative difficulties into a single domain of difficulties in social commu-
nication and social interaction. This social communication category was made
monothetic; that is, it required that a person demonstrate symptoms across all
three clusters to meet criteria for ASD. The restricted and repetitive behaviors do-
main remained polythetic, but with a reduced number of criteria. Onset in early
life was required. A new diagnosis was included in the communication disorder
section, social communication disorder (SCD), and included individuals with so-
cial language, likely covering some (but not all) the cases previously subsumed
under Asperger’s disorder and pervasive developmental disorder—not otherwise
specified (PDD-NOS). Of note, due to concerns of overstringency, a caveat was
introduced, so that those with “well-established” DSM-IV diagnoses of Asperger’s
and PDD-NOS could retain their diagnoses; this reflected a growing concern that
individuals would lose services with DSM-5. Several other changes were made
in terms of specifiers, for example, with catatonia and severity (see Volkmar &
McPartland, 2014).
Asperger’s disorder was first identified in 1944 (Asperger, 1944) and, in many
ways, set the stage for what has been an ongoing debate about narrow or broader
views of autism. This has become even more of an issue with the recognition of
the broader autism phenotype (BAP; Ingersoll & Wainer, 2014) and the recogni-
tion of the complexity of the genetics of autism (Yuen et al., 2019). Indeed, the
use of the term “autism spectrum disorder” in DSM-5 (APA, 2013) itself reflects
an awareness that while Kanner’s (1943) paper initiated the recognition of classic
cases of early infantile autism, there is indeed a spectrum.
Asperger’s disorder was not officially recognized until DSM-IV (APA, 2001),
and until that time research had been limited, and different views of the condition
had emerged. After its recognition research markedly increased, but continued
concerns about best approaches to diagnosis and inconsistency in diagnostic
practice limited this literature. It was dropped in DSM-5, even though a growing
body of work suggested important distinctions based on neuropsychological
problems, patterns of comorbidity, and family history as different from the higher
cognitively functioning case of autism (Miller & Ozonoff, 1997; Woodbury-Smith
et al., 2005). For example, Chiang and colleagues (Chiang et al., 2014) conducted
a meta-analysis of IQ profile differences in 52 studies of cases of higher func-
tioning autism and Asperger disorder. They noted that across these studies overall
IQ scores were higher in the Asperger group. This group also exhibited higher
verbal as compared to performance IQ, supporting the validity of a distinction
of these two categories. These different profiles have important implications for
intervention.
4
domains of function, ASD tends to affect verbal more than nonverbal abilities;
unsurprisingly, young children with language delays exhibit a similar profile
(Ventola et al., 2007). This pattern appears as early as 12 months of age in children
with ASD (Barbaro & Dissanayake, 2012; Macari et al., 2012) and narrows over
time for many, with overall IQ a potential factor in the magnitude of this discrep-
ancy (see Macari et al., 2020; Stenberg et al., 2020).
Well over a decade of prospective studies of infants at elevated familial like-
lihood of autism (i.e., infants with an older sibling with ASD) offer a window
into the earliest development of children with the syndrome (see Chawarska
et al., 2020) and also reveal that some infant siblings experience deficits strikingly
similar to those with ASD, even though they do not develop ASD themselves.
Distinguishing between these elevated-likelihood infants with the BAP and those
who develop autism can be remarkably difficult during the earliest stages of de-
velopment, as the overlap in behavioral presentation includes key autism symp-
toms at the first birthday (Georgiades et al., 2013; Macari et al., 2012) and into the
second and third year (Chawarska et al., 2014). The fact that elevated-likelihood
infants who do not develop autism can experience a range of autism symptoms
early in development suggests that the genetic liability to ASD is expressed vari-
ably (Chawarska et al., 2020).
Longitudinal follow-up of elevated-likelihood siblings has revealed much in-
sight about the unfolding of ASD over the first year. Delays in language, often the
first issue to trigger parental concern, include impairments in early speech such
as canonical babbling, speech-like vocalizations, and receptive and expressive lan-
guage indexed by standardized measures (see Chawarska et al., 2020). As a group,
12-month-olds later diagnosed with ASD show atypical social communication
and responsivity compared to peers, such as a smaller inventory of gestures, less
frequent social smiling, imitating, showing, requesting, responding to their own
name, and initiating joint attention with an adult social partner (Chawarska et al.,
2020). Restricted and repetitive behaviors, interests, and activities (RRBIAs), the
second core domain of ASD (DSM-5; APA, 2013) begins to appear during the
first year in infants with ASD as they do in typically developing infants. Research
has suggested that these characteristic features of ASD consist of typical behav-
iors that persist beyond the normal and expected developmental timeframe, thus
becoming atypical (Chawarska et al., 2014). Stereotyped body movements and re-
petitive actions with objects are common in all infants during the first year of life,
but when they endure with similar intensity past this age, they become less typical
(Elison et al., 2014; Loh et al., 2007). However, complexity exists in these time-
lines as well, as the various expressions of behavior do not proceed in a uniform
fashion, within either the social communication or repetitive behavior domains
(Elison et al., 2014; Ozonoff et al., 2008).
This increasing awareness of the early developmental picture in infants and
toddlers with ASD has resulted in revisions to the major diagnostic measures
(Gotham et al., 2007; Luyster et al., 2009) and the most recent diagnostic manual,
DSM-5 (APA, 2013). Although the impact of changes in diagnostic criteria from
DSM-IV to DSM-5 on the diagnosis of very young children with ASD is perhaps
6
not yet fully appreciated, several studies have shown some trends. It had long
been understood that, due to the extremely limited inclusion of infants and tod-
dlers in the field trials of DSM-IV, the diagnostic criteria developed at that time
were not entirely applicable to the youngest children (Chawarska et al., 2008).
However, the inherent flexibility of a polythetic diagnostic system was perhaps
advantageous for the diagnosis of very young children, as their symptoms are still
emerging in one area or another at the time of evaluation. Children diagnosed
under DSM-IV with PDD-NOS, which required fewer symptom criteria be met
than Autistic Disorder, might be especially at risk for not meeting criteria under
DSM-5 (Mandy et al., 2012). The main concern regarding the youngest children
with ASD is that they often do not (yet) exhibit the full set of symptoms seen in
older children. Indeed, in a small sample of children between 12 and 36 months
of age, 72% of those diagnosed with a PDD under DSM-IV did not meet ASD cri-
teria using DSM-5 (Mayes et al., 2013).
In DSM-5, changes included the removal of the age of onset criterion
(36 months); construction of two symptom domains (social interaction and com-
munication, plus restricted repetitive behavior) instead of the former triad, with
a monothetic approach to the social communication domain, requiring all three
symptom criteria to be met; specifications regarding the level of severity and im-
pairment; and an indication of whether the diagnosis is accompanied by intellec-
tual disability, language delays, any known medical or genetic conditions, or pre/
perinatal factors. Of all of these changes, the one most heavily addressed empir-
ically has been the shift from a three-domain syndrome to a two-domain syn-
drome and its implications for diagnostic inclusion of children.
One approach to comparing diagnostic models, including those upon which
DSM-IV and DSM-5 are based, examines the factor structure of symptoms.
Guthrie and colleagues (2013) tested the statistical fit of various diagnostic models
in a large group of toddlers with a clinical diagnosis of ASD between 12 and
30 months of age (mean age: 20 months). From the ADOS-2 (Autism Diagnostic
Observation Schedule-2nd edition) Toddler Module, 26 items were selected as re-
flecting the most relevant symptoms for a diagnosis. Data from the toddlers were
submitted to a series of confirmatory factor analyses, which revealed that autism
symptoms measured by this instrument were best organized into a two-factor
solution mirroring that of the DSM-5, in contrast to several other models. This is
perhaps not entirely surprising since diagnostic instruments were central in the
development of the new DSM-5 criteria (Jackson & Volkmar, 2019).
Another way to evaluate the fit of the new criteria is to apply them to the be-
havior profiles of children already clinically diagnosed with the disorder. In two
subcohorts of children under the age of 4 years who were previously diagnosed
with ASD using DSM-IV criteria, sensitivity using DSM-5 was high (0.98, 0.90).
However, specificity against other non-PDD disorders was fairly poor (0.53, 0.40)
(Huerta et al., 2012). Evidence of a DSM-5 symptom included any related ADOS
or ADI-R item with at least a score of 1, which signifies only mild impairment; this
may explain the relatively low specificity. When symptoms were required to be re-
ported by both informants, sensitivity dropped slightly, but specificity improved.
7
However, the age distribution of these cohorts was not reported, so it is unclear
how young some of these children were. While an accounting of why some chil-
dren were missed under DSM-5 (i.e., failure to meet social communication cri-
teria vs. failure to meet RRBIA criteria) was provided for the entire cohort, which
was populated mainly by older children, it was not reported for young subsets of
the sample. Thus, the possible effects of the stricter RRBIA category requirements
and the monothetic nature of the social communication category were not ad-
dressed for very young children in particular.
In young children under the age of 3 years with a mean age of 26 months,
Barton and colleagues (2013) reported that the new DSM-5 criteria were less able
to identify cases of ASD than in the previous study by Huerta and colleagues
(2012), with a sensitivity of 0.84, and with similar specificity (0.55). The authors
tested several variations of the diagnostic criteria for these youngest children. The
strategy of relaxing the repetitive behavior criteria from two of four items to one
of four items provided the best solution in terms of sensitivity/specificity tradeoff
(Barton et al., 2013). These authors discussed a fundamental issue concerning
the mapping of symptoms in toddlers onto the DSM-5 criteria, not an entirely
straightforward task. Indeed, in providing a full explication of the mapping of
specific symptoms onto the DSM-5 criteria between their own study and that of
Huerta et al. (2012), discrepancies in the mappings were revealed. If, even among
experts in the field, there is disagreement over which symptom belongs to which
category, the likelihood of clinicians and researchers adopting “idiosyncratic un-
derstanding” (Barton et al., 2013) and application of symptom mapping in tod-
dlers is high.
One perhaps unintended consequence of the new conventions for those under
the age of 3 years may involve the application of the severity specifier to very young
children. DSM-5 introduced the fourth criterion, requiring that symptoms “cause
clinically significant impairment in social, occupational, or other important areas
of current functioning” (APA, 2013, p. 50). For toddlers, the most relevant area of
functioning is in the domain of adaptive behavior. However, their level of adaptive
functioning may be somewhat more difficult to gauge than that of older children,
as the majority of their time is often spent living in environments with supportive
parents or caregivers, obviating the need to adjust or conform to other people or
environments. One study of toddlers (age 20–47 months) utilized the Vineland
Adaptive Behavior Scales-II (Sparrow et al., 2005) to determine the level of adap-
tive impairment. Indeed, while the vast majority of a group of young children (age
20–47 months) with DSM-IV-diagnosed ASD met the mild impairment threshold
on the Vineland (1 SD below the mean), a substantial proportion of toddlers did
not meet the medium or severe thresholds (Zander & Bölte, 2015). Because there
is no convention for the definition of impairment in either the DSM-5 or in the
field in general, caution in strictly applying the impairment criterion is warranted.
This is particularly true in the case of very young children who all require sup-
port from parents and caregivers, regardless of diagnosis. These studies and others
provided a reason for some concern about very young children with ASD being
adequately identified using DSM-5. The revisions to the diagnostic criteria and
8
structure are likely to impact the composition of the autism spectrum, the amount
of information included in diagnostic reports, and certainly, access to services in
the youngest children with ASD whose symptoms are still in the process of fully
emerging (McPartland & Dawson, 2014).
Gender Issues
Bearing in mind that the diagnostic criteria in use are derived from predomi-
nantly clinical descriptions of boys, the female phenotype has been incompletely
evaluated. Simply put, there is a tacit assumption that diagnostic criteria are ag-
nostic to gender. Indeed, it has been shown that compared to males, females with
ASD require more severe symptoms and greater behavioral and cognitive impair-
ments to receive the diagnosis (Dworzynski et al., 2012). Females are noted to
present with more “internalizing” symptoms than their male counterparts, who
conversely present with more “externalizing” symptoms, which will automatically
alert them to mental health services (Mandy et al., 2012). Moreover, females per-
haps resort to “camouflaging” or “pretending to be normal” more than their male
counterparts, another reason that they may present late (Bargiela et al., 2016).
Consequently, females are likely to be diagnosed later than males. Their diagnosis
has been overlooked during their childhood, and adult services will need to be
alert to the need to effectively screen and diagnose this group. We discuss this
issue in more detail subsequently.
The heterogeneity of symptoms and patterns of onset in individuals with ASD
greatly impacts the time of diagnosis and how well the usual diagnostic instru-
ments assist in the clinical judgment of a diagnosis. Gender issues have, for
society at large, more and more attention over the last years. For ASD, the long-
standing view of male predominance (particularly among the more cognitively
able) has been increasingly questioned (Becker, 2012; Constantino & Charman,
2012; Haney, 2016).
1
Over the past 20 years, findings related to sex differences in ASD have ranged
from revealing sex-specific patterns in behavior and development to reports of
minimal differences between sexes or sex differences that mirror the sex differ-
ences observed in typically developing children. The most consistent finding re-
lated to sex differences is the higher male prevalence. Fombonne (2003) reported
a prevalence ratio of 4.3:1 to 5.5:1 across studies, whereas a recent study showed
a corrected male-to-female ratio ranging between 3.1:1 and 4.3:1 (Loomes et al.,
2017). These estimates vary when controlling for IQ and have been reported to
be 5.75:1 in the normal IQ range and 1.9:1 in children with intellectual disability
(IQ < 70) (Baird et al., 2006; Kim et al., 2011). Although the causal mechanisms
of this predominantly high male-female ratio in ASD and sex differences in beha-
vior and development are widely debated and researched in the current literature,
several theories have been proposed to explain their existence. One of them is
that females need a greater symptom load to receive an ASD diagnosis (Volkmar
et al., 1993), while others have proposed that there exists a female protective effect
(Robinson et al., 2013). As highlighted in multiple studies, females with ASD have
been reported to exhibit lower levels of RRBIAs than males with ASD (Charman
et al., 2017; Frazier et al., 2013), which could be considered related to external-
izing behaviors. Males tend to score higher on indices measuring the externali-
zation of behavior problems, whereas females score higher on indices measuring
internalizing symptoms (Bolte et al., 2011; Hattier et al., 2011; Mandy et al., 2012;
Solomon et al., 2012; Szatmari et al., 2011). Lower levels of sensory issues, better
joint attention (Oien et al., 2017) and less social avoidance (Oien et al., 2018) could
be consistent with findings of better social skills (Chawarska et al., 2016), fewer
RRBIAs (Frazier et al., 2013; Mandy et al., 2012), and less disruptive behaviors
(Dworzynski et al., 2012), contributing to less pronounced ASD symptoms in fe-
males, resulting in a later age of diagnosis or a failure to meet the cutoff criteria
for a diagnosis at all. Furthermore, this finding could indicate that the presence of
impairments in language, motor development, or greater ASD symptom severity
is necessary for females to meet the cutoff on, for example, diagnostic instru-
ments. This could indicate that females with more complex language abilities and
fewer core symptoms are diagnosed significantly later than males (Lai et al., 2012;
Salomone et al., 2015).
Cultural Issues
Until recently, the vast majority of ASD studies has been conducted in Western
and highly developed countries. With the growing awareness of autism as a
worldwide phenomenon, issues of cultural differences in diagnostic expres-
sion, diagnostic practice, and intervention have emerged as an important issue.
Unfortunately, this topic has been the focus, as yet, of relatively little work (see
Freeth et al., 2014). In their excellent review, Freeth and colleagues (Freeth et al.,
2014) have noted some of the more obvious differences in ways symptoms/diag-
nostic criteria might be experienced or reported, for example, relative to things
12
like eye contact. They also point out that the vast majority of research conducted
to date has been within developed, Western cultures. Issues arise with the appli-
cation of methods developed for the screening of autism diagnosis to new cul-
tural contexts. One of the most widely used screening instruments, the M-CHAT
(Robins et al., 2001), has been translated into over 40 different languages, but evi-
dence supporting its usefulness in other cultures is somewhat mixed (Freeth et al.,
2014). Similar issues arise with the application of widely used diagnostic tools. For
example, the ADOS and ADI-R have been widely translated, but some aspects of
these instruments may be problematic both inside and outside the United States
and United Kingdom. A study evaluated the validity of the ADI-R in a U.S.-based
Latino group, with a population of 50 children and adolescents with ASD and de-
velopmental disabilities. Sensitivity and specificity of the ADI-R were moderate,
but lower than previously reported. Validity of the social reciprocity and restric-
tive and repetitive behaviors domains was high, but low in the communication
domain. Findings suggest that language discordance between caregiver and child
may influence the reporting of communication symptoms and contribute to lower
sensitivity and specificity (Vanegas et al., 2016). In one study comparing DSM-5 in
the United Kingdom and Finland, it was noted that for the broader spectrum, the
DSM-5 system worked well in the United Kingdom but not so in Finland (Mandy
et al., 2014). A handful of studies have now explored the cross-cultural usefulness
of screeners and assessment instruments (e.g., Ruta et al., 2012; Bolte, Holtmann
et al., 2008; Bolte, Poustka et al., 2008; Wakabayashi et al., 2007). Of course, issues
of diagnostic practice are only the beginning of a much broader discussion about
what variations in such practice might mean for intervention and how autism is
understood across cultures (Grinker et al., 2015).
It should also be noted that even within the United States some potential con-
cerns of cultural bias of diagnostic tests and screeners have been raised, for ex-
ample, relative to minorities and children from lower-income families (Mandell
et al., 2006; Palmer et al., 2010). In an investigation of the ADOS across racial
groups, Tek and Landa (2012) reported lower communication skills in minority
children compared to White children despite similar maternal and paternal edu-
cation level and socioeconomic status (SES). Because this was not a community-
based study, the authors considered this finding to be an artifact of a selection
bias driven by cultural differences. If, for example, parents from non-White back-
grounds interpret subtle social communication impairments as less atypical than
do White parents, or are more reluctant to seek care from a tertiary clinic and do
so only when their children have more severe symptoms, an overrepresentation of
more impaired non-White children in such clinics could arise.
Screening tools may operate differently in various minority groups. In the case
of the M-CHAT, whether or not the follow-up questions are administered appears
to play a role in the results. Although this screener is intended to be a two-stage
instrument (parent-report items plus an additional parent interview to clarify re-
sponses to items), it is often completed in the real world as a one-stage parent
questionnaire. For parents of Black children, the likelihood of a screen-positive
score on the M-CHAT was higher than for other groups, although this difference
was no longer observed after the follow-up interview was administered (Khowaja
13
et al., 2015). In contrast, a study that utilized the M-CHAT-R/F to identify screen-
positive cases from non-Hispanic White and non-Hispanic Black backgrounds
did not observe any differences by race in scores before or after the follow-up, in
individual item scores, or in the positive predictive value of M-CHAT-R/F scores
for ASD or other developmental conditions (Dai et al., 2020).
Several studies, however, have reported that parents of Hispanic toddlers com-
pleting the M-CHAT-R (either with or without the follow-up questions) were up
to twice as likely to score in the high-risk range compared to parents of either
Black or White toddlers (Kimple et al., 2014; Rea et al., 2019; Windham et al.,
2014). This suggests a greater likelihood of false positives in Hispanic children,
though the reasons behind this elevated rate are poorly understood. This phe-
nomenon may be driven by cultural variability in interpretation of questionnaire
items (Scarpa et al., 2013; Windham et al., 2014). SES appears to also play a role
in screening scores. In a pediatric population of mostly low SES families of a
range of racial/ethnic backgrounds in a rural area, there was a negative rela-
tionship between total M-CHAT scores and level of maternal education, but not
racial background (Scarpa et al., 2013). However, several item scores differed
by race and educational level. Future studies should further investigate the per-
formance of the M-CHAT and other screeners in underresourced and minority
populations.
For many years, co-occurring conditions were overlooked in autism (Joshi et al.,
2010). It is now clear that co-occurring mental health conditions are very common
in ASD (Miot et al., 2019). There may be some clinical situations where the pres-
ence of autism (particularly the high and low ends of cognitive and adaptive
functioning) is missed because either their mental health diagnosis represented
their most significant need at that time, or because ASD was overlooked through
the process of diagnostic substitution (Newschaffer, 2006; Shattuck, 2006). This
phenomenon occurs when signs and symptoms are apportioned to an existing
diagnosis. This is likely to occur in ASD, which is known to have a high rate of co-
occurring conditions (Magiati & Howlin, 2019). Indeed, the phenotypic bound-
aries between some diagnoses are often not clear cut. By way of example, social
isolation and avoidance of contact with others may result from ASD, depression,
anxiety, or even schizophrenia. A competent clinician will be able to differen-
tiate between these by taking a detailed history. However, difficulties during social
interaction with others are also a feature of several personality disorders (PDs),
and these diagnoses typically emerge during adolescence and early adulthood.
Separating ASD from PDs will be more challenging, and the emergence of in-
terpersonal difficulties will require much more scrutiny (Lugnegård et al., 2011).
Although in nosological terms, PDs can be diagnosed in addition to ASD, doing
so requires a very detailed assessment and careful consideration of whether one
or the other of the diagnoses could fully explain symptoms and represent the most
parsimonious conclusion (Lugnegård et al., 2011).
14
SUMMARY
In this chapter, we have reviewed some of the issues that arise relative to the var-
ious “boundaries” of autism—with Asperger’s and the broader autism spectrum,
with age (in the very young and in adults), with gender and culture, and with the
presence of other conditions that may mask or “overshadow” autism, particularly
in adults. The issue of boundaries of autism and related conditions with the broad
range of normal development and behavior remains an important area for future
work (Ingersoll & Brook, 2014) as are the potential genetic contributions to these
phenotypes (Yuen et al., 2019). Issues arise concerning very young children and
adults, particularly female adults, who may be missed in the current diagnostic
system. Gender expression and cultural sensitivity remain very important topics
for future research.
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2
For decades, clinicians and educators have faced challenges in assessing, ad-
dressing, and educating children who bore the diagnoses of both autism spec-
trum disorder (ASD) and intellectual disability (ID). Parents, too, struggled with
priorities: Which should I be most concerned about, the social communication
differences associated with ASD or the delays in development that come with the
ID? However, a preceding clinical challenge is that of accurately differentiating
and diagnosing these disorders, an essential first step in informing educational
and treatment planning.
This chapter will address the issues that arise for clinicians when considering
whether a child meets criteria for ASD, ID, or both, by presenting clinical guide-
lines for assessment of these diagnoses. To set the context for this, a brief intro-
duction to ID will be provided (see Matson, 2019, for a more in depth overview
of ID). The literature documenting the implications of an ID, with or without co-
occurring ASD, on functioning in various domains will be provided as well. Next,
the impact of particular co-occurring diagnoses will be discussed, given that it is
well established that behavior/psychiatric disorders are more likely in children
and youth with ID and/or on the autism spectrum than in those with typical
cognitive development (Baker & Blacher, 2015; Einfeld et al., 2011; Emerson &
Hatton, 2007; Gjevik et al., 2011; Lake et al., 2014; Simonoff et al., 2008; Strang
et al., 2012). To achieve these goals, a case study drawing from the clinical experi-
ences of the authors will be utilized throughout the chapter in order to illustrate
some of the diagnostic, clinical, and practical issues faced across several stages of
the lifespan.
23
INTELLECTUAL DISABILITY
ID has been long defined through two domains: (1) Intelligence, as usually as-
sessed with an IQ test below a score of 70, which is two standard deviations
below the population mean of 100, and (2) Adaptive behaviors, such that the in-
dividual presents with deficits in the skills needed to function adaptively in so-
ciety. The American Association of Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities
(AAIDD, 2010) defines ID similarly, in terms of mental capacity involving rea-
soning, planning, solving problems, thinking abstractly, comprehending complex
ideas, learning efficiently, and learning from experience. Beyond measurement
of ability, the most recent classification in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual
of Mental Disorders (DSM-5; APA, 2013) requires the additional consideration
of the extent and type of supports needed (Boat & Wu, 2015; Patel et al., 2018).
This shift in focus on supports needed reflects a larger trend over the past century,
whereby persons with ID have become increasingly accepted and better served,
as evidenced by more tolerant terminology and enhanced integration into society
(Keith & Keith, 2020).
The most commonly used intelligence test for children is the Wechsler
Intelligence Scale for Children, currently in its fifth edition (WISC-V; Wechsler,
2014). There are preschool (WPPSI; Wechsler, 2012) and adult versions (WAIS;
Wechsler, 2008) of the Wechsler intelligence tests as well. These standardized
assessments capture intelligence through measurement of different constructs,
including verbal comprehension, visual spatial skills, fluid reasoning, working
memory, and processing speed. With respect to adaptive behavior, the Vineland
Adaptive Behavior Scales, third edition, is widely used and includes norms for
ages birth through 90 (VABS-3; Sparrow et al., 2016). Though various categorical
labels are applied based on the measure, adaptive behaviors definitionally include
Conceptual skills (e.g., language, literacy, self-direction); Social skills (e.g., inter-
personal skills, problem solving, ability to follow rules); and Practical skills (e.g.,
personal care, occupational skills, use of money and the telephone).
Therefore, in order to diagnostically rule ID in or out, it is necessary to con-
duct an assessment of both cognitive abilities and adaptive behavior. As such, at
all ages, when ASD and/or ID are being considered as part of the referral ques-
tion, diagnostic assessments should include the following components, shown in
Table 2.1. This assessment battery should be relied upon in most cases, although
if the designation of ID is definitive by standardized assessment tools, there may
be less emphasis on the clinical interview in assessing ID. However, if ASD is
suspected, a clinical interview of parent(s) is advisable for context and possible
trajectory of autism symptoms. Too, given the high rate of comorbidities of be-
havioral and mental health disorders in ASD and ID (Gillberg & Fernell, 2014), it
is often useful to incorporate assessments of these.
24
Across the life span, persons with ID are at much greater risk than their typi-
cally developing peers for experiencing clinically significant behavior and mental
health disorders (Baker et al., 2002; Caplan et al., 2015; Emerson, 2003; Tonge
& Einfeld, 2003). Given this, the American Academy of Child and Adolescent
Psychiatry (AACAP, 2018) has asserted that when ID is being considered, com-
prehensive evaluations must include assessment of socioemotional functioning
and evaluation for co-occurring behavioral/mental health disorders. In under-
standing this elevated risk, the AACAP commented that most children with IDs
recognize that they are behind others of their own age, which can bring frustra-
tion, anxiety, withdrawal, and/or depression. Further, individuals with ID may
not have the language skills needed to express emotions or needs, leading to mal-
adaptive manifestations of their negative emotions through problems in their be-
havior, eating, and sleeping.
Prevalence of co-occurring mental health and behavioral disorders among per-
sons with ID is difficult to summarize, as some studies focus on specific disorders
26
Though many families cope very well, there are wide-ranging effects on family
life when a child has ID, from the emotional impacts (e.g., parent mental health,
27
Clinicians interacting with children with ID must also be aware of the complex
educational and service systems through which families access needed supports.
A thorough and accurate assessment can inform a child’s eligibility for special
education services under the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA).
This 1975 law provides for a free and appropriate public education for children
with a wide range of disabilities, and it gives their parents, or legal guardians,
a voice in the child's education. Individuals with ID are eligible for services
through IDEA from birth through high school (or age 21, whichever comes first).
Recommendations following assessment where a diagnosis of ID was assigned
should include the provision of an individualized education plan (IEP), through
which academic and adaptive skills (e.g., communication, health and safety, social
skills, vocational skills) can be targeted with supplemental supports and services
in school. Given deficits in intellectual functioning, individuals with ID will ben-
efit from being taught skills that have been broken into small steps, using concrete
instructions, with immediate feedback and repetition.
Unfortunately, there are sometimes barriers to accessing such services, even
for those who would be eligible and would benefit. For example, as compared
to urban areas, children with a developmental disability living in rural areas are
significantly less likely to have regular access to mental health, medical, special
education, and early intervention services (Zablotsky & Black, 2020). Further,
children with BIF are likely to be underidentified for special education services,
despite evidence documenting their difficulty learning at a similar pace as their
peers and subsequent risk for school failure (Baglio et al., 2016; Blasi et al., 2020;
Karande et al., 2008). However, high-quality intervention has been shown to have
demonstrable positive effects on the IQ, social skills, and adaptive behavior in
this population (Blasi et al., 2020). In diagnostic assessment for ID, it is essential
that providers, parents, and teachers attend to BIF in order to take advantage of a
powerful opportunity to intervene and enhance outcomes for this group as well.
Given the above introduction to ID and relevant considerations, we will now tran-
sition into discussing what is known about the presentation of ASD and ID to-
gether, as well as identifying clinical guidelines for differential diagnosis of ASD/
ID. However, this discussion must be tempered by the selectivity of autism cases
in the research literature, which has significant implications for our discussion.
Specifically, Russell and colleagues (2019) suggested the presence of a selection
bias, such that populations with ID were umderrepresented across all areas of
autism research. They analyzed 301 studies worldwide and concluded that 94%
of the participants with autism did not have ID. This figure of ID with ASD (6%)
29
contrasts markedly with the studies focused on co-occurring ASD/ID in the lit-
erature, where rates range around 25%. Russell and her colleagues point out that
generally in ASD studies, persons with co-occurring ID were “excluded or rou-
tinely under-recruited,” and thus many studies presumably from the entire autism
spectrum were “actually based on the findings drawn from predominantly non-
ID samples.”
This selection bias is a disservice to the clinical populations of autistic individ-
uals with ID. In fact, the disorder with the greatest rate of clinical co-occurrence
with ASD is ID, with estimates ranging from 25% to 33% of autistic youth also
meeting criteria for ID (Maenner et al., 2020; Matson & Shoemaker, 2009;
Saunders et al., 2015). Similarly, previous studies have consistently found that
of youth with ID, the percentage with co-occurring ASD is approximately 25%
(Arias et al., 2018; Bryson et al., 2008; CDC, 2012; Schalock et al., 2016). Thus, we
would expect about ~25% of children with either diagnosis to have both ASD and
ID. It is also important to note that the presence of other co-occurring conditions
can confound the diagnosis of ASD (Polyak et al., 2015), but these are outside the
focus of this chapter. This high rate of co-occurring diagnoses further reinforces
the need for careful differential diagnostic assessments that consider and assess
for both ASD and ID when one or the other is part of a referral question. To il-
lustrate some guidelines for diagnostic assessment of ASD and ID, we turn to our
clinical case example.
CASE STUDY
At 3 years old, Roberto was described as not being very interested in playing with
his parents or peers. His mother told the pediatrician that he has a lot more tan-
trums than the other kids and is having a hard time with toilet training. The pedi-
atrician tried to make silly faces and brought out some toy cars to show Roberto.
He showed interest in the cars, but not in the pediatrician’s funny faces; however,
even while interested, Roberto’s facial expression still seemed sad or neutral when
looking at the cars. On a developmental screener completed by Roberto’s mother
(e.g., Ages and Stages Questionnaire), he fell below the expected cutoff in all areas
(Communication, Problem-Solving, Fine Motor, Gross Motor, and Personal-
Social). Roberto’s pediatrician referred him for a complete psycho-diagnostic de-
velopmental assessment because she wanted to rule out autism spectrum disorder
(ASD) based on some of the mother’s reported behaviors.
Results of the assessment revealed that Roberto’s Full-Scale IQ, as determined
by the WPPSI-IV (Wechsler, 2012), was valid, and equated to a standard score of
65, which is more than two standard deviations below the mean. The VABS-III
(Sparrow et al., 2016) yielded an Adaptive Behavior Composite standard score
of 63, also more than two standard deviations below the mean. Per his mother’s
report, Roberto’s adaptive skills in the areas of communication, social skills, daily
living skills, and motor skills also fell in the below average range for his age.
30
Clinical Impressions
Figure 2.1. Key questions to inform differential diagnostic decisions for autism spectrum
disorder (ASD) and intellectual disability (ID).
behavior seen in ASD. See Figure 2.1 for some key questions to consider when
differentially assessing for ASD and/or ID.
Taken together, evidence suggests that Roberto meets criteria for both ASD
and comorbid ID, given his deficits in intellectual and adaptive functioning, so-
cial communication deficits beyond what would be expected for his develop-
mental level, and the additional presence of restricted, repetitive behaviors and
interests.
In this section, we examine the impact on children and their families when the
child has co-occurring autism and ID, in comparison to children with ID only.
The weight of this evidence shows co-occurring ASD and ID having a more neg-
ative impact than ID alone, across multiple domains of child and family func-
tioning (e.g. Matson & Shoemaker, 2009; Taheri et al., 2016; Viecilli & Weiss,
2015). Tonnsen and coauthors (2016), in a sample of 2,208 children, reported
that autistic children with ID had greater symptom severity than children with ID
alone, marked by poorer psychosocial and family-related outcomes. These broad
effects are echoed in studies that have demonstrated that autistic youth with ID
have lower quality of life and are not thriving developmentally (Arias et al., 2018;
Weiss & Riosa, 2015).
32
Here we continue to examine autistic youth with ID, but in comparison to those
youth with autism only. Overall, there is a paucity of studies comparing youth on
the spectrum with ID to those on the spectrum without ID, perhaps related to
the selection bias highlighted previously. However, available evidence seems to
suggest that there are few significant differences in the outcomes of autistic in-
dividuals based on the presence of a co-occurring ID diagnosis. This appears to
suggest that that autism elevates risk for a wide range of negative outcomes, and
3
that the addition of co-occurring ID has not usually been found to add in appre-
ciable ways to the major impacts of autism. That being said, there are some con-
tradictory findings, where there are significant differences noted between these
two groups.
Behavior problems and/or psychiatric disorders are generally not reported to
be higher in autistic youth with ID than in autistic youth without ID. Goldin et. al
(2014) conducted a study of symptoms in 219 autistic youth aged 3–16 years, with
or without ID. These researchers examined a wide range of behavior problems,
including tantrums, repetitive behaviors, worry/depression, avoidant behavior,
undereating, conduct problems, and overeating. There were no significant group
differences on any of the domains assessed. Baker and Blacher (2019) conducted
a study addressing the question of whether 13-year-old autistic youth with ID
differed from autistic youth without cognitive impairments, across a wide range
of 39 mother-or teacher-assessed positive and negative domains. Data were gath-
ered through standardized parent and teacher questionnaires, parent interviews,
and observation. The finding was clear: Autistic youth with ID did not differ sig-
nificantly from autistic youth without ID on any variable. Domains assessed in-
cluded behavior problems, psychiatric diagnoses, social skills, social acceptance,
and student teacher relationships. Both diagnostic groups, however, differed from
NT children in multiple domains.
While behavior problems and/or psychiatric disorders are generally not higher
in autistic youth with ID than autistic youth without ID, there are exceptions
that beg further study. Totsika and colleagues (2011) reported that the preva-
lence of aggressive behavior was higher among autistic individuals with ID when
compared with autistic individuals without ID. Conversely, two studies have re-
ported a higher incidence of depression in autistic youth and young adults and
no cognitive impairments, as compared to those on the spectrum with ID (Fung
et al., 2015; Rai et al., 2018). One of these studies was quite large, including 4,073
persons (1,146 with co-occurring ASD/ID and 2,927 with ASD only). In autistic
people without ID, 19.8% reported elevated depressive symptoms, compared
with only 6% of those with ID. It is plausible that this finding may be unique
to depression. The authors noted that “those with greater cognitive ability and
thus insights into being different may be more prone to depression.” They also
considered that depression in persons with ID may be missed, due to diagnostic
overshadowing (clinicians missing depressive symptoms or misattributing it to
the ID) or to persons with ID having less advanced verbal skills to express their
difficulties.
From the perspective of family adaptability to disability, a study by Baker and
colleagues (2011) is relevant to the ASD/ID versus ASD comparison. These au-
thors examined whether family-level adaptability promoted beneficial outcomes
for families of autistic adolescents over a 3-year period. Family-level adaptability
predicted positive change in both maternal depression and child behavior prob-
lems over this study period, above and beyond the contribution of the dyadic
mother–youth relationship. Co-occurring ID was present in 56% of these youth.
Yet the relationship between higher family adaptability and decreased youth
34
behavior problems was independent of ID status. That is, the beneficial effects of
family adaptability did not differ between ASD/ID and ASD only families.
The impact on family finances and employment was also found to be greater
for families of autistic children with co-occurring ID, as compared to autistic chil-
dren without ID (Saunders et al., 2015). This echoes the previous finding that
these financial burdens were greater in ASD/ID as compared to ID only as well.
Interestingly, no differences were found between caregivers of children with sin-
gular diagnoses of autism or ID only. In this domain, it may be that the presence
of a dual diagnosis is always more impactful, given the need to pursue more inten-
sive or different types of services as a result.
Of note, from a developmental neuroscience perspective, Vivanti et al. (2013)
have hypothesized that the presence or absence of ID is a critical factor affecting
symptom severity in autistic individuals. They argue that rather than a co-occurring
condition (unrelated to etiology and causality from the ASD), ID in individuals
on the autism spectrum may be conceptualized as an emergent “consequence of
severe social-communication deficits on the experience-dependent mechanisms
underlying neurocognitive development.” From each of two independent samples
of autistic young children, they found that the risk of co-occurring ID increased
as the number and severity of ASD social-communicative impairments increased.
This finding is consistent with other reports that when ASD and ID coexist, au-
tism symptoms are more severe than in children on the autism spectrum without
cognitive impairments.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
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The latter two CD subtypes are rarely confused with ASD. It is possible for
ASD to co-occur with speech sound disorder and/or stuttering, but these co-
occurrences are relatively infrequent, and unlikely to result in diagnostic un-
certainly, since they do not overlap with the core symptoms of ASD. When they
are both present in the same individual, they would be listed as co-occurring
diagnoses.
DSM-5 identifies two core symptom clusters for ASD (see Box 3.3 for details):
45
Box 3.1
Language Disorder (DSM-5)
Diagnostic issues do arise in differentiating ASD from the first two CDs
listed above:
The source of confusion stems from the fact that one of the core symptoms of ASD,
“deficits in social communication and social interaction,” is primarily mediated by
language. When a child is unable to engage successfully in social communica-
tion to support interpersonal interaction, it may be difficult to discern whether
46
Box 3.2
Social Pragmatic Communication Disorder (DSM-5)
the problems arise from specific limitations in the use of language to accomplish
these functions or from nonlinguistic autistic symptomatology. Research dating
back to the 1970s (e.g., Bartak et al., 1977; Boucher, 1976; Churchill, 1972; Rutter,
1978) highlights the similarities that can be found between children with DLD
and those with ASD. A large literature has accumulated to delineate these simi-
larities and differences. Bartak et al. (1977) reported, for example, that boys with
ASD and those with DLD showed similar levels of nonverbal cognitive skills, as
47
Box 3.3
Diagnostic Criteria for Autism Spectrum Disorders (DSM-5)
Tager-Flusberg (1981) was the first to characterize the general pattern of language
strengths and weaknesses seen in children with ASD. She reported that phono-
logical (speech sound articulation), syntactic (sentence structure, grammar), and
morphological (word endings) development were similar to, though somewhat
slower than typical. Language deficits in ASD centered on the areas of seman-
tics (expressing meaning through words and word combinations) and pragmatics
(using language appropriately for conversation and social interaction). Research
in the subsequent decades has identified pragmatic deficits as the primary area of
communication difficulty in children with ASD (e.g., Baron-Cohen, 1988; Kim
et al., 2014; Loveland et al., 1988; Rapin & Dunn, 1997; Volden, 2017). Thus, a ge-
neral distinction between communication skills in children with DLD and those
with ASD can be seen in:
et al., 1999; Moyle et al., 2011; Shriberg et al., 1999). Pragmatic skills may
or may not be affected, but syntax, morphology, and phonology are more
significantly impaired.
• Reduced use of gestures and other nonverbal forms of communication
in ASD (LeBarton & Iverson, 2016; Morett et al., 2016) with the relative
preservation of these nonlinguistic behaviors in DLD (Iverson &
Braddock, 2011; Landry & Loveland, 1988).
Thus, differential diagnosis of ASD and DLD includes identifying pragmatic lan-
guage behavior as significantly more impaired than other aspects of communi-
cation to support a diagnosis of ASD. Pragmatic behaviors include the spoken
language used in conversation, as well as nonverbal aspects of communication.
Nonverbal communication behaviors, such as delayed and sparse use of gestures
and expression of communicative intent that is infrequent and limited to making
requests rather than engaging in sharing of attention and interests, are especially
important to observe in young children who are not yet speaking. For children
who speak, pragmatic deficits are often manifest as use of echolalia or use of
“scripted” repetitive, memorized language without apparent intent to communi-
cate, perseveration on favored topics of conversation without regard to listener
needs or interests, and overly literal responses and interpretations in conversa-
tion (e.g., Adult: “Do your shoes rub up and down when you walk?” Child with
ASD: “No, they rub down and up.”). Secondarily, the relationship between ex-
pressive and receptive language scores may be examined, to determine whether,
as is usually the case in DLD, receptive scores are higher than expressive. If this
is not the case, ASD is the more likely diagnosis. For children who are minimally
verbal, lack of use of gestures such as pointing, limited eye-to-eye gaze during
interaction, and limited initiation of joint attention to shared objects and activi-
ties during interpersonal communication suggests a diagnosis of ASD rather than
DLD. Behaviors such as sparse use of gestures or use of nonconventional gestures,
such as pulling an adult’s hand to get something without looking at the adult’s
face, limitation of attempts to communicate only to requesting things, and not
sharing gaze to objects and activities with a communication partner, are also sug-
gestive of a diagnosis of ASD (see Figure 3.1).
which are core symptoms of ASD. Similarly, children with DLD may also receive
a co-occurring diagnosis of SPCD if social communication is equally or more im-
pacted than language form and no RRBIs are present.
Despite a strong consensus in the literature on points of differential diagnosis
between DLD and ASD, the picture has been complicated by a long-standing
debate about the specificity and validity of a diagnosis variously referred to as
semantic-pragmatic disorder (Adams & Bishop, 1989; Coulter, 1998; Rapin, 1983;
Rapin & Allen, 1998), pragmatic language impairment (e.g., Bishop, 2014; Botting
& Conti-Ramsden, 1999; Ketelaars et al., 2010), and more recently as social com-
munication disorder (e.g., Gibson et al., 2013; Lockton et al., 2016). DSM-5 now
classifies this disorder construct as SPCD (see Box 3.2). Semantic-pragmatic
disorder and pragmatic language impairment were described by their early pro-
ponents to include high levels of talkativeness, poor vocabulary, limited under-
standing of conversations, and atypical conversational behavior with relatively
preserved (though not necessarily age-appropriate) phonological and syntactic
production (e.g., Bishop & Norbury, 2002; Rapin & Allen, 1983).
Whether these disorders now subsumed by DSM-5’s SPCD diagnosis constitute
a distinct syndrome or are, in fact, part of the autism spectrum has been and is
still debated in the literature (e.g., Bishop, 1989, 2014; Bishop & Norbury, 2002;
Brook & Bowler, 1992; Brukner-Wertman et al., 2016; Flax et al., 2019; Gagnon
et al., 1997; Mandy et al., 2017; Norbury, 2014; Perkins, 2005; Reisinger et al.,
2011) with no definitive consensus emerging. Nonetheless, DSM-5 found evi-
dence from field trials suggesting that a decrease in DSM-IV ASD diagnoses was
accounted for by increases in the DSM-5 SPCD category. This led to the deci-
sion to differentiate disorders of social-pragmatic communication from ASD and
DLD, creating a unique category labeled SPCD, a term not in common use among
clinicians. The addition of this new disorder, with very little empirical data on
sensitivity/specificity of assessment instruments (or even on the existence of valid
tools), prevalence, natural history, or diagnostic reliability and validity, has added
a layer of confusion to the diagnostic process in disorders of communication and
social interaction (e.g., Norbury, 2014; Swineford et al., 2014).
Four basic issues arise in making a differential diagnoses among DLD, SPCD,
and ASD:
1. Most studies of SPCD have included only children who use speech as
their primary means of communication. But children with both DLD
and ASD can be profoundly impaired in the development of spoken
language. These minimally verbal children can present diagnostic
dilemmas, especially in their early years. SPCD, however, due to its
criteria relating to spoken language, can only be diagnosed in children
who use spoken language at a full-sentence level, limiting the conferral
of this diagnosis essentially to school-aged children (Swineford
et al., 2014).
2. The constellation of deficits in communication and social interaction,
and the balance among them, is known to change with development, at
51
Of course, language symptoms are not the only ones available for making diag-
noses. Although language characteristics form the core symptom in DLD and
52
Table 3.1 Differential Diagnosis Among Autism Spectrum Disorder, Developmental Language Disorder, and Social Pragmatic
Communication Disorder in Children With Sentence-Level Spoken Language
SPCD, there is a second core symptom in ASD, according to DSM-5 criteria: the
presence of restricted and repetitive behaviors and interests, including stereotypic
movements, sensory hyper-and hyposensitivities, perseverative interest in topics
or objects, rigidity and insistence on sameness, echolalia, and the use of scripted,
memorized language with limited communicative intent. It is important to note,
here, that DSM-5 includes several symptoms that are manifested in speech within
the RRBI symptom cluster, including echolalia and scripted language. This deci-
sion means that children who show these speech behavior patterns would qualify
for a diagnosis of ASD, even if no other evidence of RRBIs were present. Thus, it is
essential for differential diagnosis that clinicians consider echolalia and scripting
as evidence of ASD and a rule-out for SPCD, even when other RRBIs such as ster-
eotypic movements or sensory abnormalities are absent.
To put it most simply, for school-aged children who speak, DLD is diagnosed
when symptoms are primarily in the area of language form with other areas of
communication relatively spared and no RRBIs, echolalia, or scripted language.
ASD is diagnosed when communication symptoms are primarily in the areas of
pragmatics and nonverbal communication, and RRBIs, including echolalia or
scripted language, are present. SPCD is diagnosed when school-aged children
have primary deficits in spoken pragmatics, with relative sparing of language
form, but no RRBIs, echolalia, or scripted language is displayed (see Figure 3.1).
Although clinical observation and judgement will always play a role in any di-
agnostic endeavor, and despite the relative dearth of norm-referenced standard-
ized measures (Yuan & Dollaghan, 2018) in the assessment of pragmatics, there
are measures developed to assess each of the critical areas of language (syntax/
morphology, semantics, phonology, pragmatics) for school-aged children. Table
3.2 gives examples of the tests often used by speech-language pathologists to es-
tablish the patterns of language behavior we need to observe in order to make
differential diagnoses among DLD, ASD, and SPCD in school-aged children.
Differential diagnosis in young children. Table 3.1 suggests a differential diag-
nostic scheme among ASD, DLD, and SPCD for children with fluent, sentence-
level language production, generally those 5 years of age or older. But in recent
years, children with social and communication disorders have presented for diag-
nosis long before their fifth birthday. Current diagnostic practice for ASD aims to
identify children at 18–24 months of age or earlier, in order to maximize oppor-
tunities for early intervention (Zwaigenbaum et al., 2015), before most of them
are speaking at all, let alone in full sentences. Parents often begin to feel concern
at these ages when they notice that their baby is less socially inclined and aware
than age-mates; when she or he fails to respond to name or begin to attempt a few
words; when the baby shows little interest in pointing, waving “bye-bye,” or other
social gestures, or in sharing interactive games and toys with others (Chawarska
et al., 2014). Recent media campaigns have highlighted these early signs,
increasing public awareness of “red flags” for autism, and studies have reported
high levels of diagnostic stability for ASD in toddlers (Chawarska et al., 2009;
Kleinman et al., 2008; Ozonoff et al., 2015). Moreover, in recent research on recur-
rence risk within families with a child who has ASD, increased risk for younger
54
siblings has been consistently reported (Hansen et al., 2019; Ozonoff et al., 2011;
Sandin et al., 2014). Parents in families like these often begin to feel concern even
earlier, during their child’s first year of life. Most clinicians, then, will not have the
luxury of waiting until school age to make a differential diagnosis.
Differential diagnosis among DLD, ASD, and SPCD in toddlers and pre-
schoolers will draw more heavily on naturalistic and observational measures
than on the standardized tests, like those in Table 3.25, typically used to estab-
lish language level in school-aged children. Critical observations will include the
following:
do provide opportunities for observing these patterns. These include the Autism
Diagnostic Observation Scales—Second Edition (Lord & Rutter, 2012), the Autism
Diagnostic Interview—Revised (Rutter et al., 2003), the Communication and
Symbolic Behavior Scales-DP (Prizant & Wetherby, 2002), and the Early Social-
Communication Scales (Seibert et al., 1982). These provide structured opportun-
ities for the observation of behaviors, such as joint attention, use and understanding
of gestures, symbolic play, language comprehension, and the presence of RRBIs,
and are crucial for differential diagnosis in preverbal and young children from
12 months to 5 years. O’Neill’s (2007) Language Use Inventory, a parent question-
naire for children 18–48 months of age, can also be helpful with this age group.
Clinicians working with this population of young children for diagnostic evalua-
tion will generally require training and practice in administering and interpreting
the results of these observational assessments. Figure 3.1 provides guidance for
differential diagnosis in both preschool and older children with social communi-
cation difficulties.
Developmental changes and comorbidity. As the foregoing discussion suggests,
issues in differential diagnosis change with developmental level, as the symptom
constellation and amount of language ability vary among children within this
diagnostic cluster. Since children cannot receive a diagnosis of SPCD without
sentence-level spoken language use, they cannot be diagnosed in the early years.
The question then arises as to how to classify preschool children who do not meet
criteria for ASD, showing no RRBIs, but appear to have their most significant im-
pairments in the use of their limited language and communication skills in prag-
matic rather than syntactic domains of language. This situation would be manifest
in young children who show reduced use of JA and use whatever simple language
they have acquired for limited communication purposes, but do not show RRBIs,
echolalia, or scripted speech. Since DSM-5 allows for co-occurring diagnoses be-
tween DLD and SPCD when a child’s language form is affected but deficits in
pragmatic communication are equally or more pronounced, the most appropriate
diagnostic decision would be to label these preschoolers DLD, where pragmatic
deficits may be seen alongside other communication problems. This would not
rule out a later decision at age 5 to either:
1. retain the DLD label and add a diagnosis of SPCD when sentence-
level language and conversational pragmatic skills advance enough to
meet criteria for the latter and when deficits in syntax and morphology
persist; or
2. to change the diagnosis to SPCD alone when the child is old enough and
has enough conversational skills to demonstrate that pragmatic deficits
are the most prominent disability and that syntax and morphological
deficits have resolved to a significant degree.
Since we know so little about the natural history of SPCD, there are few data on
the symptoms evident in very young children who eventually obtain this diag-
nosis, and a definitive picture of its prodromal presentation is mostly a matter
58
YES
Is the child < 5 years old? Is spoken language delayed?
YES
YES NO
Is communication Is communication
Is language form
sparse; mostly limited sparse; mostly limited to
more delayed
to requests with little requests with little JA;
than pragmatics,
JA; are eye contact and are eye contact and
communication,
gestures limited; is play gestures limited; is play
JA, and play?
mostly exploratory? mostly exploratory?
NO
YES NO
YES NO YES NO
CASE STUDY
Luke was an adorable 22-month-old who looked healthy and hearty in every way.
He began speaking at about the typical time, but when he did, he seemed very
focused in talking about objects and activities he was playing with and did not
show the typical reciprocal interest in what others were doing. Although he rather
assertively called his parents’ attention to these preferred toys and topics, it was
hard to engage him in talking to others. He was often content to play on his own,
even when other children were present, and he enjoyed talking to himself as he
played, often naming objects to no one in particular and repeating the names as
he played. Parents had been looking at some of the information on the Internet on
ASD and wondered if it might describe Luke.
When Luke was a little over 2 years old, his parents arranged an evaluation
with a local birth-to-three agency. The birth-to-three team found that his non-
verbal cognition was at or above age level. Both his receptive and expressive
language scores were at the borderline level, by direct testing as well as by parent
report. He was putting some words together to form two-and a few three-word
sentences, but his expressive vocabulary was somewhat restricted to words for
things he was very interested in, and his ability to engage in simple conversa-
tions, even with adult support, was limited. When asked questions, he often
responded with a remark about whatever he was focusing on at the moment
rather than answering the question he was asked. He related strongly to his
parents, but he was not very interested in the new adults he met at the eval-
uation. His parents reported that he wasn’t much interested in peers, either,
scarcely noticing them when they came to play and becoming upset if they tried
to play in a way different from what he had in mind. He made eye contact when
engaged, especially with his favorite toys, but he was quite content to play on
his own in his own way when left undisturbed. He did respond with gaze to
pointing gestures and did initiate both requests and JA to toys he was interested
in. No motor stereotypies, echolalia, or scripted language was observed or re-
ported by parents.
The birth-to-three team was concerned about some of Luke’s reduced socia-
bility and play skills, but scores based on their observations of his social, emo-
tional, and communicative behaviors documented on the Communication and
Social Behavior Scales-DP were at the low end of the typical range. Both Luke’s lan-
guage form and comprehension were at borderline levels, not quite low enough
to qualify him for services, although the team shared the parents’ concerns, es-
pecially about his social communication. The team did not feel that his deficits
in this area, though present, were severe, pervasive, or consistent enough for a
diagnosis of ASD, especially given the lack of RRBIs, which were required for a
diagnosis. Because his language skills were not low enough to qualify Luke for
public services and he did not meet criteria for ASD due to his lack of RRBIs,
the team recommended that he attend community preschool, and they provided
some tips for both the parents and Luke’s teacher to use in encouraging more so-
cial interaction with peers.
61
Luke’s interactions with peers at school seemed to encourage his language ac-
quisition. When he was tested upon entry to kindergarten, his expressive and re-
ceptive language forms were well within the normal range. His social interaction
skills continued to be problematic, however. He still had trouble playing coopera-
tively with peers, becoming unhappy when he could not direct the play according
to his own notions. He continued to have difficulty removing his focus from what-
ever happened to capture his attention, and his more mature language now al-
lowed him to talk at length in detail about whatever he was interested in at the
moment, sometimes causing peers to tire of interacting with him. He continued
to have trouble answering questions appropriately. He also had difficulty engaging
in pretend play with peers because he did not have the flexibility to adapt his lan-
guage to the theme of the play. Although both his parents and his teacher tried to
accommodate his interests in daily activities, it remained a struggle.
When Luke entered kindergarten, he was placed in a mainstream classroom
without any special services. His teacher there quickly realized that Luke was
having difficulties following classroom rules, getting along with peers, and par-
ticipating in classroom talk about topics she introduced as part of the curriculum.
She requested an evaluation from the Pupil Services Team. His assessment re-
vealed above-average nonverbal cognition, average expressive and receptive lan-
guage forms, but a significant deficit in pragmatics (as identified on the Children’s
Communication Checklist). He was evaluated for ASD, but showed no spe-
cific RRBIs, and his scores on the Autism Diagnostic Behavior Scale and Autism
Diagnostic Interview did not meet criteria for a diagnosis of ASD.
The team was at first stumped, but the Speech-Language Pathologist remem-
bered a professional development workshop she had taken on the new DSM-5 di-
agnosis of SPCD. Although this was not a diagnosis recognized by the Individuals
with Disability Act (IDEA, 2004) that governs service for school-aged children,
so that an individualized educational plan was not mandated by the law for this
disorder, the team was able to provide Luke with some services from the school
psychologist for social-emotional support, in collaboration with the speech lan-
guage pathologist, to work on addressing Luke’s deficits in pragmatic skills. In ad-
dition, the speech language pathologist consulted with the classroom teacher on
strategies for addressing Luke’s pragmatic deficits within the classroom.
CONCLUSIO N
Diagnostic ambiguity has long existed between autism and disorders that prima-
rily affect the communication that enables social interaction (Bishop & Norbury,
2002). This ambiguity stems from the intertwined nature of communication and
social relations, with language serving as the primary way in which human beings
enact social functions. Many researchers have contributed to the effort to more
clearly delineate autistic social dysfunction from more circumscribed language
disability, but there were always some children who inhabited an uncertain “bord-
erland” between the two. This borderland was called by a multitude of names over
62
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Consider the following two fictional cases: a 5-year-old boy, “Tommy,” with no
prior diagnosis who was referred for evaluation following teacher concern for
disruptive behavior, and a 13-year-old girl, “Sally,” who presented with an existing
diagnosis of ADHD and was referred for further evaluation due to increased so-
cial difficulty.
70
Tommy is a 5-year-old boy whose parents indicated that their primary reason for
evaluation was teacher concern about his adjustment to kindergarten. Tommy’s
parents described that Tommy’s teacher raised concerns a few months after he
began kindergarten in their local public school. Tommy’s teacher reportedly
shared that Tommy had more difficulty than his peers adjusting to kindergarten,
learning the classroom routine, sitting during structured tasks without engaging
in some repetitive fidgeting behaviors, and making friends with other students.
His teacher expressed additional concerns about Tommy’s “behavior” and emo-
tional reactions and shared that other children appeared to be avoiding him due
to concern about his unpredictable behavior. Tommy’s parents shared that he had
previously attended a small, half-day preschool that placed few demands on him.
The preschool valued outdoor exploration, and Tommy spent much of his time
independently outside, usually collecting small nature objects. He was generally
well-behaved on the playground but would consistently push to be first when it
was time to line up at the end of outside time. His parents recalled that Tommy
had struggled with making friends in preschool and that he generally did not par-
ticipate in organized activities such as circle time. When the circle time activity
focused on nature, however, he would want to take part, though he often phys-
ically leaned on his classmates or blocked their view, which frequently resulted
in conflict and distress. When reporting about home behavior, Tommy’s parents
acknowledged similar behaviors at home but remarked he does not have any sib-
lings and these behaviors have rarely caused a problem. His parents stated they are
able to support him at home, though they acknowledged they have adjusted their
expectations for Tommy over time.
Sally is a 13-year-old girl with a prior diagnosis of ADHD whose parents reported
primary concerns about their daughter’s difficulty making friends. They shared
71
• Evidence for ASD: Has social difficulty including trouble making friends
and tends to keep to herself in social settings; has a possible restricted
interest in reading; has difficulty engaging in conversations and using
nonverbal communication with peers; has a strict adherence to rules
and may get upset by rule violations; and struggles to participate
appropriately during group project work.
• Evidence for ADHD: Needs homework support to keep up with and
complete tasks; is struggling with completing tasks independently at
home; and has a history of inattention and disorganization at school.
As evident from these cases, the behavioral descriptions suggest that both chil-
dren are experiencing challenges in several domains that overlap between ASD
and ADHD. Specifically, both children appear to struggle with developing and
maintaining friendships compared to their same-aged peers (social difficulties).
Similarly, both have difficulty with general attention to nonpreferred activities (at-
tention regulation) as well as participating or completing tasks as expected (flexi-
bility/rigidity).
72
Social difficulties are a defining feature of ASD and comprise a key part of the
diagnostic criteria for the disorder. Although social difficulty is not regarded as a
key component of the diagnostic criteria for ADHD, social difficulties are often
observed among individuals with ADHD. Clinically, parents of children with
ADHD commonly describe their child as having difficulty making or maintaining
friends, or struggling in age-typical social interactions such as at birthday parties
or in group sports. When social difficulties are presented as a concern in diagnostic
evaluation, clinicians need to gather information about the nature and source of
the social difficulties in order to inform the differential diagnostic process.
The social difficulties that are associated with ASD are conceptualized as re-
sulting from (1) deficits in prosocial reciprocal behaviors related to difficulty per-
ceiving and interpreting social cues, and/or (2) decreased interest in interacting
with others (reduced social motivation). With regard to prosocial behaviors, chil-
dren with ASD have deficits in understanding social phenomena, such as how to
read social cues, how one is expected to act in interpersonal interactions, why cer-
tain behaviors are important in social interactions, and why other people might
hold these expectations about social behavior. Much of this difficulty is believed
to stem from differences in the development of social brain circuitry that is re-
sponsible for perceiving and interpreting a wide range of nonverbal social be-
haviors, such as facial expressions, eye gaze, and gestures (Pelphrey et al., 2004;
Sato & Uono, 2019). A related core deficit is theory of mind, which is defined as
the ability to understand that other people have different perspectives and have a
different way of seeing and interpreting a situation (Mazza et al., 2017). In terms
of social motivation, children with ASD may lack the expected level of interest in
establishing social relationships for their own sake, and instead be more motiv-
ated by pursuing their own areas of interest than by engaging in social interactions
with others. As such, they are less likely to choose social activities over preferred
interests and may then have fewer social opportunities to develop stronger social
skills.
In the context of ADHD, social difficulties are more likely to stem from the
presence of specific ADHD symptoms, rather than the absence of prosocial beha-
vior or motivation as observed in ASD (Antshel & Russo, 2019). Social problems
in individuals with ADHD may be viewed as a consequence of their difficulty with
core ADHD symptoms, such as regulating attention, activity level, and impulses.
73
Clinical Examples
Conversation. Social abilities can be understood in terms of a number of com-
ponent social skills or building blocks that are needed to develop and maintain
social interactions that are developmentally expected. Children with both ASD
and ADHD share difficulties across several of these building blocks, including
conversational skills. However, as detailed above, the underlying cause of these
difficulties likely differs between the disorders. For example, reciprocal conversa-
tion is a key element in developing social relationships, but engaging in conver-
sation is complex task and requires a number of components: (1) having a shared
agreement about the conversational topic; (2) listening to what the conversational
partner says; (3) adding comments that are related to the topic or build on what
the partner says; (4) waiting for the other person to respond before jumping in
with a comment; and (5) modulating one’s amount of talking (e.g., length of time,
proportion of the conversation). Individuals with ASD may struggle with iden-
tifying conversation topics that might be mutually interesting and recognizing
that their preferred topic of conversation may not be shared by the conversation
partner. Similarly, they may struggle with adding comments that are on topic. For
individuals with ADHD, however, conversation is less likely to be impacted by
core social misunderstandings. Instead, conversation is more likely to be impacted
by poor self-regulation of length of time talking (e.g., being too long-winded and
not giving the other person a turn) and impulsivity (e.g., blurting out before the
other person is finished talking).
Turn Taking. Successful turn taking relies on recognition of a social partner’s
wants and desires in a social interaction. When children have difficulty taking
turns, their peers may become less interested in having them as social partners.
However, there are different reasons why turn taking can be challenging for chil-
dren with ASD as compared to children with ADHD. In the context of ASD,
taking turns may be challenging because children do not understand the social
expectations of a given situation. For example, a child with ASD may not realize
that a peer who is standing by the swing set, watching the children swing, may
74
be having thoughts about wanting to swing, and may not appreciate how this
peer might feel if they do not get a turn to swing. Although the scenarios might
change in different developmental stages (e.g., turn taking on the playground may
evolve into turn taking in video games), these social misunderstandings can make
it difficult for children with ASD to learn to take turns. In contrast, a child with
ADHD would likely be aware of the social expectations and intentions of others
(e.g., knowledge that having few swings for a whole class requires that children
limit their time on the swings; awareness that standing by the swing set is a signal
that the child wants a turn to swing). However, ADHD-related factors such as
a strong drive for achieving immediate rewards and an inability to inhibit their
desire to swing may impact their ability and willingness to take turns. Similarly,
inattention while on the swing may be associated with failing to notice that others
are waiting for a turn.
Clinical Examples
Motor Movements. Difficulty regulating motor movements (e.g., fidgeting, rest-
lessness, impulsive motor behaviors) is often observed in individuals with ADHD,
in particular children with hyperactive-impulsive behaviors. Parents and teachers
also often report that their children with ADHD engage in motor movements that
they perceive to be qualitatively unusual, such as making unexpected body move-
ments in inappropriate situations (e.g., when seated at a formal event). Gathering
information about the contextual or environmental factors that influence such
behavior can help to fully understand the behaviors and others’ perceptions of
75
them. This is particularly important if the behaviors are not observed during an
evaluation, which is more likely if they are specific to a particular environment
rather than generalized or if they do not manifest in more structured situations.
Further inquiry can also help to determine if these motor behaviors are fixed,
rigid, and stereotyped in nature as consistent with ASD (e.g., always performed in
the same way; unusual in presentation such as posturing or peering while finger
flicking), or if the behaviors reflect poor self-regulation but may be appropriate to
the context (e.g., moving erratically around the carpet during circle time because
of boredom or short attention span) as consistent with ADHD.
Rigidity Around Transitions and Interests. Individuals with ADHD may demon-
strate difficulty with transitions and can appear to be rigid or fixated on areas of
interest. However, the manifestations of these RRBs in the context of ADHD are
less likely to be qualitatively unusual as compared to similar behaviors observed
in ASD. For example, like those with ASD, individuals with ADHD may also dis-
play restricted interests (e.g., fixation on a particular game or topic), however the
content of the interest may be age-expected (e.g., popular card games in school-
aged children). Highly restricted interests in the context of ASD, in contrast, may
be unusual in terms of both the content of the interest and the degree to which the
interest is exclusive. Similarly, both children with ASD and ADHD often display
difficulties with transitions, particularly when asked to shift their attention away
from a preferred activity. Notably, the difficulties with shifting attention in ADHD
do not necessarily involve lack of ability to pay attention, but rather difficulty sus-
taining attention on the right thing, at the right time, and for the right length of
time. In ADHD, this difficulty with shifting attention when needed can result in
behavioral presentation of rigidity or inflexibility around transitions (e.g., a child
having a tantrum when told that it is time to end an activity in order to transi-
tion to a new activity). This difficulty is compounded in ADHD by the challenges
with motivation and differences in reward processing (Haenlein & Caul, 1987).
In contrast, children with ASD often demonstrate difficulties with transitions that
extend beyond their engagement in a preferred activity and may be associated
with insistence on sameness, distress when faced with novelty or change, and
dysregulation in the absence of a schedule or clear plan.
Sensory Processing Difficulties. Sensory processing difficulties, particularly sen-
sory over-responsivity, are reported in both ASD and ADHD. However, sensory
difficulties in ASD can be differentiated from those in ADHD by both the pattern
of difficulties and the downstream impacts of those difficulties. For example, while
sensory over-responsivity has been reported in some children with ADHD (Ben-
Sasson et al., 2017), it is far more common in children with ASD and can often
lead to other difficulties, such as picky eating, that are often not seen in children
with ADHD. Furthermore, other domains of sensory difficulties, namely sensory
hyporesponsivity and sensory seeking, are less common in ADHD. Indeed, some
of the more unusual sensory behaviors (e.g., peering at objects from the corner
of one’s eyes) would be unlikely to be seen in children with ADHD and would be
more indicative of ASD.
76
Attentional Difficulties
Attention problems are core to the diagnosis of ADHD and are a central part of
its clinical presentation (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). Diagnostically,
inattention is defined by a set of nine separate symptoms that meet specified cri-
teria in terms of onset, frequency, and severity (i.e., excessive for a person’s de-
velopmental level). In the context of ASD, attention problems are not described
specifically in any of the core criteria for the disorder, yet attentional difficulties
are reported among individuals with ASD. Understanding the context of reported
inattention is important for diagnostic clarity. For example, although failure to
respond when one’s name is called may be interpreted as not paying attention,
individuals with ASD may not respond to their name for other reasons, such as
lacking understanding of the social intention of the person who is calling one’s
name. In contrast, children with ADHD may fail to respond to name when en-
gaged in a rewarding activity (e.g., playing a video game), but would be expected
to respond outside of those moments.
Clinical Example
Difficulty Sustaining Attention on Tasks. Inability to sustain attention as needed
for an age-expected duration on tasks and activities is a hallmark of ADHD.
Importantly, attention can be highly influenced by external factors, such as the
type of task, its inherent reward value to the individual, and the individual’s
motivation to do the task. Difficulty sustaining attention in ADHD is more pro-
nounced in tasks that would be considered boring or tedious as it requires mul-
tiple behaviors: initiating the task, inhibiting impulses to shift attention, and
managing distractions while doing the task. In this regard, ADHD has been
referred to as a disorder of performance—that is, actually sustaining attention—
rather than a disorder of knowledge, that is, understanding that sustaining at-
tention is expected in a given situation (Barkley, 2012, 2015). Individuals with
ASD may have difficulty sustaining during social interactions or in the context
of peer-based activities, and such inattention may be due to a lack of under-
standing of the social expectations or lack of interest in having a reciprocal so-
cial experience. Importantly, because difficulty sustaining attention is expected
to be more pervasive, inattention that is restricted to social situations would not
likely be sufficient for a diagnosis of ADHD. Similarly, both individuals with
ASD and ADHD may display difficulty sustaining attention to required tasks
in the classroom setting. However, while this difficulty is associated with poor
overall attention in ADHD, it can occur in ASD due to overfocus on a specific
or circumscribed interest, if the person is lacking sufficient verbal comprehen-
sion skills, or the person does not understand the classroom routine or task
expectations.
7
Clinical Examples
Excessive Talking. Being chatty can sometimes be an endearing character trait, yet
a high degree of excessive talking may suggest either ASD or ADHD. Evaluation
of the context of excessive talking, such as whether the child is alone or in the
company of others, the content of the talking, and the quality of the child’s lan-
guage are all relevant factors for assessment. In ADHD, excessive talking is often
socially motivated and characterized by a strong need to continue a conversation
or share all of one’s thoughts with the other person. This type of chatty behavior
is associated with difficulty with impulse control, such that the child has difficulty
stopping the behavior when asked (e.g., maintaining some quiet time during a
78
long car ride) and has difficulty inhibiting the urge to blurt out when the other
person tries to have a turn in the conversation. In contrast, in the context of ASD,
a child may talk excessively in the presence of another person but without the
social goal of having a shared experience of the conversational topic. This type of
excessive talking may include talking about circumscribed interests that are not
shared by others, may be a form of delayed echolalia (i.e., “scripting”), or may
occur as a component of a verbal ritual.
Difficulty Remaining Seated. An inability to sit and attend when expected may
also be observed in both ASD and ADHD. For example, both children with ASD
and ADHD may be reported to struggle with appropriate behavior, such as sitting
during circle time or staying at the table for meals; however, the difficulties leading
to these behaviors differ between children with ADHD and ASD. In ADHD, this
difficulty is predominated by an inability to inhibit impulses and difficulties with
high levels of hyperactivity and an urge to move around. Children with ADHD
may be accommodated in the classroom through special seats or by permitting
them to stand to complete work. For children with ASD, difficulty sitting may
pertain less to a sense of physical restlessness and may be better attributed to diffi-
culties with understanding the social expectations and rules of certain situations.
For these children, explicit teaching about how, why, and for how long the child
is expected to sit may be sufficient accommodation to support the developmental
of this skill.
Several related domains of difficulty that are shared between ASD and ADHD fall
outside of the core diagnostic symptoms of either disorder, but they may be im-
portant to examine in the differential diagnosis process. These domains include
emotion dysregulation, difficulties with self-regulatory control, and increased
levels of other comorbidities (e.g., anxiety). While the absolute presence of these
difficulties does not necessarily rule in or rule out a diagnosis of ASD or ADHD,
further assessment of each area may help with understanding the underlying di-
agnostic picture. For example, while difficulties with emotion dysregulation and
temper tantrums are often present in both ASD and ADHD, analyses of the trig-
gers for these difficulties may be informative: If the temper tantrums are reported
more frequently in response to everyday transitions (e.g., ending eating break-
fast to brushing teeth) or as a result of difficulties with rigidity (e.g., wanting to
drive a particular way to the store), ASD may be implicated. However, temper
tantrums that occur primarily as a result of having to stop doing something that
is rewarding (e.g., playing outside) or are indicative of a more oppositional/argu-
mentative presentation may implicate ADHD instead.
While a deeper understanding of the triggers and patterns of emotion
dysregulation and temper tantrums may help differentiate children with ASD and
79
ADHD, other shared features may not be possible to differentiate between the
disorders. For example, self-regulation for sleep difficulties, particularly insomnia
and difficulties with sleep onset, are often reported in both children with ASD
and ADHD, and sleep impairments can in turn impact emotion regulation and
attention in both disorders. Similarly, higher rates of comorbid psychiatric dis-
orders, in particular anxiety and mood disorders, are reported across both ASD
and ADHD. As such, although the presence of sleep difficulties or comorbid dis-
orders may not specifically aid in the differential diagnosis of ASD and ADHD,
these additional factors are still important to evaluate, given their impact on the
behavioral presentation and associated treatment recommendations.
As evident from these case and diagnostic criteria descriptions, symptom cat-
egories associated with both ASD and ADHD overlap, and both disorders may
also be characterized by features that can be observed in the other diagnosis.
Given this high degree of phenotypic overlap, thorough clinical evaluation for
either ADHD or ASD must include a strategy to best understand the presenting
symptoms and behavioral concerns. To state the obvious, there is not one “test”
that can determine if a child has ASD or ADHD. However, enhanced under-
standing of these symptom presentations is an essential component of the lens
that clinicians may use to conduct the interviews and observations that are part of
evidence-based evaluations for ASD and ADHD.
We propose four primary domains of assessment that should be deployed in
order to determine whether symptoms are better explained by ASD or by ADHD.
Specifically, we recommend that the clinician examine the following: (1) the func-
tion of the behavior by determining what the child is trying to achieve through
the presenting behavior, (2) the child’s understanding of the expected behavior,
(3) the potential impact of the child’s language skills and/or cognitive ability on
presenting behaviors, and (4) the role of developmental expectations on the ob-
served behavior. In Table 4.1 we apply these principles to the case studies pre-
sented at the beginning of this chapter.
Evaluating these four domains will be best accomplished by making use of avail-
able tools to including in-depth interviews with children who are being evalu-
ated, as feasible, as well as parents and caregivers (e.g., ADI-R, semistructured
interviews of ADHD symptoms, and unstructured clinical interviews); rating
scales completed by parents and teachers (e.g., Vanderbilt [Wolraich et al., 2003],
ADHD-RS [DuPaul et al., 1998, 2016], Conners and colleagues [2011], SRS-2
[Constantino, 2012]); structured observations during assessment (e.g., ADOS,
cognitive testing); and unstructured observations (e.g., during an evaluation, in
the classroom). As clinical data are gathered through these different sources, the
clinician will be tasked with reconciling discrepancies that are apparent, for ex-
ample between parent and teacher report, or between behaviors described in an
80
After a thorough clinical workup, it was determined that Tommy had a primary
diagnosis of ADHD, combined presentation. Functional analysis of each of his
ASD-related behaviors revealed that they were better understood within the con-
text of ADHD symptomatology rather than that of ASD. For example, the social
and communication difficulties described by Tommy’s parents, including playing
82
alone and difficulty making friends, were better attributed to the presence of spe-
cific ADHD symptoms. Namely, difficulties regulating his activity level and im-
pulses led Tommy to have difficulty taking turns and recognizing when he was
in a peer’s personal space, which in turn led peers to avoid playing with him.
Importantly, these behaviors were not due to a lack of social understanding or mo-
tivation. With respect to purported repetitive behaviors, Tommy’s parents noted
that he had a strong interest in nature. However, further evaluation suggested that
this interest was age-appropriate and also somewhat expected, as it was consistent
with the focus of his previous preschool. Furthermore, his parents reported that
he has other interests outside of school and as the school year continued, he was
able to expand his interests to other topics presented in the classroom. Tommy
was also reported to engage in fidgeting behaviors; however, observation of these
behaviors indicated they were not repetitive in nature (e.g., always performed
in the same way), but rather associated with poor self-regulation as consistent
with ADHD. Finally, for any behaviors that initially appeared consistent with an
ASD diagnosis, further evaluation revealed that Tommy’s understanding of social
expectations and cognitive ability were typical for his age and that school and
home expectations were developmentally appropriate.
Sally’s clinical evaluation revealed that, although she had previously been treated
with medication to address ADHD symptoms, she did not meet full criteria for
ADHD and instead met criteria for a primary diagnosis of ASD. Functional anal-
ysis of each of her potential ADHD-related behaviors revealed that they were
better understood within the context of ASD symptomatology rather than that
of ADHD. For example, Sally’s difficulties with completing tasks and avoiding
homework centered on her difficulty disengaging from her circumscribed interest
in reading. Her parents and teachers shared that she would often hide books about
preferred topics under her desk and would engage in reading exclusively while
avoiding assigned work. Furthermore, when her parents and teachers were able to
get her to disengage from reading, she was only able to stay on task for a short pe-
riod of time before returning to her highly focused interest in reading. In addition
to this, after neuropsychological testing, it became clear that her history of inat-
tention and disorganization could be attributed to difficulties in executive func-
tions associated with cognitive flexibility and planning. These were significantly
improved when she was taught to use a structured work system that provided
support so she knew how to independently progress through assigned work and
specified when she would be permitted to read. Moreover, further evaluation re-
vealed that Sally’s primary difficulties revolved around a lack of understanding of
social expectations. In the context of group assignments, Sally struggled to under-
stand the perspectives of her peers and failed to notice nonverbal communication
83
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INTRODUCTION
ODD and CD are listed in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental
Disorders, fifth edition (DSM-5) in the “Disruptive, Impulse- Control, and
Conduct Disorders” chapter (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). While
this section of the DSM also includes disorders such as intermittent explosive
disorder (IED), pyromania, kleptomania, and disruptive behavior disorder not
otherwise specified (DBDNOS), discussion of these other disorders is beyond the
scope of this review. Thus, we use the term “disruptive behavior disorders” to refer
to both ODD and CD in this chapter.
ODD is denoted by the persistent display of angry, hostile, and/or defiant be-
haviors and interactions lasting at least 6 months. The DSM-5 divides the eight
diagnostic criteria for ODD into the following three domains: (1) angry/irri-
table mood (e.g., “often loses temper”), (2) argumentative/defiant behavior (e.g.,
“often actively defies or refuses to comply with request from authority figures or
with rules”), and (3) vindictiveness (e.g., “has been spiteful or vindictive at least
twice within the past 6 months”). A diagnosis of ODD requires the presence of
at least four symptoms which must be exhibited during interactions with at least
one individual who is not a sibling. Further, symptoms only need to be present
in one setting for a diagnosis to be made, and it is not uncommon for youth with
ODD to show symptoms only at home with familiar adults. Nonetheless, the
pervasiveness of symptoms across settings is associated with greater impairment
in functioning. Thus, the severity of an ODD disorder (i.e., mild, moderate, se-
vere), defined based on the number of settings in which symptoms occur (e.g., a
disorder is “severe” if it is present in three or more settings), is now included as
a specifier in the DSM-5.
CD is characterized by a repetitive and persistent pattern of behavior in which
the basic rights of others and age-appropriate societal norms or rules are violated
(American Psychiatric Association, 2013). The 15 CD criteria assess four broad
types of antisocial behavior, including aggression to people and animals (e.g.,
“has used a weapon that can cause serious harm to others”), destruction of pro-
perty (e.g., “has deliberately engaged in fire setting with the intention of causing
serious damage”), deceitfulness or theft (e.g., “has broken into someone else’s
house, building, or car”), and serious violation of rules (e.g., “often stays out at
night despite parental prohibitions, beginning before age 13”). To be diagnosed
with CD, at least 3 of 15 symptoms must be present in the past 12 months, with
one symptom having been present in the past 6 months. The primary change
from the DSM-IV to DSM-5 has been the addition of the specifier “with limited
prosocial emotions” to characterize a subgroup of CD youths with high levels of
callous-unemotional (CU) traits. CU traits index the affective and interpersonal
aspects of psychopathy in children, and children with elevated CU traits dem-
onstrate restricted affect, manipulation of others for personal gain, and a lack of
concern or guilt about the consequences of their behavior for themselves (e.g.,
8
(continued )
90
ASD: autism spectrum disorder; CD: conduct disorder; ODD: oppositional defiant
disorder.
Specific ASD-
related social deficits differentiate individuals with ASD from
those with CD and ODD. In contrast to ODD/CD in which social difficulties
91
are common but not part of the diagnostic criteria, deficits in social interaction
constitute one of the major areas of impairment required for an ASD diagnosis.
Such impairments can take many different forms. While some children with ASD
may prefer solitude, demonstrating little interest in interacting with peers or cul-
tivating friendships, others may seek out social interactions but do so in odd
ways. The latter children, sometimes referred to as “active-but-odd” (Ghaziuddin,
2008), may ask inappropriate questions (e.g., ask personal questions of someone
they just met) or intrude into another person’s space (e.g., intrusive touching).
Other deficits in social-emotional reciprocity common in ASD include reduced
sharing of interests (e.g., will not show or point out objects of interest to other
people) and difficulties engaging in normal back-and-forth conversation (e.g.,
may have a one-sided conversation or interrupt others to initiate a conversation
about a restricted interest). While many of these behaviors may be perceived as
annoying, defiant, or rude, children with ASD may not realize that others are an-
noyed or offended by their behavior.
In contrast to youth with ASD, children with ODD or CD only, do not exhibit
widespread and long-term difficulties in social interaction. While children with
ODD/CD may be socially savvy and charming with certain people or in specific
situations, they may be argumentative and defiant in others. Notably, symptoms
of ODD such as “deliberately annoys others” and “actively defies or refuses to
comply with requests from authority figures or with rules” require that clinicians
determine that a child is purposefully being defiant and annoying. Thus, the lack
of social reciprocity among children with ODD only often represents a volitional
attempt to be defiant, and inconsistencies in a child’s display of appropriate so-
cial norms across settings should alert the clinician that ODD may be part of
the differential diagnosis. Similarly, while CD is characterized by a persistent pat-
tern of behavior in which the basic rights of others or major societal norms are
purposefully violated, ASD-related rule-breaking behavior stems from not under-
standing social rules or possessing the skills to appropriately navigate social situ-
ations. Thus, a key consideration in the differential diagnosis of ASD and ODD/
CD is whether a child is aware of social conventions and is able to recognize when
others are annoyed.
aspects of speech, such as rate, volume, rhythm, stress, and intonation that are
used to modulate the intent of spoken messages. By the age of 2 to 3 years, typically
developing children begin to master prosodic cues, such as meter, phrasal stress,
and boundary cues in their production of speech (Snow, 1994). In contrast, indi-
viduals with ASD display deficits in many aspects of prosody across the lifespan,
and abnormal prosody is one of the earliest signs of the disorder (Schoen et al.,
2011). For example, children with ASD may talk in a flat, high-pitched, or sing-
song tone of voice, exaggerating certain sounds and syllables in an odd way. They
may also talk in a mechanically robotic tone of voice or demonstrate stereotyped
or repetitive speech patterns, such as echolalia, immediate or delayed parroting of
what others say (e.g., quoting scenes from television shows or movies), or the use
of “you” when referring to self. Notably, prosodic production differences are seen
across the spectrum, including those with more normal language development
and higher functioning ASD (Peppé et al., 2007), but are unlikely to be present in
a child without ASD.
In addition to deficits in verbal communication, deficits in nonverbal commu-
nication, such as gaze, facial expressions, physical approach, and gestures, are also
evident in ASD. There may be reduced use of nonverbal behaviors in general, in-
cluding a lack of pointing, limited eye contact, and flat facial expressions, as well
as aberrant nonverbal communication patterns not often observed in typical de-
velopment (e.g., grabbing someone’s finger to point). Although youth with ODD
may also show limited affect or avoid eye contact, it is important to note that such
behavior stems from an intentional attempt to be defiant, dismissive, and/or rude
rather than from a skill deficit. Thus, it is important to assess one’s overall level
of eye contact and affect before assuming that the lack of responsiveness to adult
directives is an intentional act of defiance rather than a skill deficit.
Although both ODD/CD and ASD are characterized by impaired empathy, the
nature of these deficits may differ across disorders. Empathy, generally defined
as the ability to perceive and share in another’s emotional state (Eisenberg &
Fabes, 1990), is a multifaceted construct that can be differentiated into cog-
nitive and affective processes. The cognitive component of empathy refers to
the ability to recognize the feelings and take the perspective of other persons
and is typically measured with emotion matching or emotion labeling tasks.
In contrast, affective empathy involves the vicarious experiencing of another’s
emotional state and can be assessed with autonomic physiological measures or
self-report (Blair, 2005).
There is extensive research showing that individuals with CD plus CU traits
have impairments in affective empathy (Anastassiou- Hadjicharalambous &
Warden, 2008; de Wied et al., 2012). Although children with ASD also show
deficits in empathic abilities, in contrast to youth with CD plus CU traits, these
94
with CU traits), this information should never be used in isolation to make diag-
nostic decisions, given inconsistencies in the literature.
Assessment Process
Rating Scales
Although several rating scales are available to assess for disruptive behavioral
problems in school-aged youth, relatively few have been evaluated in or devel-
oped specifically for youth with ASD. However, used in combination with other
assessment information, instruments developed for the general population or
for children with developmental disabilities may provide valuable information
to guide diagnostic decisions. Brief descriptions of applicable rating scales with
strong psychometric properties are provided below.
NICHQ Vanderbilt Assessment Scales (Wolraich et al., 2003). The NICHQ
Vanderbilt Assessment Scales are a set of parent and teacher report measures
used to screen for attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), ODD, CD,
and anxiety/depression in children ages 6 to 12. The severity of the child’s beha-
vior is rated using a 4-point scale that ranges from 0 “never” to 3 “very often” and
academic performance in math, reading, and written expression, as well as the
quality of the child’s relationships with peers, parents, and siblings is rated on a
5-point scale that ranges from 1 “excellent” to 5 “problematic.” To meet DSM-5
criteria for a diagnosis of ODD, an individual must have at least 4 out of 8 positive
responses (i.e., score of 2 “often” or 3 “very often”) on the symptom assessment
screen. For CD, 3 out of 14 positive responses are required. Further, for both ODD
96
and CD, there must also be at least two performance questions on which the child
scores a 4 (“somewhat of a problem”) or one performance question in which the
child scores a 5 (“problematic”). Thus, to meet criteria for ODD and CD on the
Vanderbilt, a child must display symptoms consistent with these diagnoses as well
as demonstrate impairment in functioning.
The Vanderbilt Assessment Scales have strong psychometric properties, in-
cluding good internal consistencies, with Cronbach’s α > 0.90 and > 0.89 for all
parent-and teacher-reported subscales, respectively (Wolraich et al., 2003, 2013).
A meta-analysis demonstrated that the test-retest reliability correlations exceeded
0.80 for all summed scores and the scale has adequate sensitivity (0.80) and spec-
ificity (0.75; Bard et al., 2013).
Eyberg Child Behavior Inventory (ECBI; Eyberg & Pincus, 1999). The ECBI is a
36-item parent-rating scale that is used to assess disruptive behavior problems in
youth ages 2 to 16.
Parents are asked to rate how frequently each behavior occurs using a 7-point
Likert scale that ranges from 1 (“Never”) to 7 (“Always”). Parents then indicate
whether each behavior is currently a problem for them, 0 (“No”) or 1 (“Yes”). The
ECBI yields two scales: (1) an Intensity Scale, which reflects how frequently the
child displays each problem behavior, and (2) a Problem Scale, which reflects the
extent to which the parent finds the child’s behavior problematic. Clinical cutoffs
are produced for clinically elevated levels of disruptive behavior problems as well
as significant levels of parental distress related to the child’s behavior. The ECBI
demonstrates high internal consistency (α =0.93–0.95) and adequate interrater
reliability (r =0.61–0.79) and test-retest reliability (r =0.75) (Eyberg & Robinson,
1983; Funderburk et al., 2003). While the ECBI does not yield separate scores
for different types of problem behaviors (e.g., CD, ODD), prior work suggests a
three-factor solution that includes oppositional defiant behavior toward adults,
conduct problem behavior, and inattentive behavior (Burns & Patterson, 2000).
Relatedly, although the items on the ECBI are not specifically keyed to DSM cri-
teria for CD, the measure discriminates between children referred for conduct
problems and nonreferred children (Rich & Eyberg, 2001), and thus can be util-
ized as a screening instrument in clinical settings. Further, the ECBI has been
widely used to assess behavioral problems in children with developmental disabil-
ities, including youth with ASD and Down syndrome (Sofronoff et al., 2004), and
is sensitive to measuring treatment effects on youth disruptive behavior problems
(Nixon et al., 2003).
The Achenbach System of Empirically Based Assessment (ASEBA; Achenbach &
Rescorla, 2001). The ASEBA family of instruments is widely used in clinical and
research settings to assess behavioral and emotional problems in children ages 1.5
to 18 years. There are parallel forms for parents (Child Behavior Checklist; CBCL/
1½-5, CBCL/6-18), youth (Youth Self-Report; YSR/11-18), and teachers (Teacher’s
Report Form; TRF/6-18). The ASEBA measures contain a Total Problems Scale,
Internalizing and Externalizing broadband scales, and eight syndrome scales, in-
cluding Rule-Breaking Behavior and Aggressive Behavior. DSM-oriented scales
97
have also been derived, which are computed based on items that correspond to
DSM criteria for various disorders, including ODD and CD. Notably, the CBCL
1 ½-5 now includes a DSM-oriented scale of Autism Spectrum Problems, which
can be used to screen for ASD symptomatology in young children, although an
equivalent scale does not exist for the school-aged version of this measure. All
ASEBA scales have a mean T-score of 50 and a standard deviation of 10, and
separate norms are provided for each gender within the 6-to 11-year and 12-to
18-year age ranges.
Although the CBCL has frequently been used in studies of children with ASD
(Sikora et al., 2008), studies examining its psychometric properties in ASD sam-
ples have yielded mixed findings. Medeiros and colleagues (2017) showed that
the CBCL factor structure held for younger but not older children with ASD
(Medeiros et al., 2017). In contrast, Pandolfi and colleagues (2009, 2012) found
support for the factor structure of both age versions of the CBCL (i.e., ages 1.5–5
and ages 6–18; Pandolfi et al., 2009, 2012), and scale reliabilities were good to ex-
cellent with a median of 0.85. Further, in the older sample of 128 youth with ASD,
authors showed that the Total Problems scale, Externalizing Problems broad-
band scale, and Aggressive Behavior syndrome scale were best at discriminating
youth with ODD from those without. However, despite demonstrating acceptable
sensitivity, many scales had low specificity, suggesting that the CBCL should be
combined with ASD-specific measures such as the Autism Diagnostic Interview-
Revised (ADI-R) and Autism Diagnostic Observation Schedule (ADOS), and
specific measures of emotional and behavioral disorders such as the K-SADS to
determine whether elevated scores on the CBCL reflect the presence of a true
ODD or CD diagnosis.
Semistructured Interviews
While rating scales can be helpful in quickly assessing for the presence oppo-
sitional and defiant behaviors, they should not be used to make a diagnosis of
ODD or CD without confirming and elaborating on the information with inter-
views. Standardized, semistructured interviews provide a useful framework for
assessing the presence of specific behavioral problems and their frequency of oc-
currence, duration, and impact on individual and family functioning. Although
the time-intensive nature of structured interviews is a significant barrier to using
them in many clinical settings, this assessment method provides the level of in-
depth information required for complex differential diagnosis that is difficult to
obtain through alternative methods such as questionnaires. Mazefsky and col-
leagues (2011) recommend that if administering a full structured interview is not
feasible, a subset of relevant sections can be selected to collect the most pertinent
information.
The Autism Comorbidity Interview (ACI; Leyfer et al., 2006) is a modified ver-
sion of the Kiddie Schedule for Affective Disorders and Schizophrenia—Present
and Lifetime Version (K-SADS) for ASD and/or intellectually disabled popula-
tions. This semistructured interview assesses the presence of both lifetime and
98
current (past 3 months) diagnoses for most major psychiatric disorders, including
ODD and CD. While the ACI is based on the DSM-IV, diagnostic criteria for
ODD and CD were largely unchanged in the DSM-5 with the exception of ad-
ditional specifiers to better capture the heterogeneity in these disorders. Thus,
continued use of the ACI is likely appropriate despite changes in the DSM ver-
sion. Importantly, the ACI provides example behaviors intended to capture the
unique ways in which oppositional and antisocial behavior may manifest in ASD.
These differential diagnostic considerations are included to ensure that symptoms
that may be better explained by ASD symptoms are not mistakenly attributed to
ODD/CD. The ACI has been shown to be a valid and reliable measure, with high
sensitivity, high specificity, and excellent interrater reliability (Leyfer et al., 2006).
Although utilizing a measure developed specifically for ASD populations is ideal
for the differential diagnosis, as the ACI is not publicly available, the K-SADS is
also acceptable to use; nonetheless, when administering a measure that was devel-
oped for the general psychiatric population such as the K-SADS, it is important
to keep in mind the key considerations for differential diagnosis discussed in this
chapter.
Case Example
Assessment Battery
Given Carter’s history of social difficulties and aversions, tendency to have overly
focused interests, and lack of response to standard behavioral treatments, the
possibility of ASD was considered. Standardized diagnostic tests for ASD were
administered, including the ADOS and the ADI-R. Lack of eye contact was ob-
served, as reported by his teachers, but eye contact atypicalities were present
across contexts and activities. He also rarely coordinated other nonverbal cues
such as gesture and facial expression with eye contact. Carter exceeded cutoffs for
ASD on both measures. Overall, ASD was determined to capture his challenges
most clearly, and it was diagnosed as his primary disorder.
Carter’s Full Scale IQ as measured by the Weschler Abbreviated Scale of
Intelligence was in the average range (standard score of 105), but he had a verbal-
performance spilt (VIQ of 115 and PIQ of 89). Carter’s parents also completed the
Vineland Adaptive Behavior Scales, a commonly used measure of adaptive beha-
vior in the areas of communication, daily living skills, and socialization (Sparrow
et al., 2016). Carter’s overall composite on the Vineland revealed significantly de-
layed adaptive behavior that was well below what would be expected based on his
IQ, with a score in the “low” range (standard score =62). Further, while Carter’s
Expressive Language (scaled score of 15) was “Adequate” compared to others his
age, his Receptive Language (scaled score of 8) was lower than expected, given his
IQ. Overall, it is not uncommon for children with this pattern of average or higher
verbal IQ despite significantly lower nonverbal IQ, and receptive language and
adaptive skill delays, to be misunderstood. For example, Carter’s strong verbal
skills and intellect could lead to the impression that he should be able to process
10
things at a pace that is faster than he is actually able to do. Subsequently, this could
have resulted in his teachers’ frustration with his apparent nonresponsiveness that
likely stemmed from a need for more support or time versus defiance.
Carter and his parents were both interviewed using the Autism Comorbidity
Interview to assess for the presence of other psychiatric disorders. While his
mother endorsed symptoms consistent with disruptive behavior disorders, when
probed further, it was clear that Carter’s oppositional behavior lacked intention-
ality. When followed up with a functional assessment of Carter’s oppositional and
aggressive behavior, it was clear that most problems occurred when Carter was
asked to do a task that he did not fully understand or when he was overwhelmed
socially. These reports were corroborated by the clinician’s direct observation of
Carter in the classroom which aimed to further characterize the antecedents,
consequences, and nature of Carter’s disruptive behavior. Further, although he
was often overly directive with peers, this was better conceptualized as related to
poor social reciprocity than to ODD. The clinician observed that Carter’s peers
frequently appeared to be annoyed by his behavior, but when following up with
Carter after these interactions, it was clear that he had little awareness of their
annoyance and that his behaviors were actually failed attempts to establish social
connections. This lack of awareness was consistent with his overall pattern of poor
emotional and self-awareness. Taken together, the prior diagnosis of ODD was
ruled out in favor of ASD as an explanation for his observed disruptive behaviors.
SUMMARY
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Anxiety is the most frequently diagnosed mental condition for children and adults
(Buss & McDoniel, 2016; Kessler et al., 2012; Remes et al., 2016), with about one
in fourteen people in the world diagnosed with an anxiety disorder at any given
time (Baxter et al., 2013). The World Health Organization (WHO, 2017) reports
that anxiety disorders are ranked as the sixth largest contributor to nonfatal health
loss globally and appear in the top 10 causes of years lived with disability in all
WHO regions. Currently recognized subtypes of anxiety include generalized anx-
iety disorder, social anxiety disorder, separation anxiety disorder, specific phobia,
selective mutism, panic disorder, and agoraphobia.
Anxiety is especially problematic for children and adults diagnosed with au-
tism spectrum disorder, with prevalence rates at least five times higher than in the
general population (Nimmo-Smith et al., 2020; van Steensel & Heeman, 2017).
The prevalence rate for any anxiety disorder diagnosed alongside autism, using
Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) or International
Classification of Diseases (ICD) criteria, is at least 34% for children and adolescents
with autism (van Steensel et al., 2011) and 27% for adults with autism (Hollocks
et al., 2019). Such anxiety can cause substantial disruption of well-being and suc-
cess for individuals with autism and their families (South & Rodgers, 2017; White
et al., 2011).
Symptom overlap between autism and anxiety can complicate diagnosis of both
conditions (Maddox & White, 2015; Montazeri et al., 2019). Traits and behav-
iors frequently seen in autism, such as decreased social competence, social avoid-
ance, fewer friendships, and higher rates of peer rejection and bullying, are also
106
common in anxiety disorders (Alfano et al., 2011; Buss & McDoniel, 2016). The
inverse is likewise true: Some level of worry, especially in novel situations, is quite
common in individuals with autism. White et al. (2009) and others therefore rec-
ommend that an anxiety disorder should only be diagnosed alongside autism if
the level of anxiety significantly interferes with everyday functioning.
This symptom overlap means that anxiety disorders could be overdiagnosed in
autism (Mazefsky et al., 2012; Trammell et al., 2013). At the same time, atypical
worries often reported by children and adults with autism mean that anxiety is
likely more frequent in autism than that captured by traditional definitions (Kerns
et al., 2014, 2021). There is significant risk that an appropriate autism diagnosis
can be overshadowed by anxiety, while it is equally possible that an anxiety diag-
nosis can be overshadowed by autism traits (Crane et al., 2019). In either case, im-
portant treatment targets and challenges are missed. Thus, appropriate diagnosis
can be helpful for effective, ongoing treatment planning.
This chapter aims to serve as a tool to guide clinicians in the diagnostic process
through (1) providing an overview of commonalities and distinctions useful for
disambiguating anxiety from autism; (2) characterizing shared, transdiagnostic
risk processes and etiology which complicate differential diagnosis but also pro-
vide key targets for treatment; (3) summarizing tools for assessment and diag-
nosis; and (4) identifying evidence-based treatment approaches for anxiety in
people with autism. Collectively, these materials provide a roadmap for clinicians
to think about differential, and co-occurring, diagnosis of autism and anxiety.
Figure 6.1 highlights the interaction of general risk processes and autism-specific
processes that may underlie the co-occurrence of autism and anxiety.
autism-specific
processes global risk
less flexible cognitive style, co-occurring processes
executive function autism and emotion dysregulation,
difficulties, intolerance of anxiety heightened physiological
uncertainty, sensory arousal
sensitivity
Figure 6.1. Autism-specific processes do not necessarily lead to anxiety, and global
processes may contribute risk for many outcomes, including anxiety or depression.
However, an interaction of global and autism-specific risk mechanisms may underlie a
markedly increased risk for anxiety in autism.
Olivia’s total score of 38 was well above the recommended cut score of 25 for clin-
ical concern, with elevated subscale scores for Social Anxiety, Separation Anxiety,
and School Avoidance. Scores from the Social Responsiveness Scale–2nd Edition
(SRS-2; Constantino & Gruber, 2012) parent-report survey of autism traits were
in the clinically significant range, though the evaluators were aware that high anx-
iety, especially social anxiety, can inflate SRS scores (South et al., 2017). Olivia
is very picky about textures and smells and sometimes won’t eat lunch at school
when she’s bothered by the smell of other children’s food. Olivia’s parents also
noted that until very recently she demonstrated some hand-flapping and shook
her arms up next to her chest in what her parents called “puppy dog arms” when
she was excited.
During the evaluation, Olivia was cheerful, energetic, and talkative. Olivia
seemed to have a restricted interest related to talking about her anxiety, frequently
reciting long lists of things she worries about. When asked about her friends, she
made another long list of more than 20 names that seemed to be people she knew
at school. Her nonverbal communication behaviors such as use of eye contact and
facial expressions were less frequent than expected for her age. When asked how
it feels to look people in the eye, she said “It’s like looking at a great white shark,
and I’m very afraid of sharks.” Olivia said that she often feels that she’s “faking it”
in her interactions with others, and that this takes a lot of effort. She had difficulty
talking about her role in her frequent tantrums. On the ADOS-2 observation of
autism traits, Olivia’s calibrated severity score of 4 put her in the mild range of
autism concern.
108
How can clinicians tease apart this overlap between autism and anxiety? Several
studies with group data have shown that standard diagnostic measures for autism
(such as the Autism Diagnostic Interview-Revised or ADI-R; Lord et al., 1994;
and the Autism Diagnostic Observation Schedule or ADOS; Lord et al., 2000) are
independent of diagnostic measures for anxiety (Anderson et al., 2015; Montazeri
et al., 2019). Studies of dimensional measures of autism traits (such as the Autism
Quotient or AQ; Baron-Cohen et al., 2001) and anxiety often find more overlap,
although nonautistic but anxious groups may score significantly higher than au-
tism groups (Top Jr. et al., 2019).
A vital caveat to these studies is that group-level data may obscure individual
differences. Stadnick et al. (2015) looked at ADOS administration in commu-
nity health clinics and found that 30% of children were “false positives” on the
ADOS, with anxiety or ADHD as the most frequent alternate diagnosis. South
et al. (2017) found that about one half of a nonautistic but highly anxious group
of adults scored in the mild range of concern for autism or higher on the SRS-2.
Smith et al. (2019) found that children who are not referred for an autism evalu-
ation, but actually meet diagnostic criteria for autism, often have anxiety symp-
toms which prompted the referral. As with any complex diagnostic evaluation,
clinicians should rely on multiple sources of information and be thoughtful about
relying too much on recommended cut-scores for any one measure.
Formal Diagnostic Criteria. As should be the case, people who have autism are
more severely affected across the three behavioral clusters of the autism social
communication domain of the DSM-5, relative to people who have anxiety and not
autism. For example, nonverbal communication behaviors such as using eye con-
tact during conversation may be reduced in either autism or anxiety, but people
with a primary diagnosis of anxiety will often “warm up” over time and as they
become more comfortable with the situation will demonstrate more eye contact
and other nonverbal social behaviors.
109
The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, fifth edition (DSM-
5; (American Psychiatric Association, 2013) establishes difficulties in “developing,
maintaining, and understanding relationships” as a core trait of autism. Such be-
havior can also be seen to a lesser extent in anxiety disorders. For example, fears
related to being judged by others may reduce social motivation in social anx-
iety, which is associated with decreased social competence and fewer friendships.
Children with generalized anxiety tend to show age-expected social competence
and have high-quality friendships, but have fewer friends overall than nonanxious
peers (Alfano et al., 2011).
Social motivation in autism is variable: Some people with autism have little
desire to interact with others and are rarely bothered by having few or no close
friends. Conversely, high social motivation in autism is more likely to be part of
a negative feedback loop in which problematic interactions with others increase
anxiety, feelings of anxiety disrupt decision-making (including social decision-
making), and social difficulties worsen. Importantly, this seems to be true for
people with social difficulties generally (Pickard et al., 2017) as well as those with
social anxiety disorder (Beck et al., in press; South et al., 2020).
However, social behavior in autism is qualitatively different and quantitatively
more impaired compared to social anxiety.
The restricted and repetitive behaviors and interests (RRBIs) domain of the DSM-
5 definition of autism is especially heterogeneous in both quality and quantity of
demonstrated behaviors. Network analysis of ADOS items for 126 verbal children
with autism has shown high degrees of clustering of items in the ADOS social
domain, but only weakly interrelated relationships for items from the repetitive
behaviors/restricted interest domain (Anderson et al., 2015). Repetitive behav-
iors similar to those seen in autism can be seen in nonhuman primates and other
animal species (Lutz, 2014), to a mild degree in younger children (especially for
repetitive or echoed speech), and in other neurodevelopmental conditions (such
as Down syndrome; Glenn, 2017). Nonetheless, early and intense manifestations
of RRBIs may be among the earliest behavioral markers of later autism diagnosis
(Damiano et al., 2013; Elison et al., 2014; Wolff et al., 2019).
RRBIs may be qualitatively characterized as “low level” (e.g., stereotyped
movements or use of objects) that might be more common in younger or less
verbal individuals, vis-á-vis “high level” (e.g., insistence on sameness or intense
special interests) that might occur in older and/or more verbal people (Prior &
Macmillan, 1973; Turner, 1999). Distinctions in these categories may contribute
to anxiety in autism via different mechanisms (Wigham et al., 2015). Higher level
repetitive behaviors seem closest to the types of narrow or rigid thinking and be-
havior seen in anxiety and related conditions, such as cognitive inflexibility and
obsessive-compulsive traits (Morris & Mansell, 2018). Indeed, measures of “in-
sistence on sameness” (IS) have shown stronger correlations with anxiety than
other RRBI categories. In a large (n =1429) study of data on children and ado-
lescents with autism from the Simons Simplex genetics database, Gotham et al.
(2013) found weak but statistically significant associations between anxiety scores
from the Child Behavior Checklist (Achenbach & Edelbrock, 1983) and the six
10
“insistence on sameness” items from the ADI-R. Rodgers et al. (2012) looked at
a group of 67 young people (mean age =11.2) diagnosed with autism and found
that highly anxious children had more overall RRBIs than nonanxious ones and
that, within the high-anxiety group, IS was most associated with anxiety scores.
There is evidence from both autism and anxiety samples that IS serves to reg-
ulate anxiety, by increasing predictability and control over the environment.
Outside of IS, however, fewer RRBIs that are common in autism overlap with
anxiety. Occasional stimming such as hand-flapping may be seen in anxious chil-
dren especially when younger, but not to the same degree as in autism. An intense
preference for talking and thinking about narrow special interests that interferes
with typical conversation or activities is more likely to happen in autism; although
worry about performing well in a high-pressure situation could constrain conver-
sational flexibility for anxious persons, this is less likely in typical, lower-pressure
situations. Additionally, the presence of RRBIs in a person with autism may stem
from anxiety (South & Rodgers, 2017; Wigham et al., 2015), suggesting that anx-
iety treatment may increase flexibility and reduce potentially disruptive RRBIs.
Historically, RRBIs have been viewed as pathological. There is no question that
RRBIs can disrupt everyday functioning as well as interfere with family members,
peers, and others. However, survey research and input from people with autism
themselves have shown that RRBIs can also be adaptive, especially as a way for
coping with feelings of physiological arousal and anxiety (Leekam et al., 2011;
Uljarević et al., 2016). The pursuit of special interests can provide meaning and
motivation and provide windows to connect with others (with or without autism)
who share similar interests. Increasing flexibility when needed can be helpful for
people with autism to navigate their worlds more easily, but forcing people with
autism to give up their preference for sameness or repetitive activities is not re-
commended and is nearly always futile.
et al., 2012). The construct of IU was first proposed as a key contributor to the
overwhelming worry that defines generalized anxiety disorder.
Conceptually, worry serves as a cognitive distractor from the emotional fear of
uncertainty and is thus maintained through negative reinforcement, while also
providing some semblance of control by planning for any sort of uncertainty.
Grupe and Nitschke (2013) characterize neural processes that contribute to antic-
ipation of uncertainty and drive subsequent anxiety.
More recently, IU has been shown to be an important contributor to other anx-
iety diagnoses (such as social phobia) and for depression (Carleton et al., 2012;
Einstein, 2014). For example, Boswell and colleagues (Boswell et al., 2013) re-
ported outcomes from 32 adults who completed between 8 and 18 sessions of an
emotion-focused cognitive-behavioral therapy (CBT) meant to treat both anxiety
and unipolar mood disorders. Before treatment, IU was correlated both with se-
verity of depressive and worry symptoms. Post-treatment change in IU was related
to reduced anxiety and depressive symptom levels across diagnostic categories.
Drawing on emerging evidence from both child and adult autism samples,
Rodgers and South and colleagues have proposed that IU functions as a crit-
ical mediator between autism traits and anxiety symptoms (Boulter et al., 2014;
Chamberlain et al., 2013; South & Rodgers, 2017; Wigham et al., 2015). People
with autism may frequently experience a number of cognitive, social, and emo-
tional factors that contribute to uncertainty, such as atypical sensory processing,
difficulties understanding emotional cues, and confusing social situations. IU in
autism may be heightened by the sheer volume of less certain situations encoun-
tered in everyday life. Reaction to such persistent uncertainty may drive elevated
rates of anxiety in autism; repetitive behaviors that are common in autism may
serve to increase predictability and thereby reduce uncertainty.
While IU can underlie cognitive, emotional, and behavioral aspects of both
anxiety and autism, it is important to consider on an individual basis whether IU
may contribute to more specific traits (e.g., behavioral rigidity in autism or fear
of negative evaluation in social anxiety). A new measure of IU developed and
validated for autism may provide a clearer picture of similarities and differences
between anxiety in autism and anxiety outside of autism (Rodgers et al., 2016). In
the meantime, we recommend explicit attention to IU in the treatment of anxiety
in autism.
Sensory Sensitivity. Atypical sensory behavior has long been associated with
autism spectrum conditions (Ben-Sasson et al., 2008; Crane et al., 2009) but
only became integrated into the formal diagnostic criteria in DSM-5 (American
Psychiatric Association, 2013). Using the Short Sensory profile (SSP; Tomchek
& Dunn, 2007)) and items from the ADI-R, Green and colleagues (2016) char-
acterized sensory difficulties in diverse children 10–14 years old, including 116
children diagnosed with autism and 72 children with special educational needs
(SEN) but not autism. They found atypical sensory behaviors in 92% of the au-
tism sample and 67% of SEN children. Apropos to the emotion regulation and
intolerance of uncertainty models of anxiety, challenging sensory behavior was
associated with higher levels of emotion dysregulation and with restricted and
repetitive behaviors on parent and teacher questionnaires. Significant challenges
13
CAMOUFLAGING IN AUTISM
Our case example Olivia deliberately makes eye contact in conversation despite
the discomfort this brings. There is increasing awareness in research and clinical
practice that many verbal children and adults with autism will mask underlying
15
DEVELOPMENTAL CONSIDERATIONS
Magiati, 2017), and adolescents or adults who seek an autism evaluation later in
life often have abilities (e.g., cognitive or general social skill) that protected them
from a diagnosis earlier in life.
Sex Considerations. Autism is diagnosed at a much higher rate in males than fe-
males, with approximately three males being diagnosed for every female (Loomes
et al., 2017). While some researchers have argued that there may be something
inherent in females that protects them from developing autism at the same rate
as males, others propose that our low estimate of autism traits in females reflects
a different presentation of autism symptoms than males (Hull et al., 2020). As
mentioned previously in the chapter, it may be that, in the absence of intellectual
or behavioral problems, girls are able to camouflage their symptoms more effec-
tively (Dworzynski et al., 2012). In addition, characteristics of the female autism
phenotype often seem to include a limited ability to maintain social relationships
and increased relational interests compared to males (Hull et al., 2020). Females
also appear to experience a high rate of internalizing symptoms, particularly co-
occurring anxiety, that can mask their subtler autism symptoms and often result
in an anxiety diagnosis only (Bargiela et al., 2016; Crane et al., 2019; Gotham
et al., 2015; South et al., 2020). Thus, differential diagnosis for females provides a
unique challenge for clinicians as it necessitates careful consideration of atypical
presentations of autism and overlapping anxiety symptomatology.
Cognitive Ability Considerations. Generally, individuals with low cognitive abil-
ities or intellectual disability can display symptoms commonly associated with
autism, such as repetitive motor movements or speech, limited sharing of affect,
or reduced language abilities, which are important to consider when evaluating
symptoms. There is a dearth of literature on how cognitive ability may influence
the prevalence and presentation of anxiety. A review by Reardon and colleagues
(Reardon et al., 2015) found that individuals with intellectual disability are more
likely to experience specific anxiety disorders like separation anxiety disorder or
specific phobia, rather than disorders like generalized anxiety disorder that re-
quire more cognitive and verbal ability to verbalize worries and fears. Kerns et al.
(2021) reported a similar pattern in children (ages 9–13 years) with anxiety dis-
order and varied intellectual abilities. Whereas a wide array for DSM-specified as
well as distinct anxiety symptoms (e.g., fears related to change, social confusion,
or loss of access to special interest) were apparent in children with higher IQ, the
presentation of anxiety in children with IQ < 70 was predominantly limited to
specific phobias and distinct fears. A study by Sudhodolsky et al. (2008) examined
specific differences in rates of anxiety related to cognitive ability using a sample
of individuals with autism. For individuals with autism, they similarly found that
cognitive ability may be more associated with specific anxiety disorders, rather
than severity of symptoms; specifically, individuals with high-functioning autism
experienced higher rates of generalized anxiety, separation anxiety, and panic dis-
order, whereas rates of specific phobia and social anxiety were relatively similar
for individuals with high-functioning or low-functioning autism. Consequently,
consideration of assessment tools that measure anxiety is important, as individ-
uals with intellectual disability may have more nonverbal behaviors related to
17
their fears and limited ability to verbally describe worries than individuals who
are higher functioning.
ASSESSMENT CONSIDERATIONS
FOR DIFFERENTIAL DIAGNOSIS
present with intellectual impairment, self-report measures can and should be in-
tegrated into assessments where possible to shed light on symptoms that may not
be easily observable to others and gauge the individual’s level of insight into their
own symptoms. Though several studies have found limited agreement between
self and informant reports of anxiety in children with autism, it is not clear that
these discrepancies are more pronounced than those also seen in typically de-
veloping youth; moreover, levels of parent/child agreement regarding symptoms
may be relevant to child outcomes and treatment engagement (Burrows et al.,
2018; Hurtig et al., 2009; Magiati et al., 2014).
Tools designed specifically to assess anxiety symptoms in autism may also pro-
vide useful information in cases where an autism diagnosis is being considered.
These tools were developed specifically to capture the varied expression of anx-
iety in children with autism and thus may provide (a) an additional indication of
potential autism if many autism-related or distinct anxieties are present and (b) a
more comprehensive estimate of anxiety challenges in a child with autism or re-
lated difficulties. The Anxiety Scale for Children—Autism Spectrum Disorder, self
and caregiver-report (ASC-ASD; Rodgers, Wigham, et al., 2016) and Parent Rated
Anxiety Scale for youth with autism (PRAS-ASD; Scahill et al., 2019) are brief
scales of anxiety in autism that may be useful to gather an overall estimate of anx-
iety symptoms and severity. For a more comprehensive examination, the Anxiety
Disorders Interview Schedule— Child/Parent Version (ADIS- C/
P; Albano &
Silverman, 1996) is a gold-standard, semistructured diagnostic interview for as-
sessing childhood anxiety disorders that has shown strong psychometric prop-
erties for cognitively able youth with autism (Ung et al., 2014). In addition, an
Autism Spectrum Addendum to the ADIS-Parent Version, has been developed
by Kerns et al. (2014, 2017) and can be used when autism is suspected to help
clinicians differentiate potentially overlapping anxiety and autism symptoms (e.g.,
social avoidance, perseverative thinking) and assess distinct or “other specified”
presentations of anxiety that arise in children with autism but do not correspond
with DSM-defined anxiety disorders. Finally, it is essential for clinicians to spend
adequate time with clients, including time in less structured social situations; we
have found, for example, that highly structured testing situations such as a stand-
ardized IQ test do not provide enough opportunity to evaluate social interactions
(Scahill & Evans, 2020).
TREATMENT IMPLICATIONS
Although treatment is not the focus of the chapter, and this section does not serve
as a comprehensive review, there are several implications for psychotherapy, given
the significant overlap between anxiety and autism.
First-line treatments for anxiety are generally considered to be CBT, medication
(usually antidepressants such as selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor [SSRIs]),
or a combination of both, given the large amount of efficacy trials for both chil-
dren and adults (Mayo-Wilson et al., 2014; Wang et al., 2017). Clinical trials have
19
Intolerance of
Reduced Eye Contact Later Onset (2+) Uncertainty
Important
Social Avoidance Sensory Sensitivity Treatment
Context-Dependent Targets
Physiological Distress
Figure 6.2. Conceptual representation of the overlap of core diagnostic traits and shared traits for autism and anxiety
disorders. More white represents likely association with autism, while more black represents association with anxiety. Note
that these are theoretical representations only and are not based on actual data.
12
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INTRODUCTION
what would be expected from ASD alone, including functional impairments, sig-
nificant family burden, and risk of suicide and/or self-harm (Cassidy et al., 2014;
Magnuson & Constantino, 2011). The current chapter will discuss developmental
considerations in the diagnosis of MDD and ASD, co-occurrence of MDD and
ASD, clinical similarities and differences, and recommendations for providers.
Social-Communicative Development in
Early Childhood (0–4 Years)
(CDC, 2014). Note that although this study was published in 2014, data were col-
lected in 2010 prior to DSM-5 (in which all three diagnostic categories would now
fall under the umbrella of ASD).
Overall, then, symptom presentation prior to age 5 is relatively rare for MDD
and common for ASD, which makes it particularly important for clinicians to
query parents about their children’s social-communicative skills in early child-
hood. As noted above, symptoms of MDD and ASD can be challenging to dis-
entangle when children are older, particularly as both conditions present with
social-communicative deficits. However, if social-communication deficits were
observed in early childhood, this provides evidence of potential ASD or other
developmental disorder.
high autism symptoms among this group of youth with ASD may have collateral
effects, as they may be more acutely aware of their social difficulties compared to
their peers.
Though MDD is often considered a diagnosis which revolves around sadness
or anhedonia (loss of ability to find pleasure), whereas ASD is thought to revolve
around social-communication deficits, early theories of depression emphasized
social skills deficits as central to the disorder (Lewinsohn, 1975). Lewinsohn’s be-
havioral theory posited that individuals with depression exhibit poor social skills
(Lewinsohn, 1975). In this view, social skills deficits were considered an ante-
cedent to depression, as they lead to a lack of positive reinforcement from others
(e.g., peers avoiding the individual), which contributed to MDD. Note, however,
that this theory was criticized due to lack of clarity about the causal relationship
between depression and social skills. That is, though Lewinsohn originally pos-
ited that lack of social skills was a causal factor in the development of depression,
evidence was ambiguous about whether social skill deficits preceded depression
or whether difficulties with social interactions were a consequence of depression.
In response to such criticism and lack of clear causal evidence, Lewinsohn revised
his theory to reflect social skills deficits as secondary to being depressed, rather
than the reverse (Lewinsohn et al., 1985). Nevertheless, it is clear that social and
interpersonal functioning is affected among persons with depressive disorders
(Segrin, 2012), such as MDD.
Unfortunately, some individuals with co-occurring ASD and MDD are mis-
diagnosed due to clinical overshadowing (e.g., clinicians attributing symptoms of
MDD to ASD and therefore not recognizing the need for an additional diagnosis),
challenges disentangling symptoms of ASD from MDD, and lack of validated di-
agnostic tools for evaluating MDD in ASD populations. Reported prevalence
rates of depression among individuals with ASD are highly variable (e.g., 0.4%–
76.2%; Hudson et al., 2019). Such variability is often attributed to diagnostic and
assessment challenges. Below, we describe common overlapping symptoms be-
tween MDD and ASD that make differential diagnosis (distinguishing between
ASD and MDD) difficult for mental health professionals.
Clinical Similarities
Understanding the clinical similarities between ASD and MDD is crucial to our
ability to make accurate differential diagnoses. In an effort to advance this under-
standing, recent research has highlighted key areas in which overlapping symptom
profiles exist. As described in the sections below, these include nonverbal social
communication deficits, difficulties with social relationships, social cognitive
deficits, and rumination. Within this chapter we focus most on the broad overlap
in social deficits across autism and depression. Although the underlying symp-
toms that contribute to social difficulties differ between the two conditions (e.g.,
limited initiation of social interactions in ASD versus withdrawal in MDD), the
140
presentation of these symptoms can appear similar across the two diagnoses. In
each section of Table 7.1, areas of symptom overlap between ASD and MDD are
highlighted to help distinguish characteristics of each disorder. In addition, over-
lapping symptoms, along with the corresponding DSM-5 criteria for each diag-
nosis, are shown in Table 7.1.
Nonverbal Social Communication. Nonverbal communicative behaviors used
for social interactions include eye contact, intonation, and gestures. If a clinician
observes flat or constricted affect (in both speech and facial expressions) and re-
duced eye contact in an adolescent, MDD might be considered as a potential di-
agnosis. Research on depression corroborates clinical observations of nonverbal
communication deficits, as evidenced by increased speech latency during conver-
sations (Yang et al., 2013), reduced eye contact (Ellgring, 2007), and less smiling
during social interactions (Girard et al., 2013). However, such observable behav-
iors are also symptoms of ASD, specifically a limited range of facial expressions,
unusual prosody (e.g., speaking in a “robotic” tone), and reduced eye contact.
Similarly, while individuals with depression tend to use limited prosocial ges-
tures (Annen et al., 2012; Fiquer et al., 2018), those with ASD often show reduced
(or absent) descriptive gestures, for example using gestures to illustrate something
said verbally (e.g., Attwood et al., 1988; Loveland & Landry, 1986; Wetherby &
Prutting, 1984). Under the DSM-5, deficits in understanding and using gestures
are fundamentally related to social-communicative deficits of ASD, particularly
poor integration of verbal (e.g., speech) and nonverbal (e.g., gesture) commu-
nication. As such, the evaluation of communicative gestures is included in mul-
tiple assessment instruments validated in ASD populations, including screening
questionnaires (e.g., Social Communication Questionnaire; Rutter et al.,
2003) and gold-standard diagnostic assessments for ASD (e.g., Autism Diagnostic
Observation Scale, Second Edition; Lord et al., 2012). In contrast, the limited use
of gestures in MDD may reflect behaviors associated with negative or depressive
affect (e.g., fatigue, social anhedonia) rather than core symptomatology.
Social Relationship Difficulties. Difficulties with social relationships and overall
social withdrawal can be observed in both MDD and ASD. Individuals with ASD
often have trouble establishing and maintaining friendships due to challenges
in understanding and following unspoken social “rules,” particularly in adoles-
cence as social nuances become more complex (Mayes et al., 2011; White et al.,
2009). Some individuals with ASD may appear uninterested in making friends or
socializing and may prefer to be alone or participate in circumscribed interests.
Other youth with ASD may be highly motivated to engage with peers but may
struggle with the complex social skills which are required for successful inter-
actions and relationships in middle and/or high school. Similarly, adolescents
with MDD may withdraw from friends and acquaintances and spend more time
alone. Conversational self-focus (e.g., dominating the conversation) has also been
observed among those with MDD (Schwartz-Mette & Rose, 2016), which may
lead to increased difficulties with social relationships over time. Note, however,
that developmental context, age, and change in social skills from a given child or
adolescent’s “baseline” behavior are critical considerations.
14
Table 7.1 A Comparison of Major Depressive Disorder and Autism Spectrum Disorder
Baron-Cohen et al., 1997, 2001), in which participants are presented with a se-
ries of photographs of the eye region of different faces and asked to choose which
word best describes each person’s thoughts or feelings. The RMET is often con-
sidered an “advanced” theory of mind task (ToM), as it requires both mental state
attribution and emotion recognition. However, theory of mind deficits in MDD
are also observed in less complex tasks (e.g., guessing the intentions of a protag-
onist in a short story and second-order belief tasks in which one can have a false
belief about someone else’s belief). A recent meta-analysis on MDD suggests that
ToM deficits are associated with the severity of depressive symptoms and con-
tribute to social impairments in MDD (Bora & Bourke, 2016). That is, individ-
uals with more severe depressive symptoms exhibit more pronounced difficulties
with ToM, and those difficulties contribute to social impairments. Although ToM
deficits are not directly referenced in the DSM-5 criteria for MDD, these diffi-
culties could be interpreted as either related to the individuals’ depressed mood
itself (as mentioned above for emotion-recognition difficulties) or due to dimin-
ished attentional capabilities, another characteristic of depression. For example,
perhaps an individual with MDD is consumed with thoughts/cognitions about
sadness or feelings of guilt and thus is less able to engage in ToM or other social-
cognitive tasks.
Challenges with ToM tasks have been observed in ASD for decades and have
been reviewed in depth elsewhere (e.g., Baron-Cohen, 2001). Briefly, individuals
with ASD have marked difficulties with first-order false belief tasks (e.g., un-
derstanding that what the person herself knows might differ from what another
person knows) and second-order false belief tasks (e.g., recognizing what might
cause someone to feel certain emotions, inferring what someone is thinking from
their facial expression and/or gaze, and other broad ToM tasks). Compared to
their neurotypical peers, children with ASD have trouble using ToM in these
scenarios and often default to reporting what they know rather than taking the
perspective of another person (e.g., Baron-Cohen et al., 1985). Overall, challenges
with ToM are observed in both individuals with MDD and ASD. There is lack
of clarity on the mechanisms underlying ToM difficulties in MDD (e.g., due to
depressed mood, self-preoccupation with depressive cognitions, etc.), whereas
in ASD difficulties with “reading/interpreting” the intentions of others are often
considered central to the diagnosis.
Rumination. In the context of MDD, rumination is defined as a pattern of re-
petitive thinking about distress (e.g., in response to distress, an individual will
think about the symptoms of the distress rather than engaging in problem-solving
related to the distress; Nolen-Hoeksema, 2000). Individuals with MDD often ru-
minate about their own sadness (e.g., their own depressed mood) and/or have
repetitive thoughts of guilt, shame, or worthlessness. These thought patterns do
little to lessen distress, as the individual is not engaging in problem-solving, but
rather is focusing on the problem itself. Rumination has been demonstrated to
predict the number of MDD episodes (Robinson & Alloy, 2003) and has been
associated with both the development of MDD and continuation of depressive
symptoms (Siegle et al., 2004).
14
Associated Features
Although not core features of ASD, difficulties with sleeping (e.g., Adams et al.,
2014; Richdale & Schreck, 2009), food sensitivity (e.g., Chistol et al., 2017), and
difficulties with attention (e.g., Visser et al., 2016) are common in the autism
population. These features overlap with DSM-5 criteria for MDD—changes in
sleeping and eating patterns, and trouble concentrating—which poses challenges
for clinicians when trying to ask about features which are unique to one of the two
diagnoses (Stewart et al., 2006).
We note, however, that the specific presentation of these symptoms differs
between ASD and MDD. Difficulties with either falling or staying asleep are
common in MDD, and the onset of these sleep challenges generally coincides
145
with the beginning of other depressive symptoms and represents a change from
the individual’s “baseline.” Sleep difficulties in ASD are often reported at an early
age and are enduring rather than representing a change within the individual.
However, it remains unclear whether sleep disturbances in children with ASD
are associated with symptoms of ASD (e.g., social-communicative difficulties, re-
stricted interests and repetitive behaviors) or whether sleep difficulties are associ-
ated with co-occurring symptoms that are related to ASD (e.g., internalizing and
externalizing behaviors) (Hollway & Aman, 2011).
Similar to sleep-related issues, appetite/food intake symptoms represent a
change from an individual’s baseline in MDD, whereas food selectivity/sensitivity
often begins early in life for children with ASD. Additionally, children with ASD
often present with reduced/limited food intake due to sensory issues (e.g., a given
child may only want foods of a certain texture, or may only want to eat one type of
food and exhibit resistance to change). This differs from the more comprehensive
appetite changes associated with MDD, which usually involve markedly dimin-
ished appetite compared to baseline or, by contrast, overeating and weight gain
(American Psychological Association, 2013).
Finally, though difficulties with attention/concentration may appear similar be-
tween individuals with MDD and ASD, an investigation into the cause of these
symptoms can assist in disentangling commonly observed behaviors. In individ-
uals with MDD, a commonly reported symptom is difficulty concentrating due to
feeling as though one’s mind is “blank” or due to being preoccupied with negative/
depressive thoughts. In contrast, children with ASD may have difficulty paying
attention to presented information or material if they are focused on a restricted
interest or may have trouble attending to a new topic if they want to continue
talking about a restricted interest or playing with a preferred toy, but do not typ-
ically exhibit attentional challenges related to their mind “going blank” or being
preoccupied with negative thoughts.
As we outline below, though these behavioral features co-occur in both ASD
and MDD, considering patterns of onset, change from previous functioning, and
developmental trajectories can help differentiate between the two conditions (or
assist in making a dual diagnosis).
CASE STUDY
Given the symptom overlap between MDD and ASD mentioned above, it is im-
portant for clinicians to note differences between the two conditions to aid in
differential diagnosis. Figure 7.1 depicts a clinical “decision tree” of important
clinical considerations when attempting to differentiate between symptoms of
MDD versus those of ASD. In the section below, we outline a case study for
“Shawn,” a 14-year, 3-month-old boy who was referred to a university-based
screening clinic by a community mental health provider due to concerns about
potential ASD.
146
I.
Are social communication deficits (e.g. verbal and nonverbal communication difficulties) present?
Yes
No
A1. A2.
Were these symptoms present in early Are sufficient symptoms of MDD present (e.g.
childhood (e.g. prior to age 4–5)? 4+ symptoms during a 2 week period)?
Yes No Yes No
Return to Box A2
Yes No Yes No
a.)
a.)
Are there additional symptoms that cannot be
Are there additional symptoms that cannot be
explained by MDD alone (e.g. some social
explained by ASD alone (e.g. suicidal thoughts or
impairments are longstanding but not all)?
actions, appears tearful)?
Yes
Return to Box A2 No Yes No
Comorbid condition Return to Box A1
likely Comorbid condition MDD diagnosis likely
ASD diagnosis likely likely
Presenting Problem
History
Shawn was adopted at 2 months old and lived with his adoptive mother, sister, and
brother. His adoptive mother reported that Shawn was likely exposed to drugs
during pregnancy. Shawn had experienced feelings of sadness for a few years,
since approximately age 11. He had a history of suicidal ideation and was hospital-
ized for suicidal ideation 3 months prior to visiting the clinic. He was discharged
after 3 days and did not express a desire or plan to harm himself between being
released from the hospital and visiting the clinic.
Assessment
Case Conceptualization
Cognitive Assessment
Shawn presented as a cooperative but unhappy teenager. For example, during cog-
nitive testing, he completed all presented tasks without complaint and put forth a
strong effort. However, Shawn frequently placed his head in his hands or on the
table. He appeared tired and sounded tearful. His affect was flat. Shawn’s cognitive
ability was in the extremely low range (full-scale IQ score of 64). However, the
examiner noted that his scores were likely negatively impacted by his challenges
with concentration and timed tasks (e.g., block design).
148
Autism Assessment
The Autism Diagnostic Observation Schedule, second edition (ADOS-2) was
completed. Socially, Shawn provided brief responses to the examiner’s questions.
For example, when asked who his favorite teacher was, he replied, “They’re all
the same.” He did not elaborate on such responses or ask the examiner questions
about her experiences. Despite the examiner’s frequent bids for conversation,
Shawn did not engage in reciprocal conversation. With regard to nonverbal social
communication, he rarely made eye contact with the examiner and his body was
usually slouched. His head either tilted in the direction of the floor or was resting
on his hands. He directed few facial expressions to the examiner and made lim-
ited attempts at social overtures. Shawn did not present with any sensory-seeking,
routinized, or repetitive behaviors during the assessment. He did not present with
any restricted interests.
Shawn was asked to respond to questions related to socioemotional experi-
ences. He did not identify with feelings of anger, happiness, sadness, or fear. Yet
he told the examiner that he “is not happy most of the time” and that he breaks
objects when wanting to feel better. Shawn reported being teased and bullied by
peers at school (e.g., “They say stuff about my race”). Shawn could not name any
friends and reported feeling lonely. He stated that he had a girlfriend, though
his responses regarding this romantic relationship were inconsistent and, thus,
questionable. When the examiner asked about plans and aspirations, Shawn re-
ported that he wanted to join the high school basketball team next year. He also
expressed wanting to get married in the future.
Clinical Impressions
Overall, clinical impressions were that a diagnosis of ASD was not warranted.
Shawn had social communication difficulties (e.g., unable to identify meaningful
relationships with peers or teachers, flat affect, reduced eye contact, absent ges-
tures). Further, clinical conceptualization of the reasons for his social commu-
nicative difficulties aligned with MDD rather than ASD. For example, Shawn’s
facial expressions and vocal prosody were flat. In individuals with ASD, vocal
prosody is often described as being “robotic” and flat, and facial expressions
are often undirected (e.g., not directed toward social partners but rather at ob-
jects), or are absent even when discussing things the child or adolescent enjoys
or is highly interested in. In Shawn’s case, his flat prosody was not robotic but
rather sounded despondent, and his lack of facial expressions matched with his
report that he did not enjoy anything and could not remember a time when he
did not feel sad. Shawn’s lack of gestures and his short and delayed verbal re-
sponses to questions were consistent with his sluggish and slow body movement
(e.g., upon observation it looked as though any movement, including verbal re-
sponses, was highly effortful for him), which is distinct from verbally fluent ado-
lescents with ASD who often describe things in great detail but do not integrate
150
gestures and eye contact into their speech. In addition, he did not evidence areas
of restricted interests or repetitive behaviors during the assessment. Finally, his
mother reported that Shawn had appeared sad, “down,” and had low energy for
about 3 years; she did not report concerns about Shawn’s social-communicative
development in early life. Taken together, his social-communication challenges
appeared to align more closely with MDD than ASD (e.g., lack of conversational
or social skills due to low energy, sadness, and anhedonia rather than due to core
social skills deficits).
Given both the intensity and duration of symptoms (e.g., low mood and en-
ergy), Shawn met criteria for MDD. Shawn had been experiencing the following
symptoms of MDD: depressed mood, diminished interest or pleasure in activities,
psychomotor retardation, fatigue or loss of energy, diminished ability to think or
concentrate, and recurrent thoughts of death. As per both Shawn’s own report and
that of his mother, these symptoms had been ongoing for longer than the required
2 weeks in the DSM-5. Finally, the symptoms were causing clinically significant
distress (e.g., challenges with friends, problems at school, and previous hospitali-
zation for suicidal thoughts/behaviors).
CONCLUSION
In sum, both MDD and ASD can present with social-communication deficits, so-
cial cognitive challenges, and thoughts/behaviors that can be considered repeti-
tive (e.g., rumination, repetitive cognitions). Despite these overlapping symptom
areas, however, there are some critical considerations that can help clinicians
differentiate between the two conditions (or to justify giving a dual diagnosis).
The overarching guiding questions include (1) whether currently reported symp-
toms are long-standing and began early in life versus represent a clear change
in the person’s thoughts and behavior, and (2) whether social-communicative
challenges and evidence of restricted interests and/or repetitive behaviors were
present in early life (typically prior to age 4 or 5). Beyond those primary con-
siderations, however, we have attempted to provide examples of how the quality
and presentation of symptoms may differ across these conditions, even if similar
in name. For example, “flat” intonation may differ by an “empty” or despondent
quality (MDD) versus an unusual, asocial monotonic quality (ASD); passive ru-
mination on one’s distress in MDD may be accompanied by other, less negatively
valenced forms of cognitive perseveration in ASD; sensory sensitivity to food
textures and resistance to trying new foods may differ from a more pervasive
(and new onset) diminished appetite, and so on. Clinicians should note, how-
ever, that the presence of multiple variants of these symptoms is entirely pos-
sible, as is the presence of both disorders within one individual. Given the ASD
population’s vulnerability for co-occurring conditions, including MDD, it is im-
portant to screen for co-occurring depression when assessing youth with ASD,
with the intention of guiding targeted treatment.
15
While this chapter focused on the assessment of ASD and MDD, as well as
challenges associated with dual and differential diagnosis, the treatment of co-
occurring MDD among individuals with ASD is also a challenge, as there is very
little (or mixed) evidence for effective psychosocial or psychopharmacological
approaches for this population (DeFilippis, 2016). Cognitive-behavioral therapy
and mindfulness-based therapy are considered as psychosocial treatment options
for anxiety, but few studies have investigated the efficacy of these interventions
for depression among adolescents with ASD (for a review, see White et al., 2018).
In addition, antidepressants (e.g., selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors [SSRIs])
are commonly prescribed for the treatment of depression in ASD (Esbensen et al.,
2009). Yet a Cochrane Review found limited evidence to support their use, and
the authors even warned of their potential to cause harm (Williams et al., 2013).
Nevertheless, a comprehensive understanding of similarities and differences in
symptom expression for ASD and MDD plays an important role in supporting
progress in the area of depression treatment. More research is needed to better
understand both the clinical similarities and differences between these two condi-
tions, as such understanding is critical to make accurate diagnoses and to inform
intervention strategies.
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CLINICAL PRESENTATIONS
and (2) repetitive and restrictive behaviors and interests (RRBIs) (American
Psychiatric Association, 2013; Orinstein et al., 2015). Deficits in social com-
munication and interactions can include poorer understanding of friendships,
limited conversation skills, and less use of social/pragmatic language when com-
pared to children without ASD. RRBIs include repetitive body mannerisms (i.e.,
hand-flapping/rocking), inflexible adherence to schedules/routines, preoccupa-
tions/restricted patterns of interests (i.e., an intense interest in certain topics),
and/or persistent occupation with parts of objects (i.e., spinning the wheels of a
toy car) (Richler et al., 2007). The prevalence rate for ASD is currently about 1
in 54 children, with males being approximately four times more likely to receive
a diagnosis than females (Baio et al., 2018). Sex differences in symptom pre-
sentation are also reported, with most studies indicating that females show less
repetitive and stereotyped patterns of behavior when compared to males (Van
Wijngaarden-Cremers et al., 2014).
Though repetitive behaviors are a core feature of an ASD diagnosis, they are
also observed in other disorders. For example, RRBIs can be phenotypically sim-
ilar to obsessions and compulsions in OCD and to tics in TD. This overlap can
complicate differential diagnosis and may contribute to misidentification of the
patient’s presenting problem and inappropriate treatment planning.
Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder
Tourette’s Disorder
COMORBIDITY
Individuals with ASD frequently meet criteria for a comorbid diagnosis of OCD
or TD. Studies have found that as many as 37% of youth (Leyfer et al., 2006) and
25% of adults with ASD (Russell et al. 2005; Rydén & Bejerot, 2008) have comorbid
OCD. An even larger percentage of individuals with ASD present with subclinical
obsessive-compulsive symptoms (Lewin et al., 2011; Van Steensel et al., 2011). In
regard to TD, approximately 10%–25% of individuals with a primary ASD diag-
nosis have co-occurring tics (Baron-Cohen et al., 1999; Canitano & Vivanti, 2007;
Rapin, 2001; Scharf et al., 2015; Simonoff et al., 2008). Having these comorbid
diagnoses has been linked to increased distress (Fischer-Terworth & Probst,
2009; McDougle et al., 1995; Russell et al., 2005), psychosocial impairment (Mack
et al., 2010), and increased risk for additional comorbid psychopathology (Lewin
et al., 2011).
In addition to overlapping symptom presentation, the frequent comorbidity of
ASD, OCD, and TD adds complexity in accurately assessing and diagnosing these
conditions. Further, the assessment process can be affected by the individual’s lan-
guage, intellectual functioning, and level of insight (Jiujias et al., 2017; Kerns et al.,
2014). Given these challenges and their implications for treatment, it is impor-
tant for clinicians to understand and be able to recognize nuanced differences in
symptoms across ASD, OCD, and TD.
The presence of repetitive behaviors can also complicate differential diagnosis be-
tween ASD and TD, as stereotyped behaviors and tics can present similarly. When
differentiating between TD and ASD, important considerations include the con-
text and function of the behavior(s), the onset and presentation of the behavior(s),
and the presence of other symptoms.
While stereotyped behaviors and tics may initially manifest similarly, ul-
timately they differ in their purpose and in an individual’s experience of them
(Helverschou et al., 2011). Tics can be simple or complex and present in vocal or
motor forms. Simple tics involve one muscle group and are abrupt, brief, and re-
current movements or vocalizations that may appear meaningless. Complex tics
involve more than one muscle group, often appear purposeful or meaningful, and
may be more sustained. Stereotyped behaviors commonly observed in ASD may
serve as a strategy for pleasure and enjoyment or soothing, while tics, as seen in
TD, are usually performed in response to a physical sensation termed a premon-
itory urge.
While both stereotypies and tics are repetitive, stereotyped behaviors in ASD
are ritualistic, rhythmical, and purposeful, whereas tics are sudden, brief, irregular,
and involuntary. Unlike stereotypies, tics vary in intensity and are nonrhythmic
in nature. Additionally, stereotypies frequently involve the arms, hands, or en-
tire body, while tics are more commonly observed in the eyes, face, head, or
shoulders. Age of onset is another consideration, as tics typically manifest at 4–
6 years of age while stereotypies often begin earlier, typically during toddlerhood
(American Psychiatric Association, 2013). Further, while stereotyped behaviors
are consistent and fixed, tics evolve over time (i.e., change in severity and in af-
fected muscle groups and vocalizations).
It is also helpful to consider other features of both TD and ASD when trying
to correctly classify repetitive behaviors. Speech abnormalities such as coprolalia
are not characteristic of ASD but may present in TD. However, the resistance to
change and rigidity that are common features of ASD are somewhat distinct from
obsessive symptoms that regularly co-occur with TD (Ringman & Jankovic, 2000).
164
ASSESSMENT RECOMMENDATIONS
Evidence-based instruments are critical for ensuring accurate and reliable assess-
ment of symptomology (Cohen et al., 2013). In order to be evidence-based, meas-
ures and practices must demonstrate reliability and consistency in measuring
165
Given the high rates of comorbidity among individuals with these disorders, mul-
tiple measures have been validated for assessing comorbid psychopathologies
and repetitive behaviors in both ASD and OCD. The Children’s Yale-Brown
Obsessive Compulsive Scale Modified for Pervasive Developmental Disorders
(CY-B OCS PDD) (Scahill et al., 2006) and the CY-BOCS for Children with
Autism Spectrum Disorder (CY-B OCS ASD) (Scahill et al., 2014) measure the
severity of repetitive behaviors in children (ages 5–17) who have ASD or other
neurodevelopmental disabilities. The CY-B OCS PDD is a semistructured in-
terview administered to the youth’s parent (Scahill et al., 2006). The CY-B OCS
ASD includes a 23-item symptom checklist and five severity scales: Time Spent,
Interference, Distress, Resistance, and Control. It also includes a five-component
system for classifying repetitive behaviors in ASD: hoarding and ritualistic be-
havior; sensory and arranging behavior; sameness and self-injurious behavior;
stereotypy; and restricted interests (Scahill et al., 2014). Both measures have es-
tablished reliability and convergent validity and are sensitive to change (Scahill
et al., 2006).
The Autism Spectrum Addendum to the ADIS-P (ADIS/ASA) (Kerns et al.,
2014, 2017) provides guidelines to assist in differentiating symptoms of anxiety
and OCD from ASD when administering the ADIS-P. The ADIS/ASA has good
psychometric properties overall (Kerns et al., 2017). Further, inter-rater agree-
ment was excellent for OCD specifically; however, the correlation between the
OCD module with other OCD measures was not reported (Kerns et al., 2017).
The Autism Comorbidity Interview— Present and Lifetime Version (ACI-
PL; Leyfer et al., 2006), a modified version of the Kiddie Schedule for Affective
Disorders and Schizophrenia (KSADS), is applicable for children and adolescents
(ages 5–17 years) with autism. The ACI-PL is a semistructured interview admin-
istered to the youth’s parents by a skilled clinician and measures rates of psychi-
atric comorbidities. It provides both lifetime and current disorder information.
It has established inter-rater reliability and concurrent validity for OCD (Leyfer
et al., 2006).
The Autism Spectrum Disorder—Comorbid for Children (ASD-CC; Matson et al.,
2009) is a 49-item scale with established reliability and construct validity used to
measure comorbid psychopathology in children with ASD. There is also the Autism
Spectrum Disorders—Comorbidity for Adults (ASD-CA; Matson & Boisjoli, 2008),
a 37-item scale which measures comorbid psychopathology in adults with ASD
and ID. It includes the following five subscales: Anxiety/Repetitive Behaviors;
Conduct Problems; Irritability/ Behavioral Excesses; Attention/ Hyperactivity/
Impulsivity; and Depressive Symptoms (Mannion & Leader, 2013). Inter-rater
reliability for the ASD-CA was established, and an exploratory factor analysis
identified five factors that were consistent with symptom clusters of known psy-
chopathology among individuals with ASD (Matson & Boisjoli, 2008).
167
CONCLUSIO NS
Figures 8.1 and 8.2 provide clinical decision trees to aid in identifying ASD, OCD,
and Tourette’s disorder.
Y
The repetitive thoughts are
likely reflective of restricted
There is anxiety/distress connected to the relevant stimuli. N interests or repetitive
behaviors within the
framework of ASD.
Y
Anxiety/distress is observed
Anxiety/distress is observed or reported when the
or reported in the presence stimuli is removed, but not
of the stimuli. in the presence of the
stimuli.
Y Y
Y
N
Figure 8.2. Autism spectrum disorder (ASD) versus Tourette’s disorder or chronic tic
disorder.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This work was supported in part by a grant awarded to the last author by the Texas
Higher Education Coordinating Board.
170
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176
Throughout this chapter, the terms trauma and traumatic events will be used in-
terchangeably to describe events, or a series of reoccurring incidents, that threaten
the safety and well-being of a child. Childhood traumatic events can vary in in-
tensity and chronicity and can be characterized as direct harm (e.g., physical or
sexual abuse, domestic violence); exposure through war, natural disasters, or ac-
cidents; or absence of access to emotional, medical, or physical resources (i.e.,
neglect). Children are commonly exposed to traumatic events. In a study of over
1,400 children aged 9–16 years, 68% reported experiencing a traumatic event,
and of those, 37% experienced more than one (Copeland et al., 2007). Younger
infants and toddlers are also affected. Of 213 children aged 2–3 years, 14% expe-
rienced noninterpersonal trauma (e.g., accidental burns, serious falls, car acci-
dents), and 11.7% experienced family violence (Briggs‐Gowan et al., 2010). These
studies and others identify childhood as a period of particular vulnerability to
traumatic events.
Exposure to traumatic events can lead to the development of a specific trauma-
related disorder, such as posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), or a range of other
psychiatric conditions or negative sequelae (Cloitre et al., 2009). Researchers
have found that in response to a single traumatic event, 13.4% of children expe-
rience some symptoms of trauma, yet only 0.5% meet full diagnostic criteria for
PTSD (Copeland et al., 2007). However, rates of PTSD increase almost twofold in
children exposed to reoccurring or cumulative trauma (Courtois & Ford, 2009).
Nonetheless, exposure to even a single traumatic event can adversely affect the de-
velopment and subsequent functioning of a child, underscoring the need for sen-
sitive trauma-informed approaches (Hibbard & Desch, 2007; Kerns et al., 2015).
17
population (16%), with approximately 6%–7% meeting full diagnostic criteria for
ASD (Hoksbergen et al., 2005). Nonetheless, reseach suggests that symptoms of
ASD and those of extreme deprivation and neglect can be distinguished. A perva-
sive pattern of symptomatology is evident in children later diagnosed with ASD.
In comparison quasi-autism patterns are typified as an emergence of symptoms
in response to early deprivation which often improve over time in nurturing en-
vironments (Hoksbergen et al., 2005; Rutter et al., 2007). Further, Mayes and
colleagues (2019) reported similar symptom profiles in children with ASD who
experienced severe neglect (n =80) as in those who developed in nurturing envir-
onments (n =700) and a near zero correlation between ASD symptoms and the
duration of and number of years since trauma exposure. Nonetheless, researchers
caution against conceptualizing autism symptoms in children who experienced
traumatic events as quasi-autism or transient autism in clinical practice as this
may lead to denial of timely evidence-based treatments and confusion about
prognosis (Mayes et al., 2019).
Many distinctions between ASD and trauma response in early childhood are
applicable to school-age children, with some additional nuances. In school-age
children who have experienced trauma, socioemotional differences may be most
notable in peer attachment patterns. Children may become withdrawn from so-
cial activities or peers (De Young et al., 2011), or lack interest in joining new
age-appropriate activities (Pynoos et al., 2009). Though poor social competence
and withdrawal are core features of ASD, difficulties are typically present prior
to school age, rather than emerging or worsening as a result of traumatic events.
Similar to early childhood, school-age children with trauma may repetitively ex-
press or re-enact their experiences through complex play scenarios that include
rescue or protective strategies (Cohen, 2010; Pynoos et al., 2009). In contrast,
school-age children with ASD often struggle broadly with complex or imaginative
play themes. School-age children’s affective and behavioral responses to trauma
may include heightened irritability (Van Scoyoc et al., 2018), hypo-or hyperac-
tivity (De Young et al., 2011), aggression, oppositional behaviors (Turner et al.,
2006), and a flat or negative affect (Jones & Cureton, 2014; Pynoos et al., 2009).
These reactions may resemble the rigidity or emotional dysregulation observed in
ASD (Koenig et al., 2000). However, dysregulation related to trauma likely rep-
resents a change in functioning following exposure. School-age children with a
trauma history tend to underperform on tests or homework and appear less en-
gaged academically (Bethell et al., 2014). Given the high rates of cognitive, atten-
tional, and academic achievement deficits in ASD (Charman et al., 2011; Kim
et al., 2018; Sasson et al., 2008), these symptoms are unlikely to be meaningful
indicators of either diagnosis but merit attention when treatment planning.
18
To clarify the utilization of the above framework, we have included two case vi-
gnettes in which clinicians faced a differential diagnosis of ASD in children with
trauma histories.
CASE VIGNETTE 1
Presenting Concerns
Nicole is a 3-year, 11-month-old female referred for evaluation by her early inter-
vention providers to evaluate symptoms of ASD. At that time, she was in the care
of her maternal aunt following a history of social, physical, and emotional neglect.
History
Assessment Battery
The assessment included a clinical interview with Nicole’s aunt, Ms. Thomas;
a caregiver-
report measure (Autism Spectrum Rating Scale [ASRS]); and a
185
Assessment Results
Clinical Interview
Ms. Thomas reported that Nicole’s biological mother rented a room in a boarding
house where Nicole was often left alone for extended periods. The room was dark,
poorly ventilated, unsanitary, and Nicole spent most of her day in a small crib
with little sensory stimulation or social interaction. Nicole’s mother engaged in
drug use and prostitution, which occassionaly occurred in the room with Nicole
present. There was no documented medical care, and Nicole had contact with her
aunt only twice during this period. During both visits, Ms. Thomas noted that
Nicole appeared unclean and socially withdrawn.
After Nicole came into her care, Ms. Thomas noted the emergence of single
words by age 30 months, followed by phrases and functional gestures (pointing)
by 42 months. Ms. Thomas reported the use of repetitive language in the form of
scripting television shows and echoing other people. Nicole’s atypical play pattern
included a tendency to bring stuffed animals from room to room, place them in a
circle around her, and repeatedly reposition them. Atypical eating habits included
difficulty regulating food intake and a tendency to overstuff her mouth.
Ms. Thomas indicated that Nicole was easily overwhelmed in crowded settings,
presented with an exaggerated startle response to loud noises, and was sensitive
to light. She insisted on wearing sunglasses when leaving the home, regardless of
the weather. Aversion to specific sounds, such as the “Happy Birthday” song, were
noted. Sensory-seeking behavior included mouthing of nonedible objects and in-
tense, prolonged play with water.
Nicole had a strong response to visits with her biological sister, who was in the
care of another family member. During visits, Nicole often made statements like
“I don’t have a sister!” and was aggressive toward her. Separating from her aunt
was challenging for Nicole. Positively, Ms. Thomas reported Nicole had made
progress through early intervention, despite her history.
scripted phrases from cartoons, and engage in pronominal reversal. Some rela-
tive strengths included initiating joint attention twice and functional play skills
(e.g., bouncing balls, using a toy cell phone, activating cause/effect toys) with
some emergent but rigid imaginative play (e.g., insisting on repeating the steps
to a make-believe routine). Other behaviors included difficulties transitioning be-
tween activities, peering at toys and toy parts (e.g., wheels), hand flapping when
excited, and a desire to wear sunglasses inside. These behaviors did not interfere
with the ADOS-2 assessment or Nicole’s ability to play functionally. The results of
the ADOS-2 yielded a score above the cutoff, with a comparison score noting a
high level of autism spectrum-related symptoms.
Case Conceptualization
Taken together, these results suggest not only developmental differences consistent
with the effects of trauma but also social, communicative, and behavioral features
that are more appropriately explained by an underlying ASD. Trauma-related symp-
toms include Nicole’s atypical mealtime behavior, characterized by her tendency to
overstuff or hoard food (a likely response to inconsistent access to food in the past),
her distressed response to her sister (a potential reminder of past trauma), and the
behavioral dysregulation and separation anxiety she experiences in response to her
aunt (potential repercussions of the disrupted or limited attachment that occurred
between Nicole and her caregiver as a young child). In addition, other behaviors
that seem specifically related to ASD include atypical language development, in-
cluding noncontextual and scripted language, pronominal reversal, echolalia, and
an unusual pitch and prosody to her speech, and repetitive and stereotyped play.
Notably, Nicole’s repetitive play was absent of themes related to her trauma history.
Lastly, Nicole’s tendency to seek out certain sensory experiences (playing exces-
sively with water and peering or visually inspecting objects from different angles)
was suggestive of behaviors more exclusive to ASD.
The examiners conceptualized another group of behaviors as examples of shared
symptomology. These behaviors included a history of language, behavioral, and
cognitive delays; challenges with reciprocal social interactions; decreased eye con-
tact; a strong attachment to specific toys; inconsistent sleep patterns; the presence
of repetitive motor movements; and challenges regulating frustration. In addi-
tion, Nicole’s sensitivity to light and insistence on wearing sunglasses may have
been related to the experience of spending the first 20 months of life in a dark
room with minimal exposure to the sun or strong lighting.
CASE VIGNETTE 2
Presenting Concerns
behaviors, including decreased eye contact, delayed language, body rocking when
upset or when falling asleep, low frustration tolerance, atypical fears, and unusual
feeding patterns.
History
Jessica was born full term following a pregnancy complicated by in utero drug
exposure. There was limited information about prenatal care or the extent of
drug exposure during pregnancy. Jessica’s medical history was significant for
an adenoidectomy, tonsillectomy, bilateral ear tube placement, and delayed de-
velopment. She walked at 15 months, used single words at 24 months, and used
two-word utterances at 30 months. Jessica remained in her biological mother’s
care until 4 months, when she was removed due to reported neglect. She spent
16 months with one foster family, before she was removed due to maltreatment.
She entered the care of her current foster mother at 20 months. At the time of this
evaluation, Jessica was in speech, occupational, and physical therapy, all of which
began at 24 months.
Assessment Battery
Assessment Results
Clinical Interview
While with her biological mother, Jessica spent much of the day outside in a park
where her mother used drugs. When removed by child welfare, Jessica had skin
rashes and sunburn from exposure to the elements. When in her care, Ms. Smith
noticed that Jessica presented with limited eye contact, delayed speech, atypical
feeding habits (a tendency to overstuff her mouth to the point of vomiting), and
specific and unusual fears (touching water and the sound of rain). Ms. Smith also
reported concerns with Jessica’s ability to bond with her foster family, a tendency
to shy away from physical contact, and repetitive behaviors (removing all of her
clothing from her drawers only to replace them again repeatedly).
Ms. Smith noted Jessica’s difficulty regulating her frustration, a tendency to be
overly possessive of toys, and a tendency to become aggressive if others played in
her space. However, over time, Jessica’s play, social, and language skills improved
18
and included functional play with toys, emerging pretend play, well-developed
gestures (pointing, nodding, and shaking her head), a range of facial expressions,
and the use of simple phrases. Jessica eventually developed an intense attachment
to one foster sibling, which resulted in difficulties when separated for bedtime or
individual appointments. Jessica completed toilet training just prior to the evalua-
tion and was developing other self-care skills, including self-feeding and assisting
with dressing and washing. Ms. Smith expressed ongoing concern with Jessica’s
tendency to engage in repetitive rocking back and forth when calming herself
after a tantrum or when falling asleep at night.
Case Conceptualization
The examiners concluded that while Jessica presented with specific behaviors and
skill deficits similar to those observed in young children with ASD, she possessed
several other skills and behaviors that counterindicated this diagnosis. Moreover,
many of her developmental differences were appropriately explained by her com-
plicated psychosocial history; namely neglect, possible physical abuse, and a
history of interrupted caregiver attachment. Likely trauma-related symptoms in-
cluded the delayed acquisition of language milestones, difficulties with behavioral
regulation (self soothing by rocking back and forth), difficulties developing social
relationships (a likely result of disrupted attachment patterns), and atypical fears
of water and rain (a possible result of prolonged exposure to the elements). Similar
to the first vignette, Jessica’s difficulty regulating her food intake represented a
189
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10
INTRODUCTION
be discussed later in the chapter appear to affect specific molecular pathways in-
volved in synaptic development and plasticity (e.g., SHANK3, Fragile X) (Bassell
& Warren, 2008; Bear et al., 2004; Murdoch & State, 2013). Although individually
rare, together these single-gene disorders account for approximately 10%–20% of
cases of ASD (Abrahams & Geschwind, 2008).
Despite a presumed significant influence of genetic abnormalities underlying
NDDs, genetic testing has been underutilized (Kiely et al., 2016; Vande Wydeven
et al., 2012). In a U.S. telephone-based survey of parents and guardians of children
with NDDs, only 32% had a history of genetic testing (Kiely et al., 2016). Of those
who had genetic testing, children with a combination of ASD and ID were seven
times more likely to have had testing compared to children with ASD without ID
and more than twice as likely as those with ID only. Higher odds of genetic testing
were associated with prior specialist care, highlighting the importance of early
referral to a neurodevelopmental specialist.
Guidance on genetic testing in the evaluation of NDDs has evolved over the past
20 years with advances in genetic technology, and many professional organiza-
tions now advocate for the use of genetic testing in this population. Guidelines
published by multiple groups, including the American Academy of Pediatrics,
American College of Medical Genetics, and American Academy of Neurology,
recommend chromosomal microarray (CMA) and Fragile X testing as first-tier
diagnostic tests for children with unexplained GDD/ID with or without ASD
(American Academy of Pediatrics, 2013; Manning & Hudgins, 2010; Michelson
et al., 2011; Miller et al., 2010; Moeschler et al., 2014; Schaefer et al., 2013). In
specific situations, metabolic, mitochondrial, or targeted single-gene testing may
be indicated (Moeschler et al., 2014; Schaefer et al., 2013). This tiered approach to
testing has revealed an underlying genetic abnormality in up to 40% of affected
individuals (Schaefer et al., 2013). Additionally, the American College of Medical
Genetics recommends CMA for individuals with ASD, with additional testing
for Fragile X in boys and Rett syndrome (MECP2 sequencing) in girls (Shaffer
et al., 2005).
CMA has replaced previously recommended G-banded karyotyping due to its
higher yield (15%–20%) for detecting genetic abnormalities and is recommended
for individuals with NDDs and congenital anomalies, such as structural heart
defects, neural tube defects, or other birth defects (Battaglia et al., 2013; Filipek
et al., 2000; Johnson et al., 2007; Manning & Hudgins, 2010; Miller et al., 2010;
Moeschlerl et al., 2014; Shaffer et al., 2005; Shevell et al., 2003). According to pub-
lished guidelines by the American Academy of Neurology and Child Neurology
Society, CMA was diagnostic in 7.8% of individuals with GDD/ID compared to
4% with G-banded karyotyping, and 3.5% with subteloremic fluorescence in situ
hybridization (FISH). In addition, targeted testing for X-linked genes in males
with an appropriate family history yielded abnormalities in 42%. CMA includes
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Currently, CMA is considered the first-tier diagnostic test for an individual with
an NDD. However, when able, WES should be considered prior to CMA or in
combination when WES platform is unable to include detection of CNVs. In cases
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History
Prenatal/birth hx
Developmental hx
Family hx
Comorbid medical conditions
Neurologic exam
Fragile X testing
Mito DNA testing
X-linked ID testing?
MECP2
negative
WGS?
Re-analyze WES in 1–3 years
where there is concern or suspicion for small CNVs, trinucleotide expansion dis-
orders, or balanced chromosomal rearrangement, additional testing such as G-
banded karyotyping, FISH, FMR1 CGG repeat expansion analysis, or PCR-based
single-gene testing can be considered (Bowling et al., 2017). For a testing algo-
rithm, see Figure 10.1.
There are some basic clinical principles that are helpful to understand in consid-
ering the value and clinical implications of genetic testing. When genetic variants
or mutations are identified, they help to determine the underlying etiology of the
neurodevelopmental disorder. These genetic changes can be considered clinical
“syndromes” when they are associated with a constellation of clinical features. In
fact, historically, syndromes were often identified before a genetic etiology was
known, based purely on the clinical features that unified a group of children (e.g.,
19
One of the most common questions medical providers are asked when recom-
mending genetic testing to a family is, Why should we get testing? or Isn’t it just ac-
ademic? Perhaps a decade ago, much testing yielded results that were interpreted
as variants of unknown significance, which did not have much clinical utility for a
family. However, the field of NDD genetics has evolved dramatically over the last
decade, and with scientific and clinical discoveries, the practical value of genetic
testing has greatly improved. There are several possible practical implications of
genetic testing. First, families from genetic syndromes often form patient advo-
cacy groups (PAGs). These groups have several goals: (1) provide support for each
other, especially for those navigating a new diagnosis; (2) improve and accelerate
20
clinical care and research by forming national clinics; (3) improve clinical trial
readiness through patient registries and other collaborative data gathering efforts;
and (4) advocate for translational research specific to their genetic condition.
For newly diagnosed individuals, these PAGs provide a much more focused
and accessible support network than the larger NDD community, the latter of
which can be daunting and difficult to navigate. Secondly, as suggested earlier,
the diagnosis of a genetic syndrome can improve and focus clinical monitoring,
particularly if there are known co-occurring diagnoses which require screening
or even treatment. For example, a patient is diagnosed with Dup15q syndrome,
a copy number variant in which more than 50% of children have epilepsy, any
atypical spell or developmental regression will warrant a more urgent electro-
encephalography (EEG) than in a child with nonsyndromic ASD, in which the
risk of epilepsy is lower. As another example, a variety of PTEN mutations confer
a high risk of cancer in addition to increasing risk for ASD and, therefore, in-
dividuals with these mutations undergo yearly cancer screening. The final and,
perhaps most exciting, reason for genetic testing is the promise of treatment. The
field has entered an era of precision therapeutics for genetic syndromes, with pre-
clinical models elucidating underlying mechanisms of disease that, in turn, may
be modulated with pharmacological agents, antisense oligonucleotides, or gene
editing methods. These “precision therapies” have the potential not only to slow
down disease progression but potentially to reverse clinical and developmental
disabilities. Already, there are trials underway in Fragile X syndrome, Angelman
syndrome, Rett syndrome, CDKL5, and tuberous sclerosis complex. This opti-
mism around effective treatments must be balanced with realistic expectations
when with counseling families, but the hope that these therapeutics provide can
be quite transformative for families.
EXAMPLES OF SYNDROMES
Fragile X Syndrome
as ID and/or learning disabilities (Kau et al., 2002). Cognitive and adaptive abil-
ities appear to decline over time compared to typically developing peers, with
greater difficulties in visual spatial skills, executive functioning, and nonverbal
abilities (Dykens et al., 1987; Kemper et al., 1988; Klaiman et al., 2014; Reiss &
Hall 2007; Skinner et al., 2005; Visootsak et al., 2005). In addition, children have
abnormal speech patterns (Borghgraef et al., 1987; Kau et al., 2002; Sudhalter &
Belser, 2001). Co-occurring neurodevelopmental and neuropsychiatric disorders,
including ADHD, ASD, obsessive-compulsive behaviors, sensory hyperarousal,
and anxiety, are common (Cordeiro et al., 2011; Munir et al., 2000; Schaefer et al.,
2015). Classic cognitive and behavioral features are typically seen in males, with
females exhibiting a more variable and milder phenotype (Bennetto et al., 2001;
Franke et al., 1999; Freund et al., 1993; Hagerman et al., 1992).
ASD is commonly diagnosed in individuals with FXS, with rates up to 50%
being reported (Clifford et al., 2007; Harris et al., 2008; Kaufmann et al., 2004).
In addition, up to 90% of individuals with FXS exhibit subthreshold autistic be-
haviors (Bailey et al., 2000; Hagerman & Hagerman, 2002; Martin et al., 2012;
Roberts et al., 2007). When examining whether ASD and FXS was different from
nonsyndromic ASD, most studies have found that children with FXS and ASD
appear to share similar features to nonsyndromic ASD (Kaufmann et al., 2004;
McDuffie et al., 2010, 2015; Rogers et al., 2001; Wolff et al., 2012). Like other
single-gene disorders, individuals with both FXS and ASD exhibit worse cognitive
and behavioral outcomes compared to either diagnosis alone (Bailey et al., 2000,
2001; Kau et al., 2002; Rogers et al., 2001).
Tuberous sclerosis complex (TSC) is a rare genetic disorder that affects approx-
imately 1:6,000–10,000 individuals and affects multiple major organ systems,
including the brain, kidneys, skin, heart, and lungs (Osborne et al., 1991). In ad-
dition, neuropsychiatric manifestations, coined TSC associated neuropsychiatric
disorders (TAND), which include ID, ASD, learning disabilities, and psychiatric/
mood disorders, are highly prevalent (Curatolo & Bombardieri, 2008; Curatolo
et al., 2015; de Vries et al., 2015). ASD affects approximately 40%–50% of indi-
viduals with TSC (Crino et al., 2006; Curatolo & Bombardieri, 2008; Jeste et al.,
2008). Risk correlates for ASD include developmental delay/intellectual disability,
early age at seizure onset, history of infantile spasms, presence of a TSC2 muta-
tion, and tuber structure and location (Bolton, 2004; Bolton et al., 2015; Crino
et al., 2006; Curatolo & Bombardieri, 2008; Jeste et al., 2008; Numis et al., 2011;
van Eeghen et al., 2012).
Because TSC often is diagnosed in utero, these infants have been studied pro-
spectively for early features or predictors of NDDs. These studies have shown that
atypical social behaviors as early as 6 months, along with delays in fine motor
and visual reception by 6 months and global delays by 9 months, are associated
with later ASD diagnosis (Jeste et al., 2014). In addition, young children with TSC
who eventually get diagnosed with ASD exhibit declines in nonverbal skills (Jeste
et al., 2014), as well as overall cognitive delays and a lag in acquisition of skills,
thus falling farther behind their typically developing peers (Capal et al., 2017;
Humphrey et al., 2004). These early natural history studies have informed the de-
sign of the first randomized clinical trial of early behavioral intervention for TSC
(JETS: NCT03422367).
When considering single-gene disorders, such as TSC, to study underlying
mechanisms and early treatments for ASD, it is important to understand whether
ASD in the context of TSC may differ from ASD resulting from other causes. In
203
a prospective study, young children with TSC with and without ASD were com-
pared to children with nonsyndromic ASD and to typically developing peers
(Jeste et al., 2016). Children with ASD with or without TSC exhibited more delays
compared to children without ASD. No significant difference in cognition be-
tween syndromic and nonsyndromic ASD groups was seen. Behaviorally, children
with ASD and TSC and nonsyndromic ASD exhibited similar social communi-
cation profiles on the Autism Diagnostic Observation Schedule (ADOS). Possible
reasons for symptom convergence could be that variability in cellular pathways
lead to similar overall behavioral phenotypes. However, subtle yet meaningful dif-
ferences may not be detectable by current behavioral measures and need to be
paired with objective biomarkers.
In 2012 the TSC Autism Center of Excellence Research Network (TACERN)
was developed to better understand the development of ASD in TSC and to
evaluate early biomarkers of ASD in infants with TSC. Children with TSC were
followed longitudinally from birth to 36 months. Prevalence of ASD was approxi-
mately 25% at 36 months. However, these children also exhibited other behavioral
and developmental differences resulting in a proportion of subthreshold ASD
symptoms. This is likely reflective of the genetic disorder, which is highly asso-
ciated with several different neuropsychiatric difficulties associated with TAND
(de Vries et al., 2015). This population also demonstrates that ASD is often not
a straightforward set of phenotypic features and can be influenced by other co-
occurring conditions; in this case, seizures, developmental delay/intellectual dis-
ability, neuropsychological deficits, and others.
The 15q region contains many genes critical for synaptic integrity and function,
including maternally imprinted UBE3A and several GABAa receptor subunit
genes. Deletions of maternal UBE3A cause Angelman syndrome, a well-defined
NDD syndrome associated with significant expressive language impairment, hy-
potonia, intellectual disability, autistic features, epilepsy, and sleep disturbances.
Duplications of the 15q region can occur either as an isodicentric duplication,
resulting usually in a supernumerary chromosome 15 with two extra copies of
the 15q 11.2–13.1 region, or an interstitial duplication resulting in one extra copy
of this region. The clinical features of the syndrome include hypotonia and asso-
ciated motor delays, GDD, ID, and ASD. ASD occurs in at least 50% of children
with dup15q syndrome, with diagnosis sometimes confounded by the severity
of the motor and cognitive impairment. Epilepsy is common in children with
isodicentric duplications, with early-onset infantile spasms evolving into more
complex epilepsy over time, often intractable (Conant et al., 2014; Finucane et al.,
1993). Seizure severity is associated with more profound neurodevelopmental
disabilities, a theme that persists in most syndromic NDDs. A recent large cohort
study of dup15q syndrome found that individuals with interstitial duplications
had higher cognitive function and adaptive skills than isodicentric duplications,
204
but that these differences were driven by epilepsy. When comparing only those
without seizures, the phenotype in the two duplication types was comparable
(DiStefano et al., 2016, 2020).
Dup15q syndrome also has a signature EEG biomarker characterized by in-
creased activity in the beta range (15–30 Hz), a feature that often occurs in pa-
tients taking positive allosteric modulators of GABA (such as benzodiazepines)
(Frohlich et al., 2016). This biomarker persists in the awake and sleep states and
can be easily quantified on both clinical and research EEG assessments. A recent
study examining properties of this biomarker demonstrated that these beta oscil-
lations are stable over time and occur in both duplication types (Saravanapandian
et al., 2020). This EEG pattern is now being considered as a marker of drug target
engagement for therapeutics that modulate GABA neurotransmission. These
types of biomarkers are being studied across genetic syndromes as tools to im-
prove clinical trials, as they may better inform patient selection, confirm that a
drug is truly engaging a putative brain target, and serve as proximal outcome
measures for treatments.
FUTURE DIRECTIONS
There are both challenges and opportunities in the identification of genetic syn-
dromes associated with NDDs. First, as introduced earlier, the design and im-
plementation of clinical trials testing mechanistic, precision therapeutics has
accelerated over the last decade, perhaps in part inspired by the success of the
ASO therapy for spinal muscular atrophy, a previously devastating neuromus-
cular disorder. However, as these drugs are being developed, clinical research
must keep up with efforts in clinical trial readiness, including identification of
putative clinical endpoints, discovery of objective biomarkers that can improve
measurement of drug target engagement, and innovation in methods to improve
remote delivery of trials, given the geographical distribution of these rare dis-
orders. The challenge around clinical endpoints is not trivial, as these individuals
with syndromic NDDs often have severe ID, language, and motor impairments
that undermine the validity of standardized behavioral and cognitive testing.
These traditional measures are normed to a typically developing population, and,
therefore, children with syndromic NDDs often score at the floor, which makes
stratification or examination of subtle change over time difficult. Efforts now are
underway to develop new quantitative and more developmentally sensitive meas-
ures of cognition, language, and social and motor skills that are more relevant to
these populations. PAG-sponsored natural history studies and patient registries
can accelerate these efforts in clinical endpoint measurement. In addition, the po-
tential utility of biomarkers is being investigated for a variety of contexts of use.
Biomarker methods have included EEG, magnetic resonance imaging (MRI), eye
tracking, positron emission tomography (PET), and even quantitative measures
of behavior, and are just now being integrated into trials, with the goal of de-
veloping objective, quantitative metrics of disease severity to gauge baseline and
205
CLINICAL VIGNETTE
EEG was performed to evaluate for seizures during sleep and was significant for
focal epileptiform discharges but no seizures. He had not and still does not have
clinical seizures. Brain MRI without contrast was performed and was normal.
Due to ongoing concern about an underlying genetic etiology, a genetic panel
for ASD and ID was performed, which found a de novo point mutation involving
the SHANK3 gene. He was subsequently diagnosed with Phelan-McDermid syn-
drome. This allowed for appropriate counseling about the disorder and connec-
tion to the Phelan-McDermid Syndrome Foundation.
CONCLUSIONS
Although individually rare, NDDs are collectively common and represent a sig-
nificant burden to individuals and their caregivers. Advances in genetic testing
have allowed for a greater understanding of the biological mechanisms under-
lying NDDs, thus paving the way for targeted, disease-modifying treatments. In
addition, an understanding of the etiology of a particular NDD provides critical
information for families, enabling access to other families and specialists, research
opportunities, and potential treatments.
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11
Clinical Decision-Making
in Evidence-Based Assessment
Disentangling Co-Occurring and Differential
Diagnoses in Individuals With Autism Spectrum Disorder
R E B E C C A E L I A S A N D C AT H E R I N E L O R D ■
NOSOLOGY
and other distinct diagnoses (First, 2005). In the case of ASD, diagnostic con-
ventions have defined core symptomology as a constellation of deficits in social-
communicative behaviors in conjunction with restricted and repetitive interests
that fall above a certain clinical threshold (American Psychiatric Association,
2013). There is much debate with respect to the advantages and disadvantages of
our current diagnostic systems. A categorical approach to classification has in-
herent pitfalls (Kotov et al., 2017). Despite the promise of dimensional approaches
to classification (Casey et al., 2013; Cuthbert, 2014; Kotov et al., 2017) and ad-
vances in basic science, the DSM and ICD systems are currently regarded as the
acting standard in the medical and psychological clinical communities. Thus, the
onus is largely on the clinical professional to determine if symptoms contributing
to interference with daily life best comprise a singular diagnosis or multiple diag-
noses acting together.
At the present time, the diagnosis of ASD relies exclusively on observable be-
havioral markers, making differential diagnosis a complex process (Matson et al.,
2007). In the American Psychiatric Association’s revision from DSM-IV-TR to
the DSM-5, the diagnostic features of ASD are now broadly described as general
principles, leaving it up to the clinician to supply specific examples to rule in or
rule out the diagnosis. This was a shift from the DSM-IV-TR that had a mix of
principles (e.g., social reciprocity) and some much more specific examples (e.g.,
lack of shared enjoyment; peer interactions). The use of standardized assessment
tools across multiple informants and settings aids clinicians in making diagnostic
determinations (Kanne & Bishop, 2020; Kim & Lord, 2012; Youngstrom et al.,
2003). Accuracy of diagnostic categorization increases through evidence-based
assessment (Mash & Hunsley, 2005), as no single observation or instrument is
considered adequate to make a diagnosis (Huerta & Lord, 2012). Rather, the col-
lection of evidence-based tools and clinical judgment of a professional aid in
achieving greater diagnostic accuracy in those suspected of having ASD (Corsello
et al., 2007). The Autism Diagnostic Observation Schedule-2 (ADOS-2; Lord et al.,
2012) and Autism Diagnostic Interview-Revised (ADI-R; Rutter, Le Couteur, &
Lord, 2003) comprise two of the most validated assessments for determining the
presence of autism symptomatology, above a set diagnostic threshold. When used
in conjunction with one another, the accuracy of clinical decision-making rises
upward of 80% (Falkmer et al., 2013; Risi et al., 2006). Despite guidance from
psychometrically sound tools, standardized assessment measures in the field of
ASD still do not have perfect reliability and validity. As detailed in the forth-
coming sections, a variety of factors present at the initial referral stage contribute
to levels of diagnostic certainty and diagnostic accuracy by trained professionals,
including gender, severity of autistic symptomology, developmental level, cogni-
tive functioning, age, socioeconomic status, race, and the context of symptom
218
presentation (Hedley et al., 2016; Mandell, 2005; Mandell et al., 2007; McDonnell
et al., 2019; Penner et al., 2017). Although heterogeneous in individual presen-
tation, the core features of ASD are relatively consistent across cultures and lan-
guages. There are, however, differences not only across cultures but across clinics
and practitioners, observed in how co-occurring diagnoses or differential diag-
noses are made (Havdahl & Bishop, 2019; Lai et al., 2019). Simply said, deter-
mining if someone is on the autism spectrum is not an easy task. This is especially
highlighted by the fact that the behavioral manifestation of autism symptomology
changes over time and overlaps with a variety of other disorders.
Measurement
Externalizing Symptomology
Box 11.1
Clinician Self-Assessment
Evidence-Based Assessment
Differential/Co-Occurring Decision-Making
9. Have I considered the scope of behaviors, cognitions, and affect which are
considered age and developmentally typical?
10. Have I assessed chronicity of symptoms and level of impairment?
11. Have I interpreted my assessment results in a way which attends to the
contextual and cultural experiences of the client?
12. Is a diagnosis of autism spectrum disorder sufficient to capture the
behavioral and emotional profile of my client?
13. How do additional psychiatric diagnoses contribute to my case
conceptualization?
assessment of the core features of ASD, estimation of adaptive skills, and broad
screening for medical, emotional, and behavioral problems. If elevations in
symptom profiles are initially observed as part of the baseline data, further as-
sessment in these domains is recommended. It is then the task of the clinician to
develop a diagnostic formulation which addresses the client’s areas of need. This
is done by integrating all available assessment data acquired as part of the eval-
uation. Lastly, the clinician should convey the assessment results and diagnostic
conceptualization to the client’s family. Diagnostic feedback should be individu-
alized to the client and sensitively delivered. The clinician, client, and client’s
family should collaboratively discuss goals for the future, and how these goals
may be achieved. Individuals with ASD and/or co-occurring conditions should be
2
Needs Assessment
• Briefly ask the client and their family about the client's specific
needs, concerns, strengths, and reasons for referral
Diagnostic Assessment
• Obtain a detailed history
• Estimate verbal and non-verbal development Gather Additional
• Assess ASD symptoms (current and past) Information as
• Observational assessment Necessary
• Caregiver/Other Informant/Self Report
• Estimate adaptive functioning • With permission,
call the child’s
• Screen for medical problems
teacher and/or
• Screen for emotional and behavioral problems previous therapist
• If elevated, assess each possible co-occurring
• Get standardized
disorder in greater detail
school-report
measures
• Conduct a home
or school visit
Diagnostic Formulation
• Ask for home
• Integrate all available information videos
• Determine if another psychiatric disorder best • Conduct a
explains the presenting problems or if a co- functional
occurring disorder might be present behavior
assessment (FBA)
Relevance to Treatment
• The diagnostic formulation may change over
time or as a function of treatment
• Continue to monitor and re -assess as necessary
monitored and reassessed as necessary, as the symptom profile and needs of the
individual may change over time. This stepped-care approach, with iteration and
inclusion of patient and caregiver concerns at several different stages, allows for
a high level of individualization during the assessment process (see Figure 11.1).
Once a diagnosis of ASD has been established, determining the scope of co-
occurring psychiatric diagnoses is critical for diagnostic conceptualization
and designating appropriate treatment targets. In child and adolescent psycho-
pathology, determining the presence of co-occurring disorders is a common
clinical task (Jensen, 2003; Youngstrom et al., 2003). A clinical presentation of
23
ASD consisting of more than one psychiatric disorder is frequent and contrib-
utes to the heterogeneity of the disorder. Emotional and behavioral difficulties
in those with ASD far exceed those seen in the population at large (Lord et al.,
submitted). We use the term “co-occurring psychopathology” (rather than co-
morbidity) to highlight that the biological and behavioral associations between
ASD and other related conditions are intricate (First, 2005; Rosen et al., 2018).
Estimates of co-occurring psychopathology in those with ASD hover around
70% (Leyfer et al., 2006; Simonoff et al., 2013, 2020), although it is not known if
co-occurring symptomology accounts for interrelated constructs or etiologically
distinct entities (Gotham et al., 2015; Hollocks et al., 2019; Kerns et al., 2015;
Mazefsky et al., 2012; Ollendick & White, 2012; Rodriguez-Seijas et al., 2019;
White, Lerner, et al., 2015). For example, social avoidance may be attributable to
differing psychopathological constructs, including ASD, anxiety, depression, inat-
tention, or psychosis. Further, social avoidance may be considered as a pervasive
social deficit or a construct that arises in certain contextual situations. Even more
complicated is how these symptoms and conditions are distinguishable from one
another, overlap with each other, mask one another, or are unable to be assessed
given the current psychometric tools. The presence of co-occurring psychiatric
disorders in those with ASD is particularly relevant because additional psychopa-
thology may worsen ASD core features (Leyfer et al., 2006), worsen overall out-
comes in adulthood (Kraper et al., 2017), and necessitate additional supports and
services.
Despite high prevalence of co-occurring disorders, assessment tools used to
determine levels of co-occurring psychopathology are often not standardized for
use in ASD populations. Rather, clinicians and researchers are often tasked with
adapting structured diagnostic measures to meet the needs of youth with ASD
(c.f., Leyfer et al., 2006; Simonoff et al., 2008). Although not standardized for
youth with ASD, it appears that structured and semistructured diagnostic inter-
views remain reliable when given to families and individuals who are more cogni-
tively able. Clinicians must, in turn, determine if clinical levels of the psychiatric
disorder are best explained by the existing diagnosis of ASD or if a co-occurring
disorder is appropriate (Trammell et al., 2013). Further, best practice assessment
necessitates the use of multiple informant reports such as clinician observation,
parent, teacher, and self-report when applicable. Though informant discrepan-
cies are common, they represent an important source of information and may
reflect contextual differences in symptom presentation, differing perceptions of
a behavior, or certain instances when capacity exceeds demands. However, they
leave the clinician to interpret varied pieces of relevant information when making
diagnostic determinations (De Los Reyes, 2013; De Los Reyes et al., 2015; Lerner
et al., 2012).
The categorical systems used to delineate what is best explained by a singular
diagnosis of ASD versus ASD and co-occurring psychopathology have changed
throughout the years, most recently demonstrated by the elimination of the DSM
exclusion of ASD and co-occurring ADHD. The DSM-5 also proposed the use
of a single ASD diagnosis, in lieu of the multiple subtypes formerly known as
24
Determining if an individual meets diagnostic criterion for ASD, for ASD and an-
other co-occurring disorder, or for psychopathology best captured by something
other than ASD is a difficult task. Clinicians must disentangle symptom profiles
in order to create a comprehensive diagnostic conceptualization. This process re-
quires extensive training and experience in the assessing practitioners, as well as
sufficient time for the diagnostic assessment. We believe that this investment of
resources is worthwhile for individuals with ASD and their families. Most notably,
identified co-occurring psychopathology in individuals with a diagnosis of ASD is
often more treatable than the core features of ASD themselves. For example, CBT
among more cognitively able youth and adolescents with ASD has been shown to
reduce anxiety symptoms, often to subclinical levels (White, Schry, et al., 2015).
A comprehensive diagnostic evaluation can inform proximal and distal treatment
targets for a youth or adult with ASD and co-occurring symptomology. Further,
an accurate diagnostic conceptualization has meaning to a family seeking explan-
ations of behavior. For example, the more professionals a family sees in the pro-
cess to a diagnosis, the more dissatisfaction reported by caregivers (Goin-Kochel
et al., 2006). A comprehensive evaluation at the outset, encompassing various di-
mensions of behaviors, emotions, and thoughts has high utility.
The amount of training required to administer robustly validated measures of
core ASD symptomatology and associated co-occurring psychopathology should
not be regarded as trivial, however. The ADOS-2 and ADI-R, which contribute to
diagnostic expertise, require specific training. Furthermore, clinician experience
is of additional value. In addition, there are often long waitlists associated with
specialty medical care (Gordon-Lipkin et al., 2016; Kanne & Bishop, 2020). Most
standardized assessment tools also are not open access, which may cause financial
barriers. A comprehensive evaluation assessing for features of ASD, other psy-
chopathology, cognitive functioning, and risk and protective factors, as recom-
mended above, takes a considerable amount of time, which is challenging in both
the clinical and research arenas. Further, the first-line professionals often tasked
with providing most services to children with ASD are not specialists in ASD. As
a field, we have to acknowledge this as a conundrum, decide when to advocate for
25
true parity in mental health (so that adequate time is allotted and psychological
and psychiatric services are reimbursed adequately), and also commit to crea-
tively address these shortcomings in future research.
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occasion, appear on only one of those pages.
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240 Index