The Portrayal of Incel Violence

A Thematical Comparative Case Study of US and Swedish

Media’s Presentation on Incel Attacks

Amanda Nordberg

One-year Political Science MA program in Global Politics and Societal Change

Dept. of Global Political Studies
Course: Political Science Thesis ST632L (15 credits)
Spring/2023
Supervisor: Ane Kirkegaard
 ABSTRACT

The research conducted in this thesis will focus on incels’ violence, the media coverage of it,
and incels’ debatable connection to extremism. Using a comparative case study on incel
violence enables an examination of how media presents the coverage, identifying similarities,
differences, and patterns from a transnational perspective by analyzing news articles from two
selected newspapers in the US and two newspapers from Sweden over a specific period. A
systematic content analysis is conducted to identify and analyze key themes in the media
coverage related to incel violence. The analysis includes examining how the coverage was
presented, what language tone was used, the focus on the coverage, and the characteristics of
perpetrators and victims presented by the newspapers. The findings reveal that there are
consistent similarities but also differences in the media coverage of incel violence across the
four newspapers analyzed. Four out of five identified themes in the coverage were consistent
among the newspapers, indicating a shared approach in the portrayal of incel violence.
However, there may also be some contextual and cultural differences influencing the
coverage, which require further exploration. This study contributes to a better understanding
of the media representation of incel violence and highlights the consistent themes observed in
the selected newspapers. The findings suggest that there is a shared narrative and coverage of
incel violence, transcending national boundaries.

Keywords: Incel, media, extremism, masculinity crisis, gender-based terrorism

Wordcount: 13954

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 CONTENTS

1. INTRO ........................................................................................................................................ 1

1.1 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................ 1

1.2 RESEARCH PROBLEM ........................................................................................................2

1.3 RESEARCH STRATEGY AND QUESTIONS ................................................................ 3

1.4 LIMITATIONS......................................................................................................................5

1.5 THESIS OUTLINE .............................................................................................................. 7

2. LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ................................... 9

2.1 MASCULINITY IN CRISIS ............................................................................................... 9

2.2 THE MANOSPHERE ......................................................................................................... 10

2.3 PREVIOUS RESEARCH ..................................................................................................... 11

2.3.1 UNDERLYING IMPLICATIONS.................................................................................... 13

2.3.2 MEDIA ANALYSIS ............................................................................................................ 14

2.3.3 EXTREMISM DEBATE REGARDING THE LINK TO EXTREMISM ..................... 14

2.4 GENDER-BASED TERRORISM ....................................................................................... 17

2.5 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ...................................................................................... 18

3. METHOD & MATERIAL ...................................................................................................... 21

3.1 RESEARCH DESIGN ......................................................................................................... 21

3.2 CASE SELECTION ............................................................................................................. 21

3.3 THE SELECTED VIOLENT ATTACKS ........................................................................ 22

3.4 SOURCE CRITICISM ........................................................................................................ 24

3.5 DATA COLLECTION........................................................................................................ 24

3.6 MEDIA SOURCES .............................................................................................................. 27

3.7 DATA ANALYSIS .............................................................................................................. 30

3.8 ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS ...................................................................................... 36

4. ANALYSIS ............................................................................................................................... 38

4.1 RESULTS OF MEDIA COVERAGE OF INCEL VIOLENCE ..................................... 38

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 4.2 RESULTS OF SIMILARITIES, DIFFERENCES, AND PATTERNS .......................... 39

4.3 DISCUSSION ..................................................................................................................... 40

5. CONCLUSION ...................................................................................................................... 44

5.1 FUTURE RESEARCH......................................................................................................... 45

6. BIBLIOGRAPHY.................................................................................................................... 46

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 1. INTRO
1.1 INTRODUCTION

The term "incel" (involuntarily celibate) has gained notoriety in the last decade due to a series
of violent attacks committed by individuals who self-identify as incels, who aim their anger
and frustration toward women in general (Sugiura, 2021). Incels are predominantly male
individuals who feel unable to form romantic or sexual relationships with women and hold
women and societal structures accountable for their lack of interaction with the opposite sex
(Sugiura, 2021). The expansion of online incel communities in the digital era has led to
several concerns, one is the potential for radicalization and extremism escalating amongst the
community members, and another is the effects of increasing toxic masculinity and misogyny
(Hoffman et al, 2020)

Media coverage on incels has intensified since the first recognized violent attack in 2014.
Since then, more than 90 individuals have lost their lives to incel-related violence (Tomkinson
et al, 2020). However, research regarding how media is portraying incel violence appears to
be largely overlooked. Media, as an informative source, have a big responsibility and play an
important role in how they present topics that shape the message being presented to the
audience (Scheufele and Tewksbury, 2007).

Although the conduct of how media presented its topics is not intended to deliberately deceive
its audience, however, the outcome sometimes adds subjective value (Scheufele and
Tewksbury, 2007). Media coverage is diverse and can vary across countries and media
outlets. Therefore, conducting a comparative case study on incel violence using two
newspapers from the US and two newspapers from Sweden enables an examination of how
media presents the events and incels, identifying similarities, differences, and patterns from a
transnational perspective. This approach also allows for the identification of potential impacts
of media coverage on public perceptions.

This research will focus on incels’ violence, the media presentation of it, and incels’ debatable
connection to extremism. Previous research has primarily focused on multiple aspects of
incels, including their community, terminology, or underlying factors. These studies have
involved analytical empirical research of incels' online communities, examination of their
misogynistic perspectives, and their association with toxic masculinities. Additionally,

1
researchers have also explored how mental health considerations significantly influence
individuals' identification as incels.

In the realm of media, prior research has delved into the influence of media coverage on the
ability to shape public perceptions (Scheufele and Tewksbury, 2007). Furthermore, previous
research has examined the various debate regarding the contentious relationship between
incels and extremism, and the possible pathway of incels being radicalized into extremism
(Hart and Huber, 2023). By gaining a more comprehensive understanding of the evolving
dynamics of violence potential and radicalization, these investigations also examine the incel
community as a distinct form of extremism (Hart and Huber, 2023).

However, the research conducted in this thesis aims to contribute to the understanding of how
incel violence is portrayed in the media, by identifying the potential similarities, differences,
and patterns in how media in different political contexts choose to present incel violence to its
audience. By establishing how prominent media uses its language, presentation, focus, and
characteristics of both perpetrators and victims, this research will discover the diversity of
portrayals of incel violence and how the portrayal in media coverage is presented to the public
differ in a transnational perspective.

1.2 RESEARCH PROBLEM

The purpose of conducting this research on how media coverage of incel violence differs,
resembles, or has a repetitive pattern across different political contexts is multifaceted. Firstly,
this research aims to contribute to adding scientific research on the research gap on incels and
how media portray incel violence. While the incel phenomena have gained significant
academic attention in recent years, the violent attacks linked to incels’ motives, and how they
are portrayed by media have not received as much attention, especially in a comparative
political context.

Secondly, this research aims to contribute to a broader understanding of the role of media in
shaping public perceptions of extremism. Even though the connection between incels and
extremism is seemingly vague, there are still scholars who argue for and against this
connection. The scholarly treatment of the incel phenomena is deemed inadequate by certain
researchers, who argue that it fails to receive the level of seriousness it deserves (Blake and
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Brooks, 2023), and highlight that the phenomenon has exhibited a rapid escalation within a
brief timeframe, suggesting a future trend of escalating attacks (Hart and Huber, 2023).
Meanwhile, other scholars argue that incels are a group of individuals where the majority for
the most part are not violent and that they should not be stigmatized further since many of the
members already suffer from a variety of mental health issues and this would only increase
their isolation from society and cause them unjust harm (Moskalenko et al, 2022).

Thirdly, by analyzing incel violence portrayal in media, this thesis aims to provide valuable
insights into the potential impact of media presentation, contributing to the normalization or
stigmatization of the incel community.

1.3 RESEARCH STRATEGY AND QUESTIONS

This research is conducting a qualitative comparative case study of how media coverage of
incel violence is diverse in two different political contexts. The research questions for this
study are:

"How does media in different political contexts present violent attacks committed by
individuals who self-identify as incels?” and “What similarities, differences, and patterns are
detected in the two studied contexts, the USA and Sweden?”

By establishing language tone, presentation, focus, and characteristics of perpetrators and

victims used in media coverage of incel violence from two countries that both have
experienced “masculine crises” in their culture and historical context, this research establishes
how incel violence is portrayed by media. Therefore, identifying differences, similarities, and
patterns in the portrayal of incel violence between both countries, will draw insights on how
media portrayals of incel violence contribute to shaping public perceptions of the incel
phenomenon.

The study's relevance to global studies lies in its examination of incel violence, media
coverage of the violence, and the potential connections to extremism in a transnational
perspective. By conducting a comparative case study, the research of this study aims to
analyze how media coverage of incel violence is presented across different countries or
regions, identifying commonalities, differences, and patterns.
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This global approach allows for a broader understanding of the phenomenon beyond a single
national context. It enables an examination of how incel violence is portrayed and understood
in two different cultural, social, and political contexts, and facilitates the exploration of
potential cross-national influences or trends. A global perspective gives a comprehensive
understanding of incels and their relationship with violence across different societies.

Additionally, incels are a global community. Originating on internet forums and online
communities, individuals who identify as incels gather to discuss their shared experiences,
frustrations, and beliefs with other like-minded individuals. The digital nature of the incel
community transcends geographical boundaries, enabling individuals from different parts of
the world to connect, interact, and share their perspectives on topics related to inceldom.
Recognizing the incel community as a digital global community expands the scope of analysis
in understanding the dynamics of inceldom, the possible formation of radicalization and
extremism, along with the impact of media coverage. Experiences, perspectives, and
interactions within the incel community are influenced not only by local contexts but also by
the broader digital landscape that transcends national borders.

In addition to the global nature of the incel community, it is important to recognize that media
itself is a global phenomenon. With advancements in technology and the rise of the internet,
media platforms and news outlets have expanded their reach beyond national boundaries,
making information and news accessible on a global scale. Media organizations operate
internationally, covering events and stories from various parts of the world. The dissemination
of news and information through digital platforms allows for immediate global distribution,
enabling individuals from different countries to access and engage with media content
worldwide.

Media from a global perspective is significant for this study on incels and their portrayal in
the media. Media outlets from different countries may cover incidents of incel violence with
variations in emphasis, tone, and contextualization. Furthermore, media enables the exchange
of ideas and narratives across borders. Stories and perspectives from one country can quickly
gain attention and impact discussions in other parts of the world. This connection underscores
the significance of analyzing media coverage of incel violence from a global perspective, as it
allows for a comprehensive understanding of the broader societal and cultural influences on
the portrayal and perception of incels.

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Considering the global nature of both the incel community and media is essential when
studying incels, media coverage, and their societal implications. It highlights the
interconnectedness and transnational dimensions of these phenomena, emphasizing the need
for a comprehensive analysis that takes into account both local and global factors.

1.4 LIMITATIONS

There are several limitations to this study. The most important one to establish is to define
who this research is regarding, by explaining who is considered to be an incel or not. The term
"incel" initially emerged when a female Canadian student launched a website in the 1990s
called "Alana's Involuntary Celibacy Project." The purpose of the platform was to provide
individuals who identified as involuntarily celibate a space to express their feelings about the
issue (Hoffman et al, 2020). Additionally, the intention was to raise support among
individuals facing challenges in establishing social and sexual relationships.

The creator of the website, expressed in an interview that she created the website to address
the loneliness experienced by many people who lacked social skills and were unsure how to
initiate dating. She empathized with their situation since she had been through a similar
experience herself. Both women and men were welcome to participate, sharing their struggles
in attempting to form sexual relationships without success. However, over time, the support
group took a more extreme turn, adopting a harsher approach and employing increasingly
radical rhetoric regarding the subject (Hoffman et al, 2020).

This divergence led to dividing incels into groups, each following different paths but
originating from the same core. The original creator, who had distanced herself from the
evolving trajectory, was shocked to learn from media coverage decades later that her term had
been associated with a mass killing, with the perpetrator identifying himself with the term she
had coined, although with a different intent (Hoffman et al, 2020).

The term “incel” in this research refers to those individuals who self-identify as incels, who
participate actively in the incel community, and who hold misogynistic beliefs by viewing
women as objects and blaming them for their lack of romantic success. By adopting the "pill
ideology" based on the pills portrayed in the movie "The Matrix," where different pills,

5
having different meanings on your societal beliefs, consisting of the red pill, blue pill, and
black pill, determine the individual’s perception of how society is constructed. The pill
terminology serves as a major input into the incel community by dividing individuals into
subgroups of belief systems (Gheorghe, 2023).

Thus, this research does not refer to all individuals who are involuntarily celibate for various
reasons. It is important to clarify that the incel community does not have a distinct connection
to an individual that is not currently in a relationship or considers themselves to be
involuntarily celibate for other various reasons.

While a comparative case study approach has several advantages for studying how media
coverage of incel violence differs across different political contexts, it also has its
delimitations that must be taken into consideration when analyzing the results of this study.
Firstly, the selection of media coverage from two countries, Sweden and the US, limits the
validity of the findings. These countries have not only different media landscapes, and cultural
and political contexts but differ also in the historical context of violent extremism, which may
influence how incel-related attacks are portrayed in each country´s media. The two countries
differ in size, demographics, and geography, and the US is a great power with high influential
ability. Also, the known fact that no Swede has carried out violent attacks that are incel-
related probably affects the quantity of media coverage in Swedish national media.

Secondly, the fact that while this research focuses on comparing newspapers as the primary
source of media coverage of incel attacks, it should be acknowledged that other types of
media, such as broadcast media, could also provide valuable material to this research. It is
also worth noting that only one perspective, the media perspective is being researched.

With that in mind, the focus of this study is on media portrayals to see whether or not there
are any resemblances or differences between them from a transnational perspective. This is
why social media is not included in this research, and neither are online incel forums. These
could however also contribute to shaping public perceptions of the phenomenon, by providing
a nuanced spectra from both perspectives, however, considering the size of this research, both
of them have intentionally been excluded. This decision is based also on the fact that a
considerable amount of research has already been conducted using social media and/or incel
online forums from previous research and this research aims particularly to focus on the gap
in media portraying of incel violence.

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Thirdly, the timeframe under consideration is limited, with the starting point being the first
incel attack that caught media attention, namely the attack of Elliot Rodger in Isla Vista,
California on May 23rd, 2014. It was only after Rodger's mass shooting that the term "incel"
gained viral media attention. However, it is plausible that there were prior incel attacks, which
were not identified as such by the media due to limited public knowledge about the incel
community, which is known for being secretive and exclusive. In selecting materials, the
perpetrators were selectively chosen based on their self-identification as incels, resulting in
only four attacks being identified, with the last one carried out by Jake Davis on August 12th,
2021.

However, the end period of the study was set on April 29th, 2023, to encompass any
subsequent developments in the portrayal of incel attacks by the media and to explore the
reasons for any shifts in such portrayal. Other perpetrators may have also aligned with the
incels, even if they did not exclusively identify as incels and may have belonged to other
groups. However, limiting the research to attacks with a dominant incel motive may provide
more accurate data, even if it results in a smaller sample size. This decision was made because
some perpetrators may also identify with other political or extremist groups, which could
potentially lead to a larger sample size but may also lead to less accurate findings.

As such, the case study comparative approach has several limitations that must be taken into
account when interpreting the findings of this research. The limited selection of countries, the
main focus on newspapers, the specific period, and the exclusion of attacks not having a
dominant incel motive limits the findings.

1.5 THESIS OUTLINE

In this first chapter, the introduction provides an overview of incels and a brief literature
review to contextualize the research within the existing research on incels, media presentation,
and violent extremism. Additionally, it outlined the research problem, research strategy, and
questions, followed by the limitations of this research.

In the second chapter, a comprehensive literature review is presented, exploring incels, media
analysis, and extremism in greater detail. The review encompasses a wide spectrum,
beginning with an examination of the ”masculine crisis” manosphere and culminating in an
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analysis of gender-based terrorism. By exploring the history and terminology of the incel
community, this chapter provides a more profound understanding of the phenomenon and its
portrayal in the media. Furthermore, the theoretical framework that will be employed to
analyze the media's presentation of incel attacks is introduced.

In the third chapter, a detailed description of the research design is provided. This includes an
explanation of the chosen research methodology, followed by a discussion on case selection,
source criticism, data collection processes, and the data analysis techniques employed. Ethical
considerations about the research are also addressed.

In the fourth chapter, the results of the analysis are presented, stating the research findings.
The chapter concludes with a comprehensive discussion that interprets and contextualizes the
results, providing a deeper understanding of the implications and significance of the study.

The fifth and final chapter presents the conclusion of the thesis. It summarizes the key
findings of the research and offers concluding remarks on the topic. Additionally, suggestions
for future research avenues are provided, highlighting areas that warrant further exploration
and investigation in the field of incels, media representation, and extremism.

Lastly, the bibliography is provided containing the sources that built this thesis.

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2. LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL
FRAMEWORK

2.1 MASCULINITY IN CRISIS

In the US, the crisis of masculinity has been a topic of debate since the 1970s. The 1970s saw
a significant shift in the US economy as manufacturing jobs began to disappear and service
jobs began to emerge. This shift, along with the rise of feminism and the women's movement,
challenged traditional roles of masculinity, and the breadwinner model of the family was
questioned. As more women entered the workforce and became breadwinners themselves,
men's economic and social status began to decline, leading to a sense of crisis within
masculinity (Diaz and Valji, 2019).

Since the 1970s, the crisis of masculinity in the US has been further intensified by several
factors, including declining job security, wage stagnation, and the erosion of traditionally
male-dominated industries such as manufacturing and mining (Faludi, 1999). These changes
have left many men feeling angry, resentful, and emasculated, and have contributed to the
development of toxic forms of masculinity (Faludi, 1999)

In Sweden, the crisis of masculinity has also been a topic of debate for many years. As
traditional gender roles have shifted and women have gained greater access to education and
employment opportunities, some men have struggled to adapt to the changing landscape. In
the 1960s and 1970s, Sweden experienced a significant shift towards gender equality, with
policies promoting gender-neutral language and encouraging women to enter the workforce.
While this shift was largely positive for women, it also challenged traditional roles of
masculinity and left some men feeling disoriented and resentful (Hansson, 2020).

The increasing prevalence of incels is a complex issue that cannot be solely attributed to one
factor. However, the internet has certainly played a role in facilitating the spread of incel and
connecting like-minded individuals making it possible for them to interact with each other.
This, combined with broader societal changes and economic pressures, has surely contributed
to the rise of toxic masculinity and the perpetuation of harmful gender stereotypes.

9
In addition to the economic pressures and changing gender norms, the rise of incels may also
be influenced by the increasing spread of right-wing political ideologies. Some far-right
groups promote misogynistic beliefs and view women's rights as a threat to traditional gender
roles and societal order. This can fuel a sense of resentment among some men and contribute
to the growth of incel communities that share similar views. Men who feel excluded by
changing gender roles and economic instability may turn to toxic forms of masculinity such as
the incel community, which in some cases promote violence and aggression towards women
as a means of reasserting dominance and taking back control. The US has seen a backlash
against feminist movements in recent years and a rise in far-right ideologies that promote
traditional forms of masculinity and gender hierarchies (Diaz and Valji, 2019).

The perpetuation of patriarchal values and the glorification of male dominance can create a
culture where women are perceived as inferior, and men who are unable to assert their
dominance may feel resentful and emasculated (Faludi, 1999). This cultural climate can fuel
the development of extremist groups like incels, who blame women for their own perceived
failures. The media attention given to incels has not been matched by empirical research on
how the media portrays incels’ violent acts. Also, existing studies have mostly focused on the
North American context, leaving gaps in understanding how incel acts are portrayed in other
regions from a transnational perspective. To fill this gap, this research aims to conduct a
comparative case study consisting of two newspapers from Sweden and two newspapers from
the US and their portrayal of incel-related violent acts. Furthermore, the comparison between
Sweden and the US is important because it identifies how different cultural norms and
policies can affect the development of masculinity and gender relations. While both countries
have experienced a decline in traditional "masculine" jobs, the differences in social policies
and cultural attitudes towards gender may play a significant role in how these economic
pressures are experienced and dealt with.

2.2 THE MANOSPHERE

The manosphere consists of several online communities of men who are united by a shared set
of beliefs and attitudes about masculinity, gender relations, and politics. According to some
scholars, the manosphere emerged as a response to a perceived threat to traditional

10
masculinity and male privilege in the face of changing gender norms and feminist activism
(Tomkinson et al. 2020).

The term "manosphere" is a portmanteau of "man" and "blogosphere", and was supposedly
first referred to by an anonymous user from one of its platforms. The manosphere
encompasses a variety of websites, forums, and social media platforms where men gather to
discuss a range of issues, related to primarily gender and society. The manosphere is not a
monolithic community, though it consists of various subgroups with distinctive beliefs that
can differ from each other (Tomkinson et al, 2020).

Some of the most prominent subgroups within the manosphere with relevance to the incels
include Pick-Up Artists (PUAs), Men's Rights Activists (MRAs), and Red Pillers. PUAs are
men who study and practice techniques for attracting and seducing women. They often
emphasize the importance of confidence, physical appearance, and social skills in attracting
romantic partners (Suigura, 2021). MRAs argue that men are disadvantaged in society and
face discrimination in areas such as family law, employment, and education. They advocate
for legal and social changes to address these issues and often criticize feminism as a
movement that promotes female privilege and male oppression (Sugiura, 2021). Red Pillers,
on the other hand, believe that society is fundamentally gynocentric, meaning that it
prioritizes women's interests over men's. They argue that men must adopt a "red pill"
perspective to become aware of this reality and take action to protect their interests (Sugiura,
2021).

2.3 RECENT RESEARCH ON INCELS

Since the term "incel" was originally coined as a support group for individuals struggling with
romantic relationships, the subgroup has evolved into a more extremist and violent
community today. Incels have been described as a subculture that perpetuates toxic
masculinity and reinforces harmful gender stereotypes (Halperin and Heath, 2022).

Research on incels and their beliefs is relatively limited due to the secretive and isolated
nature of their online communities. However, studies have found a correlation between
membership in incel forums and increased levels of hostility toward women, as well as a
higher likelihood of engaging in violent behavior (Regehr, 2022). These individuals often
11
participate in online forums and social media groups where they express their negative
attitudes toward women and vent their frustrations (Blake and Brooks, 2023). The incel
community has expanded vigorously due to its association with numerous acts of violence,
including mass shootings, carried out by individuals who identify as incels (Tomkinson et al,
2020).

Incels have garnered increasing attention from law enforcement, scholars, and the media
(Daly, 2022). While not all incels advocate or commit violent acts, some have been linked to
violent and terrorist acts, leading to major concerns about the potential danger posed by the
community. A lot of previous research has largely focused on digital expressions of incel
terminology, such as analyzing online forums or comments made by individuals who self-
identify as incels. However, Daly (2022) took a different approach by conducting a qualitative
study that involved interviewing incels using a phenomenological approach.

Daly's (2022) research offers a more personal perspective on the experiences and beliefs of
incels. Daly, an Asian American woman, also provides a reflexive examination of her own
identity and how it may have influenced her research. Daly's (2022) study identified how
incels view gender roles and the male versus female hierarchy, which incels often perceive as
being assertive. Incels have adopted a hierarchical framework based on the concepts of
"alpha" and "beta" which are commonly employed to categorize individuals and their
perceived social status, particularly in the context of dating and relationships.

An alpha, male referred to as a ”Chad” and an alpha female referred to as a ”Stacy”, is

characterized as a socially dominant individual who possesses qualities such as confidence,
assertiveness, and physical attractiveness. Alpha males are believed to effortlessly attract and
engage with romantic or sexual partners, and they are perceived as embodying the epitome of
traditional masculinity. Within the incel framework, alphas are considered to be at the top of
the social hierarchy and are viewed as highly desirable individuals (Daly, 2022).

However, a beta is assigned to individuals who are perceived as less socially dominant or
successful in their romantic pursuits. Betas are often seen as lacking assertiveness, confidence,
or physical attractiveness, which may lead to challenges in establishing and maintaining
relationships. They are viewed as occupying a lower position within the social hierarchy,
often being overshadowed by alphas in terms of desirability (Sugiura, 2021).

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Through the global expansion of the internet, individuals who would never else have met, are
now able to connect and reach out to like-minded individuals, which led to the creation of an
alternative perception of how the world works, creating the incel subculture (Chan, 2022).
The online-based incel community can provide emotional support and validation, but it can
also reinforce dangerous and harmful behaviors. While ideological motives are an important
component of defining what terrorism is, incels do not typically have a racial or religious
basis, which may complicate the efforts of trying to identify and prevent incel-related violence
(Chan, 2022).

Chan (2022) conducted a critical discourse analysis of a well-known incel webpage, incels.
co, and its reaction to the Alek Minassian attack in Toronto, using the Violent Extremism Risk
Assessment and the Cyber Extremism Risk Assessment tool. Chan´s (2022) study identifies
the power of online-support networks that reinforces violence by lone-wolf attackers and the
need to address the systemic patterns of violence that result from these networks.

2.3.1 UNDERLYING IMPLICATIONS

Sparks et al. (2022) conducted a study on the role of social support in the incel community.
Their research found that social support can provide emotional stability and increase self-
worth among incels, making negative events easier to handle. The study also explored
whether incels have fewer people who play a supportive role than the general population and
whether this is a unique predictor of incel identity. The authors utilized the Incel Traits Scale
and provided a survey to explore these questions.

Their study highlights the potential importance of social support in mitigating the negative
outcomes associated with incel identity. By understanding the role of social support in the
incel community, policymakers and practitioners could be better equipped to design
interventions that address the underlying factors contributing to the formation of incel
identity. However, it is important to note that Sparks et al (2022) survey relied on self-
reported data from a limited sample size and may not be representative in numbers to the
broader incel community. Further research utilizing more diverse and larger samples is
necessary to fully understand the role of social support in the incel community.

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2.3.2 MEDIA ANALYSIS

Lounela and Murphy (2023) have examined the complex relationship between incel culture
and violence, suggesting that not all individuals who identify as incels are inherently violent.
Lounela and Murphy (2023) argue that the media's portrayal of incels as violent extremists
can create a misleading and harmful narrative that perpetuates harmful stereotypes. However,
there have been several high-profile incidents of incel-related violence, leading to a discussion
on whether incels should be considered a form of gender-based terrorism or not.

Lounela and Murphy's (2023) study utilized critical discourse analysis of data collected from
nine different incel forums to explore how incels discussed and justified violence in the
aftermath of the Plymouth shooting in August 2021. The authors found that while not all
incels advocate violence, there is a significant subset of the community that does. Many incels
justify violent acts as a form of retribution against women, whom they perceive as the source
of their romantic and sexual frustrations. Incel forums often contain misogynistic language
and encourage violent behavior toward women, perpetuating harmful gender stereotypes. As
Lounela and Murphy's (2023) study encounters, there is a need for further research into the
underlying causes of inceldom and its links to violence.

2.3.3 EXTREMISM DEBATE REGARDING THE LINK TO

EXTREMISM

While the potential link between incels and extremism remains a subject of debate to scholars,
nonetheless, it is worth noting that a notable portion of violent attacks associated with
extremist ideologies have demonstrated direct or indirect connections to the incel community,
although such connections are rarely the sole factor (Hart and Huber, 2023). While extremist
groups may employ diverse strategies in pursuit of their political objectives, they often share a
common goal of effecting societal change, making them potentially supportive of other groups
with similar agendas, such as the incel community.

However, a clear distinction between the incel community from extremist groups is the a)
absence of a clear leadership structure b) lack of organization c) absence of a cohesive and
well-defined plan of action to achieve goals and d) centering around online platforms, and
lack of physical interactions. Predicting the future development of the incel community is a

14
challenging task. Nevertheless, it is important to acknowledge that the vast majority of
individuals identifying with incels pose a low risk of causing harm to others, the risk of
inflicting harm on themselves is much higher (Krakowski, 2020).

However, the fraction of incels who do engage in violent acts can cause significant harm, not
only to the individuals targeted but also to society's perception of safety. Their extreme
misogyny and hatred toward women have fostered a sense of entitlement to use violence.
Degrading language is frequently utilized to dehumanize women and make violence against
them seem justifiable, as in referring to women as “femoids”, female robots (Gheorghe,
2023).

The risk of incel radicalization is evident from numerous violent attacks where the
perpetrators have had links to racism, nationalism, and anti-feminism. Violent rhetoric is
commonly expressed on incel platforms, with members glorifying previous violent acts and
discussing ways to harm women. While the incel community currently lacks specific political
demands except for certain wishes, such as forced monogamy and legalizing prostitution,
some of their beliefs resemble other extremist groups, particularly in terms of both embracing
anti-feminism and the concept of there being a superior gender and race. The violent rhetoric
and the group expansion are growing concerns for authorities, even though the awareness of
not all incels pose a threat (Hoffman et al, 2020)

The debate surrounding whether or not incels should be considered extremists divides
scholars into two main camps. Some studies highlight the connection between the incel
community and extremism, while others present opposing arguments. Some researchers have
identified overlapping beliefs of incels shared by extremist groups (Hart and Huber, 2023).
These beliefs, however, manifest in varying degrees of intensity and receive differential
attention within the incel community, which itself comprises diverse subgroups with differing
levels of extremity.

Nevertheless, other scholars reject the notion of a direct correlation between incels and
extremism. Moskalenko et al. (2022) contend that labeling the incel community as "extremist"
is misleading and further contributes to the stigmatization of a predominantly nonviolent
group already burdened with mental health challenges. Moskalenko´s et al. (2022) research
findings emphasize the importance of reevaluating prevailing narratives surrounding incels,

15
taking into account their unique characteristics and the complex interplay of mental well-
being.

Contrary to portraying incels as isolated individuals, Regehr's (2022) study reveals a complex
and interconnected community among its members. The research identifies a distinct 5-step
pattern of behavior that transforms feelings of loneliness into anger and, in some cases,
escalates into acts of violence. Additionally, the study sheds light on the toxic cultural
environment within the digital realm, where reinforced incel beliefs and the glorification of
incel mass murderers perpetuate a continuous cycle that translates digital hate speech into
real-world extremism. The central belief of incels, as highlighted by Regehr (2022), is that
men are entitled to sex and female attention, and they perceive unfair denial of these from
women and society. This belief is often accompanied by anger, hostility toward women, and a
desire for revenge or retribution. The research contributes important insights into the
perception and reinforcement of gender-based power dynamics within the incel community,
which can promote misogynistic attitudes and behaviors.

Regehr's (2022) research focuses on the role of technological affordances in facilitating anti-
feminist discourses within the incel community. Through the analysis of data from various
sources, including video ethnography and interviews, the study provided insights into the
experiences of young men involved in the incel community and explored the process of
indoctrination into misogynistic extremism.

Tomkinson et al. (2020) also discuss the connection between the incel subculture and
ideologically motivated extremism. They note that incels often share characteristics with other
extremist groups, such as a sense of victimization and a desire for violent action to rectify
perceived injustices. Tomkinson et al. (2020) engage in a debate regarding whether or not
incels can be classified as violent extremists. While the global strategy against terrorism has
expanded to include violent extremism, encompassing the use or support of violence to
achieve ideological, religious, or political goals, Tomkinson et al. (2020) argue that despite
only a small fraction of incels engaging in public acts of violence, there is a growing
association between incels and violent attacks.

Incels, who employ violence to pursue their beliefs and political objectives, can be
categorized within the realm of "ideological violence" as a form of violent extremism. Incel
platforms serve as gathering spaces where incels share material and undergo radicalization.

16
These platforms have a substantial user base, finding at least 60,000 active participants across
the three public incel forums (Tomkinson et al, 2020). However, Tomkinson et al. (2020)
emphasize that not all incels who post violent content intend to act on it. Nonetheless,
instances of incels carrying out violent acts targeting individuals identified as “Chads” and
“Stacys” as a form of societal rebellion constitute violent extremism. Given the occurrence of
violence perpetrated by self-identified incels, Tomkinson et al. (2020) argue that studying the
connection between incels and extremism is essential for understanding the potential for
violence and radicalization within the incel community.

Gheorghe (2023) conducted a study that examined the role of race and whiteness in the incel
community. The author used thematic analysis to explore how incels construct whiteness as
the ultimate leverage to gain status within the community. The study found that race
reinforces the incel community's misogyny and white supremacy. Gheorghe's (2023) research
distinguishes the intersection between race, gender, and beliefs within the incel community,
which has been linked to acts of violence and terrorism. Gheorghe’s (2023) use of thematic
analysis provides a valuable tool for analyzing the discourses and narratives that shape incels.
Furthermore, Gheorghe's (2023) study presents the importance of examining how white
supremacy and misogyny intersect within extremist ideologies, as this intersection can lead to
violence against marginalized groups.

However, Masalenko et al. (2022) argue that there is a substantial lack of empirical research
on incels and their potential danger to the public. Masalenko et al. (2022) conducted an in-
depth survey of 274 active incels to examine their beliefs, mental health, and radical
intentions. The findings revealed that most incels reported mental health problems and
psychological trauma related to bullying or persecution. However, Masalenko et al. (2022)
study found that the incels were only weakly correlated with radicalization, and both ideology
and radicalization were differentially correlated with mental health measures. Additionally,
the study concluded that the majority of incels in the study rejected violence.

2.4 GENDER-BASED TERRORISM

Gender-based terrorism refers to acts of violence and terror committed against individuals or
groups based on their gender or perceived gender identity. It is a form of terrorism that

17
specifically targets individuals based on their gender, often to enforce traditional gender roles
and norms and maintain a patriarchal social order (Hoffman et al, 2022). The causes of
gender-based terrorism are complex and multifaceted and can be rooted in political, social,
and cultural factors. These can include extremist ideologies that seek to control and
subordinate women and marginalized groups and traditional gender roles and norms that
perpetuate male dominance and control over women (Hoffman et al, 2022).

There is a growing body of literature exploring the connection between gender-based

terrorism and incels. Hoffman et al. (2022) argue that the incel community's emphasis on
misogyny and violence against women is a significant contributor to the phenomenon of
gender-based terrorism. This is because incels, as a group, harbor deep-seated resentments
towards women due to their inability to form romantic relationships. This resentment often
manifests itself in violent and misogynistic rhetoric, which can be seen in online forums
where incels interact.

Nevertheless, the idea of using violence to force women to comply is not a new idea within
the incel community. The notion of "forced monogamy" has been discussed as a potential
solution to the perceived issue of female independence, having advocators for using violence
to achieve this goal. Linking extreme rhetoric to several mass killings has led some scholars to
suggest that incel violence should be understood as a form of gender-based terrorism (Lounela
and Murphy, 2023).

Therefore, it is clear that the incel community's actions cannot be divorced from the larger
issue of gender-based terrorism even though not all scholars agree on the definition of
terrorism. By promoting and justifying violence against women, incels contribute to a broader
culture of misogyny and terror that threatens the safety and well-being of women globally.

2.5 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

Georghe (2023) conducted her study that utilized a radical feminist framework to analyze the
incel community's use of online media platforms and their promotion of extremist ideologies.
The study provided a comprehensive understanding of the complex relationships between
various extremist ideologies, such as white nationalism, and the alt-right movement.
Gheorghes’s (2023) use of an intersectional and feminist approach allowed for a nuanced
18
understanding of how these relatable ideologies intersect with gender, race, and other social
identities, and how they can reinforce systems of oppression. By using a radical feminist
theoretical framework Gheorghe (2023) emphasizes the importance of using thematic analysis
on understanding the incel community and their beliefs. This study provides valuable insights
into how incels are interpreted and how these perspectives intersect with other forms of
extremism.

The previous themes discussed in this chapter lay the groundwork for comprehending incel
violence. Specifically, these themes focused on the presence of misogynistic and sexist views
within the incel community, the impact of gender dynamics, and the exploration of underlying
factors such as mental health issues, depression, and social isolation. Also, the potential
connections between incels and extremism, along with the portrayal of incels in media
analyses. Furthermore, also the classification of incel violence to be labeled as an act of
terrorism or not.

When analyzing the data on how media coverage presents incel violence using an
intersectional and radical feminist theoretical framework, emphasizes will be put on how
media narratives construct and present incel violence. The radical feminist theory emphasizes
the importance of identifying and challenging the underlying causes of gender inequality and
oppression. The theory will help identify if the media presentation reflects patriarchal
structures that will affect gender-based discrimination, oppression, and violence, such as incel
violence. The understanding that patriarchy operates at multiple levels, highlights how
patriarchal norms, values, and socialization contribute to the subordination of women and the
enforcement of gender roles (Tong, 2020).

The radical feminist theory will play a role in the analysis, which is reflected in how media
present their coverage of incel violence to its audience. It critiques and challenges various
aspects of society, such as gender norms, traditional family structures, and the objectification
and sexualization of women (Tong, 2020). The goal is to dismantle patriarchal systems and
promote women's autonomy, empowerment, and liberation.

Within the framework of radical feminist theory, a thematic media analysis would examine
how media narratives either reinforce or challenge incel violence and contribute to the
perpetuation of patriarchal norms. It would assess whether the coverage tends to blame

19
victims, trivialize the severity of the violence, or downplay the underlying misogynistic
ideologies that fuel incel violence.

Using a radical feminist perspective would also explore how media representations may
reinforce or challenge existing gender dynamics by examining the language used to describe
perpetrators. It would assess whether the language normalizes or excuses their actions or if it
recognizes and critiques the underlying misogyny, entitlement, and objectification often
associated with the incel community. Additionally, a radical feminist perspective would
examine whether the presentation implicates empathy and understanding for the victims or
perpetuates harmful stereotypes and victim-blaming narratives.

Applying an intersectional framework will identify how media acknowledge an intersectional

representation to present the perpetrators and victims. This framework takes into account the
presentation of intersecting varieties and social positions of individuals involved and normally
considers factors such as race, gender, class, and sexuality. However, this study will focus on
the media’s presentation regarding gender and inabilities. This approach enables a more
comprehensive portrayal of both perpetrators and victims, recognizing how media focus on
the intersections in both presentations.

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 3. METHOD & MATERIAL

3.1 RESEARCH DESIGN

To answer the research questions of this thesis, an appropriate method to use is a comparative
case study approach to find the similarities, differences, and patterns in how a phenomenon
like an incel community is portrayed by media in different cultural and political contexts. A
comparative case study analysis allows for several theories across multiple cases. In doing so,
the validity of the findings increases (Yin, 2018). Comparative case studies have value for
understanding the causal mechanisms and contextual factors that influence political
phenomena (Halperin and Heath, 2017). By selecting material from prominent media from
each case and by analyzing them using a qualitative thematic comparative analysis, this
research will identify differences, similarities, and patterns in the portrayal of incel violence in
media. In this research, a careful selection process has been employed to choose reliable
sources that minimize the risk of compromising the reliability, credibility, and biases inherent
in the analysis of the portrayal of incel violence in media. By prioritizing media sources that
are prominent in each country, the aim is to ensure the validity and accuracy of the findings
while mitigating the potential impact of unreliable or biased information. This research aims
to examine the media's presentation of incel violence, utilizing secondary sources in the form
of newspaper articles. The selection of newspaper articles serves as the primary material for
analysis and provides insights into the portrayal and coverage of incel-related violent
incidents.

3.2 CASE SELECTION

In selecting cases for a comparative case study, it was taken into consideration different
aspects such as the prevalence of the phenomenon under investigation and the historical,
social, and cultural contexts in which it occurs. For this research regarding the portrayal of
incel violence in media, the US was the first logical case due to the numerous violent attacks
linked to incel motives that have been acknowledged in media in recent years. As a major
influential power, the US has been a focus of global attention and discussion regarding issues
of violence and extremism.
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Nevertheless, while Sweden may lack domestic experience of a major violent attack that is
confirmed to be linked to incels, recent research suggests that their beliefs are not foreign to
Swedish society. Researchers who have infiltrated or tried to track the origins of anonymous
members of incel communities have reason to believe that Sweden is among the top five
countries with the highest incidence of incels per capita, although these numbers lack
scientific validation. It is also important to consider that it is not unlikely that members of the
incel community may intentionally provide false IP addresses, making it difficult to track their
actual locations. Nonetheless, the discussion regarding incels has shown increasing interest in
Swedish media, by conducting documentaries about the incels in Sweden and reporters
presenting interviews with previous incel members, highlighting the relevance of Sweden as a
comparative case (Det mörka psyket, 2020).

Another commonality between the US and Sweden is the challenge of changing gender roles
and economic pressures over the past few decades, leading to what has been referred to as the
"masculinity crisis" (Hansson, 2020). This shared social issue, along with the differences in
domestic experience of incel-related violence makes Sweden a viable choice for conducting a
comparative case study analysis alongside the US in this research.

3.3 THE SELECTED VIOLENT ATTACKS

The initial and prominent choice was to select the violent attack that brought the existence of
incels to public attention. On May 23, 2014, Elliot Rodger committed a mass shooting and
stabbing in Isla Vista, California, resulting in the deaths of six individuals and injuries to
fourteen others. Rodger, a 22-year-old of mixed white and Asian ethnicity, posted a YouTube
video and a manifesto expressing his frustrations towards women and his perceived inability
to establish romantic relationships with them. Rodger had previously been diagnosed with
autism and had been in contact with a therapist. Subsequently, Rodger gained controversial
recognition within the online incel community after his attack, with certain members
considering him a martyr and referring to him as a saint. Rodger’s actions served as a trigger
for public awareness of the incel community. Rodger took his own life following the attack.

The second evident option was to focus on the most lethal attack that was associated with
incels, which some scholars argue received more attention than the Elliot Rodger case. This

22
could be attributed to several factors. Firstly, the term "incel" had already been established
and circulated in media coverage for four years. Secondly, this attack was the deadliest of its
kind. Lastly, the fact that it took place in Canada where violent attacks are not as common, as
opposed to the US known for higher levels of violence, may have contributed to its distinct
attention.

On April 23, 2018, Alek Minassian conducted a vehicular attack in Toronto, resulting in the
deaths of ten individuals and injuring sixteen others. Minassian, a 25-year-old of Armenian
descent, deliberately drove a rented van along a crowded sidewalk, specifically targeting
pedestrians. During court proceedings, he expressed his frustration towards women and
society, citing Elliot Rodger's 2014 mass shooting as an inspiration for his actions. Unlike the
majority of perpetrators who often resort to suicide after their attacks, Minassian was arrested
at the scene. Minassian had also been diagnosed with autism when he was a boy, however, the
rhetoric regarding mental health issues shifted attention and despite attempts by his defense
attorney to attribute his actions blaming his autistic diagnosis, Minassian was found guilty in a
court of ten counts of first-degree murder and sixteen counts of attempted murder.

The third option, although it did not receive the same level of media attention, was also
significant due to its targeting of a specific area with a high female presence. While the death
toll was not as high as in the cases of Rodger or Minassian, it was merely circumstance that
prevented further loss of life, as a civilian intervened in the attack. On November 2, 2018,
Scott Paul Beierle carried out a shooting in a yoga studio in Tallahassee, Florida. The incident
resulted in the deaths of two individuals and injuries to six others before Beierle ultimately
took his own life. Before the shooting, Beierle, who was significantly older than Rodger and
Minassian, the 40-year-old substitute teacher, had posted misogynistic and racist content
online and expressed admiration for Elliot Rodger. Beierle had a history of prior arrests,
including charges related to sexually assaulting women. His online activities revealed his
identification as an incel, expressing frustration with his inability to establish romantic
relationships with women. Beierle had no known reference to his ethnicity, he was a former
military veteran and suffered from PTSD (post-traumatic stress syndrome).

The final selection focused on an attack that took place in England, presenting a contrast to
the previous three incidents in North America. On August 12, 2021, Jake Davison carried out
a shooting spree in the Keyham area of Plymouth, England. The attack resulted in the deaths
of five individuals and injuries to two others. Notably, Davison had a familial connection to
23
one of the victims, which none of the previous perpetrators had. The media also highlighted
the death of the 3-year-old girl in the incident. Following the attack, Davison took his own
life, the same as Rodgers and Beierle did. At the age of 22, similar age as Rodgers and
Minassian, Davison's online activities and social media posts revealed his anger and
frustration towards women and society. He identified as an incel and attributed his perceived
inability to form romantic relationships to women. He, same as Minassian and Beierle
expressed admiration for Elliot Rodger in his online content. Davison had no known reference
to mental health issues or ethnicity.

3.4 SOURCE CRITICISM

Easy access to information and the prevalence of digital media has made it increasingly
important to possess the ability to critically evaluate media sources. This skill is crucial for
making informed decisions about the information consumed and shared. In light of this, the
present study adopts a critical approach to selecting media sources and assessing their
reliability and credibility.

To achieve this, the study emphasizes the need to consider multiple sources when evaluating
information. Relying on a single source can lead to a limited and potentially biased
understanding of a topic. By consulting multiple sources, individuals can obtain a more
comprehensive and well-rounded perspective (David and Sutton, 2016).

3.5 DATA COLLECTION

The data process utilized the qualitative thematic analysis method to analyze the media
coverage of 4 separate incel attacks. To be able to conduct this research, a systematic
approach was implemented to identify and analyze media coverage of incel violence with a
thorough association with the incel community. The selection process began by identifying
violent attacks worldwide, however, previous attacks before 2014 were excluded when the
findings revealed that the Elliot Rodgers mass shooting, was the starting point of recognizing
incels and making the incel term publicly known. Three of the attacks were retrieved from
Global Terrorism Database (GTD). This database, maintained by the University of Maryland,

24
documents terrorist attacks worldwide, including information on the date, location,
perpetrator, target, and casualties used to retrieve Elliot Rodger, Alek Minassian, and Scott
Paul Beierle. The database only covered attacks up until 05/20/20 and did therefore not
include Jake Davison since his attack was in 2021.

Other databases were also used to retrieve information regarding violent attacks, such as Mass
Shooting Tracker, a database that tracks incidents in which four or more people are shot,
regardless of whether they are killed or injured. However, the database only provided
information regarding shootings, excluding less than three people who were shot, and covered
exclusively the US ratings of shootings. The Gun Violence Archives database was also used
which collects information on incidents of gun violence in the US, including mass shootings,
homicides, and suicides. It includes data on the date, location, number of victims, and the type
of weapon that had been used. ACLED (Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project)
database tracks political violence and protests in Africa, Asia, the Middle East, and Latin
America, However, no incel-related attacks could be retrieved. However, by reading material
regarding incels, Davison’s name appeared as an example of a perpetrator several times, and
therefore he was also included in this research.

From the initial search results, attacks that had a direct connection to the incels were selected
for further analysis. While many perpetrators had misogynistic views, it was important to
focus on those who had an unambiguous connection to the incels and not any other prominent
political or ideological affiliation interfering. Therefore, after careful elaboration, the cases
selected for this research were Elliot Rodger, Alek Minassian, Paul Scott Beierle, and Jake
Davison.

To analyze the media coverage of these 4 attacks, two major newspapers from the US
(Washington Post and New York Times) and two from Sweden (Sydsvenskan and Dagens
Nyheter) were selected. Originally, the plan was to use the Los Angeles Times instead of the
Washington Post, but access to its articles was not possible, so another media source, from a
similar level of prominence was chosen.

The data collection for this research was based on the focus on 4 specific incel-related
separate violent attacks, consisting of the 4 individual perpetrators, 1) Elliot Rodger, 2) Alek
Minassian, 3) Jake Davison, and 4) Scott Paul Beierle. To collect the data for this research,

25
the Gale Academic OneFile database was used to search for media coverage on these specific
incel attacks from US media.

The search terms used were the names of the perpetrators and the term "incel". The search
was limited to material published in “The New York Times” and the “Washington Post”, two
prominent newspapers in the US. The search was conducted for the period between the date of
the attack and the 29th of April, 2023.

The search for Elliot Rodger yielded a total of 219 hits, with the New York Times having 10
hits and the Washington Post having 9 hits. The search for Alek Minassian yielded a total of
144 hits, with the New York Times having 11 hits and the Washington Post having 9 hits. The
search for Jake Davison yielded a total of 89 hits, with the Washington Post having 4 hits and
the New York Times having 0 hits. Finally, the search for Scott Paul Beierle yielded a total of
10 hits, with the Washington Post having 4 hits and the New York Times having 0 hits.

The search process involved the use of identical search terms to retrieve relevant material
from the database "Mediearkivet" for Swedish media, as for Gale Academic OneFile to
retrieve the US media. The search was limited to material published by "Dagens Nyheter" and
"Sydsvenskan" during the same period as the US material, which was the date of the attack up
until 29th of April, 2023.

A total of 129 hits were obtained for Elliot Rodger, with 14 hits from Dagens Nyheter and 6
hits from Sydsvenskan. For Alek Minassian, a total of 99 hits were retrieved, with 13 hits
from Dagens Nyheter and 5 hits from Sydsvenskan. However, none of the 11 hits for Jake
Davison were found in Dagens Nyheter or Sydsvenskan, and only 2 hits were retrieved for
Scott Paul Beierle from Dagens Nyheter, with no hits from Sydsvenskan.

The collected data were analyzed using qualitative thematic analysis, focusing on identifying
differences, similarities, and patterns in the media coverage of the incel attacks. The analysis
focused on different themes, presented in the media coverage of the attacks such as the
language used to describe the perpetrator, the focus on the coverage and portrayal of the
perpetrators, and the portrayal of the victims. Including media coverage from Swedish
newspapers allowed for a transnational perspective on incel violence and enabled a
comparison of the way incel attacks are reported and understood in different cultural and
political contexts. All the results retrieved were analyzed. The following violent attacks will

26
not be included in this research, however, the excluded attacks had relations to incel or
misogyny views.

• 2015, Chris Harper-Mercer, mass shooting at a College in Roseburg, Oregon,

• 2017 Alexandre Bissonnette mass shooting at a mosque in Quebec City, Canada.
• 2018 Nikolas Cruz, school shooting in Parkland, Florida.
• 2019, M.W, (anonymous) stabbing attack in Toronto, Canada.
• 2019 John T. Earnest mass shooting at the Chabad of Poway synagogue in California
• 2019 Jie Daniel Zhao, stabbing attack in Wynnum, a suburb of Brisbane, Australia.
• 2019 Patrick Crusius, shooting in El Paso, Texas
• 2019 Devon Erickson and Alec McKinney, Colorado
• 2020 Tobias Rathjen shooting spree in the city of Hanau, Germany.

However, the stabbing attack that occurred in Toronto, Canada, in 2019, has, as the 4 selected
attacks, a thorough connection to incel violence. Although the perpetrator is a minor, his name
has not been presented to the public or in media coverage. To retrieve material about the
specific attacks, the chosen search term has been to search for the perpetrator’s name, and
therefore he is also excluded from this research.

There has been no known or confirmed violent attack in Sweden with direct acknowledged
connections to an incel motive. However, there have been a few cases of individuals in
Sweden who have expressed misogynistic and extremist views that align with incels,
nonetheless, no confirmed violent attacks connected to incel violence have been made by
authorities. However, the existence of these cases suggests that there may be a small but
significant presence of incel-related extremist views in Sweden and strengthen Sweden as a
comparative case in this study.

3.6 MEDIA SOURCES

The data for this research was sampled by conducting searches using the name of the
perpetrator associated with the selected attacks. This approach was chosen to ensure that the
obtained results were directly relevant to the attacks under investigation. The sample size was
determined based on the feasibility of retrieving and analyzing the available data, resulting in

27
the inclusion of all relevant hits obtained from the search. By including all the retrieved hits,
the study aimed to encompass a comprehensive range of information related to the attacks and
the perpetrators. This approach ensures that the analysis considers all available data without
excluding potentially valuable insights.

In this study, the material was collected from online media databases and originated from
printed newspapers. The audience of the newspapers encompasses both print readers and
online readers accessing the newspapers' digital platforms. However, it is important to note
that the readership of the material is not exclusively or predominantly comprised of
individuals who engage with the print version. The primary audience for the material consists
of online readers accessing the newspapers' digital platforms, reflecting the growing
prevalence of digital media consumption in contemporary society. The language barrier is an
important factor to consider when analyzing the reach of newspapers. Swedish newspapers
primarily publish content in Swedish, while US newspapers predominantly use English, which
enables them to access a larger audience due to the greater number of English speakers
worldwide.

The decision to utilize material from the online editions of the newspapers stems from the
recognition of the growing prevalence and significance of digital media consumption in
contemporary society. As technology advances and the internet becomes increasingly
pervasive, traditional print media outlets have expanded their online presence globally to cater
to the evolving reading habits and preferences of their audience. Consequently, readership
patterns have shifted from a substantial portion of newspaper printed readers, to now digital
news.

In terms of coverage of violent attacks linked to incels, Sydsvenskan provided the least
amount of coverage compared to the other newspapers. Sydsvenskan had only a total of 6 hits
on Elliot Rodger and 4 hits on Alek Minassian (excluding an upgraded version of an existing
document). Sydsvenskan did not have any direct coverage linked to Scott Paul Beierle or Jake
Davison and their connection to incel violence.

Dagens Nyheter provided a total of 14 hits on Elliot Rodger, but only seven of them were
relevant to the study as some articles were focused on topics like art and book reviews,
unrelated to incel violence. Alek Minassian had a total of 13 hits in the newspaper's coverage,
but one hit was not useful, as it only briefly mentioned his name in a book review. Another hit

28
mentioned Minassian's name in a document about Jake Davison, who was referred to as the
"Plymouthkiller" instead of by his name. However, Dagens Nyheter still included Minassian's
name in the document. Notably, there was no coverage of Scott Paul Beierle or Jake Davison
in Dagens Nyheter's coverage of incel violence.

In terms of The New York Times’ coverage of incel-related violence, Elliot Rodger had a total
of 10 hits in the analyzed material. However, one document was irrelevant to the research as it
was about the development of YouTube and had no direct connection to this research.
Interestingly enough, both Elliot Rodger and Alek Minassian were often mentioned together
as the "two most infamous incels" in many of the relevant documents.

Alek Minassian had a total of 11 hits in The New York Times coverage, but one hit was not
useful for this research as it focused solely on how police officers should act in stressful
situations and cited the arrest of Alek Minassian as an example.

Notably, there was no coverage of Scott Paul Beierle or Jake Davison in The New York
Times' coverage of incel violence.

In terms of The Washington Post’s coverage of incel-related violence, Elliot Rodger had a
total of 9 hits in the analyzed sources, but one document was a duplicate of an already existing
document, bringing the actual number down to 8 hits. It's worth noting that Elliot Rodger's
name often appears in articles alongside Alek Minassian and may have identical hits due to
this.

Alek Minassian had a total of 11 hits in The Washington Post coverage, however, one hit was
not useful for the research as it focused solely on how police officers should act in stressful
situations and cited the arrest of Alek Minassian as an example, a similar article to The New
York Times.

Scott Paul Beierle had a total of 4 hits in The Washington Post's coverage, but 3 of them were
the same article that had been updated multiple times, resulting in multiple hits, which
reduced the actual number of hits down to 2.

Similarly, Jake Davison had a total of 4 hits in The Washington Post's coverage, but one
article had been updated multiple times and resulted in additional hits, which led to decreasing
the actual number of hits to 2.

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3.7 DATA ANALYSIS

Once the attacks were collected and media sources were identified, a thematic coding scheme
was developed to systematically analyze the media coverage for each attack. The coding
scheme was developed based on the theme that was relevant to the research question and the
themes that emerged from the data. The themes were identified through a thorough reading,
and the coding scheme was created to capture these themes systematically, following the 6-
step thematic coding procedure (Braun and Clarke, 2006).

The codes that were used were

Acts of terror, mass killing, hatred towards women, autism, isolation, outcast and became
theme 1 (Presentation of the attack)

Negative, opinionated, neutral, understanding, explaining, and excuse became theme 2

(Language used to describe perpetrator)

Actors, survivors, movement, and threat became theme 3 (The focus on the coverage)

Autism, excluded, hate women, and radical views became theme 4 (Characteristics of the
perpetrator)

Women, survivors, family members, and friends became theme 5 (Characteristics of the
victims)

However, relying on the coding of media articles made by one single individual introduces the
potential for subjectivity and bias in the interpretation of the data. Despite efforts to ensure
inter-coder reliability and minimize bias, personal views and experiences may influence the
interpretation of the media coverage. However, being aware of the issue is considered able to
recognize which increases the prevention of this from happening.

In this study, the Excel software was employed to effectively organize, code, and analyze the
collected articles. Both inductive and deductive coding approaches were utilized to gain a
deeper understanding of the data. The inductive coding approach involved an open-minded
exploration of the selected articles, allowing patterns, themes, and categories to emerge from
the data itself by closely examine the content of the articles, identifying recurring ideas,
concepts, and perspectives.

30
On the other hand, the deductive coding approach involved applying pre-existing theories and
frameworks to categorize and analyze the articles. This process allowed for the systematic
examination and comparison of specific aspects of the articles, guided by theories.

By employing both inductive and deductive coding methods, this study ensured a
comprehensive analysis of the data. The inductive approach facilitated the discovery of new
patterns or themes that might have been overlooked by a purely deductive approach, while the
deductive approach ensured that the analysis remained grounded in existing knowledge and
theories. This combination of approaches contributed to a more nuanced and insightful
understanding of the research topic

The thematic analysis process involved reading through the articles to identify reoccurring
themes and applying the coding scheme to categorize the data based on these themes. The
software allowed for easy organization and management of the data, as well as the ability to
conduct analyses of themes by a specific media source, specific attack, and specific
perpetrator.

The thematic analysis identified differences, similarities, and patterns in the media coverage
of the 4 attacks, including differences in how the attacks were presented, the language used,
the focus of the coverage, the portrayal of the perpetrators, and the portrayal of the victims.

To answer the research questions on how the media in two countries with different political
contexts cover incel violence, the data collected from newspapers were focusing on five key
themes:

The theme of presentation in the analysis of media coverage of incel violence examines how
the media portrays and characterizes the issue. Specifically, this theme may be categorized by
analyzing whether incel violence is presented as an act of terrorism, hate crime, or mental
health issue. By analyzing how the media approaches incel violence through these different
presentations, it can give insights into how newspapers in different countries may differ from
or resemble each other in their coverage.

By examining the language used in media coverage of incel violence, including whether it
contains sympathetic or subjective, or neutral language, it is possible to assess the extent to
which language reinforces or challenges societal stereotypes and biases. This categorization is
crucial for understanding how media coverage may shape public perception and attitudes
31
toward incel violence, as well as how it may impact policy responses in the future. The
analysis of this theme can provide insights into the potential effects of media presentation on
public discourse and the potential for promoting a more informed and nuanced discussion.

The theme of focus of coverage in the analysis of media coverage of incel violence looks at
the extent to which media coverage prioritizes different aspects, including the perpetrators of
incel violence, the victims of incel violence, or the broader issue of societal change that may
be linked to incel violence. By categorizing media coverage based on this theme, it gains
insights into the approaches taken by media outlets in different countries and the extent to
which they prioritize different aspects of the issue. Ultimately, by analyzing this theme, we
can gain a more nuanced understanding of incel violence and its portrayal in the media.

The theme of characteristics of perpetrators in the analysis of media coverage of incel

violence examines the specific characteristics associated with incel violence perpetrators,
including mental health issues, misogyny, sexism, or extremist ideology. This theme offers
insights into how media outlets present the issue of incel violence in terms of the perpetrator's
profile, and the extent to which they prioritize different aspects of this profile. Ultimately,
examining this theme can lead to a more nuanced understanding of the complex dynamics
surrounding and its portrayal in the media of incel violence.

The theme of characteristics of victims in the analysis of media coverage of incel violence
focuses on the specific characteristics associated with the victims of incel violence, including
their gender, innocence, or relationship to the perpetrator. This theme provides insights into
how media outlets presented the issue of incel violence in terms of the characteristics of its
victims and the extent to which they prioritize different aspects of the victim's profile.
Furthermore, this analysis can offer insights into how media coverage may shape public
perception and attitudes toward incel violence, particularly about how victims are portrayed
and the appropriate societal response.

By categorizing the data collected from the newspapers based on these five themes, the
analysis provided insights into how the media in the two countries cover incel violence and
how they differ or are similar in their approach.

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33
34
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3.8 ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS

This research aims to conduct a case-based comparative study on the portrayal of incel attacks
in media. It will analyze the portrayal of violent incel attacks in media, and how this may
impact public perception and contribute to potential stigmatization or discrimination of the
incel community. The ethical considerations of this research include protecting the anonymity
and privacy of whom it concerns, avoiding harm or exploitation, and ensuring that the
research is conducted in a fair, just, and respectful manner. However, the names of the
perpetrators will be re-mentioned in this research. The names have however already been
published by media and will therefore be justified in an ethical perspective to repeat. When
researching a subject with sensitive content, a major consideration is that it will profoundly be

36
treated with dignity and respect for all whom this research will concern. The research will be
conducted in a non-judgmental and impartial manner to the highest extent. Also, a great effort
will be made to avoid any personal biases or preconceptions that may affect the research
results.

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 4. ANALYSIS

4.1 RESULTS OF MEDIA COVERAGE OF INCEL VIOLENCE

This analysis conducted has identified how media in different political contexts present their
coverage of violence committed by individuals who self-identify as incels. The results reveal
that media coverage of incel violence in the US predominantly presented it as a hate crime
(18) or a mental illness (17), with only three articles discussing the possibility of the violence
being considered terrorism. In contrast, Swedish media portrays incel violence vigorously as a
hate crime (24), terrorism (4), or a mental illness (3).

The theme of language used to describe incel violence shows that neutral language is the most
common in both the US (27) and Sweden (16). However, a subjective tone is present in 10 US
articles and 13 Swedish articles, and only one US article implies a sympathetic tone compared
to the two Swedish articles.

The focus of the coverage theme demonstrates that US media mostly concentrates on societal
change (26), followed by victims (8) and perpetrators (4). Swedish media also focuses on
societal change (22) but places more emphasis on perpetrators (8) and less on victims (1).

When examining the portrayal of the characteristics of perpetrators, the US has the highest
number of articles revolving around mental health issues (14), followed closely by extremist
ideology (13) and misogyny and sexism (11). Sweden, on the other hand, has the least articles
about mental health issues (2), with most articles focusing on misogyny and sexism (17),
followed by extremist ideology (12).

Finally, the theme of characteristics of victims reveals that gender is the top characteristic
portrayed in both the US (18) and Sweden (29), followed by innocence (16 in the US, 2 in
Sweden) and relationship to the perpetrator (4 in the US, 0 in Sweden).

38
4.2 RESULTS OF SIMILARITIES, DIFFERENCES, AND
PATTERNS

In terms of similarities, both the US and Sweden presented incel violence primarily as a hate
crime rather than an act of terrorism. Additionally, there was a notable lack of sympathetic
language in the coverage, with both countries using mostly neutral language.

Regarding the focus of coverage, societal change was the dominant pattern in both countries,
underlining a shared concern about the implications of incel violence, and relatively little
emphasis on the perpetrators themselves. Both countries also focused mostly on the gender
aspect of the victims, while the victims' relationship with the perpetrator received the least
amount of coverage.

However, there were also notable differences between the two countries' coverage of incel
violence. The US had more substantial coverage regarding the perpetrators' mental health
issues compared to Sweden, while Sweden had a slightly higher focus on portraying incel
violence as hate crimes. The US had a slightly higher rating for using neutral language than
Sweden.

When searching for the focus of coverage, the US had more focus on the victims, while
Sweden had a higher focus on the perpetrators, with almost no focus on the victims. When
examining the characteristics of the perpetrators, Sweden had the lowest coverage on mental
health issues, while the US had the highest. Sweden had the highest focus on misogyny and
sexism, while the US had the fewest.

The US had a more balanced distribution of focus regarding the victims' characteristics, with a
significant focus on the victims' gender and a slightly lower focus on the victims' innocence.
However, Sweden had almost all coverage focus on the victims' gender.

Regarding the characteristics of perpetrators, there were significant differences in the

emphasis placed on different factors. The US had a more substantial focus on mental health
issues, with nearly half of their coverage on perpetrator characteristics related to this issue. In
contrast, Sweden had very little coverage of mental health issues but had a higher focus on
portraying incel violence as rooted in misogyny and sexism.

39
In terms of victim characteristics, both countries focused primarily on the gender aspect,
which could reflect a broader societal concern about violence against women. However, the
US also placed some emphasis on the innocence of the victims, whereas Sweden had almost
all coverage focused on the victims' gender.

4.3 DISCUSSION

The analysis of media presentations of incel violence through utilizing intersectional and
radical feminist frameworks has identified how these acts of violence are portrayed in two
countries with different political contexts. By incorporating these theoretical perspectives,
media presentation perpetuates or challenges gender inequalities and intersecting forms of
oppression within the coverage of incel violence. Adopting a radical feminist perspective, the
media's presentation of incel violence as a hate crime reflects an acknowledgment of the
inherent misogyny and sexism underlying these acts. The focus on misogyny and sexism as
significant characteristics of perpetrators, as observed in both the US and Swedish media,
aligns with the fundamental principles of radical feminism, which emphasize the role of
patriarchal systems in oppressing women. Media’s presentation of incel violence counters
perpetuating violence against women.

However, an important concern arises from the media's failure to present these violent attacks
as acts of gender terrorism, despite the ongoing debate surrounding the definition of what
terrorism should consist of. This underestimation of the significance of incel violence could
potentially undermine the understanding and urgency needed to address this form of
extremism. Additionally, the insinuation of mental health issues in the US media's
presentation of these attacks raises concerns. It is highly possible that mental health factors
may contribute to individuals seeking a sense of belonging within the incel community due to
feelings of social exclusion. However, presenting the violent acts with a major focus as mental
health concerns detracts from the core issue at hand, namely the transformation of gender
roles in society that some individuals perceive as violations of their perceived rights and
privileges as the dominant gender. By presenting a significant amount of coverage as mental
health-related, the media tends to victimize incels further.

40
Moreover, the media's presentation of gender as the primary characteristic of victims,
observed in both countries, aligns with the radical feminist approach of raising awareness
about the severe cultural issue of gender-based violence and acknowledging the
disproportionate impact it has on women. This presentation underscores the importance of
addressing oppression against women and highlights the need to challenge societal norms that
contribute to violence against women. The media's presentation rightly sheds light on the
misogynistic and sexist elements that tend to fuel incel violence.

Despite the ongoing debate surrounding whether or not incels should be considered an
extremist group, it is crucial to address incel violence from a radical feminist perspective as a
form of extremism, which also is reflected in media presentations. While differing attributes
exist regarding the classification of incels as extremists, the media's presentation of incel
violence aligns with the characterization of it as an extreme manifestation of certain beliefs.
The media's presentation of incel violence as a form of extremism acknowledges the attitudes,
and actions associated with the incel community that contribute to the acts of violence.

The radical feminist approach recognizes that incel violence presented in media goes beyond
individual acts of aggression and is rooted in broader social, cultural, and patriarchal contexts
and therefore has the coverage focus quantitively on societal change instead of the individuals
it is concerning. By presenting incel violence as a form of extremism, the media draws
attention to the potential risks it poses to individuals and society at large, emphasizing the
need for preventive measures, social awareness, and targeted interventions.

Through an intersectional approach, it became clear that coverage presenting the victim, and
gender is dominant regardless of either country. However, US media had some focus on the
presentation of the victim’s innocence, which enhance the intersectionality amongst the
victims.

The intersectional theory further enriches the analysis by considering how multiple social
categories intersect to shape media representations. The variation in media coverage between
the US and Sweden indicates that different political and cultural contexts influence the
intersectional dynamics at play. The inclusion of extremism and mental health issues as
characteristics of perpetrators in the US highlights the intersectionality of these factors with
misogyny and sexism. In Sweden, the presentation on misogyny and sexism is more
pronounced, reflecting the intersection of gender with extremist ideology.

41
By considering intersectionality, the media's portrayal of events and individuals can be
critically examined to identify the experiences and perspectives of marginalized groups, such
as women and individuals with disabilities. This approach highlights the importance of
including diverse voices and experiences, such as those of individuals with autism,
depression, social anxiety, and PTSD in the narrative. It challenges the erasure and
marginalization of these identities and emphasizes the need for a more inclusive and accurate
representation of incel violence rather than stigmatizing already marginalized groups, such as
the autism community that was frequently mentioned. By media emphasizing disabilities as a
reason for perpetrators to commit violent acts, it derails countability for the individual’s
actions. Moreover, media presentation in describing perpetrators contributes to normalizing or
downplaying the misogynistic attitudes, entitlement, and objectification prevalent within the
incel community.

Media portrayals of incel violence predominantly presented it as a hate crime motive rather
than an act of terrorism being related to mental health issues. Presenting incel violence as a
hate crime emphasizes the seriousness of the violent character. The language commonly used
in media coverage in both countries exhibits a neutral tone, with little use of sympathetic
language. Media has, as it is supposed to do, present its topics with a neutral approach, not
allowing biases to affect the presentation of the coverage. However, presenting a topic with
sensitive nature, such as incel violence, is shown difficult, without any descriptive trades with
indirect biases.

The primary focus of the coverage is shown to be centered around societal change rather than
primarily emphasizing the perpetrator or victims, which identified the importance of the issue
on a societal level, and not on an individual. When media presentation described the
characteristics of perpetrators, no dominant category emerged, instead, a fairly equal
combination of mental health issues, misogyny and sexism, and extremist ideology was
observed, except in Swedish media, which lacked an emphasizing presentation on mental
health issues.

With US media arising awareness around factors that contribute to the deeds such as mental
health issues they tend to victimize the perpetrators, Swedish media did not present
intersectional perspective as being of important significance. Media presentation placed a
strong emphasis on the gender perspective when portraying the characteristics of the victims,
acknowledging the structural indifference in society. Overall, the analysis reveals both the
42
influence of radical feminist theory, with its emphasis on misogyny and sexism, and the
significance of intersectional theory, which highlights the media presentation of intersections
of gender with other social categories.

43
 5. CONCLUSION
This thesis set out to answer the questions:

"How does media in different political contexts present violent attacks committed by
individuals who self-identify as incels?”

and

“What similarities, differences, and patterns are detected in the two studied contexts, the USA
and Sweden?”

The conclusive findings in this thesis present the two countries exhibited similarities in their
presentation of incel violence. Firstly, both countries demonstrated a low representation of
incel violence as being referred to as terrorist attacks. Secondly, there was a limited usage of
sympathetic language in media coverage, with a comparable presence of a subjective tone.
Thirdly, both countries emphasized the perpetrators as holding misogynistic views and being
sexist, often portraying them as extremists. By media labeling these perpetrators’ actions as
acts of extremism, the media highlights the significance of understanding the radicalization
processes, ideological underpinnings, and potential societal implications associated with incel
violence Lastly, neither country focused on presenting the nature of the relationship between
the victims and the perpetrators as being significant in the presentation.

Significant differences were observed between US and Swedish media in their portrayal of
incel violence. Firstly, US media placed greater focus on presenting incel violence as a result
of mental health issues as a contributing factor to the attack, while Swedish media had a
minimal emphasis on this aspect. Secondly, in terms of coverage, US media dedicated more
attention to presenting the victims in the coverage and highlighting their innocence, whereas
Swedish media focused more on presenting the perpetrators. Additionally, Swedish media had
a considerably lower representation of mental health issues as a characteristic of the
perpetrators compared to US media. These differences highlight divergent approaches in
presenting and emphasizing certain aspects of incel violence between the two countries.

The pattern that emerged was that both US and Swedish media shared similar focuses on
various themes, except for the presentation of the characteristics of the perpetrators. In other
aspects, such as framing incel violence as a hate crime, usage of sympathetic language, and
44
the gender perspective on victims, both countries displayed comparable patterns in their
coverage. This reveals that media in two different political contexts shares a focus on how
incel violence is portrayed. However, when it came to presenting the characteristics of the
perpetrators, there was a notable difference between the two countries. This finding highlights
a distinct dissimilarity in how the media approached and presented the perpetrators in the
context of incel violence. While the potential link between incels and extremism remains a
subject of debate amongst scholars, the material investigated in this study showed a divided
presentation amongst US and Swedish media.

5.1 FUTURE RESEARCH

Scholars should continue to examine how incel violence is presented in media and its
connections to gender-based terrorism, to discover and develop effective strategies for
combating this phenomenon. Further research can build on identifying the dominant
presentation employed in a larger case study, assess their implications, and contribute to a
more nuanced understanding of the complex interplay between media, public opinion, and
social issues.

Additionally, research focused to provide insights into how media can be used to promote
positive social values and foster greater understanding among different excluded groups in
society can help identify significant tools to prevent violent attacks from occurring. One
example could be, conducting research regarding media coverage that instead highlights
positive stories and experiences of incels who have overcome their difficulties in forming
intimate relationships could help to counter the negative stereotypes and stigmatization that
often characterize media coverage of the incel community and violence related to incels.

45
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VI