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In this essay, I will address topic question 2, which focuses on the challenges associated
with compliance and the modes of intervention. I will draw upon Koh’s insights from the article
on the Transnational Legal Process, Mill’s perspectives on R2P^3, the findings of the
Norms, State Sovereignty, and Humanitarian Intervention. Through the analysis of these articles,
intervention, and whether international agencies are effective in promoting human rights or if
In Transnational Legal Process, Koh outlines the key elements of compliance, which are
interaction, interpretation, and internalization. These elements, as Koh argues, are meant to
further the integration of human rights policies into the legal framework of states. Before these
compliance in adhering to human rights policies occurs with the commitment to uphold these
standards, which then aid in the consistent implementation of human rights laws internationally.
However, as I will further explore in this essay, compliance challenges arise from the state’s
prioritization of state sovereignty and self-interest, which trump the interests of international
In R2P^3, Kurt Mills examines the three possible intervention approaches taken by
methods acting as a band-aid solution. The first intervention of prosecution typically occurs after
the human rights abuse takes place, though in some circumstances investigations can occur in
ongoing conflict; such as the case in Darfur that I’ll examine shortly. Palliation, however, can
occur during or after mass atrocities but is mainly implemented by international third parties
such as the ICRC. In the article, Mill criticizes the use of palliation as a humanitarian
intervention, as it works as an apolitical third party, that simultaneously can choose to side with
decent winners in conflict and choose whom to deny aid to. The third intervention is protection;
some perceive the protection of groups who are subjected to human rights abuses, as an
infringement on state sovereignty. In the action of protection, the international community (if
agreed upon) can send armed forces to physically protect the targeted. However, ideas of
protection are up to the discretion of those in power, as protection can include having extensions
of the United Nations present in the country - yet despite the international presence, atrocities of
human rights abuses can still occur; as in contemporary Palestine, where Israel has targeted
United Nation schools which have resulted in the deaths of dozens of United Nation officials.
international intervention looks like as the Security Council ordered an investigation on crimes
of genocide, and violations of both humanitarian law and human rights laws in Darfur. I will use
this article to connect both critiques and discussions of intervention and compliance. In this
article, the Commission outlines its intervention in prosecution; investigating reports of human
rights violations, determining if acts of genocide have occurred, and identifying the parties
responsible.
In Human Rights Norms, State Sovereignty, and Humanitarian Intervention, Carry
Walling utilizes various human rights cases to examine when and how the international
community intervenes. Walling discusses that most preliminary stages of intervention efforts
include discussions on efforts that can secure each state's sovereignty. With state sovereignty
being prioritized over people's lives, the United Nations ultimately decides to leave intervention
to the state violating these rights. If and when the United Nations decides that international
complements a state's sovereignty. Equally as important is the ability of the United Nations
Now that the foundational framework has been established, I will begin to analyze the
While the United Nations is recognized as a global force that is capable of upholding and
protecting human rights; such as the right to health, life, safety, food, and more, it lacks the
power to prevent, stop, or prosecute human rights violations. For instance, the General Assembly
can vote on resolutions, yet since they are not legally binding, even if a resolution has a majority
vote it is not enforceable. A contemporary example is on the 12th of December the United
Nations General Assembly voted in favor of an immediate humanitarian ceasefire in Gaza, yet
because it is not legally binding, Israel is not obligated to follow the resolution.
In contrast, the United Nations Security Council does have the ability to authorize
enforcement actions, prevent and punish human rights violations, and more. However, as Walling
notes humanitarian intervention remains a rare and selective event. The Commission of Inquiry
on Darfur showcases that when the United Nations Security Council sent various entities to
investigate human rights abuses and found the Sudanese government complicit, they
recommended that Sudan take the initiative to promote and protect human rights. The United
Nations did not want to overstep boundaries on state sovereignty, yet I find that in this case, it
was important to interrupt state sovereignty. Leaving the government that violated human rights
with the task of promoting human rights, is a failure to protect the lives of the people. Especially
when the violence and killing of civilians continued despite UN bodies being in Darfur. This
prompts a crucial question, if the violence continued with their presence, how can we trust that
lies within the complex dynamic of the Security Council. For example, in the Gaza genocide, the
Security Council met to discuss and vote on an immediate ceasefire, only for the U.S. to use its
power as a permanent member, to veto the resolution. When sovereign states are given more
power and leverage over the other sovereign states it is nearly impossible to make sure there is
compliance with humanitarian and human rights laws. States self-interest whether in allies,
resources, or power - impedes not only the protection of people but in the distribution of
Walling further argues that humanitarian intervention is most likely to occur when
Security Council members classify mass killings as a threat to international peace or government
leaders as illegitimate sovereign actors. While the United Nations in theory can enforce and
ensure compliance with international human rights and humanitarian laws, little to nothing
happens. Koh emphasizes that states need to interact, interpret in good faith, and internalize laws
In light of these complexities, it’s evident that catastrophic violations of human rights and
humanitarian laws occur and are encouraged by the inability of the United Nations to agree on
doing something. Even humanitarian intervention in palliative care, as argued by Mills, keeps
people alive until they succumb to direct death from armed conflict, or indirect death through
diseases and illnesses acquired during the conflict; as seen in the “humanitarian pause” that
In conclusion, through the insights of Koh, Mills, and Walling, I’ve been able to analyze
and dissect the intervention efforts of international agencies as well as the shortcomings of
compliance. Persistent challenges arise in the prioritization of state sovereignty and self-interest
which prevent thorough implementation of humanitarian and human rights laws. The case of
Darfur highlights that challenge when the Commission tried to intervene while protecting
Sudan’s sovereignty. The discrepancy between theory and practice of humanitarian and human
rights laws is what contributes to the continuation of human rights abuses. Ultimately, to address
challenges of compliance, intervention, and promoting human rights - the United Nations must
come to terms with when they must overrule state sovereignty - especially if it protects the lives
of civilians.