HAWASSA UNIVERSITY

Collage of Social Science and Humanities

Research proposal

Title: Social and Structural Discrimination Faced by the

Marginalized Mana social Group in Dawro zone, Tercha city
Administration and Tarcha zuria wereda.

Student name ID
Bruk Mesfin……………………….GPSOAnR|0007|15

Submitted to: Dr Mellese Mada

December, 2023

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Table of Contents
Table of Contents.....................................................................................................................................................2
Introduction.............................................................................................................................................................2
Background..........................................................................................................................................................3
Literature review......................................................................................................................................................4
Problem statement..................................................................................................................................................6
Aim and objective of the study.................................................................................................................................7
General objective.................................................................................................................................................7
Specific objectives................................................................................................................................................7
Research questions..................................................................................................................................................8
Significance of the research.....................................................................................................................................8
Scope and limitations of the study...........................................................................................................................9
Scope....................................................................................................................................................................9
Limitations...........................................................................................................................................................9
Methodology..........................................................................................................................................................10
Site selection:.....................................................................................................................................................10
Data collection....................................................................................................................................................10
Theoretical framework...........................................................................................................................................11
Ethical consideration..............................................................................................................................................12
Plan of work/Time Table........................................................................................................................................13
Budget/Estimated Cost...........................................................................................................................................14
Reference...............................................................................................................................................................15

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Introduction
The primary focus of my research centers on exploring the prevalent social and structural discrimination
faced by the Mana social group in the Dawro Zone, specifically within the Tarcha city Administration
and Tercha Zuria Wereda. The marginalization of the Mana community stems from two primary factors.
First, their occupation, namely as potters, contributes to their marginalized status. Second, stereotypes
associated with the Mana community falsely attribute to them an evil spiritual power capable of causing
harm or even death to others. While there may be other marginalized social groups in different regions
of Ethiopia that bear some similarities to the Manas, they are distinctive in terms of their historical
background, the stereotypes associated with them, and their marginalized status within the Dawro
community. My research specifically focuses on the social and structural discrimination faced by them
because of their marginalized status and the stereotype associated to them.

Background
Dawuro is located in Ethiopia's southwestern area. It is bordered by Kontta special Worada in the west,
Oromiya Regional state (Jimma zone) in the northwest, Hadiya zone in the north, Kambata Tembaro
zone in the north and northeast, Wolayita zone in the east, and Gamo Gofa zone in the south and
southeast. Previously, it was one of the fourteen zones in the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and
Peoples Regional State but is now part of the south-west regional state. The area comprises Ten woradas
and one town administration: Esera, Kachi boka, Mari mansa, Mareka, Loma, Zaba gazo, Disa, Genna
bossa, Tarcha zuria and Tarcha town administration. The zone's total area is 4430km2 with a population
of 500,0002. Historically, Dawuro was called Kullo-Konta Awraja under Kaffa administrative provinc.
Dawuroothuwa/Dawuro doonaa, literally meaning Dawuro tongue, is classified under the Omotic
language family (Fleming, 1973; Balisky, 1977; Zaborski, 1982; Behailu and Data Dea in Freeman and
Pankhurst, 2001; Data, 1997) and is predominantly spoken in Dawuro land as the primary language of
instruction in primary schools. The Dawuro people are organized into three major patrilineal clans:
Maallaa, Dogallaa, and Amaaraa, which are further divided into over one hundred sub-clans. The Maalla
clan is known for its intuitive administrative abilities, the Dogala clan specializes in spiritual affairs, and
the Amaara clan has expertise in economic matters. The term "Maallaa" is also used to refer to the
dominant peasant group within Dawuro society. Dawuro society also includes skilled artisans such as
potters, smiths, and tanners, as well as hunter-gatherer groups. The Dawuro society has a complex social

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structure that exhibits exclusion and inequality. The social stratification is identified as Womannuwaa vs
Ayilliyaa, Asana vs Xooma, and Kawonaa vs Manddidaa or Goqaa. The Maallas, the dominant social
group, enjoy an upper social status while the 'slaves', artisans, and the Manjas are hierarchically
subordinated and experience social inequality. The social hierarchy of the Dawuro comprises groups that
are less excluded to groups that experience severe marginalization at the bottom. Thus, the social strata
of Dawuro comprise the Maallas at the top followed by 'slaves', artisanal groups, and the Manjja at the
bottom. The 'slaves' are further classified into three groups, while the artisans are subordinated as
Wogaaciya (Hinnadiniya)-smiths, Degela (Denchcha)-tanners, and the Mana-potters. The Maallas' upper
status in the social hierarchy is attributed to their access to agricultural land, although further study and
investigation are required to understand the issue better. Dawuro society is divided into several social
strata. The second stratum is composed of slaves who are categorized hierarchically within their own
group. Generally, slaves live with the Maallas, the majority group, but they are not allowed to marry
within that group. The third stratum is made up of artisans, specifically blacksmiths, tanners, and potters.
Blacksmiths are considered to be at the highest position among the artisans and are somewhat included
in the main stratum despite their specialization. They sustain their livelihood through mixed agriculture
and selling iron products. Tanners constitute the fourth stratum and are even more despised than
blacksmiths due to their limited access to land. The manna Potters, who are the subject of this research,
constitute the fifth and last stratum of the artisanal groups. Foragers, known as Manjjas, form the last
social stratum. They are excluded from wider social groups due to their economic status and food
restrictions. Maallas consider them impure because they eat tabooed items such as meat from dead
animals and wild animals that the rest of the groups do not consume. The Manjjas sustain their
livelihood through hunting, occasional farming, food begging, selling charcoal and firewood, and
providing labor for food and petty payments. Any contact with them is believed to bring bad luck unless
a certain ritual purification is performed.

Literature review
Before delving into specific comments and discussions by certain writers, it is appropriate to mention
some general perspectives expressed by different writers relating to socially excluded groups. In various
regions of Ethiopia, particularly among different ethnic groups in the southwestern parts of the country,
socially excluded groups of people are usually identified by pejorative terms. For example, in Gurage,
they are referred to as 'Fuga' (Shack, 1964); in Konso, 'hauda' (Hallpike, 1968); in Kaffa, 'gonde aši yero'

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(Haberland, 1978); in Burji-Konso areas, 'hawado or xawda' (Ambron, 1986); and in Oyda, Gofa, Malo,
and Masketo, 'Mana' (Dereje, 2000; Fujimoto in Freeman and Pankhurst, 2001). The dominant group
perceives socially excluded individuals as low-status individuals who engage in minimal professions and
possess mystical powers that may pose a threat to others (Shack, 1964; 1982; Pankhurst, 1996; Hallpike,
1968; Lange, Ambaye, 1997; Levine, 2000; Freeman and Pankhurst, 2001). Usually, these groups are
skilled in various crafts and are considered "occupational castes," such as weavers, smiths, grinding
stone potters, tanners, woodworkers, producers, and hunters (Hallpike, 1968:258; Arthur, 2002:333).
Hence, they are deemed socially, economically, and culturally subordinate in their respective societies,
and the jobs they perform are typically held in disdain (Burley, 1978; Haberland, 1978; Ambron, 1986;
Arthur, 2002). Excluded social groups also face poor living conditions due to limited access to
resources, such as land and livestock (Hallpike, 1968:259; Todd 1977:406-407; Ambron, 1986:27;
Pankhurst in Freeman and Pankhurst, 2001:3). Shack (1964) examined the 'Fuga' of the Gurage through
an investigation. Todd's (1977) paper explored the roots of caste in Ethiopia and examined the
evolutionary theory of caste systems developed by Donald N. Levine. Todd specifically focused on
despised groups in the Dime land of southwest Ethiopia and discussed the origin, history, occupational
status, spiritual restrictions, and ritual manifestations of purity and pollution among the Dime people.
Haberland (1978) also delved into the social position, occupational involvement, ritual manifestations,
and functional roles of special castes in Ethiopia and other East African countries. Haberland noted that
caste groups have a dual status as both despised and socially important groups.

Similarly, Ambrorn's (1986) research centered on the social division of labor among marginalized
groups in the Burgi-Konso cluster of southwest Ethiopia. Ambron discussed the socioeconomic status of
excluded groups, characteristic features that distinguish artisans from other social groups, property
ownership, and ritual manifestations in the Burji-Konso areas.

Hallpike (1968) examined issues related to production, land ownership, exchange, origin, spiritual
prohibitions, religious prejudices, and marginalization among different artisanal works in the social
hierarchy of Konso in southwest Ethiopia. Meanwhile, Pankhurst (1996) and Freeman and Pankhurst
(2001) conducted broader studies on the cultural, social, political, economic, and spatial dimensions of
marginalized groups in southwestern Ethiopia at the geographic regional level. Pankhurst in Freeman
general and Pankhurst (2001) highlights the negative characteristics often attributed to marginalized
groups, such as being lazy, unreliable, and lacking in morals. Additionally, such groups are often

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associated with behaviors deemed unacceptable by the upper class, such as drinking and dancing. The
"polluting" role of these groups is also frequently linked to their food preferences and consumption of
"impure" meat. Dereje's (2000) study on occupational minorities in Southern Ethiopia discusses the
cultural, economic, social, and political marginalization of such groups, as well as their ritual roles in
Oyda society. Despite their exclusion from mainstream society, marginalized groups play essential roles
in various socio-cultural aspects of the dominant upper class. However, existing works on social
stratification in Dawuro have focused on different excluded groups as a whole rather than a particular
caste group and their unique challenges. Behailu and Data (Freeman and Pankhurst, 2001) offer an
overview of social stratification and marginalization in Dawuro, while Data (1997) discusses rural
livelihoods, but neither provides a detailed account of Mana lives in Dawuro.

Problem statement
In this work, social exclusion refers to the distancing of certain groups from social relations, activities,
institutions, and common values that apply to the broader society. The Manas, as one of the socially
excluded groups in Dawuro, share these characteristics and live in a hostile socio-cultural environment.
Their interactions with the broader society are often unfriendly and marked by extreme enmity and
antagonism. They are restricted from owning basic resources like land and participating in dominant
economic activities such as crop production, animal husbandry, and trade due to various political, social,
and cultural reasons, which results in living in poverty. Consequently, they are forced to engage in
activities that are considered minimal and ignoble by the majority, such as pottery production, petty
trade, hunting wild animals for food, and providing labor for upper-class groups. Additionally, they are
distanced from social, economic, and political institutions, leading to social inequality and violations of
basic human rights. Specifically, they are not allowed to marry into upper-class groups, their children
are not permitted to attend schools with the Maallas', and they are prohibited from joining village-level
associations. Politically, they are not entitled to hold official powers or leadership positions in
government institutions or at different administrative levels in their locality. Manas are often separated
from the upper stratum of society through social stereotypes based on ideas of purity and pollution. In
Dawuro, notions of purity and pollution are frequently used to create a divide between the 'pure' upper
stratum and 'impure' lower classes, which includes the Manas. As a result, the Manas are often
considered polluting, and contact with them is assumed to result in spiritual impurity and bad luck
among the upper social classes, who are otherwise purified by certain rituals. Furthermore, the Manas

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are said to practice cannibalism and are widely feared for their supposed evil eye powers, which are
believed to have the potential to harm others. This has led to incidents of harassment, violence, and
property destruction. Despite this negative perception, the Manas play important roles in Dawuro
society, such as producing clay products, performing circumcisions, playing music, and combating crop
pests. Although the dual existence of the Manas as socially excluded but also essential members of
society has not been widely researched, this seeks to explore the extent, causes, and consequences of
their exclusion, as well as their role in social interaction, resource possession, and recent developments.

Aim and objective of the study

General objective
The primary objective of my research is to illuminate the pervasive social and structural discrimination
experienced by the Mana social groups. To achieve this, my study will follow a comprehensive
approach. Firstly, I will delve into the origins of the myth that has led to the stereotype associating
Manas with spiritual powers capable of causing harm and death. Additionally, I will investigate the
attitudes of both the Mana community and society as a whole towards this myth. Next, I will explore the
severe forms of social, cultural, and economic discrimination that the Manas have faced historically.
Taking a chronological approach, I aim to document and analyze the various instances of discrimination
that have affected the lives of the Manas throughout history. Furthermore, I will investigate how this
discrimination against the Mana has been perpetuated, whether intentionally or unintentionally, by
administrative systems, institutions, and religious organizations. By examining these factors, I hope to
provide a nuanced understanding of the multifaceted nature of discrimination faced by the Manas. My
research will be limited to the objectives mentioned above. Nevertheless, by identifying the problem as
the initial step towards finding a solution, my research can serve as a valuable starting point for
organizations or individuals focused on eliminating discrimination and improving the conditions for the
Mana community.

Specific objectives
1. To critically analyze the origins and evolution of the myth associating Manas with spiritual powers
capable of causing harm and death.

2. To investigate the attitudes of both the Mana community and society as a whole towards this myth.

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3. To examine the historical instances of social, cultural, and economic discrimination faced by the
Manas, taking a chronological approach.

4. To analyze the role of administrative systems, institutions, and religious organizations in perpetuating
discrimination against the Mana community.

5. To provide a nuanced understanding of the multifaceted nature of discrimination faced by the Manas,
highlighting the main factors that contribute to it.

6. To offer recommendations for organizations or individuals focused on eliminating discrimination and

improving the conditions for the Mana community.

7. To produce a comprehensive report that can serve as a valuable starting point for future research on
discrimination against other marginalized communities in society.

Research questions
My research aims to answer the following questions in general:

1. What is the origin of the myth linking Manas with spiritual abilities that can cause harm and death?

2. What are the attitudes of the Mana community towards the myth associating them with spiritual
powers capable of causing harm and death?

3. What are the attitudes of society as a whole towards the myth associating Manas with spiritual powers
capable of causing harm and death?

4. How have Manas historically faced social, cultural, and economic discrimination?

5. What are the different instances of discrimination that have affected the lives of the Manas throughout
history?

6. How has discrimination against the Mana been perpetuated by administrative systems, institutions,
and religious organizations?

Significance of the research

This study will add to the existing ethnographic knowledge of marginalized craft workers in Ethiopia as
a whole, and will provide a deeper understanding of the less studied socio-cultural aspects of Dawuro
specifically.

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In particular:

- By focusing on a specific excluded group, this study offers a unique contribution, as previous studies
in Ethiopia have mainly focused on geographic regions and marginalized groups as a whole.

- The findings of this study may be valuable for future researchers conducting inquiries in the area.

- This study will also serve as an important resource, providing essential ethnographic information about
Dawuro and its complex social stratifications.

Scope and limitations of the study

Scope
The research will focus on illuminating the pervasive social and structural discrimination experienced by
the Mana social groups. It will delve into the origins of the myth that has led to the stereotype
associating Manas with spiritual powers that cause harm and death. Additionally, it will investigate the
attitudes of both the Mana community and society as a whole towards this myth. The study will explore
the severe forms of social, cultural, and economic discrimination that the Manas have faced historically,
taking a chronological approach to document and analyze various instances of discrimination that have
affected their lives throughout history. The research will also investigate how this discrimination against
the Mana has been perpetuated, whether intentionally or unintentionally, by administrative systems,
institutions, and religious organizations.

Limitations
The research will be limited to the objectives mentioned above, meaning that it will only focus on the
discrimination faced by the Mana community. The study will not investigate other social groups or
communities and their experiences with discrimination. Additionally, the research does not aim to
provide solutions to the problem of discrimination, but rather to identify and understand it. The data
collected for the research may also be limited to certain regions or populations, and may not be
representative of the entire Mana community.

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Methodology

Site selection:
Due to budget constraints, my research is limited to one city administration and only one wereda out of
ten weredas and one city administration in the Dawro Zone. Specifically, the research covers all of the
village where manas live in the aforementioned geographical damain.

Firstly, let me list the villages in the Tercha City Administration where the Manas live. Six Manas reside
in Gerigesha village, located in Tarcha Zuria kebele, 2 km away from Tarcha City, the capital city of
Dawro Zone. Five Manas live in Keti village, also located in Tarcha Zuria kebele, 2.5 km away from
Tarcha City. Ten Manas reside in Wallisi village, situated in Lala Ginji kebele, 6 km away from Tarcha
City.

Let me now mention the villages in Tarcha Zuria wereda where the Manas live. Nine Manas reside in
Walliso village, located in Wara Wori kebele, which is 7 km away from Tarcha City. Six Manas live in
Bardillo village, situated in Gasa Bale kebele, 23 km away from Tarcha City. Three Manas reside in
Madi village, also located in Gasa Bale kebele, 26 km away from Tarcha City. Three Manas live in
Tulema village, which is situated in Gasa Bale kebele, 24 km away from Tarcha City. Finally, twelve
Manas reside in Oda village, which is located in Gasa Bale kebele and is 28 km away from Tarcha City.

Data collection
In order to gather pertinent and necessary information from the field, a variety of research techniques
will be utilized. This will include:

- Observation: much of the data will be acquired through observing the daily activities and interactions
of both Manas and non-Manas. This will involve participating in certain activities and recording their
behavior among themselves and with others.

- Interviews: a substantial amount of data will be gathered through semi-structured interviews with both
Manas and non-Manas. This will involve asking open-ended questions in a thought-provoking manner
and facilitating extensive discussions among different groups. Key informants will be selected based on
their knowledge, social group, status, recommendations from research guides, and demographic factors.

- Case studies: important information will be obtained through individual case studies, paying attention
to narratives from various sources, field observations, and cases brought to courts and local authorities.

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- Secondary data sources: data from various reports by government and non-government organizations
will be incorporated.

- Focus group discussions: a series of group discussions with selected individuals will be held to
explore collective views and identify points not covered by other methods.

In total, 26 informants were interviewed, including 15 Manas and 8 non-Manas. Of the 15 Manas
involved in the interview, 10 were female and involved in pottery production. The interviews included
12 individuals from Dibbo, 8 from Shoota, 3 from Waara sites, and 3 from Tarcca Prison Office, which
was included due to the presence of relevant cases among Mana prisoners. Additionally, group
discussions were held with 10 individuals, including four from Dibbo, three from Shoota and Waara
sites each.

Theoretical framework
Explaining research themes often requires theories, which provide frameworks of hypothetical
explanations. Several theories and models exist concerning the origins of marginalized social groups
around the world. Among these, some of the most widely referenced in anthropological and sociological
literature are:

A) The "remnants" model, which suggests that marginalized groups are indigenous people who later
become "submerged" or "subjugated" when a more powerful immigrant population takes over their
original area. This model also proposes that marginalized groups are a mix of "pariahs" who were
brought by immigrant conquerors and originally "dominated" people of the area.

B) The "holistic specialization" model, which is an evolutionary scheme that involves various
ecological niches providing opportunities for originally excluded minorities. This enables these groups
to live in protective isolation, and involves a certain amount of skill and training. This model is referred
to as "holistic" because patterns evolved are shared by all members of each differentiated society, and
"specialized" because they are appropriate for a particular habitat or ecological niche, providing the
basis for exchanges with other groups.

C) The "internal specialization" model, which argues that excluded social groups arose from internal
occupational differentiation and specializations within certain populations. This resulted in the

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emergence of "ruling elites" and a hierarchical division of classes, which led to the formation of
occupational castes.

D) The "mixed genesis and migration" model rejects a single model to explain the origins of
marginalized groups and recognizes the mutual inclusiveness of the different models. It proposes various
models of analysis to examine the differences in the origin of different craftworkers.

In this research, the Mixed Genesis and Migration model will be utilized, which offers various genesis
models to examine the origins of diverse marginalized occupational minorities. This approach avoids
using a single ethno genesis model to collectively analyze these groups. However, this model does not
analyze the genesis of Mana social groups due to several reasons. Firstly, the focus is on analyzing
various marginalized groups in a general manner, making it unsuitable to address isolated cases such as
the Manas in Dawuro by utilizing the initial three models. Secondly, there is no clear dividing line
among the models, as the first two models, 'remnants' and 'holistic specialization,' are based on
migration. Lastly, the mythology of Dawuro suggests that the Manas were created from the earth and
have occupied their present location, despite some claims that a few Manas migrated to Dawuro from
neighboring Omotic states according to oral traditions.

Ethical consideration
1. Respect for participant privacy: The research should ensure that participants' identities and responses
are kept confidential to protect their right to privacy. Appropriate steps should be taken to anonymize
data, such as omitting identifying information or verifying the correctness of any responses before
collecting the data.

2. Informed Consent: All subjects involved in the research must provide informed consent before
participating, which includes a clear description of the purpose of the study, its methods and procedures,
the participants' rights and knowledge that participation is voluntary, with no penalties for refusing
participation or withdrawing from the study at any point.

3. Data Protection: Measures should be taken to help assure accurate data collection and transfer quality
during data entry/analysis stages involving digital/electronic communication about sensitive research
areas. Strong security measures should be taken to protect collected data against alteration, unauthorized
access or attempted interference.

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4. Transparency in Research Methods: The researcher should make use of appropriate ethical standards
while conducting their research project to appropriately collect and analyze original findings as truthful,
reliable representation so that all stakeholders may have reasonable trust in researcher knowledge and
judgment throughout execution of the investigation until completion (publication). The researcher
should offer detailed explanation how study design constitutes an ethical approach which respects
individual rights in carrying out the proposed research project.

5. Avoiding Harm & Conflict of Interests: As an academic researcher it is important to avoid potential
harm risks and conflicts of interests associated with conducting research.

Plan of work/Time Table

Plan of Work Time Table for Research Proposal titled: Social and Structural Discrimination Faced by
the Marginalized Mana social Group in Dawro zone, Tercha city Administration and Tarcha zuria
wereda .

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 I Task Start End duration
D
1 Identify problem statement and outline research aims and Sep 1 Sep 30 30 days
objectives
2 Research existing literature and analyze existing gap in Oct 1 Nov 15 15 days
knowledge about the topic
3 Prepare research design, sampling plan and methods for Nov 16 Dec 15 30 days
data collection
4 Conduct primary data collection. This can include survey Dec 16 Feb 15 30 days
questionnaires distributed to mana social group,
interviews with non manas, and any other relevant
primary information sources
5 Compile and collect secondary data from online sources Feb 16 Mar 15 30 days
such as data analysis of Internet use among any relevant
sources, etc. Preform analysis to combine secondary and
primary sources.
6 Analyze findings in comparison to research aims Mar 16 April 30 15 days
7 Finalize the research that contains conclusion, May 1 May 30 30 days
recommendations, and limitations of current study along
with potential areas for further research on this topic.
Total, 260
days

Budget/Estimated Cost

The estimated budget for this research is provided below. The funds are to be used for data collection,

materials and supplies, personnel, and other related costs.

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 No Tasks Budget

1 Literature Review and Archival Research Expenses 2000 birr

2 Data Collection (survey questionnaires, focus group 5000 birr

discussions)
3 Field Research Assistant 1000 birr
4 Data Analysis Tools 2000 birr
5 Printing & Binding of Documents 3000 birr
6 Travel Expenses (for field research) 3000 birr
7 Miscellaneous Expenses (Office Supplies/Paperwork etc.) 4000 birr
Total, 25000 birr

Reference

Ambron, H. 1986. Social Division of Work in Traditional Agricultural Societies (Southern Ethiopia).
Proceedings of the Ninth International Congress of Ethiopian Studies. Moscow, 26- 29 August
1986. Nauka Publishers. Moscow.
Balisky, Paul E. 1977. Wolaitta Evangelists: A Study of Religious Innovation in Southern Ethiopia

Dereje Feyissa. 2000. Linking Inequalities: Occupational Minorities and the Status of Women among
the Oyda of Southern Ethiopia.
Fleming, H. C. (1973). Recent research in Omotic speaking areas. In Proceedings of the first United
States conference on Ethiopian Studies (pp. 261-278).
Haberland, E. 1978. Special Castes in Ethiopia. In R. Hess (Ed.). Proceedings of the Fifth International
Conference of Ethiopia-. Studies. Chicago: University Of Chicago Press.

Hallpike, Christopher. 1968. The Status of Craftsmen among The Konso of South-West Ethiopia Africa
Vol. 38. No. 3: 258-269.
Pankhurst Alula. 1996. Marginalized Artisans of Southern Ethiopia: Are They Special Caste Groups?
Founding Workshop Bulletin of the Professional Association of Sociologists, Social
Anthropologists and Social Workers of Ethiopia. Addis Ababa University. 1999. 'Caste' in
Africa: The Evidence From South-Western Ethiopia Reconsidered. Journal of the International

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 African Institute, Vole 69, No. 4, pp. 485-509. Edinburgh University Press. Stable URL:
http://www.istor.org/stable/1160872. Accessed: 05/11/2009 04:33.
Shack, William. 1964. Notes on the Occupational Castes among The Gurage of South-West Ethiopia.
Todd, D. M. 1977. The Origins of Outcastes in Ethiopia: Reflections on an Evolutionary Theory. School
of Oriental and African Studies.
Zaborski, Andrzej. 1982. Remarks on The Verb in Ometo. Rubenson, S. (Ed.). Proceedings of the
Seventh Intemational Conference of Ethiopian Studies. University of Lund.

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