Shanghainese and Beijingese

Chinese Sociology & Anthropology
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Shanghainese and Beijingese
To cite this article: (1996) Shanghainese and Beijingese, Chinese Sociology & Anthropology,
29:2, 18-34
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Shanghainese and Beijingese
In his Philosophy qf’Arl, Hippolyte Taine says that the nature and outlook of a
society’s material and mental civilization depend on three factors-race, envi-
ronment, and era.
The variations in history, culture, natural environment, racial inheritance,
and social system make human groups differ from one another in numerous
Downloaded by [Texas State University, San Marcos] at 00:44 18 July 2016
ways. In Europe, for example, it is widely known that the Russians are vigorous
and rough, the English have gentlemanly manners, the French look romantic,
the Germans behave seriously and inflexibly, and the Italians brim over with
deep emotion.
The birth of a city creates an urban society that serves as the most important
place to foster human life and enhance human civilization. A great city not only
has close links with great men and great traditions, but also has a personified
image-a group of common characteristics that form the personality of the city.
The culture of a country, a nationality, or an urban society is perpetuated by the
human beings within it. Their qualities penetrate into multidimensional space of
the urban society, forming the reality of the city’s culture. The richness and
differentiation of a city’s culture are embodied by the different personalities,
cultural mentalities, behavioral characteristics, mental attitudes, manners, and
tastes of its residents.
The specific typical personalities of Shanghaineseand Beijingese are just the
embodiments of the two different cultures of Southern and Northern China.
Southerners and Northerners
The primary difference between Shanghameseand Beijingese is a reflection of the

difference between Southerners and Northerners. It includes not only the differ-
ences in culture and traditions, but also the basic differences in people’s physical
features, psychology,physiology, and so forth, that are caused by heredltty.
The great difference between Southerners and Northerners is obvious. Peo-
ple from central and north China, the Northerners, are tall and of strong build.
Translation 0 1997 M.E. Sharpe, Inc. Chinese text published as Yang Dongping,
Chengshijfeng: Beijing he Shanghai de wenhua jingshen (City monsoon: The cultural
spirit of Beijing and Shanghai)(Beijing: Dongfang Press, 1994).
18
CULTURAL SPIRIT OF BEIJING AND SHANGHAI 19
Their temperament is rough but also warm and steadfast, and they tend to be
conservative. They like to eat foods made with flour and those with a bitter
flavor such as onion, garlic, and hot pepper. It is believed that their ancestors
included northern nomadic tribes and the Mongolians. Lin Yutang gave them
the name “Children of Nature.” “They haven’t lost the vigor of their own race.
They set up local, separatist regimes in China generation after generation, and
they provide source material for stories about China’s wars and adventures.”’ In
contrast, the Southerners from Jiangsu and Zhejiang are comparatively short
and slight in stature, but they are clever, quick-witted,and of gentle disposition.
They are good at dealing with people, fond of listening to sentimental operas,
and enjoy eating rice and sweet and glutinous food. They live in prosperous
cities and towns in Jiangnan (the southern side of the Yangzi Rwer), where
green hills and clear streams abound; and romantic stories about gifted scholars
and beautiful ladies are passed down for generations. Lin Yutang described
them as “slick, but not well developed men, and slim, but overly sensitive
women. They drink bird’s nest soup and eat lotus seeds. They are intelligent
businessmen, outstanding writers, and cowards on the bat~lefield.”~ Much shorter
and even more capable people are the Southerners who live in the Hu-Guang
area (Hunan and Hubei, Guangdong and Guangxi), originally the Chu state.
They are known as a mixture of Chinese cultural tradition and ancient tribal
inhabitants to whom they are blood relatives; they are imbued with vigor and
initiative, good at squandering and pleasure seeking, and eating snakes and
various kinds of strange food.
Thus in history there was a division between the South and the North. In the
North, there emerged emperors and generals, heroes and heroines, noble mar-
tyrs and chaste women, whereas in the South, there arose intellectuals and
literati, professors and strategists, gifted scholars and beautiful ladies. We may
use Beijing opera and Yue opera as examples: The former portrays the brave-
men of Liangshan and chivalrous robbers in the North and the latter tells stories
about Tang Bohu, Lou Ashu, and the tragedy of Liang Shanbo and Zhu Yingtai.
The differences between the South and the North are clear at a glance.
The differences between the Southerners and the Northerners in physical
features and inheritable characteristics are evident.
According to the standard of “Body Size of Chinese Adults” issued by the
authorities in 1989, the average height of the Chinese male was 1.678 m and
weight 59 kg, whereas the average height of the Chinese female was 1.570 m
and weight 52 kg. The average height of the Northeasterners and Northerners
was higher than that of the national standard. People from Jiangsu, Zhejiang,
and Shanghai were higher than the national standard but lower than the North-
erners; the average height of people from Yunnan, Guizhou, and Sichuan was
the lowest in China. The height of 80 percent of males was between 1.60 m and
20 CHINESE SOCIOLOGY AND ANTHROPOLOGY
Table 1
The Average Height of Chinese Adults (in meters)

Male Female
National average 1.678 1.570

North and Northeast China 1.693 1.586
Jiangsu. Zhejiang, and
Shanghai 1.686 1.575
Hunan and Hubei 1.669 1.560
Guangdong and Fujian 1.650 1.549

Yunnan, Guizhou, and
Sichuan 1.647 1.546
1.75 m, and only 9 percent of males were between 1.75 m and 1.81 m and
another 9 percent between 1.54 m and 1.60 m; 1 percent of males were taller
than 1.81 m, another 1 percent lower than 1.54 m. The height of 80 percent of
females was between 1.50 m and 1.64 m; 9 percent of fanales were between 1.45 m
and 1.50 m, and another 9 percent were between 1.64 m and 1.70 m; the height
of 1 percent of females was over 1.70 m and another 1 percent below 1.45 m
(see Table l).3
A 1987 survey of more than 200,000 children younger than seven years old
from ten provinces and cities showed that Northern children were better devel-
oped than the Southern ones. It is believed that this has something to do with
different living levels, eating habits, and feeding styles in the different areas!
There are also differences between the features of Northern and Southern
Chinese. The general features of Chinese are medium height; light yellow skin;
black, straight hair; broad forehead; dark brown eyes; eyebrow bones that are
level, not sunken; medium wide nose; medium height; nose bridge that is a bit
flat; protruding cheek bones; flat face; unprotruding mouth; lips that are neither
thick nor thin; and fine body hair. The Chinese call themselves “Descendants of
Yan-Huang” (Yan and Huang: the two earliest ancient Chinese leaders from the
South and from the North). Three physiological characteristics that differ a
great deal from other races include the spade-shaped front teeth; only 8.4 per-
cent of Caucasian adults have this kind of front teeth. The second characteristic
is a blue mark on the newborn’s buttock. No white or black children have this
mark. The third feature is the inner eye comer wrinkle; there is a small wrinkle
at the inner corner of each eye, also known as the Mongolian wrinkle.
Many contrasts exist between Southerners and Northerners. Many North-
erners have “phoenix eyes,” whereas the Southerners have wider eye openings,
with one or two horizontal lines across their eyelids. The Northerners have
straighter nose bridges, whereas the Southerners have wider noses and turned-
up noses. The Northerners’ lips look erect, whereas more than 40 percent of
Southerners’ lips are more than 10 mm thick. Most Northerners’ faces are
rectangular, egg-shaped, or round, whereas many Southerners’ faces are rhom-
bic or pentangular. Therefore Northern men with a big frame, clear-cut facial
features, and a straight nose bridge are the principal actors on China’s stage.
Many of them come from Harbin, Qingdao, and other Northern cities, and many
actresses, especially singers and dancers, are chosen from cities in Jiangnan.
Blood types also vary between Southerners and Northerners. In addition to
A, B, and 0 types, there are more than five hundred human blood types. Gm
type is one of them. It exists in the gamma globulin of human blood serum. The
Gm gene shows distinct variations between different races; for example, Gmjb
gene belongs to the white race, Gmst gene only exists in the yellow race, and
Gmc 3 gene only exists in blacks. In Chna, the most popular Gm genes are
Gmafb, Gmuzg, Gmug, and Gmast. Their distribution shows a high frequency
of the Gmujb gene in Southerners and a high frequency of the Gmug gene in
Northerners. This is powerfd evidence, in addition to the land along the Yellow
River, that the Yangtze hver may be another cradle of Chinese p e ~ p l e . ~
The reason that the dispute over blood types attracts people’s interest is its
connection with the nature of a nationality, a race, and human temperament.
This may be sheer nonsense or a forced analogy, but if people study this with
an unbiased view, they may find value in the comparisons.
Among the whites in Europe and America, those with 0 blood type are the
overwhelming majority. They are of the typical 0-type disposition. In Scotland
and Ireland, 50 percent or more of the population have 0 blood type. In Asian
countries, 34 percent of people have B blood type, as well as the typical B-type
disposition. 0 and A types come next, and the smallest percentage is AB type.
In East Europe, because more people are descended from Asians, about 15
percent of people have B-type blood. Japan is a typical A-type society, where
A-type blood is the most prevalent, similar to South China and Southeast Asia.6
According to the general understanding, 0-type people are straightforward
and pragmatic, use clear-cut reasoning, are warm-hearted in public affairs, and
advocate nature and force. These characteristics are also regarded as European
and American. The Orientals’ overall mode of thinking, their abilities to deal
with people and adapt to circumstances, and their rich and changeable feelings
embody the characteristics of B-type Asians. The Japanese’s A-type charac-
teristics include a clear and orderly train of thought, a deep and vertical mode of
thinking, a strict and scientific approach, a stable sense of affiliation to one’s
family and organization, strong abilities of imitation, good technical skills, and
so on. Though statistics are laclung about the distribution of blood types in
China, still we can sense that of Asians with the same characteristics as the B
type, the Beijingese are close to an 0-type disposition whereas the Shang-
hainese adhere to an A-type disposition.

It has something to do with several major migrations to the South in China’s
history that Chinese surnames also show varying local characteristics in differ-
ent areas, Among the Han people, there are nineteen popular surnames, each of
which makes up more than 1 percent of the entire population. They are Li,
Wang, Zhang, Liu, Chen, Yang, Zhao, Huang, Zhou, Wu, Xu, Sun, Hu, Zhu,
Gao, Lin, He, Guo, Ma, of which the three most popular surnames are Li,
Wang, and Zhang. Each makes up more than 7 percent of the whole population.
Li, Wang, Zhang, and Liu are more common among the Northerners, whereas
Chen, Zhao, Huang, Lin, and Wu make up a high percentageof the Southerners?
We have noticed the factor of inheritance but should not exaggerate it.
Along with several major migrations of the population to the South in China’s
history, owing to the increasing importance of the economy and the culture, as
well as the influx of Western culture and industrial civilization, the configura-
tions of North and South have undergone great changes. For example, most
twentieth-century heroes and heroines are from the South, as are the key leaders
under Sun Yat-sen. The majority of Chiang Kai-shek’s own clique come mostly
from Jiangsu and Zhejiang. It is said that Zhuji, a county in Zhejiang, provided
the national government with 106 generals during the first half of this century
(including Jiang Dingwen and the other three generals, Xuan Tiewu and the
other thirty-four lieutenant generals, and Jin Fumin and the other sixty-six
major generals).8 Among the communist leaders, Mao Zedong, Liu Shaoqi,
Zhou Enlai, Zhu De, Chen Yun, Lin Biao, and Deng Xiaoping are all Southern-
ers. The ten marshals, except Xu Xiangqian, are all Southerners. Of these
Southerners, only a few are from Jiangsu and Zhejiang, and most come from
Hunan, Hubei, and Sichuan. Thus Chinese physiognomy of modern times has
shown “a Southerner with a Northerner’s appearance” or “a Northerner with a
Southerner’sappearance” to be a lucky appearance, a wonderful combination of
firmness and gentleness.
We need to develop a scientific knowledge of personality and group personality
that goes beyond subjective impressions, aesthetic evaluations, and personal likes
and dislikes, although this in itself is a subject still being explored. In evaluating
“likes or dislikes,” “good or bad,” the most meaningfd factors are standards of
modernization, both social and individual. Tnat is what may be used to measure
different personalities and to make “modern” or “non-modem”appraisals.
Spranger and Morris listed six value types according to lifestyles and asked
people which they considered most important.
1. Theoretical type: stressing rationality and a scientific exploration of truth;
2. Economic type: stressing efficiency and the pursuit of profit;
3. Aesthetic (Art) type: treasuring beauty and harmony, and attaching im-
portance to art activities;
4. Power (Political) type: interested in ruling others and gaining power;

5 . Social type: attaching importance to loving others and feelings of affili-
ation;
6 . Religious type: attaching importance to religious activities and mysteri-
ous experience.
Their study shows that different tendencies exist in people of different
sexes, of different specialities and professions, and from different countries and
races.
According to the actual situation in Chinese society, we may condense the
above six to four types: economic, political, cultural, and social. The “economic
person” pursues economic efficiency, accumulation of wealth and a rich mate-
rial life. The “political person” seeks power to increase one’s status in the
official arena, and always puts political gain as most important. The “cultural
person” thrives on knowledge and learning, culture and education, attaches
importance to morality and spiritual feelings, art and aesthetic desire, pursues
more culture and the satisfaction of the soul. The “social person” places impor-
tance on social equality and public welfare, is enthusiastic about public affairs
and philanthropy, and is willing to serve others.
Thus we can look at the characteristics and evolution of the different group
personalities of Shanghai and Beijing in the context of today’s social changes
and cultural conflicts.
Looking at Each Other
The majority of Shanghainese cannot comment about Beijing and Beijingese-

because they have neither contact nor experience with that city and its people.
“Going to Beijing” was considered an honor and source of pride for only a
privileged few (model workers who were invited for meetings or celebrations)
over ten years ago. During recent years, more and more Shanghainese go to
Beijing on business or for travel, but their common understanding of it is
limited to a few dull comments: First, there are more places (scenic spots and
historical sites) to see in Beijing than in Shanghai; second, there are many new
buildings and skyscrapers (followed by a complaint: “No wonder Shanghai has
little money for building houses” 1; third, shopping and transportation are in-
convenient, and commodities are expensive and in short supply; and fourth, the
climate is too dry and windy.
A Shanghainese said that he had not expected the well-known Wangfujing
Street to be so short. It took him only about ten minutes to walk from one end
to the other. He thought he had made a mistake, and asked others, “How many
Wangfujing Streets are there in Beijing?” Shanghainese often comment on the
manner in which shop assistants in Beijing treat customers. In Shanghai, shop
assistants at most ignore customers and go on chatting among themselves, but

the Beijing shop assistants even reproach customers, “Don’t shout! Why are
you shouting?” Shanghai children often get pleasantly surprised in Beijing,
when they see mules or horses dragging carts in the street. They suspect those
big animals are from the zoo.
Shan&ese ask everyone coming from Beijing, “Which city is better? Shang-
hai or Beijing?” In Beijing few people ask this question, because it is out of the
question for Beijingese. Is there any place better than Beijing in China? Actu-
ally, this doesn’t mean that a Shanghainese has no feeling of superiority about
his city. To a great extent, he wants to confirm this sense of superiority. Be-
sides, in his subconscious there is a vague respect and mysterious feeling for
the capital.
Comparatively speaking, Beijingese have more impressions of Shang-
hainese. Almost every Beijingese can talk extensively on this subject, but cer-
tainly not in a complimentary manner. Beijing women are especially keen on
denouncing Shanghai men. It seems that they have a lot to complain about.
Naturally it is common for the Shanghainese to look down upon the North-
emers, e.g. they call them “Bei Lao” (Northern guy), but usually, Beijingese are
not included. The Beijingese haven’t devised an insulting name for the South-
erners. But when they say, “He is a Shanghainese,” their tone suggests scorn. It
is similar to the discriminatory comments about Jews in the West. So if the
Shanghainese are clever, they do not identify their home town rashly while in
Beijing. But in Jiangnan (on the Southeast coast) having the home town of
Shanghai can help a bit. Until the early 1980s, fashionable young people from
Nanjing, Hangzhou, and Wuxi took it as an honor to speak the Shanghai dialect
and to pass themselves off as Shanghainese. Currently, the use of “Shanghai
origin” in personal ads is still a strong point. In “The Longing,” a famous series
of TV plays, the narrow-minded character is named “Hu Sheng” (born in
Shanghai). This insults the sensitive Shanghainese, but satisfies the Bei-
jingese’s stereotyped opinions about the Shanghainese. In their minds, Shang-
hainese are just like Hu Sheng. The best evaluation for the Shanghainese given
by the Beijingese is “You are not like a Shanghainese.”
However, in the heart of the Beijingese, there is still respect for the Shang-
hainese and for the Southern traditions. Whenever talking about the quality and
spirit of work of the Shanghainese in their same trade or occupation, the Bei-
jingese often acknowledge their own inferiority. And those Beijing girls who
have just denounced Shanghainese sometimes surprise somebody by saying,
“My mother (or grandmother) is also a Southerner” or “I have an aunt in
Shanghai” or ‘‘I lived in Shanghai in my childhood,” and so on. Beijing chil-
dren are often doted on in Shanghai. People are amazed at their pure tone of the
Mandarin dialect. If they transfer to Shanghai schools, they are often asked
CULTURAL SPIRlT OF BEIJING AND SHANGHAI 22
questions and asked to read the text aloud.

The “cultural conflict,” mutual prejudice, and resentment between the Shang-
hainese and the Beijingese are so deep that they may be greater than we expect.
In his book The Bitter Journey of Culture, Yu Qiuyu (a well-known writer)
analyzes “Shanghainese’s embarrassment:” It seems that the whole country finds
it difficult to do anything without Shanghainese, but at the same time feels
disgusted by them. This embarrassing situation has existed perhaps since the
beginning of modem history. “Intelligent, proud, good at calculating, having a
glib tongue, unkind, exclusive, looking down on leaders, lack of political zeal,
no collective spirit, indifferent, stingy, selfish, following the current fashion,

showy, eager to start something new, caring about trifles, philistine, . . . alto-
gether these characteristics shape the Shanghainese in the eyes of people out-
side Shanghai.”’
Indeed, the view of the Beijingese on the Shanghainese represent the com-
mon views of Northerners and people from other parts of China.
Beijingese dwell on jokes about Shanghainese with great relish. For exam-
ple, Shanghainese order only half an ounce of cake using coupons in a bakery
or only one apple at a time. Ten Shanghainese adults share only two pounds of
mutton for a hot pot dinner. The Beijingese mock it saying, “Better not to make
a spectacle of yourselves by eating so little mutton!” They are also disgusted by
the Shanghainese’s declaration that they are particularly “delicate”: “I eat only
a little.” In fact, they eat no less than anyone else. Those who often attend
conferences and eat conference meals say that Shanghai representatives often
behave poorly at dinner, They hurry to eat the best dishes (e.g.. prawns). And
they often occupy the most conspicuous spots while photos are being taken
with other participants at a conference.
A typical joke about Shanghainese that spreads among the Northerners is the
following. A Shanghai child bought a needle in a shop. Three needles cost two
cents. Having paid one cent and received one needle, the child did not leave,
but asked the shop assistant, “You should give me two pieces of toilet paper as
change.” Another example is not a joke. It is said that Shanghainese are really
warm-hearted toward visitors in the city. During mealtime Shanghainese often
tell visitors where to find a cheap restaurant nearby.
When Beijingese offend any of the “unwritten” rules of the Shanghainese,
something unpleasant happens. Several years ago at wedding banquets, the last
“four big items” (a whole chicken, a whole duck, a whole fish, and the upper-
most part of a leg of pork) were usually not touched but were kept for the host
to bring home in an aluminum pot. A Beijing friend complained that in a
Shanghainese home, a fish was usually cut into two segments for four meals,
and only one side of each segment was eaten at each meal. But unfortunately he
“ruined the untouched segment for the next meal. Later he said, “Since then
I’ve never eaten fish in any Shanghainese home.”

When the Shanghainese bring their rules to Beijing, embarrassment is also
the result.
After an outing with a group of Beijing young people, a female Shanghai
student gave them the exact amount of money for all she had eaten-bread,
soda water, and popsicles. This very much annoyed the Beijing girls. The
“concern for money” among the Shanghainese was just the “characteristicsof a
humble family” mocked by the Beijingese. Another Shanghai girl worked in
Beijing after her graduation. Thinking she was lonely, her neighbor, a house-
wife, often treated her to dumplings. Later the housewife discovered that after
each meal of dumplings the girl presented her a small “gift”: dried bean curd,
sausage, and so on. The housewife became angry, “I sympathize with your
loneliness, but you think you must settle an account with me. If you were doing
that, would one small bag of dried bean curd be enough?” Here the Shanghai
girl’s behavior was regarded as small-mindedness and an offense.
As their contacts with each other have increased, most Shanghainese gradu-
ally feel that the Northerners are more easy-going, not so narrowed-minded,
harboring not so many tricks. The Northerners have also found that the Shang-
hainese are not so difficult to deal with as it seemed on the surface.
A Northeastern friend talked about one of his college schoolmates from
Shanghai. He never went with schoolmates to see films or to restaurants so as
to avoid spending money in treating others. He never gossiped, never revealed
his own thoughts, keeping an equal and “as light as air” relationship with
everyone. He never acted like his Northern buddies, who shared everything and
were very intimate with one another. At first people disliked his extraordinary
lifestyle. As time went on, however, they found it safe and relaxing to associate
with him. Another example of his temperament was that whenever he came
across a new word in his reading, he consulted the dictionary instead of asking
others. Thus he avoided showing his ignorance and found a more authoritative
answer in the dictionary.
A Beijing teacher later recognized that the shrewdness of Shanghainese is
not necessarily selfish. They sometimes share their intelligence and mathematic
abilities with others. Once, on asking the way on a bus in Shanghai, the teacher
was told that his destination stood between A and B bus stops and was encour-
aged to get off at A stop since to go to A stop cost five cents, and to go to B
stop cost ten cents. This teacher was deeply moved.
For many school graduates in those years the collective life of people from
“all corners of the l a n d undoubtedly involved great exchanges, great conflict,
and a great exhibition of different habits of people from different places reveal-
ing the various personalities of different cities.
A Beijing friend from the Northeastern Production and Construction
Corps in those years said that the thing that the Shanghainese did that made him
most “fed up” was that they spoke Shanghai dialect among themselves. This
openly declared that they were different and segregated them from others. No
doubt the Shanghainese were intelligent, but when the intelligence was too
obvious, this would make it difficult to make friends though it did not harm
their working relationships. Sometimes they played tricks, trying to gain petty
advantages, e.g., starting work a bit late and stopping work a bit early, but they
didn’t hurt anybody. Few Shanghai school graduates “played politics,” whereas
comparatively more Beijingese did so. Harbinese were the wildest, fighting
with each other violently. Tianjinese were the worst. They schemed against
each other and made idle reports to the supervisors. Most Shanghai school
graduates had no important political connections, but they were good at taking
care of themselves. They were clean and orderly, and always well prepared for
work. By learning one or two skills (e.g., radio repairing, artistic lettering),
many Shanghainese improved their own situations and were promoted to better
positions .
A Chengdu school graduate of the Yunnan Construction Corps in those
years wrote:
The Beijing school graduates were cheerful and straightforward. When they
opened their mouths, their excellent tone sounded like a broadcaster’s voice over
the radio. And this vividly showed their sense of superiority. Sichuan school
graduates were not big, but clever and quick-witted, warm-hearted and loyal to
friends, and helped others a great deal in dangerous situations. Only the Shanghai
school graduates had “cards up their sleeves”; they neither acted rashly nor showed
their horns. They ignored others. When they murmured Shanghai dialect for
awhile, a natural fence would circle them all. They worked in rice fields, all wet
through on a sunny day and covered with mud on a rainy day. But a careful
observer would notice that they were wearing field shoes and rice field stockings
just produced in Shanghai.
My recollection is that during those years Shanghai Ahla’s behavior was
reproachful and repellant; they displayed a bit of “petty bourgeois sentiment,”
and thus were unable to get along with others. . . . It is only recently that I have
realized that no matter what it might be, food boxes or rice field stockings,
vanishing cream or sandal soap, Shanghai dialect or night reading . . . what made
them different from others was no more than the Shanghainese’s habits, their
likes, and their lifestyle. The hard labor, foolish political atmosphere, and
suffocating catastrophes of those ten years all mixed together could not re-
strain the Shanghainese’s civilized nature. ’’
Foreigners’ affection for and understanding of the Shanghainese are perhaps
better than that of the Beijingese, though their focus of attention is mainly on
commerce.
Japanese media is very sensitive about reports of Shanghai, which is the
closest city of China’s mainland to Japan. The Japanese cherish a particular

feeling about Shanghai. The old generation, especially those who were once in
Shanghai before World War 11, regard Shanghai as a confluence of the Oriental
and the Western cultures. At that time the Japanese had both a sense of inferior-
ity toward Western culture and a respect for ancient Chinese culture. They saw
the two great cultures coexisting in Shanghai and got a good impression of the
city. Until recently, whenever there was something new in Sh&, they would
click their tongues in admiration,“Shanghai is really worthy of it!” The impression
of China from the young Japanese aRer World War I1 is the magnificence of the
Great Wall and the Yellow kver, and the poverty of the country, a scene quite
different from the noisy and prosperous Shanghai described by the media. So they
look on Shangha~as a mysterious place in China. What takes the fancy of Japanese
specialists and scholars is that S h g l m does not reject foreign cultures, and its
own cultural and educational level is comparativelyhigh, technical training is more
effective, and it is a city in which it is easy to apply modem management tech-
niques. All these have formed the foundation of the success of the Baoshan Iron
and Steel Company and the Jinshan Petrochemical Refinery.
In recent years, a large number of Shanghainese have gone to Japan to study.
A friend said that in almost every car on the subway in Tokyo you can hear the
Shanghai dialect-though the influence they exert is something else.
A Japanese describes the Shanghainese like this: Displaying a strong sense
of superiority they speak in an exaggerated tone, and go in for ostentation and
extravagance. They take pride in being in the vanguard of the age and followers
of fashion. They are capable of doing practical jobs and clever at using others’
wealth to achieve their own ends. Shanghainese show ingenuity, act quickly,
and do not dwell on the past. They have contemporary flexible personalities,
which are lacking in other Chinese. Some Shanghainese affected by vanity pay
more attention to “outside air” than “inside essence,” having a tendency to take
instant advantage of opportunities. They are creative, but sometimes like to play
tricks, that is, it is possible for them to make irresponsible deals. Shanghainese
also like to enlarge their influence at the first opportunity; they are not used to
living modestly in accordance with any prescribed order.
A journal in the Republic of Korea contrasts the different characteristics and
styles of the Shanghainese, the Beijingese, and people from other places in
China:
People from Heilongjiang, Liaoning, and Jilin are fond of drinking. They
drink a glass of 65-proof wine in one mouthll. They treasure the code of brother-
hood, willing to sacrifice themselves for friends, and put business in second place.”
In Beijing, it is difficult to handle affairs without social connections. Shang-
hai has long been an international city, and Shanghainese are very good at “calcu-
lating.” They look down on poor people from inferior social positions, but respect
rich people from superior social positions. They stress material benefits and have
lots of “money sense.”
Most Shanghainese are “old hands” at saving money. They are much more
clever about money than are people from Shandong, Beijing, or Harbin. The
saying goes, “It is difficult for foreigners to fish money out of Shanghainese’s
pockets.”
There are many overseas Chinese in Fujian, which faces Taiwan. So it enjoys
exceptional advantages. People say Fujianese are particularly stingy. One often
carries two umbrellas on a rainy day, one for himself and the other one for sale.
Guangzhouese are not only good at eating but are also tenacious and very
clever. They have great influence in Hong Kong and Shanghai, and are even
called “the Chinese Jews.”

Many Sichuanese are extroverts. It is easy to do business with them, but they
are not good at money management.
There is one thing that the Beijingese find difficult to understand. In Beijing
many foreigners are enthusiastic about Beijing’s political environment and
cultural life, but personally, they love Shanghai better-it is in Shanghai that
they experiencethe atmosphereand type of city life with whch they are familiar.
In 1989, an article in the New York Times Muguzine compared Shanghai
with its bustling streets to Brooklyn in New York City. New York City is
characterized by its tall skyscrapers while Shanghai is known by its streets: “In
Shanghai people pay great attention to life. Even I who don’t like city life can
sense this atmosphere. Shanghai is different from Guangzhou, which looks
vulgar, while Shanghai seems overcrowded.” In Shanghai, those who can speak
English have formed their own cultural circle. This phenomenon has not been
seen in any other city in China. In addition, like New Yorkers, Shanghainese
have a sense of ownership about their city. “New Yorkers take New York City
as their own, and the Shanghainese cherish the same feeling about Shanghai. In
spite of their worries and complaints about the city, they love it and have an
attachment to it.””
A young American man working in Shanghai has carefully compared the
different social atmospheres of Shanghai and Beijing. He believes that in the
Shanghainese’s life more human feelings are expressed:
The Northerners are straightforward while the Shanghainese are more tender. I
can speak fluent Mandarin. Beijing friends praise me like this, “Hi. guy, your
pronunciation is pure and excellent!” But the Shanghainese’s response is some-
what different, “Aya, ya, Ma Tianming, you speak Chinese very well! Where did
you learn it? How many years have you studied? Really terrific!” A series of
exclamation and question marks express their feelings, step by step, to the fullest,
even with some exaggeration. My Chinese name was given me by a teacher at
Beida [Peking University]. In Beijing, nobody has been curious about it. But in
Shanghai, almost every new friend asks, “Ma Tianming, you have seen the movie
Today I A m OjJ haven’t you?” (The hero of this movie is named Ma Tianming,)
Another characteristic of Shanghainese is that they are comparatively better

educated and cultivated. In the street you often meet people who can speak fluent
English. This is seldom seen in other cities in China.I have been to quite a few
Southern cities, where people are good at making money, but it seems they don’t
know how to raise the level of their own culture and how to cultivate themselves;
they are not as interested in education and studies as the Shanghainese. The
Shanghainese have another characteristic, the most obvious feature being that
they are intelligent and capable. They have a good understanding of the world
and know how to succeed in the marketplace. In our company, many Shang-
hainese can be classified as frst-rate employees. In my experience, doing busi-
ness with Shanghainese is competitive and challenging.

Have the Shanghainese any weak points? Yes! At least some Shanghainese
pay too much attention to their own interests, which they regard as the basis of
the relationship among human beings. In Shanghai I have many true friends, but
have also met “friends” who make various demands on me after exchanging only
a few words.
The Shanghainese have another weak point, everything depends on a person’s
background. It is said that the Shanghainese bully people from other parts of
China. In fact, some of them also bully “Lao Wai” [foreigners]. When going to a
free market to shop for flowers on Jiangyin Road, I have to say, “Friend, do me a
favor, please. Don’t ‘mi’ me.” [‘Zai’ or %an’ means to cheat, to bully, or to rip
off,] Without these words spoken in Shanghai dialect, one would really be
“mied.”’2
The Bus: A Small Society

People from different walks of life who ride the bus follow certain rules of
order, and form a moving “small society,” which includes relationships be-
tween the city and its people, between drivers, conductors, and passengers, and
among passengers themselves. All these embody the type of management in the
city, the personalities of city residents, and the relationships among people.
This “bus culture” can reveal a cross-section of the city’s character.
Many Shanghainese who travel to Beijing on business and many Beijingese
as well experience such embarrassment:Under the watchhl eyes of the conduc-
tor and all the passengers, one tries to find the ticket he has just bought on the
bus, but in vain. The ticket checking system in Beijing is different from that in
Shanghai: The former controls the exit while the latter, the entrance. In Shang-
hai, the conductor reminds every passenger to show his or her ticket. The
conductors are so capable that they do not confuse the passengers who have
bought tickets with those who have not. Concerning the rate of ticket purchase,
the results of the two checking systems are almost the same. But in Shanghai
the passengers feel more relaxed and respected, and do not fall into an embar-
rassing situation as may happen to them in Beijing as mentioned above. As for
the conductors, controlling the exit is of course easier.
T h s indicates the difference in management style between the two cities. In
Beijing, the management makes things easier for drivers and conductors, but in
Shanghai, the convenience of passengers is more important. If the way of
selling tickets is not enough proof, there is another example. Until the early
1980s, on Beijing’s old-style buses, conductors shuttled among the passengers,
without any place to sit. In recent years, they have been given two special seats,
which occupy a space larger than necessary. Two passenger seats are removed
to supply this space. Although space is very limited and passengers are
crowded, the conductors occupy two seats. This is considered incredible in
Shanghai.
Another example: Years ago in Beijing the handles of the windows on buses
were usually removed and controlled by the driver. If any rain or wind came,
the passengers would not be able to adjust any windows. This problem has at
last been solved by the adoption of left and right sliding windows.
By Comparison, Shanghai’s management is more democratic, fair, and effec-
tive. At many bus stops, there is a “standing line” and a “sitting line.” The
elderly and the weak, and those who are not in a hurry, may wait in the “sitting
line,” and each of them will eventually have a seat. The list of bus stops is hung
at the top of the driver’s back window, not like in Beijing. However, in Beijing
this sign is often at the bottom left behind that window, and often covered by
passengers or by signs such as “Model Bus,” “Communist Youth League Bus,”
and the like. Because of the strict management, the queue to get on the bus in
Shanghai is more orderly than in Beijing. Shanghai’s dispatch of buses is also
very strict and effective. Thus Beijing falls far behind in comparison. Having
taken the bus for so many years, I feel deeply that the inappropriate dispatch of
buses is an important reason why Beijing’s transportation is so crowded. In
Beijing, we often see many buses parked at terminals while people are waiting
impatiently. In Shanghai, most buses have no special parking lots. Leaving the
general terminal early in the morning, all the buses run on their lines. Also in
Shanghai, during non-rush hours there are no empty “express” buses running
on the line. Whenever and wherever there is any big performance, enough
buses will be dispatched, and the audience can be dispersed within the shortest
possible time. In Beijing, this is unimaginable, unless it is a “political task”
decreed by the authorities.
What is so surprising to Shanghainese is Beijing’s primitive method of
selling ticketslines are drawn on the ticket with a rubber-band-tied red-blue
pencil. In contrast, a bus conductor in Shanghai uses a hole punch. Ticket
selling in Beijing in general is slow and careless, with conductors showing an
air of arrogance toward the passengers. The unspoken actor’s lines are, “Why
should I serve you? There is no way out.” Sometimes they present a cold
shoulder or are garrulous.
Shanghai bus conductors show a higher level of efficiency. They show agil-
ity and ability. Their actions in selling tickets are quick, and they often con-
dense three actions-accepting money, passing out the ticket, and giving
change--into one action. For example, if a passenger holds a ten-cent banknote
to buy a five-cent ticket, the conductor will give him the ticket and five cents in
change while accepting his tencent banknote. The passengers, too, are concise
in dealing with the conductor. While buying two four-cent or one seven-cent
ticket, they say only, “two four” or “one seven,” omitting the word “cent.”
The relationship between conductors and passengers is obviously better in
Shanghai than in Beijing. In Shanghai it is a kind of mutual assistance. Conduc-
tors often call, “Old (seasoned) passengers, please help us by moving back as
far as possible,” or they ask them to pass their tickets. The seasoned passengers
are used to doing this. And both the conductor and the ticket buyer express their
tha& to the passenger who passes the money and the ticket for them. How-
ever, in Beijing this has not become a habit. This is why Beijing’s conductors
need more space to shuttle among the passengersa cultural difference.
On a bus in Shanghai, the harmonious relationships between conductors and
passengers are also shown when the former start conversations with the latter in
equal position. Conductors often conciliate between passengers and mediate
their quarrels. And “Old (seasoned) passengers” (a respectfbl form of address
by the conductor because of good cooperation in the past) usually chime in with
the conductor. Sometimes when a conductor mocks a “country bumpkin,” some
seasoned passengers often echo his comments. But when the Shanghainese do
something against the rules or the conductor quarrels with the Shanghainese,
they often keep silent. In Beijing, passengers usually do not get involved in the
conductor’s actions. When a conductor makes things difficult for any passenger
from any place outside Beijing, a Beijing passenger may even help him and
criticize the conductor.
One rule requires the passenger who has just gotten on the bus to go to the
middle of the bus. For those who are ready to exit, the rule is to move to the
door ahead of time. Shanghai passengers have a tacit, common understanding
about this and tend to cooperate. They all criticize those who linger around the
door but do not get off soon, while not complaining about the crowding caused
by those who are moving to the door in order to get off at the next stop. In the
eyes of Shanghainese, a very crowded bus in Beijing is not organized w e l l i t
is very crowded at the door and the door sometimes cannot be closed, while in
the middle of the bus it is not crowded. This is a phenomenon often seen there.
Even in a temporary community, Shanghainesehave set up rules of “etiquette”:
They express thanks to one who helps pass the money and the ticket and to one
who offers his seat. If the acceptor of the offer gets off earlier than one who
offered the seat, the former should tell the latter and ‘’return” the seat to the
latter before he leaves.
In Beijing, there are no such habits. The most obvious example that shows
the difference between passengers from the two cities is their different attitudes
toward one who “hangs” himself on the bus door (he holds and blocks the door,
so it cannot be closed and the bus cannot move). In Shanghai, the driver, the
conductor, and the passengers denounce in one voice any passenger who causes
this trouble. The passengers are quite clear where their common interest lies;
their logic is, “If this continues, then the bus cannot run and nobody can get to
his or her destination.” In Beijing, a conductor usually gives some advice and
then “throws up his hands,” giving up. With bated breath the passengers are
unable to help. Their logic is, “Anyway I am not the only one who cannot go.”
In fact, the reason why the more “selfish Shanghainese defend the common
interest is because they know where their own interest lies. They have enough
basis for their actions.
Quarrels among passengers are an inseparable part of the “bus culture.” It is
hard to judge whether people from Shanghai or Beijing are better at quarreling
(each side believes the other is), and it is also difficult to tell who are more
willing to offer seats (each side believes it is more willling). What is certain is
that the heavier the traffic jam, the hotter the quarrel, and the more crowded the
bus will be. Another conclusion is that the common trend for bus quarrels in
both cities is heading toward vulgarity and obscenity.
But years ago, a bus quarrel in each city had its own characteristics. Shang-
haiese often cried in an exaggerated way, “Ahya, ahya, I am squeezed to death!” or
scolded, “Are you blind?” Then the person who squeezed others or stepped on
somebody’s toes would say, “Take a cab, if you are afraid of being squeezed!”
In Beijing, in this situation, people started calling each other names“disgust-
ing,” and then “stinking and disgusting”; the superlative degree was a mutual
scolding of “stinking hoodlum.”
Sometimes a bus quarrel in Beijing may result in a fresh outlook. For exam-
ple, a passenger yells in a serious voice, “Please do not quarrel any more. We
are all Chinese, why quarrel with one another?”
There is a kind of humorous quarrel in Beijing that is not found in Shanghai.
For example, a squeezed person yells, “Do not squeeze any more; another
squeeze will make me as thin as a photograph!” Another example that is spreading
has been like an episode of “cross talk.” The squeezed person makes a sarcastic
remark, “The year of the pig is over, why are you still pushing?” The other side
shows no sign of weakness, “I didn’t know this was the year of the dog, but
here is the barking!”
A real story published in Beijing Evening News praised a bus conductor.
Seeing a pregnant woman getting on the bus, the conductor addressed the
passengers, “Excuse me, could any of you offer a seat to this woman comrade?
It is not difficult to do something good, to stand up will be enough!”
One more example, a young man stepped on a writer’s toes. Instead of

apologizing for this, the young man looked fully justified. The writer looked
back angrily. Then the young man lost his balance, “You’ll eat me, will you?”
The writer answered in no haste, “I dare not; I am a Hui.” [Members of the Hui
nationality do not eat pork.]
Notes
1.Lin Yutang, The Chinese (Zhejiang: Zhejiang People’s Publishing House, 1988), p. 4.
2. Ibid.
3. Wenhui Daily, November 1 1,1989.
4. People S Daily, April 16,1987.
5 . Popular Medicine, no. 3 (I 986).
6. Blood Type and Human LiJe (Japan).
7 .People ’s Republic of China Yearbook (1 988).
8. Literature and History of Zhejiang, no. 47 (1992).
9. Yu Qiuyu, The Bitterfourncy of Culture, p. 143.
10. Youth without Regret (Sichuan: Sichuan Wenyi Publishing House, 1991), p. 434.
1 1. Editors and TranslatorsReferencefournal, no. 1 (1989).
12. Jiefang Daily, Supplement, 1991.

Shanghainese and Beijingese

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Chinese Sociology & Anthropology

ISSN: 0009-4625 (Print) (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/mcsa19

Shanghainese and Beijingese

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