Allama Iqbal Open University

Assignment No # 01

Student Name: AREEBA ZULFIQAR

Student I’d: 0000122016
Course Code: 4692
Semester: Autumn, 2022
Question No.1; “Violation of law by big corporation/organizations has such a high financial
impact on business and society that it becomes far more widespread.”. Discuss in detail.

Answer;

Before we define CSR more precisely and before we explore in depth a number of case
studies that illustrate aspects of the ethical role of corporations, we first need to
understand exactly what corporations are, why they exist, and why they have become so
powerful.

Today, the global role of corporation’s rivals that of national or local governments. In
2000, it was reported that, of the 100 largest economic organizations in the world, 51
were corporations and 49 were countries.1 General Motors, Walmart, Exxon, and Daimler
Chrysler all ranked higher than the nations of Poland, Norway, Finland and Thailand (in
terms of economic size, comparing corporate revenues with national gross domestic
product, or GDP). This trend has continued, and for the past decade, 40 to 50 of the
world’s 100 largest economic organizations have been corporations, with the rest being
national economies. In 2012, Walmart was the twenty-fifth largest economic organization
in the world, putting it ahead of 157 countries.

For corporate employees, as for citizens living in communities dominated by large

corporations, the corporation is arguably the most important form of social organization.
For people such as corporate executives and shareholders, whose lives depend directly on
corporations, it is not surprising that company politics often are considered more relevant
than national or local politics. Corporations are also a major part of the daily lives of the
world’s citizens and consumers. For devoted fans of iconic brands like Nike, Apple,
Mercedes, or Louis Vuitton, the corporation can occupy a psychological niche very much
like that of a member of the family. Indeed, if many teenagers today were forced to
choose between an iPhone and a memorable night out celebrating their parents’
anniversary, the parents would likely celebrate alone. Similarly, those parents might also
be loath to part with their cherished products. Dad would not easily say goodbye to his
Chevrolet Corvette or Bose stereo, and Mom might not be easily persuaded to part with
her Yamaha piano or Rossignol skis.

At the opposite extreme, for citizens who have been harmed physically or financially by
corporations—like the Louisiana or Alaska residents whose beaches were fouled by
massive oil spills, or the thousands of small investors who found their life savings wiped
out by the Ponzi schemes of Bernie Madoff’s investment company—the corporation can
seem as dangerous as an invading army, or as destructive as an earthquake.

Despite their vast social role, corporations remain poorly understood by the world’s
citizens. While school children everywhere are expected to study the structure and history
 of their nation’s government, they are not similarly taught to appreciate the functions,
motivations, and inner workings of corporations. Let us begin with a brief review of the
nature of corporations.

Corporations and Other Business Structures

Not all businesses or companies are public corporations. For example, in the US, it is
legal to operate a business in your own name (this is called a sole proprietorship) or with
partners (a partnership). Corporations also come in a bewildering array of forms. Thus, in
the US, we have C corporations, S corporations, benefit corporations (also B
corporations), and limited liability companies (LLCs). In the UK, the term company is
preferred to corporation, and we will notice that the names of most large UK companies
followed by the designation plc or PLC (public limited company), as in Rolls-Royce plc,
while smaller companies often have the designation Ltd (private limited company). In
France, large companies are usually designated SA, while smaller ones may be known
as SARL. In Japan, the corresponding terms are KK (Kaushik kaisha) and YK (yogin
kaisha).
All of these terms define two basic aspects of corporations: 1) their limited liability
(which applies to all corporations), and 2) their status as a public or private company.
Public companies are allowed to sell their shares on public stock markets and tend to be
the larger type of
company.

Social Functions of Deviance

It is important to note that under some circumstances deviant behavior can have
constructive consequences (Cohen. 1966). Today society is dominated by complex
organizations that prescribe a bewildering variety of rules and procedures. Frequently
these become time-consuming and counterproductive. It may be necessary to circumvent
rules if effective action is to be taken. Cutting a class to study for an exam is a minor
example of constructive deviance.
Occasional deviance may also be a kind of safety valve. There is usually some frustration
when people curb their own desires in order to conform to society's rules: these.
frustrations tend to accumulate and can sometimes reach dangerous levels. In all social
systems, large and small. occasional deviance serves to express and relieve frustrations.
All societies provide periodic "moral holidays" (called saturnalia by anthropologists)
when the normal rules of conduct are suspended.
Kai Erikson (1962) has pointed out that one of the most important functions of deviance
in any organization or society is to clarity norms. People do not learn about acceptable
behavior by memorizing lists of rules: instead. they do so by "Testing the limits" or
observing what happens when others test them. Most children, for example, steal at least
 once. but when their parents scold or punish them for it they quickly give it up. Some
children may not even attempt to steal after observing the punishment given to a brother
or sister for doing so. In either case, they learn what society will or will not tolerate by
seeing the consequences of deviant behavior on a much larger scale, institutions in
society often have elaborate procedures (such as the media publicity and courtroom
rituals that accompany criminal trials) for identifying and labeling deviants. These often
serve to mark the boundaries of permissible beginner. Finally, deviant acts may promote
group cohesiveness and solidarity by causing members of a group to perceived those acts
as a common threat.
It is important to note that society's strong interest in identifying deviants results in an
unfortunate consequence: People who are labeled as deviants often remain stigmatized
long after the label has lost whatever validity it may have had. Ex-convicts or former
mental patients. for example, encounter many forms of discrimination.
Deviance can also warn society that certain rules are not just or reasonable. When Rosa
Parks (in USA) refused to relinquish her seat on an Alabama but to white man. it was
gross violation of southern etiquette in the 1950s, yet this black women's act is an
important landmark of the
civil rights movement. It sparked the Montgomery bus boycott that brought the
movement to national prominence. The liberalization of divorce laws, and the growing
equality of the sexes are other examples of social changes they have occurred as a result
of widespread deviance from traditional standards of acceptable behavior. Deviance,
thus, can be one of the factors that effects significant changes in the organization of
society.

Cutting Red Tape and Clarifying Rules

An organization's rules may usually make sense. However. in some situations,
conformity to the rules will defeat rather than support the organization's goals. If these
goals are to be achieved, someone must break the rules. For example, an organization
may have a sensible way of distributing supplies. Certain forms must be filled out, certain
people must sign the forms, and so on. This system permits budgeting and planning.
However, if the authorized person is not around to sign the forms, someone will usually
be willing to forge his or her signature. Such deviance may actually be in the interest of
the organization whose rules are being broken.
The precise meaning of a rule is not always obvious, but when you have overstepped the
bounds you will discover your mistake in the raised eyebrows, chilly looks. or amused
smiles of the people around you. When one is learning the rules of a new role, one may
experiment with borderline behavior. A person who is daring enough to do so forces the
group to "make up its mind" about a rule that is not clear How seriously will they take it
 when it is broken? Courts do the same service for society by clearing up fuzzy laws.
Deviance forces a group to either abandon a rule or reaffirm it. and this clarification lets
the other members of the group find out what other people think they should or should
not do.
Deviance can help to clarify and define social norms. Many social norms are vague until
they are broken. The group reaction on that occasion then defines the norm. Students
sharing a kitchen. for example.
might have a rule stating that the sink, stove, and refrigerator are to be kept clean. But
since "clean" is a vague term, the students do not know exactly what is expected of them.
If one leaves tomato sauce stains on the stove and no one notices, while another student
leaves dirty dishes all over the kitchen and everybody complains, the users of the kitchen
will then understand the norm of cleanliness.
Deviance can increase group solidarity. According to George Herbert Mead (1964). "The
attitude of hostility toward the lawbreaker has the unique advantage of uniting all
members of the community in the emotional solidarity of aggression." Group members
find that they share a common attitude towards the deviant and in many cases, they must
take some common action to control or suppress deviance.

Uniting the Group

Sometimes the deviant does a service to the group by pulling it together. This can happen
in two different ways. The group can either oppose the deviant or try to convert him or
her.
It is well known that nothing unites the members of a group like a common enemy. but
this is also true of enemies within the group. Although it is not pleasant for him or her
personally, the deviant may serve as a built-in out-group, a scapegoat who contributes to
the unity of the group in much the same way that witches, devils, and hostile foreign
powers do.
On the other hand, the deviant may unite the group through his or her very need to be
"converted." The unity of a group is increased when its members put their personal
interests aside and concentrate on some common goal. If they have a wayward member
who needs to be brought back into line, they can take this project as their common goal.
They may make it their
primary concern to show the group's patience and kindness no matter how difficult the
deviant member becomes. Some groups seem to thrive on taking care of earning
members.
Acting as a Safety Valve
Some people have wants that the rules of society don't consider legitimate. Others lack
access to the legitimate means of satisfying their wants. If enough people are frustrated,
they may attach the rules themselves and the social institutions that they support.
Therefore. a certain amount of deviance, condemned but not firmly repressed may take
some of the strain off the legitimate order. For example, consider the rule that legitimates
sexual relations within marriage. This norm is socially useful because it motivates people
to have families. However, if a man's sexual desires are not satisfied within marriage, he
may turn elsewhere. It' his extramarital relationship is kept impersonal. it will threaten his
family much less than if they had to compete for his emotional attachment. The prostitute
does not share the social status of her sexual partner the way a wife does, nor is she
socially acceptable as his companion in public. It has been argued, therefore, that
prostitution, a severely limited and devalued kind of relationship. is the form of
extramarital sexual behavior that is least likely to keep men from marrying, to threaten
the status or security of the wife, or to create emotional ties that will compete seriously
with the obligations of marriage. The sociologists who hold this view consider
prostitution partially positive in its effects. They claim that it is because of this positive
aspect that laws against prostitution are not strictly enforced in most societies.

Social Dysfunctions of Deviance

The society can absorb a large amount of deviance without serious effects, it is rare for
one act of deviance or the deviance of one person to affect the functioning of society. But
long-term or widespread deviance can be socially dysfunctional in the following ways:
The presence of deviance can destroy other people's motivation to conform. If some
students taking an exam know that everyone else is cheating, they will begin to wonder
why they stayed up so late studying to pass the test honestly. If deviance and conformity
receive the same social rewards, why should one bother to conform"
Deviance can destroy the trust necessary to reserve organized social life. Social order is
possible only when people can expect a reasonable amount of honesty and good will from
others. People are willing to live together in towns and cities because they trust their
neighbors not to attack them when they walk down the street. They can do business on
contractual basis because they trust one another to fulfill the terms of the contracts.
Deviance can hamper the interdependence that is essential to social systems. All complex
social organization requires the cooperation of many people playing specific roles. If
some people break the rules that govern their behavior, the whole system is in danger. If,
for example, in the middle of a battle a number of soldiers do not follow orders, throw
down their guns, and run away, the battle may be lost. Of course, the effect of deviance
on the social system depends in part on the level of responsibility and status of the
deviants. If ten soldiers become deviants, little harm may be done. If ten generals are
involved, the situation is much more serious. In any discussion of the social dysfunctions
of deviance, it helps to distinguish between deviance and social disorganization, two
concepts that are sometimes used as if they had the same meaning. Social disorganization
refers to a breakdown of social institutions but even highly organized social system can
stand a great deal of deviance without becoming seriously disorganized. Only when
deviance is practiced by a large number of people over a long period of time, when it
seriously undermines belief in the values of basic social institution, or when it produces
conflict that cannot be contained. does it lead to social disorganization.
Question No.2; Discuss in detail socio-economic reasons behind high crime rates in
Pakistan. Also elaborate the functioning law enforcing agencies with latest evidence.

Answer;
The act of prostitution is not itself illegal in Canada. although keeping a common bawdy
house (being a madam), procuring or pandering or soliciting trade for a prostitute, and
pimping or providing prostitutes for those who request their services are all federal
crimes in Canada. The legal picture in the United States is more complicated, since much
of the routine legislatures in the states, except for fifteen of Nevada's seventeen counties,
the very act of prostitution is illegal. Likewise, procuring, operating a brothel, and
pimping are often proscribed (Rich. 1979: 94). Gagnon (1974: 259) reports that these
laws apply only to the female in a liaison, with the exception of eight states where the
customer, or "john." is also liable to arrest. Male prostitution (homosexual and
heterosexual) is presently illegal in forty-five states (Rich, 1979: 94-95), while in Canada
the law applies only to females. Bell (1976: 230) holds that the homosexual's variant of
male prostitution (by far the most common) is more prevalent in the United States today
than ever before.
In general, however, the number of acts of prostitution in North America have stabilized
in the past two decades (Esselstyn, 1968: 127; Statistics Canada, 1980a: 158). Local
public "scares" and occasional police "crackdowns" do little to alter this pattern on a
permanent way. Likewise, the rising rate of arrest, which increased from 1971 to 1980 in
the United States by 79.9 percent (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 1980: 193) has had
negligible impact on the rate of prostitution.
Today, there are six types of prostitutes: the streetwalker, the bar prostitute, the massage
parlor worker, the brothel prostitute, the call girl and the escort girl. Their life-styles vary,
in good part in relation to their likelihood of being arrested by the police. Streetwalkers
especially, but also bar prostitutes, play their trade publicly and therefore are always
faced with the possibility that they are being observed by an officer from the local morals
squad. The prostitute in the massage parlor has the advantage of working in legitimate
establishment where she can screen customers who ask for services such as masturbation,
fellatio, and sexual intercourse. Those who work in bawdy houses, who are available as
call girls, or who serve as escorts also can check out their customers. Bawdy houses, or
houses of prostitution, are now rare in North America. They are found mostly in the
southern United States and Nevada.
Using exploratory methods, a number of sociologists have studied the everyday life of the
North American prostitute (e.g., Szymanski, 1918: Daci’s, 1917: Copeland and
MacDonald, 1971: Pros and Irani, 1980). These studies suggest that prostitutes in general.
and the streetwalker in particular, must deal with the constant threat of public censure,
 possible arrest, venereal disease, and customer exploitation (including violence). The
streetwalker and the bar prostitute are partly protected from exploitation by pimps, who
in return. demand the woman's loyalty and a share of her earnings,
Call girls and escorts are the most sophisticated and comely of the six types.
Consequently, they serve a higher class of customer. These women mingle in the crowds
at business and professional conventions: they frequent the lobbies and bars of
respectable hotels and restaurants. They also have an answering service. Men desiring
their company can obtain the number of the answering service from intermediaries such
as bellhops, desk clerks, bar tender, taxi drivers, and former customers. Call girls and
escort operate out of public view. but are not immune to occasional violence, requests for
distasteful sexual services, and venereal disease. A call girl's "bouncer" protects her from
violence and distasteful requests when she works at a customer's residence or in his hotel
room (Rich, 1979: 102). In Indo-Pakistan the situation is not very much different except
that in India a sort of religiously institutionalized prostitution exists in Temples. Virgins’
girls taken as "Geodesies" in temples are used as prostitutes by "Prots." In our country
when "Red light areas" were forcibly closed the menace spread to common residential
areas in disguise and thus its impact and fallings increased manifold as compared to
previous practice when it was confined to particular areas popularly known as "Bazar-e-
Hussam".

Organized Crime
The study of white-collar and corporate crime concerns the illegal activities of
individuals and organizations engaged primarily in legitimate businesses. The study of
organized crime deals with organizations that exist primarily to provide, and profit from,
illegal goods and services.
Organized crime groups typically specialize in three types of activities. The first and most
obvious is the sale of forbidden goods and services. Drugs and prostitution are most
familiar examples. Prostitution violates the official norms of "respectable" society, yet
provides a service many people (including "respectable" citizens) want. In this case,
organized crime profits from society's moral ambivalence.
Second, organized crime provides goods and service in forms and on places where
legitimate businesses will not work. Loan sharking, or providing loans at exorbitant rates
to individuals or businesses that cannot obtain credit through conventional channels, is an
example. Smuggling cigarettes and goods from low-tax areas high-tax areas of automatic
weapons from places where their sale is legal to places where it is not are other examples
glaring. Gadon and Hatter industrial estates where exists a tax amnesty is the typical
example. Similarly, Barr markets and Darra Adam Khel, Lamictal etc. are areas where
arms and ammunition are manufactured and smuggled to other parts of Pakistan. Beggary
in Pakistan is yet another area controlled by organized nets illegal smuggling of luxurious
goods under the cover of "Afghan transits trade" is another example. Sick route too has
 earned a negative reputation from smuggling point of view. The third area in which
organized crime does business-perhaps the majority of its business- is providing legal
goods and services through illegal means. Crime groups control garbage collection or taxi
and limousine service in many cities by using intimidation to eliminate competitors.
Some also use legitimate businesses to "launder" (that is, disguise the origins of) profits
from illegal activities.
The term "organized crime" conjures up images of the Italian mobsters of the 1930s
portrayed in countless books and movies. But there is nothing intrinsically Italian about
organized crime. It exists in some form throughout the world (R. Kelly. 1984). In the
United States some members of almost every new wave of immigrants have been
involved in organized crime for a period of time. Black people became involved in
organized crime when they found themselves concentrated in urban ghettos and blocked
from legitimate careers (Lani, 1974; Abadi sky.
1981). Of course, the great majority of immigrants from Europe, Asia and Latin America,
and African Americans attempt to work their way out or poverty through legal activities,
often accepting the most menial jobs so that their children may have better lives. But the
pattern of "ethnic succession" suggests that organized crime is. in part, a product of social
arrangements that create a high-risk, but high profit, market for illegal goods on the one
hand, and of social arrangements that limit opportunities for some groups to engage in
legitimate businesses on the other (Block and Chambliss, 1981).
The successful investigation and prosecution of organized crime is a long-term,
information-intensive process. While it may be relatively easy to capture and convict
"small fry, major figures often evade the law. The scale of the enterprise and tight control
over information shield the bosses, while intermediaries do much of the "dirty work" on
the front lines. When bosses do go to prison, it is usually for a less serious offense, such
as income tax evasion (Ede hertz, Cole, and Berk. 1984). In this. organized crime is
similar to white-collar and corporate crime.

Corporate Crime
Corporations can also be guilty of crimes-false advertising, price fixing, violation of
safety regulations for employees or consumers, stock manipulation, copyright
infringement, and mislabeling food and drugs, to name a few common violations (Eaten
and Baca Zinn, 1992). Whereas white-collar crime consists of crimes against the
corporation, corporate crime consists of crimes committed by the corporation, on behalf
of the corporation. Whereas white-collar crime usually consists individual acts. corporate
crime is the result of collective action.
In recent years major corporations have been found guilty of Selling products they knew
to be defective and dangerous-such as the Ford Pinto and the Daikon shield, an
intrauterine birth control device that injured tens of thousands of women (Haus Knecht,
1987) Polluting the environment-most notoriously, the gas leak at Union Carbide's plant
in Bhopal. India, which killed between 2,000 and 5.000 people and seriously injured tens
of thousands more; more 110
quietly, water contamination by. Adolph Coors Co. the beer manufacturer (Newcomer,
1990)
Discrimination in hiring and promotion AT&T, General Motors. Libby-Owens-Ford
Negligence-more than 800 health and safety violations, including willful exposure of lead
and arsenic, by General Motors Bribery, especially of foreign governments Exxon. Gulf
Oil, Mobil
Oil, Ashland Oil Northrop, Lockheed, United Brands, and others (See also Mushier.
1987.) The human and financial costs of such actions far exceed those from other types of
crime. But as with white-collar crime, our society has been lenient to ward business;
Many corporate offenses are handled by regulatory agencies, not the courts. Studies of
these agencies (for example, A. J. Reiss, 1983, 1984) show that officials saw their goal as
achieving compliance with regulations not identifying criminals: moreover, these
officials believed that they were most successful when they dealt with businesses through
negotiation, threats of negative publicity, bluff, and other in formal sanctions. The
corporation might be let off with a "consent decree," in which it consents to end violation
but neither admits nor denies the allegations. In this way it avoids public exposure in an
open courtroom, as well as liabilities toward victims.
Many corporate violations are legally defined as torts, not crimes. Moreover, usually the
corporation is held responsible, not the people who made decisions or carried out illegal
activities. If individuals become ill because of exposure to toxic substances, for example,
they must bring their own cases to court, suing the manufacturer and/or dumper for
damages. The civil courts do not send guilty parties to prison, but award compensation.
In a civil action, the victims cannot call on the police or other public agencies to help in
the investigation. They (and in many cases, their attorneys) must bear the costs of
investigation and court proceedings, in the hope that the court will order them repaid.
Large corporations can afford to drag out legal battles for years: often the victims cannot.
The case of the Manville Corporation and asbestos exposure (Calhoun and Hiller. 1988)
illustrates these complexities. During a thirty- year period when Manville and other
manufacturers of asbestos knew they were marketing a harmful product, thousands of
people died of asbestos- related diseases. It took decades of court battles (and millions of
dollars in court costs) for victims or their estates to receive compensation. No one has
gone to prison for these deaths. Manville attempted to limit its liability by filing for
bankruptcy. Ultimately, in a path-breaking move, most of the corporation's stock was
placed in a trust to provide compensation for victims.
The Manville case was an exception. In most cases the fines are so small that they are
more than offset by the profits from the offense, and are simply written off as part of the
 "cost of doing business." (Indeed, in some cases court costs and fines may be tax-
deductible!) How ever there is some evidence that the public is growing less tolerant of
corporate crime and that adverse publicity-from consumer activist groups. investigative
reporters. of government inquiries-may act as a deterrent. Meanwhile the savings and
loan scandal exposed a new type of crime (see Close-up: The Saving and Loan Scandal:
A New Type of Crime), Now 3 world countries territories and seas are used as dumping
grounds for lethal wastes. Drugs and pesticides banned in western countries are being
manufactured in 3-word countries.

White-Collar Crime
When we think of crime. most of us think of murder, muggings. burglaries, rapes, or the
rackets of organized crime. Crime statistics and newspaper reports to tend to support this
view. White-collar crimes those committed by business executives, politicians, and
professionals are also very common. but we think about them much less. White-collar
crime is not as well-known because the people involved are usually very influential
powerful and sophisticated and therefore can often hide their crimes and thus avoid
detection. If detected, they are usually processed through the civil courts rather than the
criminal courts and so do not show up in crime statistics.

will Most white-collar crimes be committed to get money. They include money
laundering, kickbacks, misrepresentation, manipulation. embezzlement, and bribery what
Al Capone called "the legitimate rackets" (Sutherland. 1940). White-collar criminals can
be people acting for their own personal gain or corporate officers working together to
benefit their company.
White-collar crimes are not as personally threatening as street crimes. A mugging at
gunpoint is certainly more threatening than a big corporation evading millions of Rupees
in taxes. But white-collar crimes involve much more stolen money than other types of
crime.
Estimates of the amount of money involved run into the hundreds of billions of Rupees.
In one famous case. the Lockheed Corporation of U.S.A admitted to making more than
220 million dollars in illegal payoffs during the early 1970s. In contrast, one of the
largest "ordinary" crimes in history was a theft committed against Lufthansa Airlines at
Kennedy Airport in New York City. It involved $5.4 million - although a significant sum,
but yet too small in comparison.
Third World countries too are not an exception. Multinational Corporations tempted big
bosses through kickbacks and got signed agreements fatal to national economies.
In Pakistan power tariff alone is a significant example not to speak of many others.
Defense Agreements transparency too has been questioned many a times both by the
national and international press. Admiral Mansoor-owl-Huq of Pakistan Navy apparently
along many others was thought to be involved and consequently terminated from the
service.
Question No.3; How far crimes rate truly helps in understanding the depth of the social
problems i.e. drugs and youth?

Answer;

Drug Use
It is by far the most widely consumed illegal drug in North America. When taken for
recreational purposes, cocaine and opium, including its derivatives morphine, heroin. and
codeine, crack etc., are the most socially disdained drugs. Unlike the use of cannabis, the
continual use of cocaine and opium eventually results in severe addiction.
A comparison reveals a higher prevalence of marijuana use in Canada than in the United
States. But illegal use of opium, its derivatives, and cocaine is noticeably greater in the
United States than in Canada. The ratio of the number of opiate addicts in the United
States to the number in Canada approximates the ratio of its use; the ratio is about four to
one (Ball, 1979: 368). Smoking cannabis exemplifies especially well the social side of
illegal drug consumption. Howard S. Becker (1963.41-58) points out that the technique
of smoking a marijuana cigarette is learned from experienced users. These people tell the
novice how to inhale the "joint's" smoke, what effects to look for, and what is pleasurable
about the effects.
Cannabis is typically smoked in small groups of friends, much as other people drink
cocktails with associates (Goode: 1969: Sor fleet. 1976).
Novices somehow meet people who have cannabis and who will persuade them to try it.
In the days when possession of cannabis was limited to jazz musicians, jazz buffs,
writers, and painters, one needed special connection to acquire marijuana and to learn
how to use it. Now. however, marijuana is widely available, it grows wild in fields and is
efficiently trafficked by "pushers." who are in touch with the users. Almost anyone,
regardless of age, sex, social class, or geographic location. can acquire the drug and find
someone who knows how to use it. Correspondingly, the penalties meted out for simple
possession have tended to be lighter in recent years than earlier (note the relative nature
or what is deviant). Yet, in 1982, only ten states had actually decriminalized (punish with
fines only) simple possession, in Canada this offense is punishable by at least six months
in prison. Thus, consuming cannabis is largely an illegal deviant activity and therefore
one to be pursued cautiously.
Most regular users, however, particularly those who live with their parents or have
conventional jobs, are probably anxious about being publicly identified as cannabis users.
Concealment of their use, not only from the police but also from anyone else who may
censure them, is a matter of continual concern.
 The risk of such disclosure is most often controlled through the compartmentalization of
the user's daily activities so that cannabis use is reserved for those settings where
potentially disapproving nonusers are unlikely to intrude. (Commission of Inquiry into
the Non-medical Use of Drugs, 1972: 192). In Pakistani society the use of Raw Hashish
(Bhang) is confined to lower classes only.

Prostitution
There perhaps is a good case for identifying prostitution as the world's oldest occupation.
The selling of sexual relations out of wedlock dates from the beginning of the human
race. The act of prostitution is not itself illegal in Canada, although keeping a common
bawdy house (being a madam), procuring or pandering or soliciting trade for a prostitute,
and pimping or providing prostitutes for those who request their services are all federal
crimes in Canada. The legal picture in the United States is more complicated, since much
of the routine legislatures in the states, except for fifteen of Nevada's seventeen counties,
the very act of prostitution is illegal. Likewise, procuring, operating a brothel. and
pimping are often proscribed (Rich, 1979: 94). Gagnon (1974: 259) reports that these
laws apply only to the female in a liaison, with the exception of eight states where the
customer, or "john," is also liable to arrest. Male prostitution (homosexual and
heterosexual) is presently illegal in forty-five states (Rich, 1979: 94-95), while in Canada
the law applies only to females. Bell (1976: 230) holds that the homosexual's variant of
male prostitution (by far the most common) is more prevalent in the United States today
than ever before.
In general, however, the number of acts of prostitution in North America have stabilized
in the past two decades (Esselstyn, 1968: 127; Statistics Canada, 1980a: 158). Local
public "scares" and occasional police "crackdowns" do little to alter this pattern on a
permanent way. Likewise, the rising rate of arrest, which increased from 1971 to 1980 in
the United States by 79.9 percent (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 1980: 193) has had
negligible impact on the rate of prostitution.
Today, there are six types of prostitutes: the streetwalker, the bar prostitute, the massage
parlor worker, the brothel prostitute, the call girl and the escort girl. Their life-styles vary,
in good part in relation to their likelihood of being arrested by the police. Streetwalkers
especially, but also bar prostitutes, play their trade publicly and therefore are always
faced with the possibility that they are being observed by an officer from the local morals
squad. The prostitute in the massage parlor has the advantage of working in legitimate
establishment where she can screen customers who ask for services such as masturbation,
fellatio, and sexual intercourse. Those who work in bawdy houses, who are available as
call girls, or who serve as escorts also can check out their customers. Bawdy houses, or
houses of prostitution. are now rare in North America. They are found mostly in the
southern United States and Nevada.
Using exploratory methods, a number of sociologists have studied the everyday life of the
North American prostitute (e.g., Szymanski, 1918: Daci’s, 1917: Copeland and
MacDonald, 1971; Pros and Irani, 1980). These studies suggest that prostitutes in general,
and the streetwalker in particular, must deal with the constant threat of public censure,
possible arrest, venereal disease, and customer exploitation (including violence). The
streetwalker and the bar prostitute are partly protected from exploitation by pimps, who
in return, demand the woman's loyalty and a share of her earnings.

In all countries, illegal drug economy plays a prominent role in national decisions made.
Fortunately, cost-effective measures targeting drug abuse treatment are available. This
fact increases motivation to conduct studies in order to improve interventions compatible
with cultural issues Various countries have taken measures at society level to change
knowledge and attitude of the society toward illegal drugs. These interventions aimed to
prevent illegal drug abuse. Usually, focus of these interventions was teenagers and the
youth, as these age groups are at more risk of drug abuse due to less information
regarding this problem. On the whole, drug abuse is the result of the interaction between
person, abused drug, and the environment. Knowledge and attitude toward this problem
and its effects, easy access to such drugs, and the nature of the abused drug are among
other effective factors.
Drug abuse, as a psychological-social-biologic issue, in adolescents is one of the most
critical issues for countries nowadays. This problem involves new chemical drugs (e.g.,
crack and ecstasy) besides traditional ones (e.g., opium and marijuana). In Iran, even
though there is no official report about drug abuse, clinical observations in drug addiction
consultation centers and medical centers for drug addiction rehabilitation show that
addiction to new psychoactive drugs in adolescents has a high prevalence. Nowadays,
instead of traditional single-factor approach to the etiology of drug abuse, multifactorial
and interactive causal approaches are considered as the etiology of drug abuse. The latter
factors assess related factors to drug abuse. The result of these evaluations is identifying a
complex of risk factors as well as protective factors which, respectively, increase and
decrease the likelihood of drug abuse. Studies in Iran have demonstrated that mean age of
cigarette smoking for the first time is in adolescence. Likewise, such a situation has been
reported from the US and China.
Knowledge about the age of drug abuse commence is of paramount importance.
Unfortunately, the onset of drug abuse most often stems in adolescence. In a study, 6.9%
of high school students in Tehran experienced drug abuse and 16.9% experienced
cigarette smoking. The most prevalent used drugs were alcohol, opium, and marijuana. In
another study from Shiraz, 30.2% of high school students had experienced cigarette,
alcohol, and stimulants and narcotics at least once in their lifetime.
Studies note that age range of addicts and drug abusers has decreased globally. This
decreased age range has endangered many adolescents and young people and has raised
 extensive concern in societies. Therefore, avoiding the problem of drug abuse has
detrimental consequences for every society such as demolition of social and economic
resources, threat to social security, and various forms of maladaptive behaviors.
The present questionnaire was designed by studying some previously published
questionnaires, though it has a different structure. This questionnaire can be used in
similar studies. In general, it can be stated that this questionnaire provides useful
information about knowledge, attitude, and practice of high school students toward drug
abuse. The information yielded by this questionnaire can be used for more in-depth
studies and organized, continuous, and appropriate decision makings in terms of future
actions and interventions.

Methods
This cross-sectional study was conducted in 2009 in 20 cities of Isfahan Province. Study
population was high school students aged 14–18 years. The required sample size
(considering α = 0.05) was calculated as 6489 students, which was increased to 7137
students with consideration of the dropout rate of 10%.
Because there is a difference in student population of the cities of the province and also to
provide possibility of generalization of the results, multi-stage random sampling was
applied after determining the proportion of each city in supplying the sample size. To
determine the denominator, all students who were studying at high schools of the
province were summed up which was 227,127 students. High school student population
of each city in cities and villages were determined and the proportion of students each
city to the whole province was determined. This proportion was multiplied by the sample
size, and sample size of each city was determined. After determining the sample size of
each city, sample size of urban and rural areas of each city was determined. To determine
the sample size in high schools, a list containing names of all high schools was prepared.
About 20–30% of high schools (depending on the number of high schools in each city)
were selected randomly. The total sample of each city was divided by the selected school,
and the sample size in each school was determined. Due to lack of a significant difference
between male and female population of the schools, the gender proportion was
considered equal. Using the list of student’s names (using random number table or
odd/even numbers) the number of students was determined and the questionnaires were
filled out.
To collect the information, proficient examiners were selected, involved people were
trained, and data were collected under the supervision of the observer. Coordination was
made with the education organization to implement the study. Experienced personnel of
the education organization and Health Centers of the cities were recruited to help collect
data in a 1-day workshop about the method of collecting data and determining the sample
size. To achieve an equal approach in data collection and control of confounding
variables by the interviewers, a uniform training workshop was held for 8 h in 1-day. A
 1-day workshop for 6 h was held to ascertain meticulous questioning by the observers.
Besides these training workshops, a guideline was issued to the interviewers to unify the
data collection. In this guideline, it was explained why filling out the questionnaire
carefully and completely, and avoiding unanswered questions and emphasizing
confidentiality of the information were important. To fill out the questionnaires, first
students were briefed about how to answer the questions by the interviewers. Then, the
questionnaire was completed by the students. Each student had 20–30 min to complete
the questionnaire and after that the questionnaires were gathered and delivered to the
researcher.

Discussion
It has been noted in different studies that drug abuse is affected by knowledge and
attitude toward drugs. To change a behavior, at first knowledge and attitude toward that
particular behavior should be corrected. Iran has more than 15 million adolescent and
young people and is considered the youngest country in the world. There are few studies
in this age group about their knowledge and attitude toward drug abuse, while attention to
these views can help them guide to safer behaviors. Considering the literature review
performed before the study, available questionnaires did not meet the objectives of this
study. For example, in a study which aimed to determine drug abuse among male high
school students in Tehran, the research team designed a questionnaire to measure attitude,
behavioral intention, resistance skills against narcotics, etc., But considering the low
sample size and male exclusivity of the study, this questionnaire was not suitable for our
study.
In another study on male high school students in Freidan, their susceptibility to drug
abuse was determined by addiction measurement questionnaire and related factors were
evaluated by a research-made questionnaire. Because this questionnaire did not meet the
related reliability and validity, did not follow the objectives and hypotheses of our study,
had a low sample size, covered only male students, and the study setting which is a small
city, the results of this study are not generalizable. The questionnaire used in Mehra,
Yazd among high school students only assessed alcohol and psychoactive drugs and did
not have required validity and reliability for our study.
Therefore, by designing a new questionnaire, we determined the current status of drug
abuse among high school students according to age, gender, and different cities of
Isfahan Province. We also gathered data about the type of drug abused, knowledge about
short- and long-term complications of narcotics and stimulants, the most common causes
of drug abuse for the 1st time, frequency of the most important causes of drug abuse,
mean age of abusers, mean age of drug abuse onset, time and location of abuse, the most
common routes of drug abuse according to age, gender, and urban as well as rural areas
of Isfahan Province. Based on the results of this study, the designed questionnaire is
qualified to measure drug abuse status among high school students of Isfahan Province.
Question No.4; Discuss in detail relationship between individual psychology, family
institution and juvenile delinquency with examples.

Answer;

Psychodynamic Theories
Such theories are usually based on Freudian ideas, such as the concepts of the ego, the
superego, and also the frustration of needs.
Freudians claim that our superego (our conscience) develop from our experiences in early
loving relations with adults. Someone who lacks a conscience is called a psychopath-a
character who never feels guilt, pity. or respect for others. Psychologists don't all agree
about this subject. Some of them say that most prison inmates are psychopaths. Others
deny that the condition really exists at all.
In recent years psychoanalysts have been paying more attention to ego defects than to the
deviant's presumed lack of a superego. A weak ego is not a lack of conscience but an
inability to organize one's activities. For example, a person who can't control his
impulses, postpone pleasure, or follow plans in consistently is said to have a weak ego.
Indeed, many of the problems that people get into result from precisely such failings.
Yet another theory holds that frustration produces aggression, which in turn produces
deviant behavior. If the aggression is directed outward, the person may attack the person
who is frustrating him or someone else. If a person's inner controls are strong, this
aggressive energy may be sublimated used up in an acceptable way. perhaps by smashing
a squash ball in a game or by writing a critical letter to the editor of a local newspaper.
This theory has been used to account for variations in suicide rates (as aggression against
oneself) and homicide rates (aggression against another). According to this account, low-
status people can easily find grounds to blame others instead of themselves. When they
are frustrated, they will feel justified in turning their aggression outward, committing
homicide rather than suicide. Higher-status people, on the other hand, will be more likely
to commit suicide under stress, since they have fewer external problems to blame their
failures on. This theory does fit with the suicide data, though other theories are equally
persuasive.
Japanese Nation exhibits classical example of this sort of behavior where suicides are
common when one feels that his honor has been hurt or contrarily, he has hurt some one's
honor or pride especially family or national honor and pride. In Japanese the ritual is
popularly known as Hora-Kiri. In earlier times it was confined only to ruling class the
"Samurai" later adopted as a national norm. There exists a striking similarity between the
 Japanese and Sindhi culture over Hara-kiri and Kara Kurri. Kara Kari too is the killing of
boy and girl found guilty of illicit sexual relations. Boy is known as karoo, girl Kari and
as per local norm the couple is destined to be killed by close relatives. This sort of killing
regarded as "Honor Killing" although declared illegal has an institutionalized status. The
similarity between the Hara-Kiri and Kara-Kari across the boundaries of culture is really
astonishing and thought provoking. Psychoanalysis is the source of yet another theory.
Whereas the " previous ones suggest that offenders lose control of their deviant impulses.
this theory suggests that the deviant act is invented to protect the personality against
anxiety or guilt. Its purpose is to let the person deny his or her unacceptable impulse. The
deviant act is a mechanism of defense.
In Delinquent Boys. Albert Cohen uses such a theory to explain why lower-class youths
tend to be delinquent in ways that have no utility but show a spirit of pure meanness and
negativism. Cohen argued that children of all social classes and ethnic groups must
compete against one another for approval and status under the same standards. They are
rewarded for verbal ability, polished manners, achievement, and steady work. Lower-
class children are the losers in this competition. Their upbringing does not prepare them
for these qualities. To cope with the feeling of being losers, these children withdraw from
the game, reject the middle-class rules, and set up a new game with rules that will allow
them to perform satisfactorily. Still, they have also adopted the dominant value system.
They can tell themselves that they don't really care what people think of them, but their
internalized values threaten to make them realize that they are lying to themselves.
Hence, they resort to over-protesting, over-denying. They then reject the values of
straight, conventional society.

Age, Gender, Biology, and Deviance

An Explanation by Walter Gove Walter Gove set himself the task of explaining a number
of well- known, but little understood, aspects of crime and deviance. The first of these
has to do with changes in deviant behavior with age. As Gove (1985) noted, "Virtually all
forms of deviance that involve substantial risk and/or physically demanding behavior
occur mainly among young persons, and the rates of such deviance decline sharply in the
late twenties and early thirties." He pointed out that "the arrest rate for violent crimes
such as homicide. rape, and assault is highest among persons 18-24; the 13-17 age group
is second highest while the 25-30 age group is third. After age 30 the rates fall. The same
patterns are reported for drug and alcohol abuse, so much so that the phrase "to mature
out" is part of the language used in the drug culture to describe how people quit as they
pass 30. These age trends are similar for males and females (Cline. 1980) and hold in a
wide variety of societies (Hirschi and Gottfredson, 1983).".
Secondly, although both males and females tend to cease deviance in young adulthood,
these forms of risky, physically demanding deviance are overwhelmingly committed by
males.
Everywhere males predominate in deviance. But the proportion of female offenders is
much higher for some kinds of crimes than for others. Very small percentage of those
arrested for robbery, aggravated assault, burglary, or homicide are female. In contrast,
females make up a substantial proportion of those arrested for forgery, fraud,
embezzlement. larceny-theft, and shoplifting. Overall, in both nations more than twice
the proportion of those arrested for property crimes are females as compared with those
arrested for crimes of violence. This study relates to US and Canada.
Gove then reviewed the major social science theories of deviance - and concluded that
they could do little to explain why gender differences are so pronounced on some kinds
of deviance and why these also are the forms of deviance that fall most rapidly at around
age 30. Many of the theories could predict a gradual decline with age. But none predicts
the sudden and rapid decline that actually takes place.
At this point Gove assessed a growing literature that links aggressive or assertive forms
of deviance to physique. Beginning with the work of Sheldon (1940) in the 1930s,
through studies by Cortes and Gattai (1972) and Cortes (1982) research has found that an
athletic (or mesomorphic) body build is conducive to these forms of behavior. This is not
to suggest that being muscular causes people to commit assault or robberies, but that it
requires some degree of strength and self-confidence to act in these ways: The proverbial
98-pound wimp does not make a very successful mugger. Moreover, the life-style of the
drunk or the addict is often very physically demanding as well.
Finally. Gove was ready to put these pieces together by explaining. Why do these forms
of deviance rapidly decline at around age 30? First of all. because physical strength peaks
in the early twenties and then declines. Secondly, physical energy also peaks in the
twenties. Gove postulates two upsets of energy. The first is endurance or conditioning.
We remain strong enough to perform various actions to a later age than we retain the
endurance or conditioning to do them for a long time. An aging boxer may still be a
dangerous opponent for a few rounds but may be forced to try for an early knockout,
knowing he will tire badly in later rounds. A second aspect of energy, according to Gove,
is the ability to rebound or recover from injury and exertion; for example, an older
alcoholic will recover more slowly from a drunken spree. Thirdly, Gove argues that
psychological drives, especially as these are sustained by the production of hormones
such as testosterone and adrenaline, decline suddenly too.
It thus becomes easy in explaining the differential patterns of male and female deviance.
Gove suggests that female is so much less likely than males to commit certain acts simply
because they are weaker and smaller. Among both males and females, those with more
muscular builds are more prone to violent forms of deviance, and both genders show a
notable drop in these behaviors as they begin to pass their physical prime. Gove
 concluded with the observation that, at the age when some people are winning Olympic
medals, others are busy committing assaults. robberies, rapes, and burglaries and that
both groups consist of "young adults who withdraw from the field as they age."
Although Gove's new approach may help explain certain aspects of deviance. it leaves
many others as un-explained. Most people do not stop committing risky and physical
crimes as they pass their prime because most people never commit these offenses at any
age.
Although Gove's new approach may help explain certain aspects of deviance, it leaves
many others as un-explained. Most people do not stop committing risky and physical
crimes as they pass their prime because most people never commit these offenses at any
age.

Anomic Theory of Deviance

As you may recall from our discussion in Unit 1. Durkheim explained many problems on
the basis of an increasing division of labor. As the jobs of individual workers become
more and more specialized, they can no longer keep a system of shared understandings
and rules. They have such different experiences, different outlooks. that workers in
industrial societies often find themselves working at cross-purposes. Solidarity declines
and class conflicts arise under such circumstances. The whole society is troubled by
confusion, inefficiency, even social breakdown. Durkheim thought the society was
disorganized because no common rules existed for regulating it. He called this situation
anomie, meaning normlessness for lack of regulation. Any period of upheaval or
economic uncertainty, such as a depression. is a period of high anomie.
In his book Suicide. Durkheim argued that periods of rapid change make it hard for
people to know what to expect as rewards for living up to society's standards. When
society and the economy are unstable, one can't count on being rewarded for conforming
or on being punished for deviating from social norms. People may work hard and save
money for their old age, only to have their savings wiped out in a stock market crash or
bankruptcy. A telephone quiz or jingle contest may, by a fluke, turn a drifter into a rich
man without his making any contribution to society. If such events happen often, they
weaken a society ability to back up its norms with a predictable set of rewards and
punishments. Why should people live by the rules when it won't assure them of a good
outcome?
Discussing "anomie suicide." Durkheim notes that suicides increase both in times of
depression and booms. It is understandable that hard times might make life seem no
longer worth living. Why should prosperity produce similar results?
Durkheim considered human wants to be endlessly expandable. There is no "natural"
limit to what people might crave. What, then, keeps us from being constantly
dissatisfied? Answer: Norms tell us how high to aim. Social rules, not biology, define
what each social class is entitled to. People regulate their wants accordingly, managing in
this manner to feel satisfied. But in an economic boom the usual definitions are upset as
to what a person may have. There is no limit on aspirations, and thus nothing produces
satisfaction. Durkheim felt that the desire to live is weakened under such conditions.
Suicide is caused by this state of anomie-the condition of unsettled expectations. As has
been said by famous Urdu poet Mirza Ghalib in a verse.

Four decades after Durkheim published Suicide. Robert Merton developed the idea of
anomie further. He described it as a gap between effort and reward that makes it
impossible for people to set realistic goals or to plan legitimate ways of achieving their
goals. His theory was based on three different factors these goals; and culturally defined
goals, the wants and ambitions that people are taught by their society to desire (2) Norms,
which prescribe legitimate means of pursuing (3) Institutionalized means, the actual
resources available to the person. Merton claimed that North American society expects
all its members to desire the same goal (success and high income) and the same norms
(hard work, thrift, and the like). However, society offers various social groups quite
different institutionalized means unequal opportunities for education. for challenging
work, for business loans, and so forth. This situation puts a strain on the lower-status
groups because the means available to them don't help them achieve prescribed goals.
Frustration. hopelessness, and anger result from the relationship among these factors-
goals, norms, and means. If a group has modest goals, follows society/s norms, and has
the means to achieve its goals legitimately, there is no problem. Strain results when there
is a gap between goals and institutionalized means. A person's response may be to
weaken his or her commitment to the prescribed goals, to the prescribed means of
achieving them, or both. Merton believed that five responses to this gap are possible.
The first of these responses is conformity: the others are all varieties of deviant behavior.
Innovators (e.g., professional thieves. white-collar criminals, cheaters) believe in the
goals but reject the prescribed means. Ritualists (e.g., bureaucrats who rigidly follow the
rules without thinking about why the rules are there) make a virtue of over conformity to
the prescribed means at the price of under-conformity to the prescribed goals. Retreatants
(e.g., tramps, drunkards. hippies. drug addicts) withdraw from the "rat race" by
abandoning both the goals and the means Rebels (e.g., members of revolutionary
movements) respond in a fifth way. Like retreats, they reject both the prescribed goals
and the prescribed means, but they put other goals and means in their place. They
withdraw their support from a social system that they believe is unjust and seek to rebuild
the society with new goals and new means of achieving them. We may notice that this
approach to deviance focuses not on the traits of individuals but on their positions in the
society. It is the stress of anomic a gap between means, goals, and norms that puts
pressure on people to become deviant. It is a sociological, not a psychological theory.
Merton didn't try to explain why some people choose one deviant response and some
 another. Nor did he explain why some people who are under great strain continue to
confirm, as many do.

Deviance, Anomie and Integration of Societies

It is a well-known fact that the rapid growth of large cities during the nineteenth century
caused many early sociologists to rear a breakdown in human relations that people would
come to live in a world of strangers, lost and alone. Emile Durkheim, one of the founders
of modern sociology, feared that as people lost their links to one another through long-
standing attachments, society would suffer from anomie: a condition of normlessness.
People would not know what the norms were. nor would they be motivated by their
attachments to obey the norms even if they knew them. For humans would lack the moral
direction provided by others. Indeed. Durkheim argued that in modern urban societies the
individual is morally in "empty space." Without social ties. "No force restrains them
(Durkheim. 1897), and in such circumstances people literally lose the ability to tell right
from wrong. Ephraim Mizrachi (1964) has suggested the term "deregulation" as the best
translation of anomie into English. When social relations break down, society loses its
ability to regulate behavior.
Durkheim contrasted conditions of city life with those of more traditional rural villages
and identified the latter as "moral communities." He stressed two components of the
moral community. The first of these is social integration. Here he referred to the number
and intimacy of attachments enjoyed by the average person. In traditional village life,
Durkheim argued, the average person was firmly anchored in an extensive network of
close attachments. The second aspect of moral communities, according to Durkheim, is
moral integration. Here he referred to shared beliefs, especially religious beliefs. that
provide members of a community with a common moral conception shared beliefs about
what the norms are and why the norms are correct.
Both social and moral integration are eroded by life in large cities. according to
Durkheim. People lose their attachments, and thus social integration erodes. While a
single religion unites traditional communities. many competing religions flourish in
cities, and each weakens the others. Thus, Durkheim concluded that cities would destroy
the power of societies to control their members and therefore become locations for
excessive amounts of serious deviance.
Durkheim's theory describes how macro changes in social structures can have devastating
effects at the macro level. Indeed, the correspondence between his anomie theory and
control theory is obvious: The sheer size and disorganization of big cities reduce the
average person's attachments and beliefs. Thus, free to deviate, people will do so.
Durkheim attempted to demonstrate his thesis by showing that suicide rates were much
higher in urban areas and in areas where a variety of Protestant faiths existed than in rural
areas and places that remained solidly Catholic (Durkheim, 1897).
The thesis that city life inevitably produces "mass societies" in which people lack
attachments and thus fall victims to anomie was not supported by research. Thus,
Durkheim's predictions about the future were overly pessimistic. However, that does not
invalidate his theory. Durkheim's assertions about the consequences of weak moral and
social integration can be applied to the extent rates will vary as integration varies; for
example, crime and suicide rates will be higher wherever moral and social: integration is
lower.
During the 1930s and 1940s. many researchers attempted to test Durkheim's predictions
about the relationship between integration and deviance. For example, Clifford R. Shaw
and Henry D. McKay (1929. 1931,1942) found that delinquency is much higher in urban
neighborhoods with a high population turnover (residents constantly moving in and out)
than in more stable neighborhoods. In neighborhoods of newcomers, social integration is
necessarily lower than in places where people have had time to form attachments with
their neighbors. Robert C. Angell (1942, 1947.1949) found that cities higher in "moral
integration" had lower rates of crime and suicide. Although Durkheim's theory of
integration and anomie has been repeatedly described in textbooks as a major
contribution to sociological knowledge, during the 1950s and 1960s researchers seldom
tested it. A major reason was the lack of good, readily available measures of social and
moral integration of cities or part of cities) and the immense expense apparently required
to come up with good measures.
Earlier research had many flaws because of such limits. Thus. Angel used rates of
contributions to charitable fund-raising drives as a measure of moral integration on the
grounds that these rates would reflect the degree of consensus on values and norms in a
community. He also used these rates because they were available in reports published by
charitable organizations, not because they were very appropriate for testing Durkheim's
thesis. Other studies tended to be circular. Often a high crime rate was used as an
indicator of weak social and moral integration, thus making it impossible to say that weak
integration caused high crime rates. Moreover, measures of social integration, such as
statistics on population turnover, were available for only a few cities- in fact, much of the
research was based only on comparisons of Chicago neighborhoods. Only recently have
problems of obtaining good measures for testing Durkheim's theory been overcome. The
results have strongly supported Durkheim's predictions, but they have also consistently
revealed strange correlations.