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William H. F. Altman
J. WEi.VF. years ago in this journal, Carol Poster (1998: 282-283), as part of
of ordering the Platonic dialogues, one of them designated "(3) pedagogical order"
and defined as "the order in which we should read or teach the dialogues." It is
(1974: 1976; see also Tarrant 1993) show that the nine "tetralogies" (thirty-five
dialogues and the Letters arranged in sets of four) constituted his version of the
ROPD. It is instructive that the Neo-Platonist Albinus takes Thrasyllus to task for
the opening Euthyphro,Apology, Crito, and Phaedo quartet (Snyder 2000: 98-99);
a long tradition of ancient attempts to determine the ROPD (Festugière 1969;
Mansfeld 1994: 64, n. Ill) was guided by what Poster calls "theoretical and
metaphysical order" in sharp distinction to the "dramatic chronology" that guides
Thrasyllus, albeit to a limited extent (Mansfeld 1994: 67-68). But neither of
these two schools of thought privileged "pedagogical order" in the sense I propose.
This can be illustrated with reference to Alcibiades Major, both camps accept it as
genuine (Snyder 2000: 97) but those who place it firstin the ROPD—the camp
hostile to the First Tetralogy of Thrasyllus—did so for theoretical/metaphysical
reasons, not pedagogical ones. Proclus (O'Neill 1965: 1-4), for example* says
nothing about the fact that its childlike and natural simplicity—if the teacher
reads "Socrates," the student scarcely needs a script—makes Alcibiades Major the
ideal place to begin guiding the neophyte.1 The first principle of the ROPD
proposed here is that it is guided by pedagogical considerations: to speak very
roughly, the more difficult dialogues are to be read only after the preparation
provided by easier and earlier ones (i.e., earlier with respect to the ROPD).
This ROPD reconstruction project is therefore both old and new: it accom
plishes an ancient objective with means not ably employed in antiquity. Precisely
because most of those who sought the ROPD in the past were guided by a
Neo-Platonic contempt for the merely historical, they ignored the pedagogical
Phaedo tells a compelling stoiy with a happy ending about a remarkable hero. As
for Thrasyllus, the limits of his loyalty to "dramatic chronology" can be illustrated
by the fact that he failed to interpolate Sophist and Statesman between Euthyphro
and Apology in his First Tetralogy. Had he done so, he would have had, no sound
pedagogical reason for confronting neophytes with the difficult Sophist as their
second In short, the Phaedo last in the ROPD not only provides a
dialogue. placing
for the story of Socrates but also ensures that complex dialogues like
good ending
Theaetetus, and Statesman are read near the end of it. And it is certainly
Sophist,
Plato's concern for effective pedagogy that explains the priority of the elementary
Alcibiades Major.
It is probably no accident that a concern for reconstructing the ROPD would
as soon as the Alcibiades Majorwas dropped from the canon.2 Freed at last
disappear
1
Heidel 1896: 62: "Furthermore, in its character as a primer of Platonism in regards to ethics and
than can be found in
politics, Alcibiades I contains a greater number of distinctively Platonic thoughts
any number of even the greater single works of Plato. In this respect the dialogue may be pronounced
too Platonic." Compare Guthrie 1969: 470: "a dialogue which, whether or not Plato wrote it, was
for beginners'."
apdy described by Burnet as 'designed as a sort of introduction to Socratic philosophy
2 and the
Conversely, it is renewed interest in the Alcibiades Major (Scott 2000; Denyer 2001)
other anathetized dialogues (Pangle 1987) that has finally made it possible to renew the ROPD
all thirtyrfive dialogues widely available in
question. Cooper and Hutchinson (1997) not only makes
English but also contains the following observation (x): "Thrasyllus' order appears to be determined by
dialogues, the one that precedes and the one that follows it in the ROPD.
no single criterion but by several sometimes conflicting ones, though his arrangement
may represent
some more or less unified idea about the order in which the dialogues should be read and
taught."
3Grote 1865; Grube 1931; Souilhé 1949; Orwin 1982; Pangle 1987; Slings 1999; Rowe 2000;
With a title suggesting a beginning and a dramatic setting that wakes the dawn
{Prot. 310a8; cf. Phd. 118e7-8), the Protagoras is both a very difficult dialogue
and a very vivid one: it brings to life the historical context for even the dullest
student but would confuse even the brightest about a wide variety of important
subjects (Guthrie 1975: 235). A fourth principle of the ROPD proposed here is
that Plato employs "proleptic" composition: he begins by confusing the student
for the student to be confused about. To give the most important example: the
student who comes to Republic with Protagoras in mind—where piety may be the
fifthvirtue and virtue may have no parts (Prot. 349bl-3)—will be as justly critical
of the justice discovered in Book 4 as her search for an answer to Cleitophon's
burning question (Clit. 408d7-e2) will make her receptive to the subterranean
dialogues beginning with Protagoras and ending with Cleitophon (Rep. 520b6-7),
7 contains the essence of Platonism: Plato's teaching is his answer
Republic
to Cleitophon's question (Rep. 520cl). In accordance with the principle of
Plato is understood here as first and foremost a teacher, a
pedagogical priority,
teacher with a school—the well as a teaching. The dialogues are
Academy—as
intended to transmit that teaching through (1) the dialectic represented in the
dialogues, (2) dialectic between students about the dialogues, and (3)—this point
is crucial to reconstructing the ROPD—the inter-dialogue dialectic between the
dialogues (Kahn [1996: 42 and 274] justly adds the later Phaedo) will here be
called It will likewise be seen that the Plato who emerges from
"visionary."
the reconstructed ROPD will resemble what used to be called "a Platonist." He
5
Cf. Annas 1999: 95: "If we try to jettison the assumptions that the Republic is a contribution to
and central of the dialogues, the natural
political theory, and that it is obviously the most important
culmination of a development from the Socratic dialogues, and if we try to restore it to its ancient
an argument about the sufficiency of virtue
place—one dialogue among many in which Plato develops
for happiness—we shall have done a great deal to restore balance and proportion to "ourstudy of Plato's
thought."
through his writings. At the heart of his thought is "the Idea of the Good"
and, in its light, the true philosopher's just (and therefore voluntary; see Cic.
return to the Cave. He is not a "post-Modern Plato" (Zuckert 1996:
Off. 1.28)
48-56; cf. Strauss 1946: 361), his Socrates does not know (Ap. 21d7) that he
knows nothing (Strauss 1953: 32 and 1983: 42), and his use of the dialogue form
does not preclude the fact that he has a teaching (Strauss 1987: 33 followed by
Frede 1992). Although each dialogue is a beautiful work of art, the principle that
each dialogue must be understood without reference to any other—the principle
of hermeneutic isolationism (e.g., Press 1993: 109-111)—is antithetical to the
project undertaken here (see Ferrari 2003: 244). It may be useful to explicitly
identify the view that Plato has a visionary teaching and that he expressed it in
points that need to be made right away about "the basanistic element in Plato's
dialogues": (1) Along withproleptic and visionary (with which it forms a triad), the
basanistic element is best understood as one of three theoretical and hypothetical
springboards (Rep. 511b6) towards hermeneutic clarity rather than as a rigid and
exclusive technical term. (2) Although there is a meaningful sense in which a
given dialogue can crudely be called proleptic, visionary, or basanistic, it is better
to think of this triad as inter-related elements that can also be deployed in a single
dialogue, or even in a single passage (as will be demonstrated in section n). (3)
The basanistic element is like a springboard in another sense, the same sense in
which a good student actually learns from taking a well-constructed test. Plato
deploys the basanistic element for a triple purpose: (a) to ensure that the student
has grasped his visionary teaching, (b) to cause that teaching to leap from the
text into the mind of the student 435al-2), and (c) to point the student to
(Rep.
something even greater than what the teacher has already taught.7
6Cic. Or. 12 (translation mine): "Of course I'm also aware that I often seem to be saying
original
things when I'm saying very ancient ones (albeit having been unheard by most) and I confess myself
to stand out as an orator—if that's what I am, or in any case, whatever else it is that I am [au/
etiam quicumque sim]—not from the ministrations of the rhetoricians but from the
open spaces of the
Academy. For such is the curricula of many-leveled and conflicting dialogues [curricula
multiplicium
variorumque sermonum\ in which the tracks of Plato have been principally impressed." For translating
sermones as "dialogues," see Fantham 2004: SO, n. 2.
7
A crucial instance of the basanistic is Socrates' insistence at Phdr. 275d4-e5 on the mute
incapacity of a written text to create dialectic with the student/reader (compare Sayre 1995: xvi):
readers of Republic 7 who recognize themselves as the "you" Plato has addressed at
Rep. 520b5 know
this to be untrue. The Tubingen school—from Kramer 1959: 393 to Reale 1990—takes the Phaedrus
passage literally. A reductio ad absurdum on this approach is Szlezâk 1999: 46 where the dialogues
become "a witty game which gave him [it. Plato] great pleasure." Although it owes
nothing to the
§5. Centrality of Republic, having been prepared (§4) for the Good and justice.
§6. Visionary Teaching: Plato revealed (§5) as teacher and "Platonist."
§7. "Basanistic" Testing: students must reject falsehoods on the basis of §6.
The interplay of §4, §6, and §7 will now be illustrated in the context of Republic
1 (§5).
as Cicero and Cicero's Demosthenes did.8 That penalty is, of course, to be ruled
office-holding would be as eagerly contended for as office is now, and there it would be
made plain that in very truth the true ruler does not naturally seek his own advantage but
that of the ruled; so that every man of understanding [rcâç ô yiyvcôcjKcov] would rather
choose to be benefited by another than to be bothered with benefiting him.
the edge of tyranny and tragedy. For true philosophers, "not to rule" is doubtless
testimony of Aristotle (see Cherniss 1945), the ROPD is nevertheless analogous to "the unwritten
doctrines" of the Tubingen school; the former could easily take the place of the latter in the diagram
at Gaiser 1963: 6. Both approaches restore Platonism to Plato while denying that the dialogues
constitute "a journey of thought with no end" (Szlezâk 1999: 116). But in the case of the ROPD,
in particular
Plato's teaching is to be sought by the student/reader within the dialogues, Republic
(compare Ep. 7.341c4-d2 with Rep. 434e4-435a2) although the moment of unwritten illumination
takes place only within the student.
8 1966: 100: "as consistendy denied by modern
On Demosthenes as Plato's student, see Douglas
"
scholars as it is asserted by ancient sources....
is truly good (i.e., the Idea of the Good): good rulers, on the other hand, must
attend precisely to the indefinite plurality of things that are badly managed in
order to govern well {Rep. 520c3—6). Despite being by nature suited for something
entirely different, then, only true philosophers could yet become the kind of rulers
whose unitary goal is to see things well managed for the benefit of those they rule.
In short, only a philosopher, having no interest in making money, being honored,
or exercising power is, "in reality, the true ruler." Precisely because the CGMO
consists only of the good, none of them covets money or honor. The crucial point,
however, is that the penalty of being ruled by worse men does not exist in such a
When Socrates says: "every one in the know would choose rather to be
benefited by someone else than be bothered with benefiting another" (cf. Xen.
care of an infant, no child would nurse their dying parent, and certainly no
independently wealthy genius would take the time to teach students young or
slow-witted enough to require the crystal clarity of Alcibiades Major. It also
flatly contradicts what Socrates himself has just said: "the true ruler has not
the nature to watch out for his own advantage." Platonic pedagogy originally
revolved around the possibility that a freeborn Greek could be round
brought
{Rep. 518c8—9) to recognize that the self-interested position of 7tâç ô yiyvcoaKcov
is a slavish point of view.9 In any context, ancient or modern, the most
denying
important of all ethical truths—i.e., that altruism is good and selfishness bad—
forces students to discover it for themselves (cf. Cic. Fin. 2.118). The alternative
to reading this passage as basanistic is a slavish literalism in defense of an even
more illiberal selfishness. This is, moreover, only the first of three times that
this basanistic affirmation of selfishness occurs in Republic.10 But the basanistic
9Thrasymachus (Rep. 344c5-6; Shorey) claims that "injustice on a sufficiently large scale is a
stronger, freer [eX-euGspicoxepov], and more masterful thing than justice." Socrates aims to reverse this
judgment in accordance with noblesse oblige and he therefore depends on his audience's abhorrence
of acting the part of a slave. Callicles' conception of to Ô0UÀ,07tp87ieç(G. 485b7) is indicated by
comparing 485el and 486c3; Socrates reverses this formula beginning at 518a2 (already implied at
482d8). The process actually begins at Ale. 1.134c4-6: wickedness is Ô00À,07ip87iéç while virtue is
8A.eu08pO7cp87i8ç; Alcibiades is in a slavish position (134cl0-ll) from the start.
Compare Aristotle Nicomachean Ethics 4.1 (1120a21-23): "And of all virtuous people the liberal
[ol 8À,8u0épioi] are perhaps the most beloved, because they are beneficial [d)(j)éÀ,i|j.oi] to others; and
they are so in that they give [èv xfl ôôaei]." By definition the liberal (ol £À,eu0épioi) are not slavish,
i.e., selfish. See also 1120al3—15 and 1120a23—25.
10Rep. 347d6-8, 489b6-c3, and 599b6-7. All involve the distinction between active and passive
verb forms in the context of altruism and selfishness. In the second, not even the Book 1
penalty
impels the stargazing philosopher to struggle for the helm (this explains Rep. 498c9-dl). In the third,
Plato's Socrates would only be correct if there were no Plato's Socrates. See Altman 2009: 89-98.
the difference between active and passive verb forms—is clearer in the original
(347d4-8):
xqj ôvxi àÀriSivôç apxcov où 7té(|>OK£ xô aoxqj .ouji(|)épov aKoneîaGai àXXà xô x$ âpxo
(j.svcp- raaxs 7tâç âv ô yiyvcnaKtov xo cb<|>e^eîa0ai |aâM.ov D-oixo orc' âXXov tî a^Xov
wijieXôv Tipay^axa e'xeiv.
The true ruler (ap%cov) considers the advantage of the ruled (xoj à.pxop.Év<p) when
therefore precisely the opposite of the man of understanding. Unlike the true
ruler (t<m ovti à/.r|0ivoç dp'/ojv), the man of understanding (ttccç ô yiyvoocnccov)
is guided by his own advantage (to auxcp cu|i(j>Épov). On the other hand, it is
precisely the nature (tie^uke) of the true ruler not to be so guided. Although the
contradiction involved here is scarcely invisible, the student who turns to Republic
has just done—and reject the decision of the knowing man who would rather be
In the present case, it is Gorgias that "Plato the teacher" (cf. Stenzel 1928)
counts on the student remembering; indeed the passage is an unforgettable
one. Socrates had presented an even more controversial variant of the ethical
abyss dividing the active and passive verb forms in Gorgias: xô àôiKEÎv aïcrxiov
Eivai too â5iK£iCT0ai (i.e., "committing an injustice is more disgraceful than
a return who would think twice about suffering an injustice rather than avoiding
it altogether unethical to someone else. In practice, then,
by doing something
the to undergo in preference to performing it is much less
willingness injustice
common than to benefit others. But in theory, it is another matter.
being willing
Socrates can show, as he does in that to ciôikeÎv is bad for the soul
Gorgias,
(i.e., is not to auxw ou|a(^£pov) but he cannot do this in the case of to
simply
it's hardly to one's own to be benefited. Nor can
oj(|)E/.EK70ai: contrary advantage
he, in conformitywith the censorship imposed upon him by Plato's brothers {Rep.
358b6-7 and 366e6), invoke the Afterlife. In other words (and strictly in the
context of the ROPD), it makes sense that the paradox in Gorgias
active/passive
is easier (albeit and therefore earlier than its counterpart in
only theoretically)
Republic (§1) even if it is more striking, paradoxical, and far more difficult in
practice. But any student who has truly been persuaded by Socrates in Gorgias
will object to what she now hears in Republic, indeed the story of Socrates
from first to last concerns the benefactor (o cbcfm/aov) par excellence who willingly
endures being wronged (to àSiKeîaQcu), likewise par excellence. Therefore the
unresponsive text.
[I] Were it to happen that a city of good men came into being, not to rule would be as
prized as ruling is today, [II] and there it would become crystal clear that, in reality, the
true ruler has not the nature to watch out for his own advantage but that of the ruled; [III]
for every one in the know would choose rather to be benefited by someone else than be
bothered with benefiting another.
[II] and there it would become crystal clear [Kata(|)avèç] that, in reality, the true ruler [x(p
ôvtt àXrjGivôç apxcov] hasn't the nature to watch out for his own but that of
advantage
the ruled ...
This clause is a microcosm of the [II] visionary dialogues (or, in the case of
Republic, the vision-producing portions of a single dialogue). Everything here
11
See Miller 1985 for a path-breaking willingness to see Plato as.
directly engaging the reader.
is pure Platonism (§6): here, there is neither paradox nor test. The true ruler
possesses the noble nature that is inseparable from noblesse oblige. Plato knows
(i.e., has seen) that the possibility of toj ôvti à/.r]0ivôç ap/cov ("the true ruler
with respect to that which truly is") has been realized in both Socrates and in
so too will the re-made Plato now do the same for us: i.e., the purpose of Plato
is, in short, a crystal clear statement of altruism and, at the same time, the essence
of Platonic justice (§5). Plato does all this for our benefit, which is not to say that
it is not beneficial for him to do so as well. It has been well and truly said that
is the least highly paid but most rewarding profession. But it is not only
teaching
the teacher who knows as a matter of fact that to be ô cocj)e/.ojv is simultaneously
beautifully and that is why he also employs the basanistic element [III]:
[III]for every one in the know [râç ... ô yiyvcÔCTKWv] would choose rather to be benefited
what he has just said in the visionary section, Socrates here states
By contradicting
the of the truth in order to test the student (§7). In other words, Plato
opposite
the reader to raise the questions—and, on their basis, to make the
challenges
kinds of decision—that lead to the truth. Plato the teacher was not inclined, at
least after he had some teaching experience (because every teacher learns
gained
this lesson the hard way), to think that the student who enthusiastically agreed
with him about had or necessarily the point. A student
everything really gotten
could, for example, the Socratic in the for its logical or
praise position Gorgias
even rhetorical excellences but reveal—by a failure to interrupt here—her lack of
commitment to its implications. In short, as this third clause shows, Plato tests his
students. He can even use Socrates (to say nothing of less attractive interlocutors)
to trick the reader into something that is false for a pedagogical purpose
accepting
(Beversluis 2000). In fact, not only is testing an essential part of Platonic pedagogy
but an falsehoods, half-truths, or merely partial
having authority figure present
truths is the principal Plato tests his students/readers, i.e., begets in them a
way
firm possession of the truth. As a rule of thumb, it is prudent to think of the
teaches both student and teacher. In other words, there is a danger in taking
the notion of "test" too To be sure Plato wanted to test his students,
literally.
but as an end in itself. as well as teaching them through the
hardly By testing
basanistic element, he was able to create a truly dialectical his students
pedagogy:
come to know themselves in battle with the errors to which Plato deliberately
exposes them. When students reject the selfishness of "the man in the know,"
they not only are proved worthy but also confirm within themselves (Frede 1992:
219) the inborn insights of which Plato's maieutic pedagogy is intended to deliver
them.
All of these considerations are built into the word "basanistic." To with,
begin
most Platonic words for "test" are derived from pâaavoç.12 E. R. Dodds explains
the term in his commentary on the (1959: 280): it is "the touchstone
Gorgias
(Auô(a /aOoç), a kind of black quartz jasper ... used for assaying samples of gold
by rubbing them against the touchstone and the streaks left on
comparing they
it." The passage from which the use of "basanistic" is derived is Gorgias 486d2-7,
partly because what Socrates says to Callicles afterwards is exactly what I conceive
Plato to be saying implicitly to his students throughout (G. 486e5-6; translation
mine): "I know well that should with me concerning the things this soul
you agree
of mine [r| sjifi v|/oxr|]considers right, that these same things are ipsofacto [i]8r|]
»
true.
If my soul were wrought of gold, Callicles, do you not think I should be delighted to find
one of those stones wherewith they test [|3aaavîÇoucriv] best of them—and
gold—the
the best one; which I could apply to it, and it established that my soul had been well
nurtured, I should be assured that I was in good condition and in need of no further test
12
Plato repeatedly uses both the verb (3aaaviÇco (thirty-four instances) and the noun
pàaavoç
throughout the corpus. See in particular Rep. 7.537b5-540a2 and G. 486d3-487e2.
13 In
a lively exchange, Griswold (1999 and 2000) and Kahn (2000) have succeeded in
bringing a
series of questions relevant to the ROPD into the scholarly mainstream. Although the
pedagogical
solution proposed here is not mooted in their debate (but see Kahn 1996: 48), the ROPD
hypothesis
splits the difference between Kahn (with his dual commitments to proleptic composition and
chronology of composition) and Griswold (with his mixed commitments both to "fictive chronology"
and hermeneutic isolationism)
having excluded the second member of each pair. See also Osborne 1994:
58: "It remains unclear, therefore, whether the reader would be
expected to approach the Lysis having
the Symposium in mind, or to approach the
Symposium having already read the Lysis'' The simple
fact of her having raised this
question suggests that she inclines to the solution being proposed here,
although the leaden weight of "chronology of composition" is revealed at 58, n. 19.
mind" when he wrote the Lysis (Kahn 1996: 267). In Kahn's sense of the term,
I would agree that the Lysis is "proleptic."14 But a new sense
"proleptic" acquires
in the ROPD context; it is the to the "basanistic."
(prior) complement (posterior)
Once the meaning of "proleptic" has been transformed in this way, the intersection
between the first two sections of this article and mainstream Plato studies can be
stated: with respect to Symposium, the Lysis is basanistic, not proleptic.
Demonstrating this claim does not require re-inventing the wheel: the close
connection between Lysis and has long been recognized (Wirth 1895:
Symposium
216). In other words, the controversial aspect of this claim is implicit in the
term "basanistic" and thus in the notion of the ROPD; the textual evidence that
supports the claim—the close thematic and substantive relationship between the
two dialogues—is widely known and it is therefore to argue for a
unnecessary
new interpretation of It is rather a question of situating the best available
Lysis.
interpretations of Lysis in the context of the ROPD hypothesis. Kahn's serviceable
reading of the dialogue (Kahn 1996: 281-291) is certainly a good place to start,
and the evidence he cites for reading it as proleptic fully supports my claim that
it is actually basanistic.15 But there are two other more detailed of Lysis
readings
that deserve attention, each being constituted—appropriately enough, given the
pairing of Menexenus and Lysis in Lysis—by a pair. The firstof these is the recent
study of Lysis by Terry Penner and Christopher Rowe (2005), the second is a pair
of articles by Francisco J. Gonzalez (1995 and 2000a).
In "Plato's Lysis: An Enactment of Philosophical Kinship," Gonzalez (1995:
69) makes a brilliant observation:
The Lysis has the further problem that it has always existed in the shadow of two other
works that seem to provide solutions to the problems it raises: Plato's Symposium and
Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics. Consequently interpretation of the Lysis has generally
revolved around these, borrowing its light from them.
14Kahn (2000: 190) suggests that he is now disowning the term ("I was [rc. beginning with Kahn
1996] increasingly uncomfortable with the term 'proleptic' ..."); I am happy to adopt it. Although
derived from Kahn 1981a, 1988, and 1996, the term "proleptic" will be used hereafter only in the
context of the ROPD.
15
We agree that Lysis is a puzzle and that Symposium provides its solution (Kahn 1996: 266-267)
but only Kahn is concerned with squaring this insight with the chronological priority of Lysis (281);
this creates a tension in his broad conception of Lysis. Compare 266 ("no reader who comes to
in the Symposium could understand") with 267
Lysis without knowledge of the doctrine expounded
("Plato thus presents us in Lysis] with a series of enigmatic hints that form a kind of puzzle for
the uninitiated reader to decipher, but that become completely intelligible"); the ROPD eliminates
the problem. Parsing the exact difference between Kahn's views and mine is a tricky business: in the
ROPD, it is Hippias Major that is proleptic with respect to Symposium (Hip. Maj. 286dl-2: xi sail
to KaA,ov;) in Kahn's sense while Kahn himself rejects the Hippias Major as inauthentic (Kahn 1981a:
308, n. 10; see also Kahn 1996: 182).
Lysis accounts for the existence of all four of these types: deliberately created by
Plato as a test—a test administered to the young Aristode along with Plato's other
relationship between Aristotle and Lysis will be revisited at the end of this section;
for the present, it is sufficientto point out that Gonzalez situates himself in a fifth
category (1995: 70): "So long as this dialogue is not read on its own, its coherence
will remain in question." Despite his almost polemical insistence in 1995 that
his reading is independent of Symposium (1995: 71 and 88-89), Gonzalez clearly
derives little from Aristode (1995: 87, n. 38). Moreover, in his "Socrates on
Loving One's Own: A Traditional Conception of <1)1AI A Radically Transformed"
(2000a), Gonzalez drops his polemical stance and bases his compelling reading of
Lysis on conceptions that originate in Symposium (2000a: 394).
Penner and Rowe (2005: 300-307) explicitly address the relationship between
Lysis and Symposium and their conclusion is that the two are consistent
dialogues
(303). If Gonzalez is more influenced by the Symposium than he admits,
Penner and Rowe solve the on far more Aristotelian lines than Gonzalez
Lysis
does (260-279). But such a characterization is unfair to their brilliant and
subtle reading: it steers an ingenious—if potentially self-contradictory16—course
between Plato and Aristotle that preserves the best of both. This is not the
Naturally Penner and Rowe have no reason to ask themselves whether a student
could discover the essence of "the genuine lover" in Lysis without having read
Symposium.
The more intriguing implications of the basanistic element in Plato—that it
not only challenges the student to apply an earlier solution but leads her farther
as a result of doing so—is implicit in the claim made by Gonzalez (1995: 71)
that "Lysis goes beyond" Symposium (also Geier 2002: 66). Although by no means
entirely uncomfortable with the judgment of Penner and Rowe that Gonzalez
reverses here, the latter seems closer to the truth (Gonzalez 1995: 89):
The important point is that the Lysis, in pursuing the relation between love and what is
oIkeÎov, discloses something about love that we cannot learn from reading the Symposium.
But Gonzalez can only bring his reader to a place where this sentence is intelligible
turn, he is forced to add this second sentence. With so much excellent work
question: "What role does the Lysis play in Plato's pedagogy?" The broad answer
to this is embodied in the ROPD and more specifically in its basanistic
question
element. A few details are worth mentioning: the student/reader is
pedagogical
to recall Diotima's psxa^u (the Leitmotiv and àpyr\ of her discourse;
prompted
requires applying Symp. 205e5-206al (§6) to Ly. 221e7—222a3 (§7). The ideal
examination question for the basanistic Lysis would be: "Why is Lysis (unlike
Menexenus) silent at 222a4?" (Geier 2002: 136-137). I would suggest that the
silence of Lysis—like Lysis himself {Ly. 213d8)—is philosophical in Plato's sense
of the term while the Xuoiç of the is the third component of any true
Lysis
put that way: "Aristotle rejected the separable Forms." From Plato's perspective,
however, it would be stated otherwise: "Aristode never was able to grasp the
Idea" (cf. Chang 2002). Given the tremendous impact Lysis had on Aristotle's
conception of friendship,18 itself the culminating topic of his Nicomachean Ethics,
there is something to be said for the view that Aristode's failure (on Plato's
terms, that is) to pass the test of Lysis as a neophyte had a decisive impact on
9.9;19 a Platonist is spared this joyless task. But Aristotle's heroic struggle with the
by one who followed Diotima's hint that the essence of to oIkëÎov would more
nearly resemble what her student Socrates would later call "the Idea of the Good"
than it would the self s alter ego, so vividly described in the speech of Aristophanes
The last words of the (a) establish its dramatic connection to the
Symposium20
first words of (b) offer the reader/student the most clue to its
Lysis, important
interpretation, i.e., that Symposium itself proves Plato's Socrates right (and then
some) by being at once comedy and tragedy, and (c) indicate why—i.e., in order
to bring its tragedy to light—Menexenus is the necessary and tool
perfect teaching
(§4) for preparing the student/reader to interpret Plato could
Symposium correctly.
not have known that Athenaeus {217a) would record the (416
eventually year
that Agathon won the prize for Tragic Drama. But
b.c.) any reader of Thucydides
could deduce from the drunken entry of Alcibiades (cf. Thuc. 6.28.1) that the
cjuvouGia takes
(Symp. 172a7) place before the Great Fleet, under the influence of
18
Price 1989:
1: "In his two surviving treatments [jc. concerning friendship], in the Nkomachean
and Eudemian Ethics, Aristotle effectively takes the Lysis as his starting point; with no other Platonic
dialogue does he show such a detailed, yet implicit, familiarity."
19
Kahn 1981b; Price 1989: 122-123; Annas 1977: 550-551; Pakaluk 1998: 205-208 and 2005:
283-285; and Penner and Rowe 2005: 319.
20
Symp. 22362-12 (tr. M. Joyce): "Socrates was forcing them [jc. Agathon and Aristophanes] to
admit that the same man might be capable of
writing both comedy and tragedy—that the tragic poet
might be a comedian as well. But as he clinched the argument, which the other two were scarcely in
a state to follow, they began to nod, and first Aristophanes fell off to
sleep and then Agathon, as day
was breaking. Whereupon Socrates tucked them
up comfortably and went away, followed, of course,
by Aristodemus. And after calling at the Lyceum for a bath, he spent the rest of the day as usual, and
then, toward evening, made his way home to rest."
case of Mantinaea (Symp. 193a2-3; cf. Dover 1965) but probably only if they had
also read/heard Menexenus. And that is precisely the point: aside from Plato's
been dead for many years when Plato's Socrates enacts Aspasia referring to the
King's Peace {Hell. 5.1.31) in Menexenus (245c2-6). The important point here
is that without understanding the War, i.e., the dialogue's historical context, the
well.21
242e6-243a3 that is more important: she endorses precisely the pretext (Thuc.
21 for interpreting
Although this is not the time to argue the case, (1) the importance of Xenophon
Menexenus, (2) the fact that Xenophon also wrote a Symposium (see Thesleff 1978 and Danzig 2005),
and (3) the remarkable resemblance between Lysis and Mem. 2.6, all point to the same conclusion.
Will anyone deny that Plato's masterful Meno becomes a far greater dialogue for one who has read the
Eryximachus was implicated in the matter of the Herms (Nails 2006: 101). In
short, serious students of Plato need to ask what kind of readers he
anticipated
having and thus what he expected those readers to know. It is as mistaken to
doubt that Plato considered his to be a KTrj|ià èç alsi (Thuc. 1.22.4)
writings
as it is to assume that he believed every literary work he knew would share this
distinction. It may be useful to consider four of authors from Plato's
categories
perspective: (1) the ancient writers, like Homer, whose he
immortality clearly
anticipated, (2) contemporary writers who would survive along with him, (3)
those writers—both ancient and current—whom he set about to immortalize by
making them prerequisite to his own work, and (4) those who would either not
survive (77. 22cl-3) or do so in fragments (Ion 534d4-7). Whether he regarded
Thucydides as belonging to the second or third be debatable; that
category may
he both anticipated and counted on Thucydides' is not.
immortality
In her The People of Plato: A
Prosopography of Plato and Other Socratics, Debra
Nails (2002) has created a landmark in Plato studies. Not surprisingly—given
her intimate knowledge of the historical context—she has also written the best
piece on the tragic element of Symposium (Nails 2006). She shows the influence
of three events on the the profanation of the Mysteries, the mutilation
dialogue:
of the Herms, and the execution of Socrates. Possessedof so much knowledge
herself, she does not stop to wonder what Plato could his
reasonably expect
readers to know. This she fails to emphasize the most
probably explains why
obvious tragic element in the dialogue (Nails 2006: 101, n. 63): that Athens is
poised on the precipice of the Sicilian Expedition (Salman 1991: 215—219). It is
also worth that Nails not makes a "dramatic of Plato's
noting only chronology"
dialogues possible but that she is clearly interested in and
arranging, perhaps
reading/teaching them in that order (Nails 2002: 307-330; cf. Press 2007). To
the extent that she—in support of Charles L. Griswold Jr. (1999: 387-390
and 2000: 196-197)—is contributing to loosening the grip of the
chronology of
composition, she does well; to the extent that she one form
may simply replace
of modern over-concern with historical with an equally unhistorical
development
form of it, she misses the Harbor for the Herms (but see
Ly. 206dl).
This is not to that Plato was unaware of chronology: it is clearly one
say
of several themes—in addition to the War and its historians—that connect
Menexenus and (§3). Not does echo
Symposium only Aristophanes Aspasia's
anachronism but the as a whole with an anachronism detected
Symposium begins
and corrected 172cl-2). But there are other connections that seem
(Symp. many
more characteristic: the of both is problematic
provenance dialogues (Menex.
249el and Halperin 1992), both feature a wise woman
(Halperin 1990; Salkever
1993: 140-141), both women elucidate their theme with a
myth of origins
(Menex. 237el-238b6 and Symp. 203b2-d8), and both dialogues are concerned
with rhetoric—remarkably gorgeous at times {Menex. 240d6-7, 247a2-4 and
Symp. 197d5-e5, 211bl—2)—as revealed in reported speeches, a circumstance
that also joins both with Thucydides in yet another and remarkably subtle way
(Monoson 1998: 492). Andrea Wilson Nightingale has identified a theme that
binds together all three dialogues (Menexenus, Symposium, and Lysis): the dangers
of Diotima's (§6); the Lysis tests whether this trap has been avoided (§7).
It bears repeating that basanistic and proleptic must not be hardened into fixed
of Menexenus must explain: why did Plato (1) attribute the speech to
interpretation
Aspasia, (2) include the glaring anachronism, (3) systematically distort Athenian
and (4) write a funeral oration in the first place? The relation between
history,
Menexenus and in the ROPD has now provided answers to these
Symposium
But the dialogue with Thucydides that begins in Menexenus continues
questions.
in Symposium not only because the shadow of Syracuse (cf. Halperin 2005: 56)
over the festivities at Agathon's but because Pericles called upon the citizens
hangs
of Athens to become lovers of its power in the Funeral Oration (Thuc. 2.43.1)
and Thucydides reports that the passion Alcibiades ignited in the Athenians for
Sicily was erotic (Thuc. 6.45.5).23 There is a sense in which Thucydides is present
at the Symposium and delivers his own oration about Love. To put it another way,
22
See the opening sentence of Nightingale 1993: 112: "Plato targets the encomiastic genre in three
Kahn (1963: 220) adds a fifthcriterion that has nothing to do with Plato per
se: he requires to explain the fact recorded
any interpretation by Cicero (Or. 151)
that the Athenians of his day listened to a public recitation24 of the Menexenus
each year. Kahn intends this criterion to short-circuit the to present
attempt
the dialogue as "a playful joke" or a "parody or satire of contemporary rhetoric."
Although the dialogue is something more than these, it is also these; Lucinda
42—43) had destroyed its Periclean exemplar. There is considerably more civic
pride in Plato the Athenian than Plato lets on (Kahn 1963: 224).
Protagoras is intended to initiate the reader/student/hearer into that beautiful
(203b7) and Poros (203d4) in Symposium, on which see Halperin 1990: 148. Valuable work has been
done on the importance of Êpcoç in Thucydides; see
Ehrenberg 1947: 50-52; Bruell 1974: 17; Forde
1986: 439-440; Monoson 1994: 254, n. 8; and Wohl 2002: 190-194.
24Ion, whose hero's profession is to charm the audience (compare Menex. 235b8-c5 and Ion
535d8-e3) with a public recitation of Homer from whom he claims to have learned how to be a
general because he knows what it befits a general to say (Ion 540d5), precedes Menexenus in the
reconstructed ROPD.
25
Amidst so many publications on Symposium, the work of David M. Halperin (1985,1986,1990,
1992, and 2005) stands out—along with The People of Plato—as a signal achievement for contemporary
Plato studies in the United States; an equally brilliant article
by Charles Salman (1991) deserves wider
revealed the heavenly Beautiful just before Alcibiades the chameleon (Plut. Ale.
assimilated this essence in Lysis. The soaring soul that escapes into eternity in
test of Menexenus—who knows what Socrates was actually doing in Potidaea and
thus will experience Symposium as the tragedy it is. As one of three thousand
Athenian hoplites sent there to crush a revolt (Thuc. 1.61), Socrates arrives in
Potidaea just before the Great War broke out: indeed the Expeditionary Force
of which he is a spear-carrying member (Nails 2002: 264-265) becomes the
torch that will set all Hellas ablaze (Thuc. 1.56—67). Narrated by Alcibiades,
charming assassin of Athenian greatness, the story of Socrates' all-night vigil
is, like Symposium itself, susceptible of a comic reading: contemplation of the
eternal Idea remains a true delight. On the other hand, the historical, dramatic,
and metaphysical context suggests that it was not Being but Becoming (Shanske
2007: 119-153) that the stationary Socrates (Geier 2002: 19-20 and 63-66)
contemplated throughout that fateful northern night: he was imagining the
sinuous alternatives, both rational and senseless, of a movement unfolding in
time that Thucydides also realized right from the start would become something
massive (Thuc. 1.1.1). After many a terrible year, the conflagration will destroy
the power of the violet-crowned city whose lovers Pericles had exhorted its citizens
to be, eventually leaving them only Plato's Aspasia as ironic consolation for the
loss of a truly glorious past. In retrospect, it will be the moment just before the
departure for Sicily (cf. Thg. 129c8—d2)—historical setting for the intellectual
recorded in Plato's marks the turning point on this
triumph Symposium—that
fatal path to civic and comedy are fully mixed in "the last of the
calamity. Tragedy
wine" (Renault 1956) where Plato meets Thucydides. We owe it to those
only
who suffered in the quarries of Syracuse (Thuc. 7.87) to acknowledge
unspeakably
attention. It would also be cowardly not to acknowledge here my considerable debts to Renault (1956),
Hamilton (1930: 204-226), and Cornford (1967: 42-43). In the context of the latter, consider Annas
1999: 95 (cf. above, 21, n. 5): "It is easy to remain unaware of the extent to which our attitude to it [sc.
of Plato's thought, derives from Victorian
Republic], as a political work, and as the obvious centerpiece
traditions, particularly that of Jowett." Some eras are evidently more receptive to Plato's teaching than
others.
how much both historian and philosopher—to say nothing of Socrates (Thg.
128d3-5 and Joyal 1994: 26-27, 29)—loved the men and boys who so skillfully
and senselessly "raced with one another as far as Aegina" (Thuc. 6.32; Jowett).
Unlike Becoming, the Idea is eternally what it is and never over time:
changes
its contemplation requires no stationary Socrates. Neither did Plato ever abandon
it. It is, moreover, difficult to believe that anyone who actually embraces it
could think that he did. Why would he? Where he appears to be doing so—in
Parmenides, for example (Prm. 130el-e4; cf. Festugière 1969: 297)—he is testing
his readers/students to see if
they have. And beginning with Aristotle, so many
have done so that Plato's detachment from Platonism has become an article of
skeptical faith. This is the injustice that restoring the ROPD aims to redress: it
reclaims Platonism for Plato by allowing "the unity of Plato's thought"—without
excising its deliberately un-Platonic moments (Shorey 1903: 408)—to emerge
within a dialectical but ultimately harmonious pedagogical program (cf. Lamm
2000: 225). To be sure this Platonism will be unlike earlier versions; each age
must leave its own mark on the immortal dialogues of Plato. But an overriding
concern for "chronology of composition" nearly accomplished something entirely
unacceptable: it remade the philosopher of timeless into a mere of
Being process
Becoming. Beginning in the nineteenth Plato evolves', he seeks, discovers
century,
and then outgrows the idealism of his "middle dialogues." It is time to realize that
the nineteenth century, in accordance with its own (in a double sense
Zeitgeist
of that term) was to look at everything sub specie Whatever
predisposed temporis.
gains were made in other fields of the essence of Plato—for whom
study,
Becoming was unintelligible and the better (i.e., without
Progress) meaningless
the Good—could only become obscured Meanwhile a twentieth-century
thereby.
"Plato" has emerged who is even less Platonic: this el'ScoXov does not abandon the
Republic, it cannot tell us how to read them (Nails 1994). Even if the assumption
upon which stylometric analysis depends is correct and Laws was the last dialogue
Plato wrote, this still proves nothing about the tëA,6ç of Plato's thought in any
philosophical sense, or about how he busied himself at the end of his long life.
About this matter, Dionysius of Halicarnassus (De compositione 3.16) preserves
for the modern reader some external evidence:
ô 5è n^àxcov, toùç sauxoû ôiaXôyooç ktevîÇmv kcù PocrtpoxiÇoûv, kcù navra xpônov
àvanXÉKmv, où ôis^wcëv ôyôor|KovTa y6yovà>ç ëtr\.
And Plato was not through with combing and curling his dialogues, and braiding
[àva7iÀ.8Kû>v] them in every which way, having reached his eightieth year. (Translation
mine)
will scarcely surprise anyone one who has read them. On the surface, then, the
sentence suggests that (1) Plato took his dialogues seriously in a very playful
manner, tinkering with them until the end, and (2) Plato labored over precisely
the Platonic dialogues as a whole.26 This sentence expressly does not confirm the
typical vision of a tired old Plato, bent double over the tedious Laws—too sick to
make the required final revisions—and leaving behind only a few scattered notes
for Philip of Opus to turn into Epinomis (Diog. Laert. 3.37). It is only with this
conception that the ROPD hypothesis is incompatible, not stylometric analysis or
the question.
The most amusing element in the passage from Dionysius is his use of the
distinct strands and weaving them together, one over another, again and again.
In fact, the literal sense of the à va- (meaning "up," "over," or "over again") in
26 As when
a Mother, or dear older Sister, on the night of the Prom, lovingly arranges and
the skeptical eye of
rearranges the young girl's gown and tresses, again and again regarding—with
more than nostalgic love—each tiny detail before sending her off into the world of men.
27The most delightful use of the word is in Pindar 01. 2.70, where he conjures an image of girls
every way." In other words, this passage from Dionysius suggests that Plato may
have been tinkering with the ROPD—i.e., with the dramatic details on which its
construction entirely depends—until the very end.
To begin at the end, the Laws and are best understood as a thirteen
Epinomis
book basanistic anti-Platonic character becomes luminously clear
dialogue—its
in the star-lit Epinomis {Epin. 990al-4; cf. Rep. 528e6-528c4) reflecting that
character backwards onto Laws 820e4) for those who have not noticed it
{Leg.
already {Leg. 714c6, 661b2, and 648a6)—with the crowning impiety of Laws 7
{Leg. 818cl-3; cf. 624al) dead in the middle. The Athenian Stranger is, as Leo
Strauss discovered in 1938 (2001: 562), the kind of Socrates who would have
followed Crito's advice and fled from Athens to Sparta or Crete {Cri. 52e5-6). As
is the case with the Eleatic Stranger (Gonzalez 2000b), the Athenian's views no
more reflect Plato's than does the speech of Aspasia in Menexenus. And also like
and Statesman, Laws and Epinomis are embedded in the First Tetralogy of
Sophist
Thrasyllus, the latter pair between Crito and Phaedo (compare Leg. 647el-648a6
with Ly. 219e2-4). This leaves only one pair of dialogues in the quartet {Apology
and Crito) between which two dialogues have not been interpolated. Hipparchus
and Minos are a matched set (Grote 1865) who find no other home; the second
is propaedeutic both to Crito and the journey made in Laws {Min. 319e3; cf.
Morrow 1960: 35-39) while the pair mirrors Sophist {Min. 319c3; cf. Hipparch.
228b5-e7) and Statesman {Pit. 309dl-4). I propose that these curious dialogues
are the conversations Socrates had with the but
sympathetic anonymous jailor
of indeterminate age who bursts into tears in Phaedo (116d5-7).28 The fact
that both Hipparchus and Minos were personae non gratae in Athens illustrates
how comparatively restrained Socrates had been—and defensively patriotic on
one occasion when confronted by an Ionian's truth {Ion 541c3-8)29—before his
city definitively cut herself off from him; despite Hipparchus and Minos, Crito
reveals that he never did the same to her. This creates the following ending
for the ROPD: Statesman, Minos, Crito,
Euthyphro, Sophist, Apology, Hipparchus,
Laws, Epinomis, and the visionary Phaedo (§6). It is worth making it explicit that
Socrates is the philosopher whom the Eleatic for all his many divisions,
Stranger,
never distinguishes {Soph. 217a6-b3 and Pit. 257b8-cl) while the Eleatic Stranger
is, at best,30 the un-Socratic philosopher already described (§4) by Socrates in
Theaetetus (173c8-174a2; cf. 144c5-8). The Athenian Stranger, Plato's final test
of the reader/student (§7), is prefigured there as well {Tht. 176a8-b3).
28
Only if Socrates had added that the two had passed the time jiëttsuovteç could this connection
be called "snug"; it would also have made it obvious
(Hipfarch. 229e3 and Min. 316c3). But the
question of Law clearly links Minos and Crito. Consider ûsoAp. 41a3.
29
Neither Ion nor anyone else has heard of Apollodorus of Cyzicus; Plato alone preserves his
name. For the other two examples at Ion 541dl-2—one found in Thucydides (4.50), the other in
Xenophon (Hell. 1.15.18-9), both in Andocides—see the invaluable Nails 2002 adloc.
30
Straussians (e.g., Cropsey 1995) tend to be extremely reliable guides to the basanistic
dialogues
once one realizes that they mistakenly regard these as "visionary."
already being denied (Tejera 1999: 291-308; Nails 2002: 328; and Press 2007: 57
and 69) and the chronologically inexplicable Menexenus already shows a tendency
by the Stagirite. For what it is worth, finding places for Menexenus, Hipparchus,
and Minos was the most challenging problem encountered in reconstructing
the ROPD. But excluding any of them because "they did not fit" would have
vitiated the project, at least in its proponent's eyes. As it happens, all thirty-five
dialogues do fit and thus the ROPD is—mirabile dictu—confirmed at the very
same moment that it confers authenticity on its most despised components.
But it would have been impossible to discover even the general location of
there was no place for Hipparchus and Minos among the seventeen dialogues
that for Republic, while there was an opening for a matched set after
prepared
it.
2.148a8-b4) that the things he had originally hoped that Socrates would help him
acquire {Ale. 1.104d2-4) are actually worth acquiring (§1). This rehabilitation
of ignorance {Ale. 2.143b6-c3) already (§4) stands in sharp contrast with the
rival pretensions of the knowledgeable Hippias {Ale. 2.147d6) who was present,
along with Alcibiades and Socrates, in the house of Callias {Prot. 315b9-cl and
316a4). Plato's to create dialogues has already been observed
proclivity paired
in the interstices of the First Tetralogy; this pattern is established early in the
ROPD where two Hippias dialogues are paired with two Alcibiades dialogues, both
beginning with the greater {Hip. Maj. 286b4—c2 and Hip. Min. 363al—2). Since
(or "Rival Lovers") bridges the gap (§2) between one pair (Amat. 132d4-5 with
Ale. 2.143b6-c5 and 145c2) and the other {Amat. 133cll, 137b4, and 139a4-5
with Hip. Min. 363c7—d4). Lesser Hippias concerns Homer {Hip. Min. 363a6-bl)
and is therefore followed naturally by Ion (§3). The result is: Protagoras, Alcibiades
Major, Alcibiades Minor, Erastai, Hippias Major, Hippias Minor, Ion, Menexenus,
Symposium,and then the basanistic Lysis (§7). It will be noted that Tetralogy 7 of
Thrasyllus is identical, while Tetralogy IV contains, given the difficultyof placing
Hipparchus, but one perfectly understandable error. It will also be noted that
the visionary Symposium (§6) is ninth in the ROPD: mid-point of the seventeen
Republic dialogues (§5).
Between Lysis and Republic, the greatest problem is the placement of Theages.
Completing the set of five "virtue" dialogues (without it, there would be no
Thg. 128d2) that suggests the answer: Theages comes between Gorgias and Meno
(compare also G. 515dl, Thg. 126a9-10, and Men. 93b7-94e2) and prepares
the reader to take the conclusion of the latter (cf. Reuter 2001). The
seriously
danger posed by Anytus joins Meno to the preliminary charge brought against
Socrates in To return, then, to is followed (cf.
Cleitophon. Symposium-. Lysis
Tetralogies IV and V) by Euthydemus where Socrates reaches the Lyceum
finally
and Ctesippus (Ly. 203a4) wins the love of his beloved {Euthd. 300d5-7) in
a manner that shows how well he has been (Altman 2007: 371-375).
taught
Remaining in the Lyceum (§3), the men fighting in armor {Euthd. 271d3) join
Euthydemus to Laches {La. 178al) which is linked, in turn, to Charmides, not
only as a virtue dialogue but by the War {La. 181bl and Chrm. 153al; cf.
Symp. 220e8-221al and 219e6). It should be emphasized that Laches stands
prior to Charmides not because of the former's dramatic link to
only Euthydemus
but also by virtue of the latter's comparative complexity (see Guthrie 1975: 125
and 163). Another kind of war breaks out in the late arrival
Gorgias', opening
is a joke (G. 447al-2). It is Plato's manly/cowardly former self that connects
Charmides—a dialogue filled with Plato's relatives (Nails 2002: 244)—to Gorgias.
In Callicles we meet the pre-Socratic Aristocles (Dodds 1959: 14, n. 1 and
Bremer 2002: 100—101) in whom Socrates finally discovered his touchstone, by
whom he would be completed (cf. Arieti 1991: 92), and through whom he would
Republic.
the central tetrad right: once the purpose of Cleitophon is
Thrasyllus gets
recognized, Republic, Timaeus, and Critias are explicitly linked. The question is:
where to go from there? Readers of Thucydides have heard quite enough from
Hermocrates the Syracusan (e.g., Thuc. 6.76.2-77.1; cf. Criti. 108b8-4); there
is no Hermocrates least more than the is missing.
(at by Plato) any Philosopher
The dialogue that breaks off on the brink of its final speech ( Critias) precedes the
that does not begin at its own beginning. "Protarchus" as follower
only dialogue
(Phlb. llal-2) is but the firstanomaly of Philebus. But before proceeding—and
in recognition of the fact that the ROPD falls, as it were, off the edge of the
world at Critias 121c5—it is necessary to take stock. Only the most committed
of dramatic chronology will deny on the basis of its frame (not so Nails
proponents
2002: 320-321 and 308) that Theaetetus Between Critias and
precedes Euthyphro.
Theaetetus, there is room left for four dialogues. In alphabetical order, the dialogues
that remain are: Parmenides, Phaedrus, and Philebus. There are few
Cratylus,
dramatic or chronological indications to work with here but various "theoretical
32 The could
assumption that Callicles (to say nothing of a modern reader influenced by Nietzsche)
not change his mind under the influence of Socrates in Gorgias (Beversluis 2000: 375) is unwarranted.
In the case of Plato and Callicles, compare As You Like It (IV.iii.135-137): "Twas I; but 'tis not I.
I do not shame to tell you what I was since my conversion so sweetly tastes being the thing I am."
Recognizing that Plato was fully aware of Socrates' and his own pedagogical effectiveness and the
is a good first step; many errors
literary immortality that would attend the two together (G. 527d2-5)
of interpretation could also be avoided by keeping in mind that Plato loved both Adeimantus and
Glaucon, his brilliant older brothers immortalized in Republic.
331 am grateful to Catherine Zuckert for bringing this connection to my attention. I have made
a deliberate decision not to revise this paper on the basis of my subsequent encounter with Plato's
for my review of this important book,
Philosophers: The Coherence of the Dialogues (Chicago 2009);
see Polis 27 (2010) 147-150. Profoundly grateful to Zuckert for broaching the
ROPD question in
the context of a post-developmentalist reading which conceives all thirty-five dialogues as dialectically
of
coherent, I observe there that her order's dependence on dramatic chronology "has traded one form
chronological over-determination for another" (150).
given the latter, it lacks both sex appeal (but see Wood 2007) and charm; .these
defects—but not others—are lushly redressed in Phaedrus?A
Protagoras Timaeus
Euthydemus Apology
Laches Hipparchus
Charmides Minos
Gorgias Crito
Theages Laws
Meno
Epinomis
Cleitophon Phaedo
Guardians, the reader/student is led up to the sunlight (§6) and then, before being
sent back down into politics at the of thirty-five,35 is tested (§7)36—before
age
34
A serious problem needs further attention: on the basis of what
plausible conception of what
Plato expected his readers to know are we to distinguish Critias in Critias from Critias in Charmides
(Rosenmeyer 1949; Lampert and Planeaux 1998) and Cephalus in Parmenides from Cephalus in
Republic (Prm. 126al-4; cf. Miller 1986: 18-23).
35
Rep. 539e2-540a2 (Shorey): "For after that [îc. after the Guardians reach the age of thirty-five]
you will have to send them down [Katapipaaxsoi] into the cave again, and compel them to hold
commands in war and the other offices suitable to youth, so that they may not fall short of the other
type in experience either. And in these offices, too, they are to be tested [[iaaaviaxéoi] to see whether
they will remain steadfast under diverse solicitations or whether they will flinch and swerve."
36
Rep. 537d3-8 (Shorey modified): "when they have passed the thirtieth year to promote them,
by a second selection from those preferred in the first, to still greater honors, and to examine,
testing [paacmÇovca] by the capacity for dialectic [-cf)xoû ôiaXéyecsQai Sovâ|a£i], who is capable of
leaving "the Academy"—as to the strength of her commitment to the Idea of the
Good.37
a manner as to bring (or begin to bring) the true philosopher into sight:
And is not this true of the good [xoû àyciBoG] likewise—that the man who is unable to
define [ôiopîaaaBai] in his discourse [xq> X6y(p] and distinguish and abstract from all
other things [arab xcov aM-oov tkxvtcov â<|>eA,à>v] the aspect or idea of the good [xf)v xoû
àyaGoô i5éav] ... {Rep. 534b8-cl; Shorey)
Applied to the ROPD, these words indicate that: (1) if the Good is present in
the dialogue (tcp Xôycp)39but hidden, the student must find it; (2) if the presence
of the Good is merely the student must expose this appearance as
apparent,
fraudulent; (3) if the Good is entirely absent, that is decisive for anything else the
discourse and (4) if the Good is present, the student must cleave to it.
my contain;
Ijari Kotxà So^av àXXà Kax' oùaîav jtpoGoiaoûpevoç êAiyxeiv], proceeding throughout
its way [SiaJtopsûrixat] in all of these [èv nâoi xouxoiç] [if. refutations] with the discourse
[â7txrôxt xcp À,6ycp] ... (Rep. 534cl-3; translation mine)
untoppled
(see above, 23, n. 7). Either way, the Letters should be read as an integrated literary work—with
its most important component artfully placed in the center (there are thirteen Letters)—contrived
for a stricdy pedagogical purpose, not as a collection of alternately accurate or inaccurate historical
documents whose veracity we are challenged to determine. See Strauss 2001: 586; Dornseiff 1934;
and Wohl 1998.
39
It will be noted that, although I have retained Shorey s translation for this first section (I will
be using my own translations for the next two), his rendering of tco Xoytp as "his discourse" is too
restrictive. I am suggesting that the student, not while speaking his own speech but while reading
any particular dialogue (as if it were TCp [too nÀ.àTCûvoç] À,ôycp) must be able to separate (i.e., to
ÔiopiaaaGai by à<J>£Àà)v) the wheat (i.e., ttjv too àyaGoG iôeav) from the chaff (i.e., àjiô tcdv aAAcov
rcavTcov), all explicitly named, defined, and treated as such.
the man who lacks this power, you will say, does not really know the good itself [aôxô to
àyaGôv] or any particular good [ooxe akko àyaGôv ooôsv] but if he joins himself in any
way to some image [àXV eX JtfleIScoàou xivôç èijiàrtxexaij he does so by reputation but not
40
Rep. 535b6-9 (Shorey): "They must have, my friend, to begin with, a certain keenness for
study, and must not learn with difficulty. For souls are much more likely to flinch and faint in severe
studies [âv ia/upoic fiaOr^iaaiv] than in gymnastics, because the toil touches them more
nearly,
being peculiar to them and not shared with the body."
41
Rep. 531c9-d4 (my modification of Shorey): "And I'm thinking also that the investigation of
all these studies we've just gone
through [r| tootcdv Ttavxcov a>v SiE^WiOanEV nÉ0o5oç], if it arrives
at the connection between them [ÈJtî tr|v àM.r|taov Koivcovîav
àijiÎKTiTai] and their common origin
[aoyyéveiav] and synthesizes [ouXAoyicrSfl] them with respect to their affinities with each other
[rj
ecttiv àÂ>,r|Àoiç oÎKEÛx], then to busy ourselves with them contributes to our desired
end, and the
labor taken is not lost; but otherwise it is vain."
A2Rep. 537b8-c3 (Shorey): "'Surely it is,' he said. 'After this period,' I said, 'those who are
given preference from the twenty-year class will receive greater honors than the others, and they will
be required to gather [auvaKtéovJ the studies which
they disconnectedly [xâ te xûôrjv ^aOr^aia]
pursued as children in their former education into a comprehensive survey [siç oôvov|/iv] of their
affinities with one another [oîk£i6tt|t6ç te àM.r|Xa>v tSv
paOrinaTtov] and with the nature of things
[koù ttÏç toû ôvto, <|)6cte(ûç]'." What Socrates here calls a cjûvoyiç I am calling the ROPD: a
comprehensive vision of the only surviving Platonic nuOriuu :a the reconstruction of which would
it is hard to say why Socrates—who has been very careful to discuss these in the
search for the ROPD has and will long remain a delightful and perfectly harmless
the ROPD could be considered more serious than a merely pleasant pastime, one
must never lose sight of the playful Plato, he who created the most beautiful flute
Depto. Filosofia
Florianôpolis 88.010-970
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