NIGHT OVER THE PHILIPPINES he decade that closed the nineteenth century was for the Philippines a period of what may be termed militant nationalism. The Katipunan, a distinctively plebeian society, was the result of mutually interacting forces that gave away the texture and character of the Spanish administration in the Islands. Asa secret society that sought to redress the accumulated grievances of generations, it had adopted a plan that was precisely the very consideration against which Spanish insolence and malfeasance were directed. Society, rotten to the core, exuded an odor that polluted the atmosphere for more than three hundred years and led to the migration of the Filipino intellectuals to healthier climes. The national economy, founded upon the medieval concept of master and slave, was paved for the introduction of a robust class of landed aristocracy, while the broad masses groaned and grew numb under the spell of poverty and profound ignorance. Education was in the hands of the friars, and the friars waved the cloak of religion to dazzle the eyes of the Filipinos and so made them helots of a power that wanted to perpetuate itself by conveniently forgetting the principles and virtues for which it stood.‘THE REVOLT OF Tap these forces one influencing theother. situation was cre, ‘Andsooutof Tonger possible 0 breathe and live freely, creatively ful inwhich ies 7 er aswas te mosntimatelyafected, to draw upg . beet ai was the means and freedom the ultimate end, symbol it caossinonehandandaswordinthe other the Spanish conquistadre, WiTHAt pon te Filipinos a feudal system that has persisted to this day imposed uP ified form. The power of the sword and the esoteric although in a +rhad made iteasy for the conquerors to divide the vast ante a cal mong the faithful Spanish subjects who Facilitated the ction ‘and colonization of the “heathen” country." Philippine feudalism maeveededouottheenconfendasysemenarinthe course ofa Few years hag seca the cif source of eriinal abuses onthe part of the encomender, Tributes were paid by the Filipinos in exchange for being ruled ruthlessly ad exlted bythe new masters? While theoretically the Filipinos were to be treated with utmost consideration’ and taught the rudiments of the Christian religion, yet the practice was so far in direct violation of royal decrees that a duality of conscience was thereby instituted. Hence, the origin of the master morality and the slave morality under a regime of Christian piety and forgivenes. If, on the other hand, the early Spanish prelates took the side ofthe exploited people against the opportunistic encomenderos, it ‘was not because they were interested in the economic and social welfare of the Filipinos, but because they saw that the exploiters had failed miserably to instruct their wards in religion, Loe the rapacious encomenderos were supplanted by the very class fought them here and in Spain, Even so, it was nothing more thana che of masters. The friar estates increased and with this, came a sudden waninn ee thepriestly class an all-pervading power in all phases destitute, The eensat See onthe other, made the Filipinos utterly hnteriiaeaiets se attitude of the friars and their administrators and forced aborted sa the unbearable exactions in taxes, tributes Peasants to commit atrocities that ordinarily would have been shock to air their icc ‘natural and justified when no means were left Tesentment.thepeasantofung te: I ane of those moments of bitter “anand Nasugbu, Batangas, contending that their lands has been unj "sty srpedfromthem and thatthey were even prohibited 1: Might Over the Phllppines 7 from getting wood, rattan, and bamboo to be used for their homes and daily chores, without paying the amount demanded by the friar-owners, attacked and plundered the houses of Jesuit fathers in 1745. The trouble spread rapidly to the town of Taal,and no amount of exhortation could persuade the peasants to go back to their homes and lay down their arms. Nor was the uprising in Batangas an isolated case. Restlessness and discontent, followed by an appeal to arms, the agrarian troubles in Silang, Kawit, Bakood (all in Cavite province), Hagunoy (Bulakan), and Parafiaque and San Mateo (now in Rizal province.) The protests of the peasants, namely, that they were cheated of their lands “without leaving them the freedom of the rivers for their fishing, or allowing them to cut wood for their necessary use, or even to collect the wild fruits” or “to pasture on the hills near their villages the carabaos which they used for agriculture," led the peasants of those towns to evade or refuse the payment of taxes imposed upon them by the administrators of the friar estates—and, finally, to open rebellion. It was due to the increasing agrarian troubles, caused by heavy taxes and the trickery on the part of the friars, that the King of Spain issued a royal decree (November 7, 1751) ordering the government authorities in the Islands “to exercise hereafter the utmost vigilance in order that the Indians ... may not be molested by the religious, and that the latter should be kept in check in the unjust acts which they may in the future attempt against not only those Indians but other natives of those islands." The decree was just, human, and understanding, butit became no more than a dead letter. $0 demoralized had the friars become that to find one who did not take advantage of his position in the social hierarchy was indeed a rare exception. “The English traveler and chronicler, John Foreman,’ said: So large was the party opposed tothe continuance of priestly Influence in the colony, thata six months’ resident would not fal to hear ofthe many iniquities with which the Friars in general were reproached ...And itwould be contrary to fact, too, to pretend that the bulk of them supported their teaching by personal example. Ihave been acquainted with a great number ofthe priests and their offspring too, inspite oftheir vow of chastity: whilst in comparative luxury, notwithstanding their vow of poverty. many lived [A priest of evil propensities brought only misery to his parish and ‘aroused a feeling of odium against the Spanish friars in general. As‘THE REVOLT OF Typ assy ative in contempt. He Who Should be thy tically as the subject of whose life, liber rights were in Bis sacerdotal lord's power. And that exercised fr ifa native refused to yield to hig te with suficent liberality toa religious fease, ‘or neglected the genuflection and kissing of ld become the pastor's sheep marked for he could give full vent to his animosity by thorities as “inconvenient in the town’ aj) the despa ipcanbents toy held vas ni ad cl as not unrequenty xjs,or did not com teed comet MIS ands... he and is family wo sacrifice .- _ From time to time seeretiy denouncing 0th civil aut ‘Bove wham he wishes to get i of, made worse by the incompetence and dishonesty ofthe ce utores twas very dear thatthe lipins existed forthe explolaton tthe ruling cass. The government officials, always COrrupt, were onthe nokotfr personal gainand sawtoitthatthe collection and fees went othir pockets, while atthe same time they exercised, contrary to law, the right to fommate payment oftates or to reduce the amount to be paid in consideration ofcertain sums paid them furtively. The ignorance of the masses was taken advantage of by those in power, and numerous levies and additional taxes ‘pot sanctioned by law were slapped upon the people. Extortion, inspired by {Ignorance was resorted toby the Spanish officials. So irksomely burdensome were the taxes thatthe people had to exercise the most heroic fortitude in ‘meting ther obligations which were without the corresponding rights and Drvleges. The directand indirect taxes, including income and personal taxes, taxeson monopolies andlowery,and miscellaneous taxes’—these made life for ren rie tie there was the cedula personal paid byall roa see ‘and over, amounting to P3 upward, according ee = Those who paid below P7 were required to work for days at forced labor, failing which the i ed Thaker ard a e sum of PA. daily was imposed ‘aid a municipal tax of P3 in lieu of forced labor” On top of this, th monopolisosenstin rash government introduced the system of tobolster wasstand ands the revenue. While theoretically the meast’e thecomptin stent eee ofthe peopl, the many abuses = ‘umblings of discontent hate neem ofthe laws led to frequent that contributed i i eSrnhsinnet nie easure tothe growing ‘Thissituation was! 1: Night Over the Philippines Established in the Islands in 1782 at the instigation of Governor Basco, the tobacco monopoly became in time the fount of abuses and corruption of government officials charged with the supervision of cultivated lands Farmers’ homes were searched for no other reason than to intimidate the ignorant peasants, and it was not uncommon that crops were not paid for ‘except in empty promises, while the money realized from the actual sale of the tobacco leaves went to the pockets of dishonest and scheming officials. Worse, the peasants who grew the tobacco leaves could not even afford to smoke, for the price of cigars was so prohibitive that to smoke was for them to indulge in luxury. ‘The establishment of other government monopolies, such as those on wine and playing cards and buyo, added insult to injury; and the long-suffering Filipinos, whose economic plight could not be set apart from their ignorance, gave vent to their inarticulate protests by creating disturbances in several places. Thus, at one time, the Hokanos, accustomed to their beloved basi, revolted if only to prove that wine could not be denied them without clipping the wings off their songs. Though the disturbances were quelled with ease, the government nevertheless became aware ofthe bad effects of the monopolies: in 1882, the tobacco monopoly was abolished. No COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION could have been better on paper than that of Spain. But the trouble was in the practice. Every illiterate Spaniard that found his way into the Philippines was thought of as a fool ifhe did not help himself to the coffers of the state. Officialdom was not only corrupt: it was ignorant, incompetent. Thus, Tomas de Comyn wrote in 1810: In order to be a chief of @ province in those islands, no training cor knowledge or special services are necessary; all persons are fit and admissible .... Itis quite a common thing to see a barber or a governor's lackey, a sailor or a deserter, suddenly transformed into an alcalde ‘administrator, and captain ofthe forces of a populous province without any ‘counselor but his rude understanding, or any guide but his passions.’ ‘The administration of the provinces was, till 1886, in the hands of iges. This anomalous set-up was so provincial governors who were also jud; stupid that any appeal against the decision ofthe governor mustnecessarilybe‘THE REVOLT OP Tap yy shegovernorhimselacngthistime seg, -seathroughandiNGBe” costly, but also characterized by fai ed were not ony prota ; eal both in civil and criminal cases (by writ, rec ode of ofudges alone, lays them open to athousang athe le be supposed incorruptible, his notaries og eerbentes) are nt so: and fom their knayery, writers one ied orone paper is exchanged for another whe seater Ascolese romone province and which should have beg, tof roads and the building of schoolhouses were inthecapital and applied tocther purposes" Thy. raepidemicthat swooped down upon Batan ah about $300,000 had been colleeeg we porshuptothat)ear the central government denied the locality any sal Biges wereleftutofrepaigand noamountof prodding could persuade the authorities to rebuild them. Yet taxes were So high that the people could only mtterand grumble ndertheirbreath. A tribunal would be commenced only tobe lft unfinished and to rot, while roads connecting one town with another were In such deplorable condition that only carabaos or the famous Batangas horses could plow through them. Duringrainy season the roads were inaccessible evento experienced and hardy mountaineers." cout Trials resigning Then, too, fun used in the improvement “seized by the authortiesi One of the most serious indictments, however, against the Spanish administration in the Philippines was its system of education, in which the friar was the centeraround wham everything revolved, Religion was the dominant ‘subject, and fear of God and respect for the friars, under all circumstances, were inculcated into the minds of the ‘people with a severity thatleft no room forthe ‘expression of doubt. Whatever good Intention the Spanish home government had of improving the educational system was thwarted by the attempts of the flrs to hedge up and put obstacles in the way leading to the fulfillment ie decrees. Thus, Fay Francisco Gainza, vice rector ofthe University of into Tomasand memberofthe Crespo Educational Commission, passionately ‘objected to the ipinos on the ground that to doso teaching ofSpanish tothe Fill sto ‘Was to offer them a common national language and so “pave the way for the ‘coming in of Protestant ideas"? 1:Mght Over the Fhilppines In glancing upon the list of subjects taught during the Spanish regime in the primary schools, one might be tempted to conclude that there was Probably nothing left to be desired. Yet, actually the curriculum “was rather limited and inadequate”**Schools were conducted in the stables of the friars, and as learning was by rote and knowledge was predicated upon the ability to memorize long passages without any attempt at making the pupils understand them, it is not an exaggeration to say that the poor pupils went out of the schools as ignorant as when they first entered it. Dr. Rafael Palma, in appraising the education of the youth of those days, pointedly remarked:'* ‘The young man of yesterday was trained to conform absolutely to established dogmas and precepts. He was not taught to assert and to talk; ‘much less to discuss with his parents and teachers, From the very beginning he imbibed in the school a tragic version of lif. The axiom that “learning enters with blood” was adhered to with Puritanie persistency and severity | remember that in the little public school where I studied in my teens, my teacher used various instruments of punishment for different ends: a ‘palmeta (a wooden disk with a handle used in striking the palm of the hand) for those who could not show proficiency to write in accordance with the style ofthe times, and a whip for the back of those who could not recite well their assigned lessons by memory. At times when the teacher was in bad hhumor, the key ring, the inkstand, or any object within his reach would rend the alr with the heads ofthe poor students as targets. In the secondary schools, under the direction of the religious orders, no instruments of torture were employed, but the youth was subjected toa similar stern discipline, ‘The aims and objectives of the whole educational system were evidently to inculcate and force virtue through religious discipline, and to subordinate the knowledge and information about the world and nature, which were considered of temporary and transient character, to the concerns of the eternal life, of the expectations and splendors of the other world, Unpersuct atmosPHeREandunderan economicpattern thatwasbackwardly feudalistic, no literature worth the name could have developed. What passed for literature were the long, monotonous litanies and exhortations to the Almighty, the endless stream of booklets and pamphlets dealing with theTHE REVOLT OF THE 45 Rg the awits and corridos, and the jy, rhe aang fare ofthe masses; there was no freege orasalone wots nal to be licensed beats they could even be en a ~ aheritage of ignorance has persisted to this day jy this ratitutes, rogerer™ with the superstitions thay me remote - i e of a past age that still lingers in the yelloweg 5 tht the Filipinos living under unbeara sain had to revolt to show their dispeanne andextremely OpPrESSIN' Ts and treated. Those revolts, however, were ity and direction and had, consequently, tp pele, the Spaniards, faced with these end in extovaBart tne possibility of an extended and more intense internal roubles 2 Te reedom ofthe colony, never had the sensibiity overeat towards VET revolt that was ruthlessly quelled brought with ina progression of polices calulated deny to the Filipinos the decencies vadamenisof cilizedife. In 1610, however, due mainly tothe triumph of vpovafsminSpan.the lands were granted representation inthe Cortes, This ed up to 1837 when a law was passed by the ‘one progressive step was continu 3 Cortes declaring that all the outlying provinces of Spain were to be governed by special laws. After this short period, reaction once more reigned in Spain, ‘The beginning ofthe nineteenth century saw the emergence of the forces shatinexorably shaped the outline of Philippine nationalism, The opening of the port of Manila to foreign trade in 1841 brought prosperity and increased ‘exports to the Philippines."* No less than thirty-nine commercial houses were established in the Islands, and important products like sugar, hemp, coconut, ‘tobacco, and coffee were abundantly raised.” Such intercourse, which brought with it knowledge of foreign lands, could not fail to create in the Filipinos the spirit of inquisitiveness that by degrees led to a sense of independence. Out of this spirit of inquiry arose the Filipino middle class which led the liberal ‘movement that sought for reforms and urged change in the status quo. pst ere Increasing as it did the income of the county, #95 sat second, by the ae ii triumph of liberalism in Spain in 1868, dn ton ne Pein ofthe Suez Canal the following year Isabela Il, Sought refuge in France. Triumphant liberalism in int failure. Neve! 1; Nght Over the Philippines a the Peninsula led to the introduction of reforms in the administration of the Philippines: the governor's bodyguards were unceremoniously dismissed, while the governor-general himself, Carlos Maria de la Torre, walked the streets in muftl. Those who had been persecuted by the government and sent to jail were pardoned, and the principle of the equality of Filipinos and Spaniards was lald down as a rule to be followed. It was this principle that was to affect deeply the psychological outlook of the emergent Filipino middle class and that led them to voice their inhibited desire for fundamental reforms in all branches of the Spanish administration. ‘The opening of the Suez Canal in 1869, on the other hand, shortened the distance between the mother country and the colony and led to the exodus of Spanish immigrants to the Islands, and then to the introduction of ideas and books. These two factors, intrinsically far-reaching in their implications, led to the slow yet continuous wearing away of that insularity of outlook that the Filipino intelligentsia had hitherto been compelled to assume. Being of the liberal temper, the new Spanish immigrants did not use derogatory remarks upon the indios and even went to the extent of mingling with them. ‘These actuations on their part invited the suspicion of the friars and even exasperated the latter, for the former, belonging to the progressives of Spain, not only showed their contempt of the friars, but also outspokenly criticized them, Atthe same time, however, the coming ofthe Spaniards by the hundreds and thousands led to the demoralization of the whole administration. A bureaucracy was created and positions were given to the most incompetent Spaniards, The administration of justice was hampered and red tape was the rule. Worse, the Spanish lesser and higher officials were immediately replaced upon the arrival of a new governor-general, so much so that the highest executive was, with a bit of pardonable exaggeration, “always on the go" Even in the field of education, something was done, at least theoretically. ‘The return ofthe Jesuits in 1859, followed by the Educational Decree of 1863, improved somehow the educational system ofthe Philippines, for the Jesuts, Jong famous for their scholarship and foresight far ahead of any other religious order, maintained relatively high standard ofinstruction and hence stimulated the progress ofthe Philippines in education. Thus, those who could afford to study for a career were admitted into the Jesuit and Dominican colleges in Mania and elsewhere, and it was these Filipino intelligentsia that agitatedwi ye ? i 3 3 € : i i i 1: ght Over the Pauippnes tt for reforms, caleulated to improve the social and cultural status of the people. Even so, “the educational program remained to the end of the Spanish rule 2 pretentious but most superficial thing, more sounding in brass than solid achievement" ‘The factors that tended to develop the Philippines economically, social and culturally each reacted upon the other to awaken in the minds of the Filipinos a sense of nationalism, which the Spanish officials, at the instigation ‘of the friars, had prevented from evolving, Progress was inevitable; to stop it ‘was kind of Sisyphus task—as impossible as it was ridiculous. Feodor Jagor, visiting the Philippines in 1859-1860, made an acute observation whenhe said: ‘The old situation is no longer feasible with the social changes that time has wrought. The colony can no longer be excluded from the outside ‘countries. Every facility of communication opens a breach inthe old system and motivates reforms ofa liberal nature. The more capital and foreign ideas Penetrate, the more they augment the well-being, intelligence, and self ‘esteem, thus making the existing evils more intolerable.” PHILIPPINE NATIONALISM, sLowty developing and awaiting an opportune moment for it to show the stirrings of awakened life, had by this time accomplished very litte, ifat all, and was still timid and reluctant inthe face of unprincipled administration. Yet ina single stroke, ithad flared up silently and unobtrusively but had remained quiescent for more than a decade following the Cavite Mutiny of 1872. ‘The secularization ofthe parishes, which the Filipino clergymen had fought for with religious zeal, was one of the factors that lent color tothe struggle of the Filipinos for recognition. The attempts of Santa Justa in 1770 tasecularize the parishes, though failing init immediate objectives, nevertheless presented chance to the Filipino curates to work for the removal ofthe regulars from their parishes and their replacement by the seculars. It was not until the second half of the nineteenth century that the movement gained impetus with the exchange of the Recollect missions in Mindanaw, which were to be administered by the returned Jesuits for the parishesin and around Manila, at that time being occupied by Filipino seculars. Having occupied the parishes, the Filipino clergy believed that these belonged to them asa group. Consequently, the Royal Decree of September 10, 1861, which gave to the Recollects the curacies in and around Manila as compensation for the loss oftheir missionsTHE REVOLT OP typ s 2 ected toby the Filipino clergy. Father, eas vigorous ee ecclesiastical governor ofthe Phil i oleae iefense of the Filipino seculars when teas pablo 1 March 10, 1862, to intercede j, the pO o wot i ae 10, 1861, since the decre ee ofthe RY! well asco the Tega ns “ “umphartinSpainand, hence nthe Pip regressive step was taken either by the Fj. sited watever ES 1 paniards and immigrant liberals, Peningyy, tipping er of progress ance more dawned upon hg obs bes ‘ye queen sabe Iwas driven from Spin Thy ines went as Gomez, and Zamora, renewed the agitato, curacies. This movement did noting in Spain again won and setthe pater ilippie politics ce ceing ths period thatthe Cavite Mutiny of 1872 took pla, i frdorestared the ancien regime and demolished what rand made more secure the operation of censorship. sted to insure the safety and continuance of Shon lnprotestoerthe imposition ofthe old tribute, the workers ofthe Cavite arsenal mutinied. The Spanish administrators, acting promptly ‘nd rthlessly, put them down and linked the nationalistic priests Gomez, argos and Zamora with he disturbance. They were executed and those other Flipno priests who were supposed to have abetted the mutiny were banished tothe Carolnes Certain it was thatthe execution of the three priests merely served as"an excuse for vengeful violence,’ as a means of resuming control of Philippine policy” Persecutions followed, and the well-to-do Filipinos begen tosend their sonsaway to safer places. ispredecesorhad built: ‘Terroristic measures were adopt ‘Eade marae 1672 enbraron Pelsts en bares Flores de Maria, con rumnbo a Marianas ks icape age AE Nendo proce de Santa Crude Mania; ose Goer i aan ae decoo del Catedral Feliciano [Gomer]; Anaciet Desi ie ean ante: Tobie Par Mariano Sela capelan ei 107.9. 10a) lela Catedral y Pedro Dandan; ..” (Artigas y Cuerva, Los ues ‘Aecortogto an nindend Sertsiod Veen delfonooe nthe national archives, dat Mariano ted December 13,1874 lady fred hile the rest were still in Mariaas— (4) 1: Might Over the Phlppines De Jose Rizal is two novels are the most significant Philippine social documents. BTHE REVOLT OP Tag u ine of cleavaB™ between the 1W0 Peoples be, ine A prombere Om oiicaland racalcolorsbecame mare disting vay 7287 270 ne Filipino over Eis affair that he imme ne pred was the mind OFF rjeststhe vindictive character ofthe oa cembi tion S ing the sentiments of the Filipinos, dedicate ie 0 ‘Thus. : autores othe marty sng deyode you. as placed in doubt the cme oe iment, by surrounding your trial with mystery . was some error committed in f imputed upon the bei tat here wa sy anda se ee yy worshipping your memory and calling yoy ent andthe PADI culpability In 50 far, therefore, as your ed, as you may or may mutiny is not clearly Prov = ; oe forlustice and liberty, have the rightto dedicate ies of the evs which {undertake 9 combat Ang as {or Spain some day to restore your good names foryour death letthese pages Serve asa belated icone rac tomb, ad et tbe unerston ee nh, without clear proofs attacks yOUr Memory, stains his ands with your blood work to yOu ie we wa exectanty ‘The dat, it must be remembered, was 1872. The spirit of inquiry that pervadedthe atmosphere of Europe Inthe second halfofthe nineteenth century fed tothe toppling over of religous dogmas and to the breaking down of an economic system that was once potent because unquestioned. Liberalism rodeon the crestofthe reform movement everywhere In the Old World, while beyond the sea along, long night had descended upon the Philippines. The Dark Ages had enveloped the Islands and threatened momently to crush al attempts to introduce progressive reforms. Hence, it was that the Filipino students and intellectuals, unable to steer through the thick darkness in their native land, sought light in Europe, Notes a be puitmeral the encomlenda system in the Philippines, when, pursuant in15700 eel Philip issued on December 15, 1558, he went to Sugbu (Cebu) vos gnn dee eth and to loyal Spaniards CR. Recoplacion de las Leese 2 nds (Madd, 1842), libro VI, titulo 19, ley 6; and Emma Blat and Alerander Robertson, The Cropay, 1963-1908) vl ¢ nie ends (vlad, Ohio: The A.H.Catk 8. 9 10, u, 12, 13. 14 15. 16, 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. ight Over the Philippines 6 {Atfirst the natives paid eight reales as tribute but the amount was raised toten in 1589 by order of King Philip Il.One of the worst features ofthe encomienda system as enforced by the majority ofthe encomenderos was that the latter required the natives to pay the tribute in gold or in kind, depending upon which ofthe two was rare at the time of payment. Cf, Recopilacion, libro VI, titulo 8, ley 55. ‘Some of these laws may be found in Recopilacion libro VI, titulo 9, Cf Royal decree of November 7, 1751, in Blair and Robertson, op. cit, vol. 48,27 ‘et seq, For the agrarian troubles, vide ibid, 141, being an extract of 280, vol 11 of Concepcion’s Historia General de Philipinas Ibid. Jobn Foreman, The Philippine Istands (New York: C. Scribner's Sons, 1899),220 et seq. Carl. Plehn, “Taxation inthe Philippines” Political Science Quarterly 16,no.4,and 17,na. 1,and reprinted in The Philippine Social Science Review 13, no. 1 (February 1941), Foreman, op. cit. 248. Quoted in ibid, 231, “Remarks by an Englishman, In Blair and Robertson, op. cit, vol. 51, 88 et seq. Foreman, op.cit, 237. Ibid, 239. See also Sir John Bowring, A Vist to che Philippine Islands (London Smith Elder and Co, 1859), chapter XIV. Encarnacion Alzona,A History of Education in the Philippines (Manila: University of the Philippines Press, 1932), 50. Ibid, 108, Chapters VI and VIL ofthis book discuss the primary education and the textbooks used during the period. Rafael Palma,"The Revolt of Youth; The Philippine Collegian, September 12,1939. Conrado Benitez, The Old Philippines’ Industrial Development (Manila, 1916), 67 etseq. Ibid. James Le Roy,"The Philippines, 1860-1898—Some Comments and Bibliographical Notes” in Blair and Robertson, op. cit, vol. 52, 125. Feodor Jagor, Vijes por Filipinas, trans. S. Vidal y Soler (Madrid: Sucesores de Rivadeneyra, 1875), 303. Baldomero Pulido, “Rev. Dr. Pedro Pelae2” (master’s thesis, University of the Philippines, 1934), 78. Le Roy, op.ct, in Blair and Robertson, vol. 52, 128. ‘Translated by Le Roy.nesecon baffthenineteenth century in Europe found iberalism making Task ‘encroachment upon intransigent reaction that was fighting for theperpuaton ots power and prestige In Sain, owing tothe unsetleg pala conditions, progressive ideas existed only In whispers. twas notuny the atter part ofthe century that progressive ideas, now being enthroned in almastall quarters of Europe, took definite shape in the Peninsula and trickled their way into the Philipines. Already, the conflict between the Spaniards, particulary the friars and the Filipinos, was becoming more and moreintense andhae as pointed out earlier assumed racial colors, though in rare instances the Spaish liberals and progressives placed themselves on the side of the Filipino intellectuals who were working for reforms. Butvery litte had been accomplished in the way of easing up the tension. Freedom of expression was limited to the faction that was tenaciously opposed to the disturbance of the status quo. Censorship of the press was carried on with fanatical ith and with a consciousness of the divine right to assume the white man’s lordshiy p. Yet, despite all these restrictions, the Filipinos for th ; : * the ist time were able to voice their intimate feelings and their tage 6 2: The Awakening " sense of loss in and through their first creative artist endowed with a social conscience—Franciso Baltazar, Born in an age of political chicanery and social hypocrisy, Francisco Baltazar's sensitive mind saw the chaos of putrescent society given over to ‘moral extravagances, and out of this chaos he conceived of a work that would embody the longings and aspirations of his people. The rapid and widespread disintegration ofa life of which he was vitally a part, gave him the materials for the prosecution of a deeply-felt desire to speak forhis people and his time. ‘Thus, in 1839, clothed in literary allegory, his Plorante* at Laura’ escaped the rigid censorship of the press and came out with hosannas from the members of the board of ecclesiastical censors.* ‘The work, vividly conceived to portray the social cancer and to interpret the implied issues ofits time and the one immediately following, gave abundant evidence of a political and social restlessness that gathered momentum with the lapse of years. Plorante at Laura was not merely a romantic story seen through the eyes of a lovelorn bard. It was a severe indictment of the ruling race, a voice raised in protest against Spanish iniquities and oppression, a fierce outcry of a sensitive and wounded soul asking for justice. Sa loob at abas ng bayan kong sawi, Kaliluha'y siyang nanayayaring har, Kagalinga't bat ay nelulugan, Ihinis sa hukay ng dusa’tpighati, ‘Ang magandang asa! ay ipinupukot Sa laot ng dagat ng kutyo'tlinggatong, Bolang mogagaling oy ibinabaon Atilintibing na watang kabaong. ‘Nguni ay ang ilo’ masasamang loob, Sa trono ng puri ay Winuluklok, ‘tsa balong sukal na may asal hayop, ‘Mabangong incienco ang isinusuob, “This workcarties the ttle of Floranteat Laura nail ts known editions. Notuntil the manuscript canbe found, the way itis written in this book should be considered as that ofthe author only. — ) +The Comisién Permanente de Censura was not officially created until 1856, in accordance with the Royal Order of October 4, 1839, However, strict censorship ofthe press had been exercised by the ecclesiastical authorities even prior to the creation ofthe Comisi6n.+ " of der despond. stant el ington ci prt mateoilestherinreme vireo wile andthe mec nvronesf anor siren And before tose of bestia een, Incense s burnt, sweet scented, clean (Wickens struts by, proud ond sleek; ‘irtve moves ar forlorn and meek, eas inp es Wek ‘She ery wep. or wigs er check (Whe yet venture uphold Teco of rath of Wisdom bl, Serghovay re stuck dsc cold ‘pwr tare destin thee ol) Theselines,and many more lke them, gave courage and faith and hopeto the people soaceustomed to obey, to suffer,and to sob in silence. And Jose Rizal, leaving the Philipines at an early age to escape persecution, brought with bim, many decades later a copy of Baltazar’s narrative poem that influenced ‘him in writing Nol Me Tangere? Humble but thinking men, finding articulate ‘expression ftherthoughtsandfeelingsin the poem, committed it to memory and so kept the lame of nationalism ali the revolutio live i eels for years until lution mad Tavs par : the wild eae, ‘ugh tmight have been, was unexpectedly cut across ° Spanish intolerance and served, in later times, 2: The Awakening » a guide to the passage of free spirits. The press, to a certain extent, vupon the path that Baltazar had opened. With Le Opinién, a morning daily founded In 1887, a new era in Philippine journalism was ushered in, for it fearlessly took sides in political Issues. The paper, edited by two Spanish liberals, plunged with gusto and alacrity into controversies, particularly with the friars. And with its bold progressive views it awoke one morning to find itself on the shoulders of jubilant Filipino readers shouting its virtues to the discomfiture of the religious orders.* But the paper changed its policy from ‘one of aggressive liberalism to one of double allegiance, obviously to win ‘over the Spaniards and the Filipinos alike, and in trying to compromise the two opposite and hostile elements, its life was snuffed out. came La Espaita Oriental, founded with the avowed purpose of becoming a thoroughly nationalistic newspaper, failed in its mission, for the Spaniards and the Filipinos repudiated it and stopped their subscriptions—the Filipinos because it was not progressive enough; the Spaniards because it seemed too liberal. twas patent that the period, such asit was demanded only one attitude: either pro-Spanish or pro-Filipino, There was no middle-of-the-road policy, {or the conflict between the two peoples was not merely a conflict of interests ‘uta head-on collision of two disparateraces with irreconcilable outlooksand ideologies. Then to nullify whatever effects these papers had on the outlook of the people, the friars founded their own paper, La Voz de Espafa,in 1888, which defended their conservatism and their actuation. Itwas the last ofa series of attempts to retake the ground they had lost in the battle of propaganda. The Filipinos had slowly but steadily learned the lessons bequeathed by the past, and in their minds, compromise was synonymous with surrender. ‘A Few years back, in 1882, a man, on the threshold of middle age, began his career as a journalist by founding Diariong Tagalog and so started an era knowns the Propaganda Period*—an era that ended with his death in 1896. ‘The man was Marcelo H. del Pilar. If we take into account the needs and temper of the time, the Period of Propaganda must necessarily be of atype that can produce not literary works but tracts, not beauty clothed in playful fancies and seen through the artist's temperament, but plain facts made vibrantly alive by a violated sense of justice and decency and a growing social instinct. There was not much time for theMertonahote paper tomcat se pope toned ty Mereeke et Pia 2:The Awakening a Flaubertian style and intrepid search for the apt and precise diction. There must first be freedom before writers could acquire that degree of security and inventiveness and leisure so essential, first, in the conception of an idea nd, finally. in its happy externalization. And so the writers ofthat period gave themselves wholly to the voicing of the people's sentiments long restrained by acts inimical to and destructive of creative life. First they turned to a sort cofnostalgic romanticism of things native, asin Pedro A.Paterno's novel Ninay and his La Antigua Civitizacion Tagalog; then to a brutally realisticdelineation of character and local conditions, as in Rizal's Noli Me Tangere; and finally, to ‘an open assault upon the evils that lurked in the dark corners of Philippine life, as in Rizal's EI Filibusterismo, in Marcelo H. del Pilar’s corroding sarcasm and satires, and in Lopez Jaena’s satirical sketches and fiery speeches. GRACIANO LOPEZ JAENA, who escaped to Spain in 1680, had made himself the bitter enemy of the friars by writing at an early age a novel called Fray Botod* It was in 1889 that, sensing the necessity of an organ for active propaganda work, he founded La Solidaridad, whose first number came off the press on February 15,’ Itwas financed by a Filipino, Pablo Rianzares, and its first editor was Lopez jaena, “an orator of radical tendencies, a nervous and prolific writer, and who was under the protection of prominent Spanish socialists... On December 15 of the same year, he resigned as editor and del Pilar became managing editor upon acqulring ownership of the paper. Rizal was the scholar of the Filipino propagandists In Spain; del Pilar, their political analyst; and Lopez Jaena, their orator. As a speechmaker and orator, Lopez Jaena was a rabble rouser and took advantage of that supreme characteristic of Spanish prose, namely, bombastand fine” diction, to“agitate and excite the passions of the masses and provoke the anger and indignation” of his hearers? Yet, though nearly always explosive when on the platform, he ‘was, paradoxically enough, composed when writing for the papers. The Ife he had led up to that time had provoked him into defending the traits of his countrymen, even giving the world to understand that "ithere are mestizos who make good in every branch of knowledge, there arealso natives—Indias— who shine ina marvelous way oftheir own...” He believed, likewise, inequality as the cornerstone of liberty and in education as the fount of liberty and equality. He vehemently denied that there was such thing as “filbusterism” in the Philippines and condemned as slanderers those who made ita professionla cratieg A Teahign “Glecitingiings | shin eerie Sarat aes ted te slncionigat Msobats nuchal deceit Las jeovincins ean | soles gre 8 “uuelh-epSradin patna sh pin, Revd | flgvn. ih Tilney vo mbe dro |" Tralad. ton eriyrié endow ness dass il | anche problemas ple Sirah nce, wl preleni, ebion | que mina ilo Gularay pene tom tala ths for vapor | Si contemlicioues, pore la gas doo case dl omba, bafe- | eno, hare evident a engine tet Fenda go, in Ingen tine | reve &ayuelan ic ‘. Sateen cm fpr’ | hud que commas seed ‘condones yehinn 9 A sah Fae Mona Tenia “ages 8 tt fea, sn ats at- | noe weil AM ea poe Socim porama. pe iis | jurteuir poeapah 4 tole infin Se adliat om tras | Ele reed wap weep |” Sa pregruon pics. polio repel alter delete ty progres: yorinede Ulta Ae. i en orenats eis de. | ping ¥ctems, singe nial ewe tgirado | by cuabto 2 Filipinas, endo oot us hepa deaqusde } violas mia-Deeesitnday de apts ce ims como eorecen de repeal © Iethoons me talon ee) ss era Heolters, 2:Tho Awakening a to belittle the Filipinos by imputing upon them incapacity for progress. Givin; voice to the intellectual group, he branded as vicious the belie circulated ty the friars that “masonry is influencing the separation of the Philippines fave Spain.’ Without compromising himself and his group tothe radical tendencies ofthe French Revolution, yet inspired by its guiding principles, he nevertheless worshipped the French people and the law-making assembly that they created to endow their dreams and ideals with a touch of reality. ‘THE NEwsPaPER, Diariong Tagalog, that Marcelo H. del Pilar founded, did not live long enough to be of permanent influence in the social life of the people. Yet between the date of its founding and the day he left the Philippines for ‘Spain in 1888, he had traveled far and wide in his native province of Bulakan preaching the gospel of patriotism, self-respect, industry, and sacrifice. He ‘wrote pamphlet after pamphlet vigorously denouncing the friar misrule. With bitter sarcasm, he attacked what Rizal called “the hypocrisy which, under the cloak of religion, has come amongst us to impoverish us and to brutalize us... the superstition but trafficks with the holy word to get money and to make us believe in absurdities for which Catholicism would blush ..." The Church and ‘State, which were one and the same thing, became alarmed. In the eyes of the friars, he was the master mind of the secret meeting attended by filibusteros, the propagator and translator of Rizal's Noll, the man behind such libelous pamphlets as Dudas, Caiigat Cayo, and the slanderous leaflets against the nuns of Santa Clara. An order for his seizure was issued, but before the authorities could catch up with him he had already escaped to Spain. Managing La Solidaridad, del Pilar wrote a series of political articles that made him famous and which earned him the cankered hatred of the friars. In the eyes of Retana, then a paid reactionary but latera repentant progressive, del Pilar "was unquestionably the man who most distinguished himself as a newspaperman of great ability and wisdom.” Even in the eyes of his political enemies, he was considered a “calculating conspirator, the journalist gone astray, who had no real hatred of the sovereign country, though he showed he had it for the state of affairs prevailing in the Philippines" Del Pilar was not a separatist; he was tilla short time before his death an ‘assimilationist. Like Rizal, he thought that the Philippines was not prepared for independence, and as a preparatory step to statehood, he advocated the education of the broad masses of the people. Assimilation, on the otherTHE REVOLT oF typ 4 ao {or the introduction of progressive Teforms ten vet ae toalife unfettered by restrictions. The People res ee HE anal they asked W25 Understanding 4 auch 0 Sone af is editorials "We dem tion! spe Thus, under his management, Lg Sota . ; Torte freeexpression ofthe propagang|e v 1 and the secularization of the pa, nthe Spanish Cortes, participation ig rent, equality verore the 12, fFEECOM of assy hand a wider social and individual freedom,» her domestic problems to turn her ep.” pot landscape And del Pilar, already shou frustration, turned his vigorous mind to a i angers dmai—that of revolution Insurrection, he said, was the ony vege especialy when the people “have acquired the belief that pac meas to secure remedies fr the evs proved futile.” But he died on the exe mre evan exhausted ennlss, and homeless, ive medium moval of the fia signs of disillusionment and ste voxe meu of poltal persecution and economic serfdom In th pritprnes was deepening alarmingly to a point where to endure was a tines tobe hero and at other times to be aroused from intellectual stupor Such a period necessarily demanded leaders—and leaders it produced, of them, ose Rizal was the most imaginative as well as the most scholary Experiencing at an early age the sorrows and humiliations that attended the daily grind of colored colonials, Rizal as a student showed a precociy that was later to make him the leaders’ leader. Though not possessing del Pla’s command of his native language, at eight he had already written a Tagalog poem praising the virtues of his native tongue. ee ne Fam to oratory, but he gave the fullness of his heart and oe mn oe he believed was the center from which all other nile ae . fam universal education. At eighteen, he had tiated ia eeu: Contest in which the “superior” Spaniards le islets nat aelged the best. Then 8 es eles Dioses an dewcages Surprised to find that the author of B! Const? Pre tenes thesane young an who bad previously ‘quality of the colored and the whites. 2:The Awakening 8 His preliminary studies in the Pontifical University of Santo Tomas led him tothe conclusion that higher education inthe Philippines was alost cause. And so, in 1882, at the age of twenty-one, he sailed for Europe where he expected to live and study in an atmosphere of culture and of freedom." He traveled to France, Belgium, England, and Germany and took advantage ofthe facilities that the libraries of those countries offered. Thus, far from his native land, he viewed it with that nostalgic longing that usually finds adequate expression inliterary excursions or in severe intellectual pursuits. He engaged in both. In Berlin, he delivered his Die Tagalische Verskunst—The Tagalog ‘Metrical Art—before the Ethnological Society.and in London he copied the very rare Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas of Antonio de Morga and reprinted it with his copious notes to prove that the Filipinos had already adistinctively indigenous civilization before the coming of Magellan. He thus vindicated his country and disproved the theory hitherto held by the Spaniards, that the Filipinos, in the ‘words of Fray Lucio Bustamante, “are fit only to tend carabaos, to pray,and to follow blindly the instructions of the friars." Buthis soul was restless. The subjective and objective experiences that he ‘went through penetrated his subconscious and slowly, persistently, developed the skeins of realism which his lively imagination wove into a tapestry of Philippine life. Hence, the novel Noli Me Tangere. ‘The book, written at the age of twenty-six, is not, as James Le Roy puts it,“a photographic reproduction,” but a passionate yet honest interpretation of the Philippine scene.” It is the silent sobbing of a man who, in the face of ‘a painfully brutal reality, tried to smile through his tears in the belief that no ‘one would embrace him and sympathize with him in the hour of gnawing sorrow, and to him, the smile was the best mask to cover the bitterness raging in the heart. “I will lift” he wrote in his preface, "a part of the vell that covers the sore, sacrificing, even selF-love itself, to truth, for as thy son, I, too, suffer from thy defects and weaknesses.” And so he delineated his characters with 1a faithfulness that transcended racial prejudices, now using his brush with the bold strokes of Juan Luna, now with a finesse that was worthy of Hidalgo. ‘There was nothing purely imaginative either in his character portrayal orinhis delineation of the local color: every incident, every character was real and breathing the polluted Philippine air. In the words of Pardo de Tavera':THE REVOLT O py we administration of affairs, the j nve ade? es nd vices ofthe clergy. the an wate evry of Spanish cltreinthese Istana? a an ive which the friars had enjoyed, and whi mes othe asses crumbled 33) when the si s orders in the provinces were dese, | ad the immorality and the viciousney inthe abt OT ed to the public view. The defects in the system w fas wer ein the colleges and I the Filipino university were. a education Lit eel resus ofthe teachings Were fingered out. So vii de Sanh cena armintaton described that h, were the ee tottered, and the prestige which Spanish civilization jg ae a ied po tha ime in he ins of the Fiping ie conde asreited heimmedat popularity thatthe book enjoyed, both in Spain and inthe phippines, caused the firs tO condemn itasa“bad book and must ot er andreatng they be nds] ae committing mortal sin for thes reokis fil of heresies and ideas contrary tO OUT Holy Religion.” The bun, pron wich wa accentuated by a threat of punishment of those found reign intensified the desire of the educated Filipinos to go overt pookontesixN Hdl Piar popularized the novel and defended Rial gins theforousatacks ofthe friars by issuing his sparkling rejoinder, Cligat Co, sdoptng the pen name Dolores Manapat.'* Rizal, however, was unperturbed by the prejudiced and malicious animadversions. A year later, in 1889, he published his briliant satire, La Vision de Fray Rodriguez,” making fun ofthe ignorant friar Rizal retuned to the Philippines the unchallenged idol ofhis countrymen and became the marked target of the friars’ venomous animosty. aoe that the infamous Kalamba Episode tookplace"™ ob ee Rizal's father, had petitioned controversy then eco in the Philippines that it intervene in the Dominican ars so that ing between them and the administrators of tht ‘conveniently shelved tthe land could be sold to them. The memorial w2s Marae ede ntl the ari ofthe reactionary governar-geneal Ss deed anne enter cof Cuba’ TH cre vamp ead a ans ato mak a that he Summary and so severe: eyler sent a military force to eject the tenan’s So were the steps taken by the military authorities 2: The Awakening smany farmhands, including Rizal's father and three sisters, were expatriated. Houses were torn down and burned and the tenants driven out of the lands they had been tilling for many years. ‘The same searingexperience—only now it was more intensely subjective— drove Rizal to seeka haven in Europe forthe second time, and here, during his sojourn in one city after another, he conceived and wrate his second navel ET Fiibusterismo, a politically more mature, though artistically less significant. workthan the Nol. Here, as nowhere in his first novel he projected his radica} and revolutionary tendencies as exemplified in the iconoclast Simoun who, finding the government and the clerical hierarchy stil greedy for power and Iuere, planned a revolution in which all the dissident elements were to take 4 hand. And remembering the Kalamba Episode, he fashioned Cabesang ‘ales who, unjustly ejected from his land by the scheming friars, took tothe mountains, adopted the nom de guerre Matanglawin, and harassed the towns vr the Central and Southern Tagalog provinces. Yt, Rizal the idealist, finally son over Rizal the evolutionist. By creating Simoun and Cabesang Tales, he warned the Spanish officials of an impending social cataclysm unless steps reve taken to forestall t—steps not oppressive, but progressive. He desired the education of the masses as the prerequisite to independence, and so putting aside his previous idea of revolution—which was, on the face of it, a prediction of the events to come—he made Padre Florentino speak to the revolutionary Simoun”: | donot mean to say that our liberty willbe secured at the sword's point for the sword plays but litle partin modern affairs, but that we must secure iE ty making ourselves worthy ofit by exalting the intligence and the ign or he individual, by loving justice, ight and greatness, even tothe extent of dying for them and when a people reaches that helght God will provide sreapon the idls wile shattered the tyranny will crumble lke house of cards, and liberty will shine out like the first dawn. Riza, finally, not only exposed the evils ofthe ruling caste and suggested remedies for those evils, but also announced the coming of the revolution. ‘True that in later years he shuddered to think of blood uselessly spoiled in the Jiterest ofan elusive ideal, butin his heart and mind a premonition of things to come had imbedded itself with such vividness as to make him put inthe lips of Blias the significant prediction:THE REVOLT gp aay ening? The st everybody is awal se po you nat °° re the thunderbolt struck, and the ane wa for ying, has ket is, now scattered, will some day be aa ‘s = ca cael not forsaken other COUNtTIeS; neither net sr gidance FOE aie . seine CEI rty! fort NoTEs ed Plorante, instead of the traditional Florante 3 trv hee ee respect fects Forant, 8 the ane nei lO oar, "o lower, blOOM, a Meaning nope cones fam the SPAT pd, am convinced, as Prof. Gabriel A. Bere by Baltazat ae is revised essay on the subject that Batarse Bp ea name tat derived rom the Pet olan tas s7oand 180 mtr “ rs sto weep T hin his meaning and intention clearly: fallowing ines to xP la tg Kakonaongkondon so rar bak rg Bo ong ngaerko mang pagkahat, aginansaaratiangnagand ‘amagat na ambi sa lumuhalube, Atlee 9 malo dale. i f stanza 179 a 4 the traditional Florante in the last line o! rage ro reable redundancy of wich Baltazar had never been guilty. Thelstvy Togs ofstanza 160 are significant clear as to Baltazar’s real meaning innaning tis hero Plronteinstead of Florante, Cf. Gabriel A. Bernardo, “Francisco Balgus and is Ploranteat Laura” The City Gazette 2, no. 6 (March 16, 1943). ‘2. Translated by Trinidad Tarrosa-Subido. Epifanio de los Santos, “Balagtas y su Florante,” The Philippine Review 7, no. (916, 4. WERetana Aparato Biblogrjicode a Historia General de Filipinas, vol. 3 (Madrit Viuda de M. Minuesa de los Ros, 1906) 1,628. 5. James Le Roy, The Americans in the Philippines, vol. 1 (Boston and New York Houghton MiflinCo, 1914), et seq, places this period between 1886 and 1896, ‘wil De Masino M.Kalw (The Development of Philippine Politics (Mal: " Oriental Commercial Company Inc, 1926) places it between 1888 and 2696 la adopted 1882 asthe beginning of the Propaganda Period because It ber rata the Ciclo Hispano-Flipino was organized in Madrid and viv Mine ee Pabet La Revista del Ciro Hispano-Filipino. Ths Ye ae iebirth of Marcelo H, del Pilar’s Diariong Tagalog. Del Pilar wasall 2: The Awakening 10. nL 12. 13, 4 15, 16. 1. 18, 19. % active even before 1882, campaigning against flar misrule, whi ; istule, while Lope Jen noel Fry Botod appeared amor atthe same ime cperhapvensia Tae significant also.as marking the date of Rizal's departure from the Philippines, Jaime C.de Veyra and Mariano Ponce, Efemerides Filipinas (Manila: de I.R. Morales, 1914), 200 et seq, eon Impy Libreria Ibid, 163-65. Retana, Aparato, vol.3, 1,149. de Veyra and Ponce, op. cit, 202. La Politica de Espaia en Filipinas, quoted in Epifanio de los Santos, "Marcelo H. del Pilar’ The Philippine Review (June 1920). ‘The works of Rizal are easily available. For this and other data on Rizal, Ihave heavily used Jose Rizal's Epistolario Rizalino (five volumes), W. . Retana's Vide y Escritos det Dr Jose Rizal, and Frank Charles Laubach’s Rizal, Man and Martyr. Fr Miguel Lucio Bustamante, Sf Tandang Basio Macunat (Manila: Imp. de Amigos del Pais, 1985). Le Roy, op. cit, vol. 1,71 et seq. ‘TH. Pardo de Tavera, Resefia Historica (Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1906), 73. English translation in Census ofthe Philippine Islands, 1903, vol. 1. Fr Jose Rodriguez, Caingat Cayo! (Guadalupe, 1888), M.H. del Pilar, Caingat Cayo! Reprinted in Taliba, july 3 and 5, 2911. Dimas Alang (Jose Rizal), La Vision de Fray Rodriguez (Barcelona, 1889). For the Memorial of 1888, vide M. H. del Pilar's La Soberanfa Monacal, appendix X. A discussion of the Kalamba episode may be found in Pardo de Tavera, op. cit, 74. Jose Rizal, The Reign of Greed, trans. Charles Derbyshire (Manila: Philippine Educational Co, 1939), 360.MILITANT NATIONALsy 1 he propaganda movementin pain, while not successful enough to produce Toss resulsinthe form of serious innovations in the politica, sca andeconomiclife ofthe country, nevertheless started a wave of nationalsic feingthatled toa widespread consciousness of unity. While Rizal, del Pi Lopez Jaena, Ponce, the Lunas, Panganiban, and others were desperately endeavoring to fix Spain's attention on Philippine affairs, refuting the risguided information of such writers as Barrantes, Feced, Retana, and the friars who hired them, the Filipino middle class at home organized themselves into societies forthe purpose of giving aid to the propagandists in Spain. The period commencing with 1890 and ending with the outbreak of the revolution in 1896 may be epitomized in two words: militant nationalism. The era ha clear indications ofthe mounting tension in Filipino-Spanish relations. Belated attempts tointroduce reforms in the municipal organization failed to relaxthe {ension’ First there was the founding of masonic lodges as a step in discipline, ‘ollowed by the appearance of La Propaganda, then, with the failure ofthis ora y the establishment of La Liga Filipina and the Cuerpo ée romissrios and nally by the founding of the radical Katipunan. 3; Mlltant Nationalism 1 a ConTACTS MADE By the Fillpino leaders in Spain with the leading Spanish Masons, led the flery Lopez Jaena to establish the lodge Revolucién in Barcelona on April 1, 1889, exclusively for and by Filipinos. A year later, lodge La Solidaridad was founded in Madrid, and when lodge Revolucion was dissolved, all the members a lated themselves with the new society. The way was now cleared for the concerted action of the Gran Oriente Espafol and the Filipino Masons, who helped one another in introducing in the Cortes important legislation beneficial to the Philippines.’ The Filipino masonic lodges, therefore, became the focus of propaganda activities in Spain and were responsible for welding together the irreconcilable elements who, in some instances, came dangerously close to strife that would have been fatal to the Philippine cause. It was thought at the time that masonic lodges should be secretly established in the Philippines in order to disseminate the ideas for which the propagandists were fighting, Pedro Serrano Laktaw and Antonio Luna were ordered to proceed to the Philippines to carry out the instructions of the Mother Lodge. Serrano Laktaw, upon arriving from Spain in 1890, conferred with Jose Ramos and Moises A. Salvador regarding the feasibility of establishing masonic lodges. On January 6, 1891, the lodge Nilad was founded, and a year later, on March 10, 1892, it was recognized by the Gran Oriente Espafiol? Even in such a dynamic epoch in which they were living, the Masons, being composed of intellectuals and middle-class Filipinos, were rather careful in their demands for liberty. Every utterance was measured, and gave evidence of the intellectuals’ fear of unduly antagonizing their enemies. Thus, at one of their meetings, the Filipino Masons set forth their platform on the Philippine problem.* Itis the eight million people who have been, for the duration of three ‘centuries, under tyrannical oppression . . . The social life they lead Is destitute of freedom; the inhabitants have no right of association; they have no tribute where they could express their needs and do not even have the right to voice their thoughts. ... And with respect to their individual life, the Filipinos have not, as in other countries, the security against the abuses of the authorities, and for these reasons, the prisons and the mysterious deportations of reputable persons have been repeatedly done upon the notorious instigation of the friar.THE REVOLT OP py, Bugg Ly 41 prosperous country In Whose hi evant? este per ofthe sun of ustice and of civlteag seen in genuine and effective autonomy of yy” ante of moe ye ensaving pretensions of an ambi - tionof the rights of the People and wates needy. We want a good governme, oar whe or our country the right to be represen istration epresentative, nota single senator is defendin, tape cote: 1002 Coat Forament. ts government is dependent, y in te Serf the utramar Who» DY and for itself, legislates nthe - nes through royal orders, while in Manila, the se governs te Pl sa) Fg anmlsthe orders ofthe ministers. We wang seer gr Om province witha heights and obligations, ex oe rn ers, refOS ‘The boldness of the Masonic platform and the erie with which the spread the gospel drew more and more Filipinos within its fog, tothatintime itwas decided by the Jeaders to establish branches throughout theldands'So rapid was the spread of Masonry that upto the month of May 1893 the lodges numbered thirty-five of which about nine were in Manila‘ ee Masomy was only a means for propaganda, It had never been the itetion ofits Flipin founders in Spain to make it a society for political action. Thus, ina letter to Juan | Zulueta, Marcelo H. del Pilar emphasized that: ‘ThePennsular Masonry isa means of propaganda for us. Ifthe Masons there [in the Philippines} pretend to make Masonry an organ of action for out ideals, they make a very bad mistake, What is needed is a special arganizaion devoted especialy to the Filipino cause; and although Its ‘members, or some of them, may be Masons, they must not depend upon Masonry’ So popular had Masonry become that even women, laboring under the cares rear oat te partpaton in such actives, readily joined ase ee ee evidence to the growing restlessness of all classes Sasha mn tunie at fact paces and the Spanish (On April 4, 1895, ee ofthe potential power of such an organization. meee Ee ofthe ultramar (overseas) sent a cablegram 10 caer ste ih ead that ‘an alam exists hee about i pelago through Masonic propaganda thatexcludes ‘S:Miltant Nationalism 1 u all Spaniards and is directed exclusively by natives. { request Your Excellency, who surely must have an exact knowledge of everything, to inform me hourly ofthis, and, iftrue, to redouble the vigilance and to issue necessary orders to the governors.” Certain it is that at the outbreak of the revolution, Masonry was deeply entrenched in the Philippines, and though it was not directly responsible for the activities of the more radical Katipunan, it nevertheless served as a pattern for its methods and organization. There was some truth in the Spanish charge that “the infernal Masonry exists in the Philippines and is the foundation of the society known as the Katipunan. It can be estimated, pending the complete report, that the masonic lodges in the Philippines number about eighty-two....." With the blind prejudice that characterizes all fears of social disturbance and the swing of reaction, the Spaniards condemned Masonry as the “workshop where hatred for Spain and the Spaniards was cast"! Nothing was so wide off the mark as this last condemnatory charge that only served to embolden the more radical elements among the Filipinos to conclude that peaceful solutions to the Philippine problem were impossible. ‘ALMOST SIMULTANEOUSLY, BUT probably a little earlier than Masonry, a civic organization, La Propaganda, was founded in the Philippines whose members belonged to the middle class.* When the lodge Nilad was organized in 1891, the members affiliated themselves with La Propaganda, whose object was to collect money to defray the expenses of the Filipinos in Madrid in their struggle to obtain political concessions. The money thus collected was forwarded to the Asociacion Hispano-Filipino in Spain. In time, however, the funds of the organization were malversed and its fee of fifty centavos was discontinued. With this, the society passed out of existence. Out of La Propaganda sprang the desire to continue the work already begun. The publication of the newspaper La Solidaridad must be continued. But since “all the labors, executed without order or concord did not render satisfactory results” Rizal stepped into the picture and proposed the founding ofa society that would give ample protection to its members. Preliminary meetings were held to thresh out doubtful points, after which Rizal convoked the prominent men of the community to endow life and reality fo one ofhis favorite subjects. On the night of July 3,1892, at No. 176 llaya Street, Tondo,‘THE REVOLT op. Tae is ina. Ambrosio Sal rated La Liga Fill! ‘alvador w, june sa, fiscal Bonifacio Arevalo, treasurer; ang fe president ASS ‘ewith the founding, of La Liga Filipina, Rizal Work "SOdaty ans sees enue tHe sympathyand hep ofthe inn! te toexpand lly os. ; and Se sian of the Lis expressly gave its aims and ends ags to nite the whole archipelago into one compact, vigorous homogeneous body (a) Mumal protection n every wantand necessity. againstall violence and injustice, )_Defens ; (4) Sncouragement ofinstruction, agriculture, and commerce, (6) Study and application of reforms. «) ses prposesweretobecariedoutthrough the creation ofa govern sodycompasedofthe Supreme Counel the Provincial Council, and the Popular ‘Council. AS dues, the members were required to pay ten centavos a month, A emboli rane ofthe member's fre choice was to be adopted upon ji inntion into the society. As the funds mounted, the Liga was to invest then inthe following manner": (1) The member or his son, who, while not having means shall show application and great capacities, shall be sustained. (2) Thepoorshallbe supported in is right against any powerful person. (3) Themember who shall have suffered loss shall be aided. (4) Capital shall be loaned to the member who shall need it for an industry or for agriculture. (5) The introduction of machines and industries, new or necessary it the country, shall be favored. (6) Shops, stores, and establishments shall be opened, where the members may be accommodated more economically thar elsewhere. ‘Such eid ae far from being subversive in character, drew tht ‘authorities ifforno other reason than thatits founder was |o% ‘8: Miltant Matfonallsm 1 Rizal. Wherever Rizal went he was shadowed by the spies of th and the civil authorities in the provinces reported his activities te the nto government. The latter's agents, obeying the insistent orders of pi searched the houses of Rizal's friends and sympathizers both in Manila. ie the provinces and placed suspicious persons under strctsurvelance Unable to contain their fear and hatred of Rizal, the authorities issued an order for his arrest and detention at Fort Santiago, and on july 7, 1892, Governor-General Despujol decreed his deportation to Dapitan. Meanwhile, the Liga languished with Rizal's banishment to the south. Nevertheless, the members resuscitated it, this time under the leadership of Domingo Franco and Andres Bonifacio. The aims remained the same, but with the addition that it was to support the newspaper La Solidaridad and endorse whatever reforms it would adopt that would be beneficial to the country. Domingo Franco was elected president; Deodato Arellano, secretary-treasurer; Isidro Franciso, fiscal; and Juan Zulueta and Timoteo Paez, members of the ‘Supreme Council. Later on, Apolinario Mabini was given the post of secretary ‘and Antonio Flores was elected member.” With the two additional aims, the Liga thus became a sort of political party.” Under the new Supreme Council, the society became active and showed promising signs. Popular councils were established in Malate, Ermita, Tondo, Sampaloc, Santa Cruz, Pandakan, and Trozo largely through the efforts of ‘Andres Bonifacio and others."” Funds were collected out of the entrance fee of two pesos and a monthly fee of fifty centavos.” The new Liga lasted only a few months, for the members tired of paying their dues, alleging that they did not agree to the expenses, were convinced that the government did not heed the newspaper nor would take notice of any legal means." Iewas quite obvious by this time that peaceful means could not convince the Spanish government inthe Philippines of the necessity for administrative reforms. Mabini analyzed the situation correctly when he said™ ‘The information obtained made it plain that the commissioners for the creation of the popular councils had not exacted the acquiescence to the platform asa prerequisite tothe admission into the society on the contr ‘indres Bonifacio, who had by unremitting effort brought to the society the greater part ofits members, was firmly convinced ofthe useessress of the peaceful means. The so-called Supreme Council, which was real) a ee brganizing committee, for its members had nat been elected by suffrage.ASE REVOLT op mm as the associates choose the counci} Whig evga at oe enue, the platform would be changes’ wm sete coe atte that as for political aspirations, yy, ne sa forthe risthoughtinsensibleoratleastingig,,"=Sor Meat the efforts for reconciliation and unger = eta See dissed the society thatthe aiferene ee es he eel through which the authorities mig reser nih ot ode [i] BH SUSTENANCE ofthe yy ce. oe : : Pape is easton romisers, for they compromised themsap formed a body oe affive pesos each forits expenses Sto co By amonthly' jea brought some of its members at sue nissouUTION ae Re the intellectuals and anata wihean es Ont bel that something could be done mines eucie vile on theater hand were the plebeian, heates Aico who had lost all faith in the Spanish administra els organized the Cuerpo de Compromisarios, late the Katipunan rauned by Nuneriano Adriano™, the Compromisarios decided sncresethe es and to approach influential persons. Thus, Ariston Bauiss sr Dogo Franco, Tlesforo Chuidian, Jacinto Limjap, Felipe Bareto an others were prevailed upon to give their support to the new association. Bur the society was so slow, so conservative, and so vacillating that it continued toeist only theoretcaly—in the minds of its founders. on. The and the ‘Tuar THE SOctETIES originally organized to campaign for reforms did not make any significant headway could be expected from the very beginning Means were lacking to carry on the work already begun in Spain and day by day there was increasing difficulty in collecting funds to continue the publication of La Solidaridad, Hence, Mabini, in a letter dated August 1895 ‘and directed to the Filipinos in Spain, suggested that “remedy for grievances shouldbe sought elsewhere" As a result, the paper folded up on November 1S ofthe same year, ‘Two factors were responsible for the failure of the reform movement— ‘namely: the violent opposition, ofthe friars and the government to the | idea of changes in the political | social, and economic fields; ly, the dilly: dallying tactics of the in omic fields; and secondly, ete "elgensia group, too timid to take advantage of tht 3; Militant Nationalism 1 n Itwas to be expected from the start thatan: would require not only a solid front on the part ofthe propagandists but als, influential and powerful allies in the penins ‘ ular government. For the fr both in the Philippines and in Spain, had th a ieir countermoves ‘coordinated in sucha way as to obstruct the passage of laws that would di affect their paramount interests. Unfortunately, however, 'y Move to change the status quo rectly or indirectly 1 the Filipinosin Spain were handicapped by alack of financial assistance and by the petty jealousies that weakened their ranks. There was no coordination of activities, and the result wasa nearly vain if valiant, effort torouse Spanish public opinion. Both at home and in Spain, the members of the intelligentsia class did not have the courage and abundant hope, the dash and the careless abandon of the masses whose unsophisticated mind could not see the various possibilities that might accompany a mode of action. In Spain, the propagandists were thoroughly discouraged and demoralized by the negative results of their sacrifices and by their thinning ranks: Rizal was in Dapitan as a political exile: Lopez Jaena ‘was dead: so were Panganiban and del Pilar. Itwas in a final effort to meet the challenge of the new situation that the remaining Filipinos in Madrid had decided to convene a general assembly in Hong Kong in 1896. But del Pilar died on July 4 of that year, and the projected assembly fell through. The effect in Manila was that the aggressive and nationalistic elements of the population, sensing the impossibility ofcontinuing the peaceful approach to the Philippine problem, decided to proceed with the revolutionary plan without the counsel of the intelligentsia. Henceforth, the Katipunan was to reign supreme, Notes 1. Cf. Pedro A. Paterno, £! Regimen Municipal en las Islas Filipinas (Madrid: Estab. tipog. de los sucesores de Cuesta, 1893), for a complete discussion of the Maura Law of May 19, 1893. ‘TeodoroM. Kalaw, La Masoneria Filipina (Mani: Bureau of Printing, 1920),9et seq 3. Ibid, p.41, Antonio Salazar, in his testimony before the Spanish authorities after his arrestin 1896, said thatthe lodge Nilad was founded in 1892. He was probably referring to the date ofthe official assent given tot by the Gran Oriente Espafl Cf. W.E, Retanas "Documentos Politicos de Actualidad” in Archivo del Bibliofla Filipino, vol.3 (Madrid: Impr. de la Viuda de M. Minuesa de os Rios, 1897), 190 et seq. Unless otherwise stated, all citations from Retana’s Archiv refer tovolume3‘THB REVOLT OP typ oT 8 “poo patos and 0th spat the aout oasa 7 s op. ct 280° se were Taliban Tr020; Walanain gy, te he anes rita and Malate Luzorg in Tondo; pp ronan sak A ge riente indntramuros: and Modesta in Kj us Sata aay cited a econ veh Pnipines@sofay 1693, were: Sy ugh usong Dalsay, Kalanga, Masala, Bathala, et clades «Theron co ea Bikol, Diwata, Kalumpang, Libertad, ‘van, sae AES ang Katameanan Hiram, Mor; rey apitan, Raut pon. Cf. TM. Kalaw, La Masoneria, gp Maktan, ‘ Ba ult reprinted in Epifanio de os Santos, “Mate onry was Rosario Villaruel, who wasn ae oe ma on July 18, 1893. Like the male members the names Some ofthe women MasOns Were Tne oi ea (aurora) Josefa Rizal (Sumikat), Marina jy Valeriana Legazpi (Diana), and Purificacion Leys ojointas vehere Manuel Luengo, Civil Governor of Manila, guy nanc lodges. See 2150 Jose M. del Castillo yjimene, (Madrid, 1897), 13-14. 11, Castillo, op-cits 14 Tenant roninenebes were Tote Paez Numeriano Adriano, Donia ners ano Moreno, Jose Ramos, Pedro Serrano Laktaw, Dionisio Fera, Frogs Go, Las ilarea Faustino Vlaruel,Timoteo Lanuza, Sato Celis Mote Seor, Maiss Cel, Joaquin Molina, Mariano Ramirez, Agustin de la Rasa, AAnbraso Flores Arcadio Flores, Justo Guido, Jose A. Dizon, and Alejandro ard enancioReyes~all members ofthe lodge Nilad. Cf. Testimony of Antonio Salazar In Archivo, 163-65, 13, Apolinario Mabini, The Philippine Revolution. Mabini's own version of his La Revolucion Filipina (Bulacan: Jacinto. Manahan, 1935), chapter Vil, 31. 14. The members were: Andres Bonifacio, Mamerto Natividad, Domingo Franca Moises Salvador Numeriano Adriano, ose A. Dizon, Apolinario Mabini, Ambrosio ‘Rianares Bautista, Timoteo Lanuza, Marcelino de Santos, Paulino Zamora, juan ‘Zlueta, Doroteo Ongiunco, Arcadio del Rosario, and Timoteo Paez. (From the monument rece onthe spot where the Liga was founded: Cf. also TM. Kalaw, a saci pea book! [Manila: Manila Book Company, 1940], Setseq) ligrs te smingo Franco, who later became the president of the society, the See anaeme Counc consisted of Ambrosio Salvador, president Pedro » secretary; Bonifacio Arevalo, treasurer; and Agustin de la Res ‘S-Multant Nationalism 1 2” 24. 2s. fiscal. There seems to be a discrepancy between this and the testimonies of other prominent members of the Liga as regards Serrano Laktaw. { am inclined to give more welght to the testimony of Timoteo Paez and others as against that of Domingo Franco. Serrano Laktaw was never mentioned by his contemporaries, except by Franco, as having been an offical of the Liga. Cf. Domingo Franco's testimony in Archivo, 240. For the testimony of Jose A. Dizon, consult ibid. 206. . Vide appendix A. . Constitution of the Liga. See also Jose A. Dizon's testimony in Archivo, 205. ‘Testimony of Domingo Franco, in Archivo, 227-31. Mabini, op. cit, 32 Ibid. , Testimony of Jose A. Dizon already cited. Mabini, op. cit, 33. . Ibid. ‘The second Liga was dissolved in October 1893 and the following year, October 1894, it was transformed into the Cuerpo de Compromisarios. Vide testimony of Domingo Franco already cited. His companions were Jose Ramos, Faustino Villaruel, Timoteo Paez, Moises Salvador, Ambrosio Flores, Venancio Reyes, and Luis Villaruel. CE. Testimony of “Antonio Salazar already cited. (Quoted in T. M. Kalaw, The Philippine Revolution, bk 20 et seq.MILITANT NATIONALS» wave of surprise and shock ran through the people as the news of jos. es possible fate spread. The governor- general, Eulogio Despujol unde; dat ofl 71992, bad decreed Rizal's deportation “to one of the islands thesouth” and prohibited "the introduction and circulation in the archipelagy ofall the works of said author, whether they be proclamations or flying sheets which directly or indirectly assal the Catholic religion or the national unity* Rizal was already in Fort Santiago, having. been conducted there the previous day by the governor-general's nephew, Ramon Despujol.? Thatnightof the seventh, a handful of men metat No. 72 Azcarraga Street, then occupied by Deodato Arellano, brother-in-law of Marcelo H. del Pilar’ The secret conclave was attended by Andres Bonifacio, Deodato Arellano, Valentin Diaz, Teodoro Plata, Ladislao Diwa, Jose Dizon, and a few others. It was decided that, in view of the inherent weakness of Rizal's Liga and the futility ofimproving the lot of the Filipinos through peaceful methods, asecret society should be founded. In the flickering light of a table lamp, the men lee the ancient blood compact and signed their papet® ir own blood. A program was approved in which si 40 4; Militant Mationalism 2 ies ge ‘ tes Vine illayze sts Le. YP? 0 Gypsir py Pmas 20 Z tay ul - Ot diprg Arbagef F bee ee tye we, esere wae, ae Wiad gee ee POG Mp BEA pe § patna arty MOP, fifa Oe tye Kites te fil (big athe tas rg a tenythlerD Daze Moe Mb besywe it Mellg lg win 2210 Pog pit tte) 3 ae oD fig os Melly vgs Fade. ees fey a ag tetany ox As Poy ot ea obi Ge, Efe omhoog AAA in cipher and signed in blood by Jose Turiano Santiago. Tt reads: “Akoy si Turiano Santiago, nanumpa sa ngalan g Dies at bayan na img tatangelgboo'gatapa'gan aig mga adahilanangK KK: gmga 2: 8. ingntanaig Kani Fase ears dan at mapakingan sundin siya gpkit mats sakllohan ag ahat na mga Kakap- Se tabat na panganib a s pagkalalangan nla, Nanunumpa at nagangako cin naman 2 09 magpltagan sa kanla’g mga Pinuno,huag na magtaksilsakanilang sa. anil’ mga utusanat bilin attalaan ko gaking dugo na kusa'gibububo dito sa kasulata’g hinaharap’ The Katipunan oath of membershipTHE REVOLT OF rap % e out firstly the establishment ofa secre, ne-golang na Katipunan ng 10 le Scity ofthe Sons of the pa oe Koala gogsenasan Nig a He) ry vag Most Respect a would proceed t0 win over adherents throy se; thirdly; the members WETE TO Paya ony, ‘monthly due of a medio real; fourthy, he coukt be takenin.aPalaneayor branch was reach dsc tly that all efors were toe exerted ton ‘gaims: and lastly that all reforms based gy by all. Climaxing the meeting was the ee og enal shed the last drop of their blogg fg ~_ berty of the Philippines.* searing from the experiences taught it, firstly, by ie ples set by the friars, sort by the tenets of te cn three cardinal objectives: political, mo, ane Eoin! from the mother country a =e ee continued to resist the clamor for the expulsion of the rsa. in the eyes ofthe natives, were their Oppressors—and ifthe roscoe insted on witolding politica rights from the Filipinos ‘Srienering ths abjerive was the program outlined by the leaders ty ‘panera the membersinvalorand heroism, to forfeit life itself ifnecessary tnite mest the suffering native land, They were instructed in the manly ‘ess and seldom was there a Katipunero who did not know the art of fenciog and of making arms and explosives ‘Te cic or socal aim resolved itself into the principle of mutual help ‘22 the defense ofthe poor and the oppressed. The members were pledged ‘comet the sucor of sick comrades and their families, while the societyas 2 whole pad all the funeral expenses. Nevertheless, for reasons of economy ‘znd the hostility toward unreasonable charges exacted by the friars in the performance oftheir spiritual obligations, the society saw to it that the funeral ‘asol the simplest kind Even so, it did not prohibit the individual members ea lavish funerals ifthey had the means and ———_— “Hepronsnately POI oF $0125, 4 Minnant Mattonattem 2 « Onthe other hand. the mara abjective revnlved around the aching of pont manners (urbanidad), hygiene, fanaticism, weakness of character, and the policy of obseurantism thats had adopted toward the Filipinos. Fired by theve aims, Raman fas president of the Supreme Council, secretly printed a leaflet entitied Klay in which he enumerated the rights of man as taught by the French Rew The Katipunan was, thus, the idea of the plebeian An ‘who became and remained to the last its spiritual leader None of ts charter members were of the middle oF aristocratic class. Bonifacio was a la while Arellano, Plata, Diwa, and Diaz were court clerks. Dizo ill-provided as the rest, was nevertheless a small merchant. be! the masses than to the intellectual middle class. Coming as it di¢ on 7 day that Rizal was ordered banished to Dapitan, the Katipunan remained in the background and did not seriously hamper the work of the Liga. Itwas not unt a year later when the Liga was superseded by the Cuerpo de Compramisarios and when the latter died of inanition, that the Katipunan, under the direction ‘of Bonifacio, actively, though secretly. took ta the field in the hope of winning the sympathy of the prostrate masses and the help of the middle class. ‘Tne KATIPUNAN ADOPTED the principles of Masonry in such a way as to be easily understood by the members who belonged to the lowest stratum of society. The duty of each member was to catechize two persons in order to compose a triangle. These two did not know of each other. but each knew only the original member who took him in. The triangle method, used for propaganda purposes to inspire close adherence to the principles of the secret society, was known as hasik. The circuitous way by which members were taken into confidence was adopted. obviously, to minimize as much as possible the danger of discovery by the Spanish authorities. For they were living in an age of repression in which two opposite forces were secretly, at Teast in so faras the Katipunan was concerned, trying to overwhelm the other: ‘on the one hand was the Spanish insistence upon a way of life that must be followed by the natives at all cost and, therefore, would be maintained by arms; and on the other, the rebellious attitude of the enlightened Filipinos and the masses toward a system that would make them slaves in soul and body, an attitude that the masses proposed to maintain to the limit until elther further resistance was impossible or liberty itself was won. *THE REVOLT OP yy uw a aout firstly, the’ establishment of; Secret sy, npn we er ge tPA yg oe rnown 38 ae ost Respectable Society of the Sons Of the Peat yet (RES AT oq would proceed tO over adherents thogyet writ a end thirdly, the members tere to pay an en ae owns thet ol monthly due of a medio real; fourthly, the fee of 78 erscould be taken in balangay or branch was. * ons fthly, that all efforts were to be exerteg tg ~ di ims; and lastly, that all reforms based op. ished in © aim esc the society's all Climaxing the meeting was the, she fulfilment OPT greed upon BY jngwere ODE 9S" ay would shed the last drop of their biogg 4, erty ofthe Philippines." from the experiences taught it firstly by, the friars, and, secondly, by the tentag ree cardinal objectives: political, ory was to separate from the mother country j andvie The geen to resist the clamor for the expilane, ie ay = vec af the naive, were theif OPPTeSsOrs—and i a insisted on witholding political rights from the Filipinos tplementing ths objective Was the program outlined by the leaders indoctrinate the members in yalorand heroism, to forfeit life itselfif necessary inthe interest ofthe suffering native land. They were instructed in the manly vvrsand seldom was there a Katipunero who did not know the art of fencing and of making arms and explosives.* ‘The civic or social aim resolved itself into the principle of mutual help and the defense ofthe poor and the oppressed. The members were pledged tocometo the succor of sick comrades and their families, while the societyas 2 whole paid all the funeral expenses. Nevertheless, for reasons of economy and the hostility toward unreasonable charges exacted by the friars in the performance oftheir spiritual obligations, the society saw to it that the funerd ‘was ofthe simplest kind. Even so, it did not prohibit the individual members See eee a lavish funerals if they had the meansand rity to do so, sft al cece soci ea TINE te aterng examples se PY wer rendh Resto dow a Seca at se, “Approximately PO2S or $0125, 4 MiltantMationaliom 2 é Onthe other hand, the moral objective revolved around the teaching of gun manners (urbanidad), hygiene, and democratic moral ; tacking reigns fanaticism, weakness of character, and the policy of obscurantism t! he friars had adopted toward the Filipinos. Fired by these aims, Roman Basa, then president of the Supreme Council, secretly printed a leaflet entitied Kalayzan, in which he enumerated the rights of man as taught by the French Pevo The Katipunan was, thus, the idea of the plebeian Andres Bo: who became and remained to the last its spiritual leader. None of its charter members were of the middle or aristocratic class. Bonifacio was a labar: while Arellano, Plata, Diwa, and Diaz were court clerks. Dizon though not so ill-provided as the rest, wasnevertheless.a small merchant, belonging moreto the masses than to the intellectual middle class. Coming as it did on the very day that Rizal was ordered banished to Dapitan, the Katipunan remained in the background and did not seriously hamper the work of the Liga. Itwas not until ayear later when the Liga was superseded by the Cuerpo de Compromisarios and when the latter died of inanition, that the Katipunan, under the direction ‘of Bonifacio, actively, though secretly, took to the field in the hope of winning the sympathy of the prostrate masses and the help of the middle class. ‘THE KaTIPUNAN ADOPTED the principles of Masonry in such a way as to be easily understood by the members who belonged to the lowest stratum of society. The duty of each member was to catechize two persons in order to compose a triangle. These two did not know of each other, but each knew only the original member who took him in. The triangle method, used for propaganda purposes to inspire close adherence to the principles of the secret society, was known as hasik. The circuitous way by which members were taken into confidence was adopted, obviously, to minimize as much as possible the danger of discovery by the Spanish authorities’ For they were living in an age of repression in which two opposite forces were secretly, at leastin so faras the Katipunan was concerned, trying to overwhelm the other: on the one hand was the Spanish insistence upon a way of life that must be followed by the natives at all cost and, therefore, would be maintained by arms; and on the other, the rebellious attitude of the enlightened Filipinos and the masses toward a system that would make them slaves in soul and body, an attitude that the masses proposed to maintain to the limit until either further resistance was impossible or liberty itself was won. *Andres Bonifacio (Fem thorn print) On aon of the triangle method: the new members each ofthe society didnot othersand soon. The upshot was that the membershiP each more than 300 atthe end of 1893.* In October 1892, ‘4s Mutant Natlonallsmn 2 however, the members ofthe Katipunan held a meeting anditwashere decided that the members would be allowed to take into the brotherhood as many ‘ould, since it was increasingly evident that to continue with d would be to stunt the growth of the society. Thus, the first ‘established as soon as the membership reached 100 or facio, interventor; persons as they c the original metho« ‘Supreme Council was » Deodato Arellano was elected president; Andres Boni more. fiscal; Teodoro Plata, secretary: and Valentin Diaz, treasurer.” Ladislao Diwa, ‘As months went by, Andres Bonifacio noticed that the elected supreme head, Deodato Arellano, ‘was not as active as expected, and in another meeting held in February 1893, Bonifacio deposed him and had Roman Basa elected in his place." Slowly, yet persistently, the Katipunan expanded and began to ramify, The feeling deepened into aconviction that freedom must be pursued vigorously and uncompromisingly at all cost. Rizal was, without his knowledge, the rallying cry of the Katipuneros. ‘Thus, in one of their meetings, Emilio Jacinto, Bonifacio's right-hand man, said: "Let us stimulate our hearts with these cries: Cheers for the Philippines! Cheers for liberty! Cheers for Dr. Rizal! Deodato Arellano Marcelo H. del Pilar’ brother-in-law and Unity!” And Jose Turiano Santiago followed it with a lusty outburst of: “Cheers for the Philippines! Cheers for liber Rizal! Death to the nation of oppressors!" first president ofthe Katipunan. ty! Cheers for the eminent Dr. In stupyiNo THE method, procedure, and structure of the Katipunan, one is inevitably moved to the conclusion that the society, such as it was, drew its inspiration from Masonry in matters of initiation rites, and partly from Rizal's La Liga Filipina in matters affecting its structure. For Bonifacio, as the prime mover of the society, was both a Mason—he belonged to the lodge Taliba—‘THE REVOLT OF Typ say a ga. Such contacts could not have fajleg of the ingan organization that best suite, ance bi ‘crite, with its halo of romantic, is ete es ofthe Mase he blunt nationalism of thet nation, is ideals could be mi at els U8 OF wich his ide steed nn pe jim the ™ ar an eS gation had torake active Pa inthe propaga, sverymenber ee sons whom he thought could be depended, me catecizing {Pe poniblity that a new member was propery his ae he initiation rites: vheneopyte.inblackhabiinents en vere eet draped in black, while in feta sara He sbrOUBN DET inscriptions “If thou hast strength arg onthe Wal aT POSTT ig curiosity brought thee here, proceed not, et conta tine bad inclinations proceed not the he overland Most Respectable Society of the Sons of the People will nt be opened (0 thee” mall table dimly lighted and on which ‘Theneophyteisthenseated near argarevlverabolo,askulland a formulary containing three questions that emustanswe satisfactorily The questions 9r% First, What was the condition ofthe Plippnes in early times? Second What Is the condition today? Third, What wil be the condition inthe future? Coached previously by bis sponsor, the neophyte answers that the Flipinosatthe comingofthe Spaniards had their own cWilization and political tibet ther oom eign and alphabet, and had commercial and diplomatic os were happy intercourse with the nations of Asia. In a word, that the Filipin and independent. As tothe second question, the neophyte answers that the soled friar missionaries have done nothing to civilize the Filipinos, since the interest ofthe firs incompatible with the civilization of the country balan ao teach the forms of Catholicism in itsshallow cass ee with the apparatus of magnificent religious Gamdionige standby friars. The third question faith courage, and constancy,all the brutalites ‘and iniquities ofthe S willbe redeemed = Spanish authorities wll be remedied in time and 4; Militant Nationalism 2 Facsimile ofthe Katipunan probably made inthe press. naire to be answered by a neophyte. This Pi question “of the Diario de Manila. a ined form was‘THE REVOLT OF typ Magee, i ® she station of the members pre, se question eles tes the neophyte to back down rmabalsit . rage to proceed ‘with the rites, since the society 4° ce eh persist heisled blindfolded into angi, ot ve any Us rage puttoa estand asin the Masonic rite, he ent Tom ere sce oe ofthe stuf demanded By the rgd rein porte FP apa. assim physical testshe is next imposed by ter ethefinal ites Oke place. Ascalpel is introduced ary inane 20 ear athe neophyte, and With is om Vint ip as follows: “Thereby swear in the pe sinsthe oath of erage defend with full courage the objaana God and af the Countable Society ofthe Sons ofthe People keep an ali dba oO it blindly help all the brothers in alldages ae Thereby swear and promise €00 (0 respect its leaders, not tobe sess their orders and instructions and sgn the document before me wrth ny own blood which voluntarily spill” ‘the neopyt, so a rm being intimidated by the physical ordeal, is snowed a tears by deepemation and enthusiasm at the prospect of serving his countrymen in the strugle for national solidarity and emancipation.” Higsigned the document with his blood, the Sita is told to choose a symbolic name." A short lecture or ‘pangaral |s given the new member, in arch the lecturer reminds him that "We the sons of the People established this association inorder to redeem the Mather Country from slavery. As such itisimperative that we should be united, that we should look up to each other ssmore than merebrothers,to help each other In any emergency, and always consider thatall of sare of the same color and race. This is our real origin that we are not of different races—we are not only relatives, but also true sons of one mather!"* ve rm ExraNsiON of the Katipunan, it was thought that, like Masonry ical ape = whereby members should be divided into grades ly, it was found convenient te dail eee ei bend oer introduce only three grades ‘Those whe phen ee atest be est grade mown 2s Katipon (Member). wore fish ea onan ‘The hood had a triangle of white ribbons: inside letters Z Ll, the Katipunan characters corresponding 4: Mutant Nationalism 2 a the Roman A.ng B, and which meant Anal -t tds ikng Bayan (Son of the People}—the ‘The second grade, called Kawal (Soldier), worea green hood withatriangle ofwhite lines. Atthe three angles were the letters Z LIB. Suspended from the neck was a green ribbon with a medal at the end, the letter K in the ancient ‘Tagalogscriptappearingin the middle ofthe medal. Beneath the letter K were ‘crossed sword and flag. The password was Gom-Bur-Zo,taken from the names ofthe three martyrs Gomer, Burgos, and Zamora. ‘The third grade, called Bayani (Patriot), wore a red mask and sash with green borders, symbolizing courage and hope. The front of the mask had Anite borders that formed a triangle with three K's arranged as if occupying the angles of triangle within the first triangle. Atthe later’ base the letters ZLIB. were placed in a horizontal row thus.” K KOK 2 Ww B ‘The secret password was Rizal. So thatthe members might recognize each other in the street, the society adopted countersigns: when amember meets fellow member, he places the palm of hishand on his breast, and as they pass eachother he closes hishand, bringingthe index finger and the thumb together. For the first grader or Katipon to graduate into a Kawal, he must have brought into the society several new members, while the Kawal was pushed tthe third or Bayant grade upon becoming on officer ofthe Katipunan’ Its mot known wien this method of dividing the members into the three classes came toan end, butin January 1896, the system was nolonger in common use, ‘The members pald an entrance fee of one peso. The first grade paid a monthly due of one real fuerte, the second grade a fee of twenty centavos, and the third grade a fee of two reales fuertes, aside from the Fees paid exclusively tothe Benefit Fund and collected every time there was asession oF meeting.” ‘The dangers that faced the Katipunan members, who had (0 nse every precaution on their communications and propaganda work, led the leaders to evolvea system of writing that would lessen, if not totally remov®, the risk of discovery by the authorities. An alphabetical key was therefore conceived InTHE RBVoLn; OPT 2 - sh alphabet wer ordinary Spanis et were trang pce ie munication uninteligible tothe ont a wens re itt: soon = c DEF Gu ‘ aB Jk SF a pooepe RSF OR Lg we puMNROPQRSy prvi WePERs q uvwXx ¥ xuwu ® en the Katina WS discovered and its alphabetical key Andres Bonifacio, in @ signed statement dated at Balintawak on August 2 so ordered that From now on all Papers shall not be writen in cpg {tbe butinnumbers"™ Thenew secret code follows; gue «ABCDEFGHI |) K ‘etipunam: + 232221 — 20 19 18 X 17 16 LUMNA OP QRS T 4131211: 109 8 7 6 uvVWwxYZ =$43 241 ‘When Bonfcio moved to Cavite and Jacinto took command ofthe ‘evolutionary army in Laguna, the two agreed to communicate with each othet ‘through a diferent alphabetical code, as follows: Spanish: ABCD EFGHIJK«K Mime CREDCBA WL K LUMNNRoPpPQRsST ‘IHS RQPORNZ OSV WARY Mkwvoug ert “LIPPAR'S 3 we my — HOME : 4:Multant Natlonalism 2 a Photographie reproduction of an important Katipunan document hitherto unknown to students rane revolution: Bonfacios “directive” changing the Katipunan alphabet to one of murbers, The Gocumens dated at Balintavak August 21, 1896,isiged by Andres Bonifacio and Emo Jacinta ‘The transcription follows (a question mark after a word means tha the word is hardly legible: the blanks indicate thatthe words are legible): PINATUTUNAVAN KO NA ANG / LAHAT NG KASULATAN SA SARIL (7)... TO NA INALALAGDA / SA AKTA NG KTTA. PAMAHALAAN NG KATIPUNAN NG / MGA ANAK NG [BAYAN AY SIANG MAGIGING (2) TULAY (2) SA / LOB NG NASABING ‘GAYONDIN ANG MGA / KAUTUSAN. KAYA... NGAYON ANG LAHAT NG ANOMANG / KASULATANG GAGANAPIN AY HINDI MAGLALAMAN (7) SA CLAVE / KUNDISABILANG. LAGDA DITO SA BALINTAWAK NGAYON IKA DALAWANGPUT ISA NG AGOSTO NG ISANG LIBO WALONG DAAN SIAM NA PU / AT ANTM. ANG KTTA SANGUNIAN "ANDRES BONIFACIO ANG KALIHIM, PINKIAN 421412197484 ‘After the tumultous Tejeros Convention® when the rivalry between the two factions in Cavite reached serious proportions, Bonifacio, in his letter to Jacinto, advised him to use another. code, the key to which they alone knew. “Vide chapter XI.THE REVOLT OP typ 2 . being tampered with hat hismalls were n and to ponitso compte cote offacinto's letters to the poy any possibly of Taino wasadvsed louse thelr second private gg es coftherival fiction! “whic ass follOWS FGHI 4 apcD K ish: ea pcBA GFELKYy ae LuMNAOPQRS 7 TANMURQPOVY uweyd zyx Ww Ia the last two alphabetical keys, a Was suppressed when preceded by , hemonasyllabicang, ng, at, kung, and sa, the nue ‘.andinlieuol ed substituted. 4,2,3,4,and S were respectively. py 10% when the Katipunan bad established branches inthe dere disves of Manlaand the suburbs, the structure ofthe society had taken thy form ofthe Liga wit its system of gradation to make the organization ruy rrore smoothly. The three units othe society corresponded to the present-day national, provincial, and municipal governments. tthe tp ofthe organization was the Supreme Council (Kataastaasang Sanggunian) composed ofa president, a secretary. a fiscal, a treasurer, and six members or councilors. In every province, a popular council (sangguniang bayan) wasestablished, while in every town, a section or branch (sangguniang balangay) was organized Both had the same officers as those of the Supreme Council The ater, together withthe presidents of the popular councils and the heads of sections, constituted the Katipunan Assembly.** In every province, ‘moreover, there was a sort of provincial court, called sangguniang hukuman, upon which the popular councils and sections depended and had, as its name connotes, the attributes of a judiciary that passed judgement on questions arising between the members of the society?” But all important questions, particularly those arising from dereliction 2 ee committed by the members, were brought '0 house arate Secret Chamber. This body, which was organized in he "Pio Valenzuela on Lavezares Street in January or February 189 4: Miltant Mationalism 2 was composed of only three members: Andres Bonifacio, Emilio Jacinto, and Dr. Valenzuela. Theoretically this chamber could pass the death semrene on anybody among members who committed grave offenses against the Katipunan, but in practic it never mted out the extreme reais the punishments were light, and in minor offenses like the fallure to obey the precepts of the society, the erring member was admonished to change for the better. Thus, a member who committed adultery was summoned and told that he should respect women as he respected himself. The lecture was read to him in these words: If you do not want your mother, wife, and sister abused, you should likewise refrain from abusing those of others, for such an offense is fully worth three lives. Bear in mind always that you should never do to others ‘what you do not want done to you, and in this manner—observing the rule ‘of conduct—you may count yourself an honorable son ofthe country. Gambling was punished by dropping the erring member out of the society until he had mended his ways.” ‘One may imagine the desperate attempts of the Katipunan to expand, to win the sympathies of the masses, for in 1893, it was decided to include women in its ranks. Consequently, a women's chapter was organized toward the middle of 1893 on exactly the same pattern and method of admission Gregoria de Jesus Marina Dizon Santiago Bonifaci's second wifeand CousinofEmioJacintoand vice president of the Women's Chapter secretary ofthe Wormers Caper ofthe Katipunan the Katipuna