The Ethiopian Orthodox Church: A Study in Indigenization

CALVIN E. SHENK

The Ethiopian Orthodox Church ir a fascinating study in indigenization.Its

deep rootage in the lives of the people ir evidenced by the way in which the
Church h a been preserved since the fourth century in spite of repeated threats
from enemies within and outside of Ethiopia. The church has Christianized im-
portant aspects of Old Testament and Hebrew culture as well as certain
remnants of primal religion. It adapted beliefs and symbols which reflected and
reinforced African traditiom, and either absorbed or transfigured that which
suited its purposes. The Ethiopian Church ir an indigenow church, not an indi-
genized one. The process of its indigenization ir described and important lessons
from thir rather natural development are identified that help in understanding the
importance of critical contextualization. The successes and failures of the Ethio-
pian Church provide perspectivefor contemporary attempts at contextualization.
This study is significant for understanding African Christianity but also has
missiological implicationsfor the wider world.

T he Ethiopian Orthodox Church is rooted deeply in the culture of

Ethiopia. It was not only the official religion of the empire until the
Revolution of 1974 but was considered by some to be the most pro-
found expression of her national existence and the most important cultural
factor in the lives of Ethiopians. The religious orientation represented by the
Ethiopian Orthodox Church was a unifying factor in Ethiopia throughout
the centuries. Its deep rootage in the lives of the people is evidenced by the
way in which the church has been preserved since the fourth century in spite

Dr. Calvin Shenk is Professor of Church Studies at Eastern Mennonite College in Har-
risonburg, Virginia. He was a missionary for fifteen years (1961-75) with the Mennonite
Church in Ethiopia.

Missiology: An International Review, Vol. XVI, No. 3, July 1988

260 Calvin Shenk

of repeated threats from enemies within and outside of Ethiopia.

The Ethiopian Orthodox Church has received little attention in the re-
ligious journals, perhaps because it has been so far removed from the main
developments of the church in the rest of Africa and the world. It is some-
times considered too irrelevant to the concerns of modern society or too
syncretistic in its indigenization.I Yet, Pierce Beaver described the Ethiopian
Church as the most thoroughly Africanized of any church, the fullest
example of the assimilation of African culture by Christianity (cited in
Pawlikowski 1972:196-197). The nature and emphases of this indigenzation
can be instructive for the church in Africa as a whole and for those particu-
larly concerned for the dynamics of faith within the culture.

Introduction and Development of Christianity

Christianity became the official religion of the Axumite Kingdom* in
the fourth ~ e n t u r yMeropius,
.~ a merchant-philosopher of Tyre, set out to
visit India, accompanied by Frumentius and Aedesius. As they sailed down
the Red Sea they ran short of food and water and stopped at a port on the
African coast. The local inhabitants massacred Meropius and the crew but
spared the two boys, taking them to the king of Axum, Ella Emida. Later,
Aedesius was made cupbearer and Frumentius became treasurer and
secretary. When the king died, the queen asked the brothers to stay until the
prince (Ezana) was grown; they stayed, helping to govern and also teaching
Ezana. Frumentius gave privileges to Christian merchants who came to the
country to build churches and spread Christianity. When the young prince
was grown, he and the imperial family were converted to Christianity and
Frumentius and Aedesius requested his permission to leave Axum. Aedesius
returned to Tyre and Frumentius went to Alexandria to Patriarch
Athanasius to ask him to appoint a bishop for Axum. A council of priests
agreed to consecrate Frumentius bishop of Axum. His consecration took
place sometime around A.D. 346, whereupon he returned to Ethiopia to
propagate the faith (Sergew 1970:3-4).
The introduction of Christianity as the state religion marked a turning
point in Ethiopian history. k a n a collaborated with Frumentius in evan-
gelizing the country, so that by the time of the emperor’s death, Christianity
was the official religion in Ethiopia and was firmly rooted in the culture.
Ethiopia accepted the decisions of the three major church councils4; in
many respects the theology of the church today is the theology of these
councils. The Ethiopian Church followed the Egyptian Coptic Church in re-
jecting the decision of the Council of Chalcedon in 45 1, which gave official
approval to the doctrine of the two natures of Christ. The Ethiopian Or-
thodox Church is commonly called Monophysite, although it prefers the
term tewahido (made one). With several Eastern churches,S it is called anti-
Chalcedonian or non-Chalcedonian.
 The Ethiopian Orthodox Church: A Study in lndigenization 261

Frumentius was succeeded by Bishop Minas, an Egyptian. This began

the peculiar Alexandrian jurisdiction over the Ethiopian Church, which
lasted for sixteen hundred years. During this time Ethiopians were not
considered eligible to be consecrated as bishops.
The main work of evangelization was carried out by Nine Saints who
came to Axum about 480. These saints, coming from different parts of the
Eastern Roman Empire, were persecuted because they were non-Chalce-
donian. They went first to Egypt, where they lived some years in the
monasteries founded by Pachomius, before coming to Ethiopia. With the
help of Ethiopian sovereigns, they sought to eradicate primal6 religion and
established monasteries and churches. The monasteries served as centers of
learning for the consolidation of Christian culture. The Nine Saints
contributed to the development of the liturgy, the Bible, and other literature
in Geez (Ethiopic). Geez was derived from the Sabaean and enriched by
Greek, Hebrew, and Syriac. Music, art, and architecture flourished.
Christianity in the sixth and early seventh centuries spread over a large
part of the north and east and spread south and west along the trade routes.
Christians were not ordered to exterminate unbelievers whom they en-
countered except in the case of non-Christian invaders. The church followed
a policy which attempted to Christianize primal religious temples and cus-
toms rather than completely eradicating them (Bairu 1967:36-37).
The rise of Islam was the turning point in the history of Axum. It was
not the direct onslaught of Islam nor the impact of thejihad which was so
disastrous, but through its commercial dominance in the Red Sea, Islam cut
Ethiopia off from contact with the outside world, in particular from South
Arabia, Byzantium, and to a large extent from Egypt. Ethiopia became a
Christian island surrounded by Islam in the north and east and primal reli-
gion in the south. As Greek and Semitic cultural influences began to wane,
there was a resurgence of primal religious tradition and Judaic practices, but
this was also a time of Christian indigenization (Ullendorff 196557-58,62).
The uniqueness of this indigenization which has woven several levels of
tradition together must be understood against the background of several
significant events. Isolation from the Christian world and the presence of
enemies threatening her survival turned Ethiopia inward and made her rely
on her own theological resources. At the same time the political and re-
ligious center of Ethiopian civilization moved southward and came increas-
ingly into contact with non-Christians.
Some of these same factors continued throughout Ethiopia’s succeed-
ing history. While Ethiopia later had renewed contact with the Christian
world, she never gave up the spirit of self-reliance and isolationism. This was
reinforced when European Jesuits tried to convert her to Catholicism in the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. As the empire and church continued
expanding southward up until the last century, non-Christians were Chris-
262 Calvin Shenk

tianized, though often very marginally.

It is therefore not surprising that the church is often accused of syn-
cretism. Yet at the same time it has survived for 1,600 years. Before observ-
ing the themes of its indigenization, it is important to look at the influences
of the Old Testament and Hebrew culture as well as remnants of primal reli-
gions on Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity.

The Influence of the Old Testament

and Hebrew Culture on Ethiopian Christianity
Ever since Christian Ethiopia came to the attention of European
travelers and missionaries, it has been reproached for its Judaizing
tendencies. Ethiopia’s encounter with Judaism in the past has left its traces
until today, it is one of the characteristics which distinguishes the Ethiopian
Church from the many other Christian churches and even makes it unique
among Oriental churches.
A great deal of uncertainty exists concerning when and how this in-
fluence was exerted, but it is generally agreed that Jewish communities in
Ethiopia, either through conversion or parallel existence, helped to mold
Christianity. The most likely explanation is that Judaism spread to Ethiopia
from South Arabia before Ethiopia was Christianized. As Ethiopian Jews
were converted to Christianity, they became the carriers of Hebraic ele-
ments, rites, and forms. But some scholars believe that the Judaistic
tendencies reflect the special appeal that the Old Testament has for Ethio-
pians as Semitic people, while their isolation from the main body of Chris-
tians left them without the guidance required for discernment. It may even
be that Christians coming from Syria were influenced by Jewish believers in
Jesus (Ephraim 1972:240-245). One cannot discount, of course, the appeal
that the Old Testament has for Africans, which the Ethiopian Church
demonstrated long before the rise of African Independent Churches in this
century.
The traditional Ethiopian explanation for this Jewish connection is
based on a book known as Kebra Negust (Glory of the Kings) written in the
nineteenth century. The Kebru Negust has as its central theme the legend of
Solomon and the Queen of Sheba. Their son Menelik was brought up in the
court of Jerusalem, where he was anointed king of Ethiopia. When he went
to Ethiopia his retainers took the Ark of the Covenant (Tubot) from the
temple at Jerusalem and deposited it at Axum, whereupon Axum assumed
the position of a “Second Jerusalem” in Ethiopian tradition (Ham-
merschmidt 19652; Ullendorff 1968:74-79; Ephraim 1968:49). Much of the
form and style of Kebru Negust is traceable to Old Testament sources and is
undoubtedly one of the main reasons for Ethiopia’s profound respect for
the Old Testament.
Magic is one of the most notable features of Ethiopian Christianity.
 The Ethiopian Orthodox Church: A Study in Indigenization 263

While some of this is derived from Cushitic primal beliefs, a considerable

amount of magic was borrowed from Hebrew culture. The Ethiopian
custom of wearing amulets may have come from Urim, Thummim, and
phylacteries of the Old Testament. Amulets, the shield of David, and the
seal and net of Solomon are accompanied, among both Hebrews and Ethio-
pians, with spells to destroy demons and avoid disease. Jews and Ethiopians
attach extraordinary importance to the effect of a name, because knowledge
of the name means power over the person or the spirit. In some regions of
Ethiopia a child is given two names, the ordinary one and a secret one. The
secret name is revealed to him only when he is old enough to protect himself
against magic (Ullendorff 1968:79-82).Thus when a priest asks the name of
the child at baptism, the ordinary name is given so the evil spirits do not
hear the secret name and have power over the child (Hammerschmidt
1965:5).
The concept and function of the Tubot (Ark) is very similar to the Old
Testament understanding of the Ark. Each church has a Tabor which is a
copy of the original one, thought to be at Axum. The word Tubot resembles
the Hebrew rebuh, but another name given to it is Zion. For the Hebrews,
Zion was the mountain where God dwelt, but for Ethiopians it is God’s
dwelling in the Ark. The bishop consecrates the Tubot rather than the
church building, not unlike the custom in the tabernacle, temple, and syna-
gogue. Just as David danced before the Ark in 2 Samuel 6:14-15, the Ethio-
pian clergy at the Feast of Timke7 sing, dance, beat the prayer stick, rattle
the sistra, and play musical instruments as the Ark is taken from the church
in procession (Ullendorff 1968:82-87;Ephraim 1968:48).
The threefold division of the Ethiopian church buildings is based upon
the temple of Solomon. The innermost part where the Ark rests is called the
Mekedex8 Here only the senior priests and the kings were admitted. The
middle section is called the K i d d ~ twhere
, ~ the priests and those receiving
communion stand. The outside ambulatory, the Kine Muhlet, is where the
hymns are sung by the debterru (cantors) and where many of the congrega-
tion stand. As the synagogue was to be placed at the highest point of the
town, the churches of Ethiopia are usually on a hill overlooking the village
(Hammerschmidt 19653; Ullendorff 1968:88-89).
Ethiopian religious music is believed to have similarities to Hebrew
music. The twofold division of the Israelite priesthood is paralleled in
Ethiopia. The clergy of the Old Testament were divided into priests and
Levites, with the Levites responsible for choral functions. In the Ethiopian
Church there are priests and debterra, the debterru being comparable to the
Levites. The idea of religious dancing is taken from the Old Testament, as is
antiphonal singing, chanting of psalms, and perhaps also the high-pitched,
falsetto voice. Even the musical instruments of Ethiopia appear to have a
certain likeness to Old Testament instruments or have at least drawn in-
264 CalvinShenk

spiration from them (Ullendorff 1968:89-98).

The liturgy of the Ethiopian service is largely biblical. As in the syna-
gogue, the reading of sacred texts plays a central role in Ethiopian worship.
The basic text of the Ethiopian morning service is the Psalms, supplemented
by a collection of nine odes, but all, with one exception, coming from the
Hebrew Bible. Included in these are the Red Sea Song (Exodus 15), the
Song of Moses (Deuteronomy 32), the prayer of Hannah (1 Samuel 2), and
the Prayer of Jonah (Jonah 2) (Ephraim 1968:49).
Ethiopians maintain strict dietary laws based upon the food laws of the
Pentateuch. They follow in detail the teaching of Leviticus regarding mam-
mals and birds, and even the statement in Genesis 32:33 concerning the for-
bidden sinew (shdldu) (Ephraim 1968:46). They refuse to eat animals
which do not chew the cud or have cloven hooves, vigorously prohibiting
the consumption of pork. Slaughtering and bleeding of animals is
performed according to Pentateuchal requirements as found in Genesis 9:4
and Leviticus 3: 17; 4:6. However, the post-biblical prohibition against
consuming meat and milk at the same time is not known by the Ethiopians
(Ullendorff 1968:100-103).
There are strict regulations concerning ritual cleanness. Anyone who is
unclean from sexual intercourse, seminal flow, or menstruation may not
enter a church. Sexual relations are forbidden at menstruation and during
days of fasting. A man who is present at childbirth is unclean, and women
may not enter a church for forty days after giving birth. Circumcision in
Ethiopia has a particularly biblical character. Of all the people who cir-
cumcise, only the Jews and Ethiopians limit the rite to the eighth day (Ullen-
dorff 1968:104, 108). The Copts of Egypt, for example, have considerable
freedom in the choice of the time of circumcision (Hammerschmidt 19655).
The days of baptizing infants (forty days for male and eighty days for fe-
male) seem to follow the Jewish laws of presentation at the temple (Jones
and Monroe 195540).
One of the main accusations brought against Ethiopian Christians by
the Portuguese Jesuits in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries was their
observance of the Sabbath. The observance of the Sabbath is a deeply
rooted practice but the exact meaning of the Ethiopian Sabbath was not al-
ways clear. There was much variation in practice as well as contradictions
and ambiguities in Ethiopian literature regarding its observance. Emperor
Zara Yacob in the fifteenth century, in his book called Mashafa Berhun
(Book of Light), wrote at a time when there was theological controversy
over the strict observance of the two Sabbaths. Certain monks advocated
the keeping of Saturday and Sunday but other monks opposed them, so
Zara Yacob decided the issue in favor of the two Sabbaths, an idea that had
long been established in the northern part of Ethiopia, where the Semitized
Axumites preserved Jewish culture more strictly than those who lived
 The Ethiopian Orthodox Church: A Study in Indigenization 265

farther south (Ullendorff 1968:190-213; Hammerschmidt 1965:5-11). Ham-

merschmidt, who has made a special study of the Sabbath in Ethiopia,
believes there is a deliberate moving away from certain characteristics of the
Jewish Sabbath in order to make the Ethiopian Sabbath distinctly Christian
(reference in Hempel 1965:305-306).
Hebraic influence on holiday celebrations may be less obvious but
equally important. The Ethiopian New Year (September 11) is almost cer-
tainly related to the New Year of the Jewish calendar. The Jewish high
priest prepared for Rosh Hashum (New Year) by ritual immersion in water
and the slaughter of a bullock. Ephraim Isaac believes these rituals are
reflected in the Ethiopian custom of a purification bath and a communal
animal sacrifice on New Year’s Day. The Ethiopian Easter (Fasika) has
overtones of the Jewish Pesach, both in name and in observance (1968:47-
48). Ullendorff believes that the Feast of Meskel (finding of the true cross)
in September corresponds to the Hebrew season Yemim nora’im and that
the two regular weekly Ethiopian fast days on Wednesday and Friday may
reflect the Jewish fast on Monday and Thursday while at the same time
seeking to avoid accusation of imitating the Jews (1968: 113-114).
Judaism left a Hebrew imprint on certain Geez and Amharic words
(Ullendorff 1968:1 19-125). The former custom of having Cities of Refuge in
the northern part of Ethiopia is amazingly Hebraic (O’Hanlon 1946:61;
Hyatt 1928:60). There are certain resemblances in customary law, local jus-
tice, marriage (particularly levirate marriage), and divorce (Ullendorff
1968:115).
There is no doubt that much of Ethiopian culture has been affected by
the biblical Hebraic tradition, but though many traditions stem from Ju-
daism, Ethiopia adapted and reshaped them to fit the peculiar character of
her Christianity. This reshaping is for the most part consistent with basic
Christian ideas. Jewish concepts supplied a form in which Christian under-
standings were clothed. With the exception of certain magical customs, bor-
rowings from Judaism did not significantly distort the faith. These customs
may not be necessary but neither are they harmful. Still, it is interesting to
note that Old Testament cult and ritual were more important than the pro-
phetic material, which may be a key to understanding the process of accom-
modation.

’Ihe Influence of Primal Religion on Ethiopian Christianity

In addition to the Hebraic influences on Ethiopian Christianity, it is
obvious that certain remnants of primal religion have given a distinguishing
feature to the church. Some of these practices have been accommodated by
the church but many more form a substratum that is part of the life of
people who are members of the church but feel the need for additional
resources to meet life’s exigencies, even though the church may officially
266 CalvinShenk

condemn such beliefs.

Gods of primal religion were not completely destroyed, but were
modified as good or evil spirits. Thus, the gods of Cushitic tribes of
southern Ethiopia continued to be worshiped as minor deities or nature
spirits. For example, Christian Oromo equated the goddess of fertility
(Atete) with the Virgin Mary. In a similar manner, Zar, the sky-god of the
Agaw in northern Ethiopia, became a possessive spirit in the belief of Ethio-
pians. Actually, Zar spirits are of many kinds-male or female, bad or
good. They are blamed for physical or mental illness, seizures, trances, mel-
ancholia, hysteria, and freak children (Trimingham 1952:27; Lipsky
1962:lll; Huntingford 1955:76; Levine 1965:70).
Belief in buda, a human being possessed of an evil eye, who by night is
transformed into a hyena, is still very common. The buda or tayb is one who
can look at someone and “drink his blood.” The blacksmith, the potter, and
the leatherworker are often considered budas and these occupations are
therefore taboo for Christians. When a marriage is arranged it is important
to make sure that there is no buda blood in the family (Ullendorff 1965:103;
Lipsky 1962:1 1 1; Hyatt 1928:267-269; Levine 1965:70).
Fetishes and charms are common. When a child is baptized a silk cord
(mateb) is tied around his neck. This not only identifies the child as a Chris-
tian but it is commonly believed to be useful in warding off evil spirits. To
guard against evil spirits, debterra (educated lay clergy) are sometimes em-
ployed to prepare amulets (little leather cases containing magical prayer and
formulas written in Geez), which are worn around the neck or arm.
Amulets are often decorated with pictures of saints, especially St. George,
St. Michael, or St. Gabriel. The most powerful amulet is the cross. A parch-
ment scroll (lefafa sedeq) is sometimes attached to the body of a deceased
person as a guide on his way to heaven. Many of these magical prayers now
combine a primal substratum with a superimposed layer of divine invoca-
tion or references to the Virgin Mary and the saints (Budge 1928584, 588;
Ephraim 1971:261; Ullendorff 1965:103).
Some believe Christ himself was the chief magician who gave his
apostles a special prayer and formulas over magic, evil, and disease. Christ
taught them magical names and short spells by which they could counter
the evil magic of Satan and his devils. Christ is considered to be a worker of
“white magic” who can thwart the “black magic” of the traditional ma-
gician who seeks to prevent rainfall, bewitches the earth, and prevents
women from bearing children. According to Ethiopian tradition, Christ
conferred upon Mary some of the magical powers which he possessed.
Much popular magic is therefore connected with her (O’Hanlon 1946:62;
Budge 1928:583-584).
Priests and debterra may today perform rites of exorcism. Some of the
learned clergy are thought to be able to communicate with angels, spirits, or
 The Ethiopian Orthodox Church: A Study in Indigenization 267

spirits of the dead. Some of them wield more power than the sorcerer and
are experts in rainmaking and divination (Trimingham 1952:28; Hyatt
192859; Ephraim 1971:267; Levine 196571).
Satan is considered to be the most powerful of the spirits. He is said to
dwell in deep waters, forests, or caves, and is particularly present at noon,
midnight, and near dirty places. He may be blamed for drowning, sickness
and epilepsy, burnings in the fire, as well as for immoral behavior such as
theft, drunkenness, and murder. Because of his power he is respected and
feared and sometimes prayed to in times of sickness. Certain individuals get
along well with the devil; they pray to him and he does them favors. When
the person dies, the son often continues that relationship (Levine 1965:67).
Holy springs, believed to originate in the Jordan River, are named after
Christ, Mary, or the saints. Hot springs, in addition to being places of heal-
ing, are frequently given religious interpretations. Drinking holy water is
common. Sacred trees are important in Ethiopia as objects of devotion;
many are dedicated to a saint or angel. Certain sycamore trees, trees on
church compounds, or groves around churches have become places of pil-
grimage, offerings, or sacrifice. To break a branch from a tree in the church-
yard is considered sacrilege.
Some churches were built on ancient primal temple sites or at places
where there were holy objects such as trees or stones. The churches super-
seded but sometimes also absorbed the older cult. A few authorities believe
that the practice of sacrificing an animal at the dedication of a church and
the celebration of certain feasts once each month (Nativity, St. George, St.
Mary, St. Michael, St. Gabriel) may reflect a pagan origin (Jones and
Monroe 1955:38-39;Trimingham 1952:28-29; Biddler 1959:35).
There are numerous traditions which depict Ethiopian saints as having
great victories over primal religion, witchcraft, and magic, but the stories of
their victories are often couched in the language of traditional religion.
Saints are very important because they fill the need for mediation. Venera-
tion of holy places and holy objects is common.
Some Christian holiday celebrations appear to reflect elements of tradi-
tional religions. Observance of New Year sometimes incorporates sacrificial
rituals for exorcism. Timket (Epiphany) has pre-Christian elements. The
Meskel (cross) festival which commemorates the finding of the true cross by
Empress Helena, mother of Constantine, includes the burning of a pole
(demeru)and many bonfires. Sometimes the sign of the cross is made on the
forehead from ashes taken from the fire. Christian explanations suggest that
the demeru are a symbol of the prayers and success of Helena, who either
was able to find the site of crucifixion through a sign from the smoke of
burning incense or else lit a fire in order that the smoke might serve as a sign
of victory. Others believe this practice is based upon a pre-Christian
observance related to fire or incense in cult worship. It might recall the use
268 CalvinShenk

of incense in pre-Christian temples (Talbot 1952:196), but is more likely re-

lated to bonfires which began the solar new year (Levine 197450). Lideta (a
feast on the first of each month) is celebrated for the love of Mary but there
is also censing and prayers to the spirits.
Though numerous practices of Ethiopian Christians are derived from
primal religion, there have been attempts to bring them into harmony with
the requirements of Christianity. There is not always a necessary cor-
respondence between the original meaning and its significance in a Chris-
tianized form. One should not conclude that what has just been described is
only primal religion with a Christian veneer. Whether the primal or Chris-
tian dominates varies from place to place, depending upon the quality of
nurture. Yet certain practices persist in the lives of the Christian populace
without the official approval of the church or even in spite of teaching
against them.
One may find people who have been baptized in the Orthodox Church
appeasing spirits, offering sacrifices, honoring the living dead, participating
in planting or harvesting ceremonies similar to primal religious custom,
consulting a medium or diviner, living in fear of sorcerers, visiting the
medicine man, honoring sacred objects or places, performing rainmaking
ceremonies, and relying heavily on magic and fetishes. Though not
necessarily sanctioned by the church, lack of discipline does little to dis-
courage such practices. Remnants of primal religion are more problematic
for indigenization because they distort faith more than borrowed Jewish
customs.

Indigenization Reinforced African Themes

Ethiopian Christianity adapted beliefs and symbols which reflected
and reinforced indigenous African traditions. The church either absorbed or
transfigured that which suited its purposes, Sometimes one of the three
strands-Christianity, Judaism, primal religion-seems to dominate more
than another. The themes which follow are not exhaustive, but symbolic.

1. Incorporation
The child is incorporated into the community through baptism. Chris-
tian baptism of the male child after forty days and the female child after
eighty days seems to follow the Jewish laws of presentation at the temple. At
the same time the baptismal ceremony reflects concern with demons both
from the standpoint of the past and the desire to avoid potential demonic
power over the child in the future through name magic.

2. Celebration of Community
The Ethiopian calendar provides for celebration of community
through fasting and feasting. This celebration includes the living and the
 The Ethiopian Orthodox Church: A Study in Indigenization 269

dead. The calendar, though sometimes borrowing from Jewish and primal
traditions, is a constant reminder of the respect believers owe to the Chris-
tian saints. Churches are named for them, feasts are instituted in their
honor, the name of the saint is taken at baptism, and Tabots (arks) are dedi-
cated to them. It is generally believed that Christ granted Ethiopia as a fief
to his mother. St. George is considered the patron saint of Ethiopia.
Villages, religious fraternal associations, and families honor saints. The
celebration of saints’ days, social-religious institutions (Senbete, Mahaber,
Zikre Kiddusan), other holidays, and pilgrimages weld the religious com-
munity together. The emphasis upon church building, ark, clergy, and wor-
ship (music, vestments, symbols, gestures, language, liturgy) celebrate com-
munity. The corporate value of Orthodox worship fits beautifully with Af-
rican understandings of corporate celebration.

3. Fertility
Ethiopians are concerned for the fertility of land (rainfall and planting
ceremonies, protection of crops, harvest ceremonies) and people. Pil-
grimages are made to St. Gabriel’s Church at Kalubi in eastern Ethiopia to
ask for the angel’s intercession; one of the most common requests is for a
child. As noted before, some have equated the Virgin Mary with Atete, the
goddess of fertility.

4. Concernfor Power
This is seen in the wearing of amulets with both Jewish and Christian
motifs and the role of the debterra in using magic to counteract evil magic or
evil spirits. Even the cross can become a powerful fetish.

5. Medium and Mediation

In the face of potentially evil power there is appeal to Mary, saints, or
angels for mediation and the debterra sometimes function as mediums.

6. Concernfor Taboos and Purification

Regulations concerning diet, sexual intercourse, menstruation, and
childbirth are very Jewish but reinforce African awareness of taboo. Chris-
tian meanings have been given to ritual purification, holy springs, and holy
water. Customs of Timket (Epiphany) may well reflect this concern for pu-
rification.

7. Pilgrimage to Sacred Places

Sacred trees, groves, springs, stones, or mountains may be near a
church or associated with the Christian tradition. Pilgrimage to these places
resembles pre-Christian treks.
270 Calvin Shenk

8. Death
Remembrance of the dead (Tescar) is a very important Orthodox rite
which not only commemorates the dead but offers material sacrifices on be-
half of the deceased to promote his well-being. Added to this institution of
the church may be magical rites designed either to propitiate or to safeguard
his destiny.
Since many other features of belief and practice are held in common
with universal Christian tradition and are not uniquely the result of the Af-
rican cultural context, they are not dealt with here. A complete picture of
the church would need to include that which is universal Christian tradition
as well as that which is particular to the church.

The Process of Indigenization

The Ethiopian Orthodox Church is an indigenous church, not an indi-
genized one. It is applauded for its authentic African character but also
criticized for its syncrentistic tendencies. Criticism is primarily directed
against the remnants of primal religion, not the Hebraic influence. As noted
above, the church reinforced indigenous African traditions, but too often,
because of the primal substratum, the populace merely assimilated Chris-
tian ideas into the old framework. What lessons does one learn from this
rather natural development that helps in understanding the importance of
critical contextualization? Consideration of the process of indigenization
provides some perspective on this question.

I . The Impact of Political Power

In Ethiopia, Christianity spread from the king to the lower classes, not
from the lower classes to the king as in the Greco-Roman Empire. Ethiopia
was evangelized as the kingdom expanded its frontiers. In the Axumite
Kingdom Christian expansion followed military conquest. Monarchs
sought to integrate new areas into the kingdom through a program of
Christian settlement and evangelization. Similarly, the Zagwe dynasty
moved southward, subjugating and Christianizing the Agaw (Kaplan
1984:18-19). As the empire continued its move southward until the begin-
ning of this century, persons were Christianized, though often superficially.
Military campaigns did not result in immediate Christianization of the
inhabitants but the Christian influence of the dominant political group left
its impact. Military colonies were a means of integrating subject people into
the dominant system. Churches were built for the army of occupation;
Christian settlers moved into the area. Inhabitants of the conquered areas
were slowly and imperfectly absorbed into the new religious framework
with the conquered and the conquerors experiencing mutual assimilation
(Taddesse 1972b:99,173,231-232).
Outward movements of church and state were very active in the early
 The Ethiopian Orthodox Church: A Study in Indigenization 271

Solomonic period (1270- 1527). Christians and Muslims often competed for
primal religious areas, which adversely affected the purity of the faith. Some
of the emperors facilitated this expansion. Emperor Amda Seyon (1314-44)
was an important architect of the dynamic system of Christian expansion.
Emperor Zara Yacob (1434-68) sought to stabilize conquests and give a
sound institutional base for church and state. He was concerned about non-
Christian elements that had crept into the church and tried to bring an end
to these alien practices through religious instruction. He ordered churches
to be built on primal religious sites and tried to abolish primal religious cus-
toms. Magicians were executed or imprisoned. Worship of other gods and
magical prayers were forbidden under pain of death. Christian fasts and
holy days were enforced and Christians were required to bear signs of the
faith on their bodies, clothes, and property. He encouraged baptism by re-
warding new converts with a position among the privileged class of Chris-
tian settlers. He wanted to assimilate primal religious subjects into the
Christian community and create a religiously homogeneous society (Tad-
dessee 1972b:121, 232, 237-239; Kaplan 1984:107). However, his coercion
made effective indigenization impossible and many returned to their former
religion.
Some local rulers opposed the new religion but the power of the
kingdom was attractive to others who saw acceptance of the religion of the
conquerors as a clever way to gain political prestige and advancement. To
reinforce their power, local rulers sometimes enlisted the support of the
monk against primal religious practitioners because the local ruler saw the
primal religious expert as a threat to his power. Not only did the king have
political power for Christianization but now also the local ruler had power
over his subjects. Since among primal people religion is not so much the
concern of the individual as the community, the leaders of ethnic groups be-
came Christian and the community was obliged to follow them. Local rulers
were attracted to the Christian faith because it was a universal religion but
they were not required to abandon their previous beliefs. Unfortunately,
neither they nor their subjects experienced thoroughgoing conversion (Tad-
desse 1972b:233; Kaplan 1984:123-124).
Similarly, the church gradually dispossessed the primal religious
experts of their political and economic power but it never had complete
claim on the loyalty of their soul. Local leaders and religious experts tended
to reject Christian faith if it threatened their power but accepted it if it le-
gitimized their authority (Kaplan 1984:124).
In early Solomonic Ethiopia monks took a leading role in evangeliza-
tion. Monks did not usually represent themselves as emissaries of the Chris-
tian kings nor did they present conversion as a symbol of political submis-
sion. They preferred to convey an essentially religious message, to challenge
local religious experts rather than political officials. Yet despite their good
272 Calvin Shenk

intentions, the shadow of Christian political power made it impossible to

make a complete separation between religion and political power and the
Solomonic kings as well as the local rulers often interpreted the monks’
activities politically.
The Coptic bishop of the church, usually preoccupied with organiza-
tion, had little concern for renewal or evangelization. A notable exception
was Bishop Yacob, who sought to counter the non-Christian elements in-
side and outside the church. With the approval and support of Amda
%yon, he had monastic leaders with special evangelistic responsibilities ac-
company the troops, but the loyalty of many on the frontier was mainly a
response to political power (Taddesse 1972b:178-180).
In the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries Christianity was in-
troduced as a way of incorporation into the Ethiopian state. One of the con-
quered areas among the Oromo in the southwest illustrates this process.
Priests followed the garrisons; churches sponsored by generals or chiefs
were founded. Conversions were followed by mass baptisms but nurture
was minimal. Local nobility were first converted and then their subjects
were asked to be baptized. Orthodoxy spread not as a popular movement
(though conversion frequently followed family connections) but under no-
ble and princely patronage. Force was used against those who resisted.
Oromo converted because of the weakness of their primal religion or be-
cause they felt socially inferior (Negaso and Crummey 1972:103-112).
Clearly, the spread of the Christian faith in Ethiopia cannot be dissoci-
ated from the use of power. Following the pattern established early in
Ethiopian history, Christianity tended to flow from the more powerful to
the less powerful. Power flowed from king, military, nobles, local rulers, and
sometimes from churchmen who were representatives of political power. In
short, it was politically expedient to be a Christian. Power was sometimes
imposed from without; one was obliged to become Christian for the sake of
political unity. Other times power was sought after to gain advantage with
the king or to be used against other competing powers. Unfortunately,
preoccupation with power and mixed motivation for conversion resulted in
syncretistic faith. Part of that syncretism may also represent a subtle
resistance against power at the same time one was allying oneself with that
power.
The church was usually the official religion of the state, not a minority
religious community. It, therefore, did not experience persecution from the
state. Lack of persecution meant that persons were not forced to sort
through the essential characteristics of authentic faith.

2. Competitionfor Spiritual Power

Evangelists during the Solomonic dynasty were primarily monks (holy
men) rather than the secular clergy. Many of them functioned on their own,
 The Ethiopian Orthodox Church: A Study in Indigenization 273

not in accordance with an official policy. The extent to which non-Chris-

tians were weaned from their religious allegiances or the degree of accom-
modation on the part of the evangelist was dependent upon the monk’s own
understanding of mission and the local conditions encountered.
Monks did not usually question the power of the local religion. Rather
than denying the power of religious officials and their deities, the monks
sought to demonstrate the impotence of their rivals when confronted with
the greater power of the God of Christianity. Since the monks had access to
a superior power, it is hardly surprising that they were frequently perceived
by the non-Christian population as a new kind of diviner, sorcerer, ma-
gician, or priest. They were not seen as having a different worldview or new
type of religion. Some monks contributed to their image as “Christian ma-
gicians” by allowing recent converts to make the transition from primal re-
ligious expert to Christian clergy with amazing ease. A magician who too
quickly became a clergyman continued to function as a magician. As monks
encountered the religious experts they themselves took on some of the
mystical function of those they had supplanted and deprived the converts of
essential Christian content (Kaplan 1984:1 14-1 15; Taddesse 1972a:147).
Traditions about the monks’ miracles made them semidivine. In the
name of God they supplanted witch doctors and sorcerers. They took a
stand against Satan and demonic forces. They functioned as mediators.
They healed diseases but the means used (cross, eucharist, saliva, religious
garb, holy water), even if Christianized, was too similar to other forms of
power. They served as vehicles of communication between humans and ani-
mals, especially confronting satanic forces working through animals. In the
minds of the populace monks were associated with angels, Mary, and saints
(Kaplan 1984:70-90).
The attitude of monks toward traditional places of worship varies but
they often stressed continuity rather than rupture in their selection of sites
for Christian worship. Holy sites were “captured” and reinterpreted but not
abolished. Sometimes, because of resistance, this transition was too easy.
There were attempts to Christianize primal temples and cult rather than
eradicate them. Primal deities were defeated but not destroyed. Traditional
holy places were redirected to a new religion rather than a new religion di-
recting to a new site. In this process it was often difficult to separate sacred
trees and groves from their former veneration as sites for spirits or holy ob-
jects (Kaplan 1984:1 18, 125).

3. Leadershipfor Evangelization
The Ethiopian Church has not had a unified policy for evangelization.
Without a common understanding of evangelism or a clear position toward
non-Christian practice, accommodation to culture proceeded haphazardly.
The central leadership of the church preferred a sheltered existence at
274 Calvin Shenk

the center of the traditional Christian state. They made little attempt to
convert people on the periphery (Kaplan 1984:91). Furthermore, it was im-
possible for the Coptic bishop to apply strict control from the center. Lack
of leadership meant that some of the concessions made to primal religious
cultures did not have the blessing of the central hierarchy of the church
(Taddesse 1972a:147).
Secular clergy tended to stay near the center of the kingdom. They
were so embedded in the society around them and so dependent upon it for
support that they did not opt for the lonely or dangerous life of the frontier.
When they went to the frontier they went with troops in order to serve their
religious needs. (Kaplan 1984:31).
Secular clergy made only minor contributions to the spread of the faith
among conquered peoples. Because of extended periods without a bishop,
there was a shortage of priests and deacons. This lack of clergy was a major
cause of the syncretistic character of Christianity. Often the selection of
priests was not based upon piety or learning but upon a family tradition of
serving in the priesthood. Poorly trained clerics had little interest in spread-
ing the Christian faith to non-Christian people. In fact, when such occasions
arose and they were confronted with primal religion they often com-
promised, abandoning essential elements of the faith (Kaplan 1984:30-31).
They could not provide sufficient guidance to people to extricate themselves
from their former religious milieu (Taddesse 1972a:150). The priests and
deacons were not even capable of transmitting the spirit of Christian teach-
ing to the Christian settler communities. They were only capable of
performing the liturgy and officiating at religious ceremonies (Taddesse
1972b:231-232).
The conversion of conquered people was left to the monks. Military
successes brought Christians into newly conquered areas but the missionary
activities of the monks brought Christianity. On occasion monks were co-
opted for the purposes of the state but they were not just pawns of the royal
hierarchy. Monks tended to be individualistic and act independently which
contributed to varied understandings of Christian faith in relation to primal
culture. They were tolerant of the socio-cultural practices. Conversion and
incorporation into the church was simple and rapid; profession of faith was
followed by baptism and change of name but there was little nurture.

4. Conversion and Nurture

From a political perspective conversion reinforced dependency. But
there were mixed motivations (obligation, social advantage) for conversion.
Converts accepted a new and more powerful religion but the new did not dif-
fer from the old in essence (Kaplan 1984:117, 124). Alien aspects were
minimized; new converts were not wrenched from their established patterns
of social manners and customs. Continuity rather than dramatic change was
 The Ethiopian Orthodox Church: A Study in Indigenization 275

stressed. Monastic leaders made concessions in order to gain new converts

(Kaplan 1984:117). At first concessions dealt with external aspects of liturgy
but over the years concessions began to affect substantive tenets of the faith
(Taddesse 1982a:1 4 6147). Sacraments were administered without sufficient
teaching. Primal people looked at the impressive ceremonies as just another
curious cult.
Church members were adherents, not converts. The break from the
past was not radical enough. In their minds the old beliefs were not wrong
but outdated, given the greater efficacy of Christianity. New religious forms
were supplements to, rather than substitutes for, the old. In this situation
monks seemed content to communicate a minimalist version of Christianity
and converts were not obliged to give up established customs (Kaplan
1984:117).
Looseness of discipline eased the transition from primal religions. The
church did not concern itself with intimate personal practices. Whoever was
not an open opponent of the church or whoever did not publicly profess
another religion was regarded as a Christian. The church did not press the
issue of belief. There was change in form but not in content (Ephraim
1972:265-266). Nurture was neglected, partly because there were too few
and inadequately trained clerics. Further, even though Ethiopia had the Bi-
ble in Ethiopia, it was not available in the many vernaculars of the frontier,
and most people were not literate in any language. Failure to teach doctrine
and ethics resulted in nominalism. Without adequate nurture many easily
accepted Christianity and later discarded it. Lacking a genuine reorienta-
tion, few had an irreversible commitment.

Summary and Conclusion

The Ethiopian Orthodox Church clearly espouses Christianity of the
Oriental Orthodox tradition. Christian theology and practices constitute the
main religious strand into which the other two strands are woven. At the
same time one cannot ignore the impact that the other strands have had on
Christianity, an impact which becomes more obvious when the Ethiopian
Church is compared with the other Oriental Orthodox churches. Hebrew
and African traditions have given the Ethiopian Church a uniqueness which
resulted from indigenization on the one hand and syncretism on the other.
This paper does not pretend to understand all the dynamics involved in
this process. But it seems clear that while Ethiopia wanted to be Christian,
she also was eager to be African. African life and culture were integrated
with Christian experience. Ethnic and cultural elements were not kept aloof
from faith and life. On the contrary, they were used as vehicles for com-
munication of faith to people rooted in the African milieu. The church
spoke to African needs. Ethiopia was fortunate to have the Bible, literature,
and liturgy in Ethiopic very early. This enabled deep penetration into the
276 Calvin Shenk

culture. Without doubt, this initial vernacularization contributed to indige-

nization by affirming the culture. The church’s worship was African and its
leaders were African. Perhaps the greatest witness to the quality of this indi-
genization is its survival in the midst of many difficulties when churches in
Nubia and Carthage no longer exist. This is significant for understanding
African Christianity and also has missiological implications for the wider
world.
While the church could easily embed itself in the culture of the people,
this was both its strength and its weakness. Those policies which led to suc-
cess were also shortcomings mainly because the worldview was not suffi-
ciently transformed. From the process of indigenization we have seen the
impact of political power, competition for spiritual power, lack of
systematic leadership for evangelization, and the superficial nature of
conversion on the character of the church. To this must be added the
multiple theologies of individualized monks and monasteries, which led to
wide divergence of practice, the geographical expansion over many
centuries and in many circumstances, and the isolation experienced when
the church was surrounded by Islam. Isolation led to a siege mentality. Cut
off from the larger Christian world, Ethiopia relied upon her own
theological resources. Lacking a widespread “Reformation” Ethiopian
Christianity became a touchstone of national identity without sufficient cri-
tique of its essential nature.
Critical contextualization must both respond to the culture and hear a
prophetic word. Perhaps the prophetic critique was neglected because wor-
ship, rather than confession, belief, or ethics, was the major feature of the
church. Earlier it was noted that Ethiopia was attracted to the Old Testa-
ment cultic material more than to the prophetic writings. Traditional Af-
rican religious understandings were also more cultic than prophetic. The
church, by emphasizing the worshiping community, cult, and ceremony,
facilitated initial and subsequent indigenization as it accommodated itself to
other cultural and religious customs. But the liturgy, when separated from
confession, doctrine, and ethics, did not sufficiently transform the lives of its
members. Without a prophetic critique authentic indigenization and syn-
cretism were confused.
Ethiopian Christianity was not regarded as a foreigner’s religion. The
church responded to African issues with profound empathy. A study of this
church can help identify issues of importance to Africa. We may not always
agree with how those issues were dealt with but it is clear that they must be
consciously engaged. The successes and failures of the Ethiopian Church
can give us perspective on contemporary attempts at contextualition. Let
us hope that concern for cultural authenticity can be held in tension with
biblical and theological foundations.
 The Ethiopian Orthodox Church: A Study in Indigenization 277

Notes
I. While contextualization has tended to replace indigenizationin recent years, indigenization seems
preferable for the process described at this particular stage of historical development.
2. Axum is the ancient Ethiopian kingdom thought to have had its origin with the influx of Semites
from South Arabia who fused with the indigenous population.
3. Legend traces Ethiopian Christianity back to the time of the apostles, either to Philip and the
Ethiopian eunuch or to Pentecost. Some stories state that Matthew, Bartholomew, or other disciples
traveled to Axum to preach Christianity.
4. Council of Nicea (325), Council of Constantinople (381). Council of Ephesus (431).
5. Aremenian, Syrian, Coptic, Indian.
6. Primal religion is used here to describe what has often been called pagan religion or traditional
religion.
7. This feast, held on January 17, is also called the Feast of Immersion or Epiphany. It remembers
Christ’s baptism and confirms the church member’s baptism.
8. In the northern part of Ethiopia it is sometimes called the Kedwa Kedusan (Holy of Holies).
9. Sometimescalled Ende Tamir (Place of Miracles).

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