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chapter:
2
Economic Models: Trade-offs and Trade
1. Two important industries on the island of Bermuda are fishing and tourism. According to data
from the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations and the Bermuda
Department of Statistics, in the year 2009 the 306 registered fish-ers in Bermuda caught 387
tonnes of marine fish. And the 2719 people employed by hotels produced 554 400 hotel stays
(measured by the number of visitor arriv-als). Suppose that this production point is efficient in
production. Assume also that the opportunity cost of 1 additional tonne of fish is 2000 hotel
stays and that this opportunity cost is constant (the opportunity cost does not change).
a. If all 306 registered fishers were to be employed by hotels (in addition to the 2719 peo-ple
already working in hotels), how many hotel stays could Bermuda produce?
b. If all 2719 hotel employees were to become fishers (in addition to the 306 fishers already
working in the fishing industry), how many tonnes of fish could Bermuda produce?
c. Draw a production possibility frontier for Bermuda, with fish on the horizontal axis and
hotel stays on the vertical axis, and label Bermuda’s actual production point for the year
2009.
A
554.4
Bermuda
PPF
0 387 664.2
Quantity of fish (tonnes)
S-11
S-12 CHAPTER22
CHAPTER ECONOMIC MODELS: TRADE-OFFS AND TRADE ECONOMIC MODELS: TRADE-OFFS AND TRADE S-12
2. ofAtlantis
d. The opportunity cost increasing outputisolated
is a small, from 200 to 400
island in kg
theof potatoes
South is 50The
Atlantic. kg of fish. If grow pota-toes and
inhabitants
catch fish. The accompanying table shows the maximum annual output combinations of
potatoes and fish that can be produced. Obviously, given their lim-ited resources and available
technology, as they use more of their resources for potato production, there are fewer resources
available for catching fish.
A 1000 0
B 800 300
C 600 500
D 400 600
E 200 650
F 0 675
a. Draw a production possibility frontier with potatoes on the horizontal axis and fish on
the vertical axis illustrating these options, showing points A–F.
b. Can Atlantis produce 500 kg of fish and 800 kg of potatoes? Explain. Where would
this point lie relative to the production possibility frontier?
c. What is the opportunity cost of increasing the annual output of potatoes from 600 to 800
kg?
d. What is the opportunity cost of increasing the annual output of potatoes from 200 to 400
kg?
e. Can you explain why the answers to parts (c) and (d) are not the same? What does this
imply about the slope of the production possibility frontier?
Solution2. a.Theaccompanying diagram shows the production possibility frontier for Atlantis.
Quantity
of fish
(kg)
675 F E
650 D
600
C G
500
B
300
Atlantis
PPF
A
0 200 400 600 800 1000
Quantity of potatoes (kg)
b. No, Atlantis cannot produce 500 kg of fish and 800 kg of potatoes. If it produces 500 kg of
fish, the most potatoes it can produce is 600 kg. This point would lie outside the production
possibility frontier, at point G on the diagram.
c. The opportunity cost of increasing output from 600 to 800 kg of potatoes is
200 kg of fish. If Atlantis increases output from 600 to 800 kg of potatoes, it has to cut fish
production from 500 kg to 300 kg, that is, by 200 kg.
S-13 CHAPTER22
CHAPTER ECONOMIC MODELS: TRADE-OFFS AND TRADE ECONOMIC MODELS: TRADE-OFFS AND TRADE S-13
d. The opportunity cost of increasing output from 200 to 400 kg of potatoes is 50 kg of fish. If
Atlantis increases output from 200 to 400 kg of potatoes, it has to cut fish production from
650 kg to 600 kg, that is, by 50 kg.
e. The answers to parts (c) and (d) imply that the more potatoes Atlantis produces, the higher
the opportunity cost becomes. For instance, as you grow more and more potatoes, you have
to use less and less suitable land to do so. As a result, you have to divert increasingly more
resources away from fishing as you grow more potatoes, meaning that you can produce
increasingly less fish. This implies, of course, that the production possibility frontier
becomes steeper the farther you move along it to the right; that is, the production possibility
frontier is bowed out. (Mathematicians call this shape concave.)
3. According to Statistics Canada, 11.0 million hectares of land in Canada were used for wheat
or corn farming in 2012. Of those 11.0 million hectares, farmers used
9.6 million hectares to grow 999.62 million bushels of wheat and 1.4 million hect-ares of land
to grow 514.15 million bushels of corn. Suppose that Canada’s wheat farming and corn
farming are efficient in production. At that production point, the opportunity cost of producing
1 additional bushel of wheat is 1.7 fewer bushels of corn. However, because farmers have
increasing opportunity costs at higher levels of wheat production, additional bushels of wheat
have an opportunity cost greater than 1.7 bushels of corn. For each of the following production
points, decide whether that production point is (i) feasible and efficient in production, (ii)
feasible but not efficient in production, (iii) not feasible, or (iv) unclear as to whether or not it
is feasible.
a. Farmers use 1.6 million hectares of land to produce 180 million bushels of wheat, and they
use 2.4 million hectares of land to produce 900 million bushels of corn. The remaining 7.0
million hectares are left unused.
b. From their original production point, farmers transfer 1.6 million hectares of land from corn
to wheat production. They now produce 1009.62 million of bushels of wheat and 497.15
million bushels of corn.
c. Farmers reduce their production of wheat to 950 million bushels and increase their
production of corn to 588.58 million bushels. Along the production possibil-ity frontier, the
opportunity cost of going from 514.15 million bushels of corn to 588.58 million bushels of
corn is 0.666 bushels of wheat per bushel of corn.
Solution3. a.Ifresourcesare left unused, then this combination of production must lie
inside the production possibilities frontier. So it is feasible, but it cannot be efficient.
b. The transfer of resources has increased wheat production by 10 million bushels and reduced
corn production by 17 million bushels. This is the opportunity cost given in the question, so
production is moving to another point on the production possibilities frontier. Therefore, it is
both feasible and efficient.
c. The increase in the production of corn led to a decline in wheat production of
49.62 million bushels (999.62 – 950). If the opportunity cost is 0.666 bushels of wheat per
bushel of corn, then we should get about 75.5 million more bushels of corn, which is the
extra amount of corn produced. So the economy is again mov-ing along its production
possibilities frontier and the production point is feasible and efficient.
S-14 CHAPTER22
CHAPTER ECONOMIC MODELS: TRADE-OFFS AND TRADE ECONOMIC MODELS: TRADE-OFFS AND TRADE S-14
4. ofInincreasing
d. The opportunity cost the ancientoutput from
country 200 to only
of Roma, 400 kg ofgoods,
two potatoes is 50 kgand
spaghetti of fish. If
meatballs, are pro-duced. There
are two tribes in Roma, the Tivoli and the Frivoli. By themselves, the Tivoli each month can
produce either 30 kg of spaghetti and no meatballs, or 50 kg of meatballs and no spaghetti, or
any combination in between. The Frivoli, by them-selves, each month can produce 40 kg of
spaghetti and no meatballs, or 30 kg of meatballs and no spaghetti, or any combination in
between.
a. Assume that all production possibility frontiers are straight lines. Draw one diagram
showing the monthly production possibility frontier for the Tivoli and another showing the
monthly production possibility frontier for the Frivoli. Show how you calculated them.
Solution4. a.Theaccompanying diagram shows the production possibility frontier for the
Tivoli in panel (a) and for the Frivoli as the line labelled “Original Frivoli PPF” in panel (b).
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 0 10 20 30 40 50 60
Quantity of meatballs (kg) Quantity of meatballs (kg)
The production possibility frontier for the Tivoli was calculated as follows: the Tivoli can
produce either 30 kg of spaghetti and no meatballs, or they can pro-duce no spaghetti but 50
kg of meatballs. That is, the opportunity cost of 1 kg of meatballs is 3⁄5 of a kg of spaghetti:
in order to produce 1 more kg of meatballs, the Tivoli have to give up 3⁄5 of a kg of spaghetti.
This means that the slope of their production possibility frontier is –3⁄5. A similar argument
for the Frivoli shows that their production possibility frontier has a slope of –4⁄3.
b. For the Tivoli, the opportunity cost of 1 kg of meatballs is 3⁄5 of a kg of spaghetti. For the
Frivoli, the opportunity cost of 1 kg of meatballs is 4⁄3 kg of spaghetti. That is, the Tivoli
have a comparative advantage in meatball production because their opportunity cost is
lower. For the Tivoli, the opportunity cost of 1 kg of spaghetti is 5⁄3 kg of meatballs. For the
Frivoli, the opportunity cost of 1 kg of spaghetti is
3
⁄4 kg of meatballs. That is, the Frivoli have a comparative advantage in spaghetti
production because their opportunity cost is lower.
S-15 CHAPTER22
CHAPTER ECONOMIC MODELS: TRADE-OFFS AND TRADE ECONOMIC MODELS: TRADE-OFFS AND TRADE S-15
c. The Frivoli’s new production possibility frontier is the line labelled “New Frivoli PPF” in
panel (b) of the diagram. Instead of producing 30 kg of meatballs (if they produce no
spaghetti), they can now produce 60 kg.
d. Now the Frivoli have the absolute advantage in both meatball production and spaghetti
production. The Frivoli’s opportunity cost of meatballs has now fallen to 4 ⁄6 = 2⁄3; that is,
for each kilogram of meatballs that the Frivoli now produce, they have to give up producing
2
⁄3 of a kilogram of spaghetti. Since the Frivoli’s oppor-tunity cost of meatballs (2⁄3) is still
higher than the Tivoli’s (3⁄5), the Tivoli still have the comparative advantage in meatball
production. The Frivoli’s opportunity cost of spaghetti is 3⁄2 kg of meatballs and the Tivoli’s
is 5⁄3 kg of meatballs, so the Frivoli have the comparative advantage in spaghetti production.
5. According to the Canadian International Merchandise Trade Database from Statistics Canada,
in December 2012, Canada sold aircraft and spacecraft worth $27.23 mil-lion to China and
bought aircraft and spacecraft worth only $8.1 million from China. During the same month,
however, Canada bought $255.1 million worth of apparel and clothing accessories from China
but sold only $56 253 worth of apparel and clothing accessories to China. Using what you have
learned about how trade is determined by comparative advantage, answer the following
questions.
a. Which country has the comparative advantage in aircraft production? In produc-tion of
apparel and clothing accessories?
b. Can you determine which country has the absolute advantage in aircraft produc-tion? In
apparel and clothing accessories?
6. Peter Pundit, an economics reporter, states that the European Union (EU) is increas-ing its
productivity very rapidly in all industries. He claims that this productivity advance is so rapid
that output from the EU in these industries will soon exceed that of Canada and, as a result,
Canada will no longer benefit from trade with the EU.
a. Do you think Peter Pundit is correct or not? If not, what do you think is the source of
his mistake?
b. If the EU and Canada continue to trade, what do you think will characterize the goods that
the EU sells to Canada and the goods that Canada exports to the EU?
7. You are in charge of allocating residents to your dormitory’s baseball and basketball teams.
You are down to the last four people, two of whom must be allocated to base-ball and two to
basketball. The accompanying table gives each person’s batting aver-age and free-throw
average.
a. Explain how you would use the concept of comparative advantage to allocate the
players. Begin by establishing each player’s opportunity cost of free throws in terms of
batting average.
b. Why is it likely that the other basketball players will be unhappy about this arrangement
but the other baseball players will be satisfied? Nonetheless, why would an economist
say that this is an efficient way to allocate players for your dormitory’s sports teams?
Solution7. a.Let’sbeginby establishing the opportunity cost of free throws for each
player. If you allocate Kelley to the basketball team, the team gains a player with a 60%
free-throw average and the baseball team loses a player with a 70% batting aver-age. That
is, the opportunity cost of allocating Kelley to the basketball team is 7⁄6. Similarly, Jackie’s
opportunity cost of playing basketball is 1; Curt’s opportunity cost of playing basketball is
1
⁄3, and Yui’s opportunity cost of playing basketball is 8⁄7. Jackie and Curt have the lowest
opportunity costs of playing basketball; that is, they have the comparative advantage in
basketball. Therefore, they should be allocated to the basketball team. Kelley and Yui have
the comparative advantage in baseball and should therefore play on the baseball team.
b. It is likely that the basketball team will be unhappy with this arrangement. Both Jackie and
Curt have an absolute disadvantage at playing basketball, compared to the other two
players. (They also have an absolute disadvantage at playing baseball, but they are
comparatively less bad at basketball than at baseball.) The baseball team is likely to be
happy about this allocation because both Kelley and Yui have an absolute advantage at
playing baseball. However, if you are concerned with the total number of wins for the
dormitory (as an economist who would be concerned about efficiency), this allocation is the
best one: it maximizes the over-all chances of the dormitory winning at any sport.
8. The inhabitants of the fictional economy of Atlantis use money in the form of cowry shells.
Draw a circular-flow diagram showing households and firms. Firms produce potatoes and fish,
and households buy potatoes and fish. Households also provide the land and labour to firms.
Identify where in the flows of cowry shells or physical things (goods and services, or
resources) each of the following impacts would occur. Describe how this impact spreads
around the circle.
a. A devastating hurricane floods many of the potato fields.
b. A very productive fishing season yields a very large number of fish caught.
c. The inhabitants of Atlantis discover Shakira and spend several days a month at dancing
festivals.
S-17 CHAPTER22
CHAPTER ECONOMIC MODELS: TRADE-OFFS AND TRADE ECONOMIC MODELS: TRADE-OFFS AND TRADE S-17
Shells Shells
Households
Potatoes Land and
and fish labour
Firms
Shells Shells
a. The flooding of the fields will destroy the potato crop. Destruction of the potato crop
reduces the flow of goods from firms to households: fewer potatoes produced by firms now
are sold to households. An implication, of course, is that fewer cowry shells flow from
households to firms as payment for the potatoes in the market for goods and services. Since
firms now earn fewer shells, they have fewer shells to pay to households in the factor
markets. As a result, the amount of fac-tors flowing from households to firms is also
reduced.
b. The productive fishing season leads to a greater quantity of fish produced by firms to flow
to households. An implication is that more money flows from households to firms through
the markets for goods and services. As a result, firms want to buy more factors from
households (the flow of shells from firms to households increases) and, in return, the flow
of factors from households to firms increases.
c. Time spent at dancing festivals reduces the flow of labour from households to firms and
therefore reduces the number of shells flowing from firms to house-holds through the
factor markets. In return, households now have fewer shells to buy goods with (the flow of
shells from households to firms in the markets for goods and services is reduced), implying
that fewer goods flow from firms to households.
9. An economist might say that colleges and universities “produce” education, using faculty
members and students as inputs. According to this line of reasoning, educa-tion is then
“consumed” by households. Construct a circular-flow diagram to repre-sent the sector of the
economy devoted to college education: colleges and universities represent firms, and
households both consume education and provide faculty and students to universities. What are
the relevant markets in this diagram? What is being bought and sold in each direction? What
would happen in the diagram if the government decided to subsidize 50% of all college and
university students’ tuition?
S-18 CHAPTER22
CHAPTER ECONOMIC MODELS: TRADE-OFFS AND TRADE ECONOMIC MODELS: TRADE-OFFS AND TRADE S-18
Solution9. Theaccompanying diagram shows the circular flow for the education sector.
Salaries,
Tuition scholarships
Households
Education Faculty,
students
Faculty,
Education students
Colleges,
Tuition universities Salaries,
scholarships
Colleges and universities buy faculty on the academic job market and attract students from the
market for students. (Many colleges and universities actively try to attract good students by
offering scholarships and the like.) They sell education to house-holds in the market for
education, and households buy education in that market from one (or sometimes several) of the
sellers.
If the government subsidized half of all students’ tuition, households would demand more
education. As a result, colleges and universities would hire more fac-ulty and accept more
students, meaning that more money in terms of salaries and scholarships would flow from
universities and colleges to the households.
10. Your dormitory roommate plays loud music most of the time; you, however, would prefer more
peace and quiet. You suggest that she buy some earphones. She responds that although she
would be happy to use earphones, she has many other things that she would prefer to spend her
money on right now. You discuss this situation with a friend who is an economics major. The
following exchange takes place:
He: How much would it cost to buy earphones?
You: $15.
He: How much do you value having some peace and quiet for the rest of the semester?
You: $30.
He: It is efficient for you to buy the earphones and give them to your roommate. You gain
more than you lose; the benefit exceeds the cost. You should do that.
You: It just isn’t fair that I have to pay for the earphones when I’m not the one making the
noise.
a. Which parts of this conversation contain positive statements and which parts contain
normative statements?
b. Construct an argument supporting your viewpoint that your roommate should be the one to
change her behaviour. Similarly, construct an argument from the view-point of your
roommate that you should be the one to buy the earphones. If your dormitory has a policy
that gives residents the unlimited right to play music, whose argument is likely to win? If
your dormitory has a rule that a person must stop playing music whenever a roommate
complains, whose argument is likely to win?
S-19 CHAPTER22
CHAPTER ECONOMIC MODELS: TRADE-OFFS AND TRADE ECONOMIC MODELS: TRADE-OFFS AND TRADE S-19
11. A representative of the Canadian clothing industry recently made the following state-ment:
“Workers in Asia often work in sweatshop conditions earning only pennies an hour. Canadian
workers are more productive and as a result earn higher wages. In order to preserve the dignity
of the Canadian workplace, the government should enact legislation banning imports of low -
wage Asian clothing.”
a. Which parts of this quote are positive statements? Which parts are normative
statements?
b. Is the policy that is being advocated consistent with the preceding statements about the
wages and productivities of Canadian and Asian workers?
c. Would such a policy make some Canadians better off without making any other Canadians
worse off? That is, would this policy be efficient from the viewpoint of all Canadians?
Solution11. a.Thefirsttwo sentences contain the positive statements about wages and
about productivity and its connection with wages. The last sentence, recommending the ban on
imports, is normative.
b. The policy advocated could be consistent with the positive statements. The state-ments
about wages and productivity are related to absolute advantage. However, the Asian
workers could have a comparative advantage (and in reality do have a comparative
advantage). Without protection against imports, the Canadian workers could be displaced
by cheaper imports. If “preserving the dignity of the Canadian workplace” means those
workers keeping their jobs, then protec-tion might be necessary (unless the Canadian
workers have some special niche market).
c. The policy would make Canadian clothing workers better off, but the buyers of cheap
imported clothing worse off. By moving the country away from its areas of comparative
advantage, total incomes in Canada would have to be lower; the policy would therefore
be inefficient from the viewpoint of all Canadians.
d. Some low-wage Asian workers would be worse off if exports to Canada stopped. As with
Canada, Asia would have some resources moved out of the sector where it has a
comparative advantage, so total incomes would fall.
S-20 CHAPTER22
CHAPTER ECONOMIC MODELS: TRADE-OFFS AND TRADE ECONOMIC MODELS: TRADE-OFFS AND TRADE S-20
12. Are the following statements true or false? Explain your answers.
a. “When people must pay higher taxes on their wage earnings, it reduces their
incentive to work” is a positive statement.
b. “We should lower taxes to encourage more work” is a positive statement.
c. Economics cannot always be used to completely decide what society ought to do.
d. “The system of public education in this country generates greater benefits to soci-ety than
the cost of running the system” is a normative statement.
e. All disagreements among economists are generated by the media.
e. False. Some disagreements among economists arise from the fact that in building a model,
one economist thinks that a certain abstraction from reality is admissible but another
economist may think that that abstraction is not admissible. Some dis-agreements arise from
the fact that economists sometimes disagree about values.
13. Evaluate the following statement: “It is easier to build an economic model that accu-rately
reflects events that have already occurred than to build an economic model to forecast future
events.” Do you think this is true or not? Why? What does this imply about the difficulties of
building good economic models?
14. Economists who work for the government are often called on to make policy recom-
mendations. Why do you think it is important for the public to be able to differenti-ate
normative statements from positive statements in these recommendations?
15. The mayor of Gotham City, worried about a potential epidemic of deadly influenza this
winter, asks an economic adviser the following series of questions. Determine whether a
question requires the economic adviser to make a positive assessment or a normative
assessment.
a. How much vaccine will be in stock in the city by the end of November?
b. If we offer to pay 10% more per dose to the pharmaceutical companies providing the
vaccines, will they provide additional doses?
c. If there is a shortage of vaccine in the city, whom should we vaccinate first—the elderly
or the very young? (Assume that a person from one group has an equal likelihood of
dying from influenza as a person from the other group.)
d. If the city charges $25 per shot, how many people will pay?
e. If the city charges $25 per shot, it will make a profit of $10 per shot, money that can go
to pay for inoculating poor people. Should the city engage in such a scheme?
Solution15. a.Positive
b. Positive
c. Normative
d. Positive
e. Normative
16. Assess the following statement: “If economists just had enough data, they could solve all policy
questions in a way that maximizes the social good. There would be no need for divisive
political debates, such as whether the government should provide free medical care for all.”
Solution16. Whatistrueis that if economists had enough data, they could predict
precisely what the outcome would be of any proposed policy (such as free medical care). That is,
economists can answer positive questions. But no amount of data can lead to
a determination about what a society should do—that is a normative question. An economist
can predict how much it will cost to provide free medical care and what effects different ways
of raising taxes will have on people’s behaviour (for instance, a sales tax will reduce
consumption behaviour; an income tax may discourage workers from working as much as
before). But whether this is a trade-off worth making is a question that can be answered only in
political discourse.
chapter 2
Economic Models:
Trade-offs and Trade
Chapter Objectives
• Explain why models play a crucial role in economics.
• Present two simple but important models: the production possibilities frontier and
comparative advantage.
• Present the circular-flow diagram.
• Explain the difference between positive and normative economics.
• Explain why economists do not always agree.
Chapter Outline
Opening Example: The Wright Brothers invented a wind tunnel to test models of air-planes. Boeing
ran 15 000 hours of wind tunnel tests when it was developing its latest jet, the Dreamliner. Testing
models is cheaper and safer than building full-scale versions. Economists use models in the same
way.
I. Models in Economics: Some Important Examples
A. Definition: A model is a simplified representation of a real situation that is used to better
understand real-life situations.
B. Models allow economists to see the effects of only one change at a time.
C. Definition: The other things equal assumption (ceteris paribus) means that all other
relevant factors remain unchanged.
D. Economic models make use of mathematical tools, especially graphs.
II. Trade-offs: The Production Possibility Frontier
A. Definition: The production possibility frontier illustrates the trade-offs facing an
economy that produces only two goods. It shows the maximum quantity of one good that
can be produced with available resources and technology for any given production of the
other.
B. The graph of the production possibilities frontier shows the possible combin-ations of
two goods which can be produced given the scarce resources of the society.
C. A point inside the frontier is a feasible combination of two goods that can be pro-duced,
but does not use all resources fully, and a point outside the frontier is not feasible given
the current amount of resources. See text Figure 2-1, shown next.
11
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Some sausage and coarse bread was brought to me on an
earthenware platter, and my arms were unbound that I might eat, the
sentries sitting down close to me with loaded pistols in their hands.
As the reader may suppose, I ate ravenously and without stopping to
consider what the sausage was made of; but I was very disappointed
to see that Ned Burton was not disposing of his supper also. I quickly
guessed the reason of this, however. It was evident that we were not
all to be allowed to take our meals at the same time for fear of our
making some desperate attempt at escape whilst our arms were
free. Perhaps on the whole this was a wise precaution.
When my hunger was satisfied I took another pull at the water
pannikin, and began to feel more myself again. Inferior as the food
was, it instilled new life into my veins and raised my spirits
wonderfully. My head still ached painfully, and the muscles of my
arms were terribly stiff and sore; but I felt convinced that no serious
harm had accrued from the blow I had received on the head, and
that was something to be very thankful for.
I should have liked to prolong my meal as much as possible so as
to allow of the muscles and sinews of my arms regaining some of
their ordinary elasticity; but I was afraid that my doing so would still
further postpone my coxswain’s supper hour, so I finished off as
quickly as possible, and submitted quietly to the indignity of having
my arms bound again.
I had the great satisfaction a minute or two later of seeing Ned peg
into his prison allowance as if he had not had anything to eat for a
month. It was really a great relief to me, for I could not help feeling
anxious as to the effect of the severe flogging he had so lately
received at the hands of the mule-driver, for severe no doubt it had
been. I could not see Ned’s face at all distinctly, as he was so much
in the deep shadow, but I augured favourably from his apparently
prodigious appetite.
My brief conversation with Mr. Triggs recurred to my memory as I
lay ruminating upon the floor of the cave. The gunner had pooh-
poohed the idea that the chief had effected our capture with the
notion of making away with us, founding his belief on the length of
time that had elapsed since we had been taken prisoners. It
appeared to me doubtful whether much importance could be
attached to that. I knew that the gunner was considered a man of
sound judgment; but it also occurred to me that he had already made
one fatal mistake in endeavouring to make a reconnaissance in a
hostile country with an inadequate force, and he might even now be
making mistake number two, and deceiving himself egregiously.
Yet it seemed the most plausible explanation of our capture, that a
demand for a heavy ransom would be made to the Spanish or the
British Government—that is, supposing that the chief and his
followers were simple bandits and nothing more; and for all I knew to
the contrary, they might be. But then it occurred to me that even if a
ransom were paid and we were released, the subsequent
extermination of the whole band by the Spanish troops and an
English naval brigade would be a comparatively easy matter. Would
bandits allow themselves to run this terrible risk? Had their
stronghold been situated in the midst of inaccessible mountains far
from the haunts of man, the case would have been different; but this
cave—
My ruminations were suddenly cut short at this point by the loud
baying of the Cuban bloodhound, which had arisen from its
crouching position and was alternately sniffing the air and glancing at
its master. The next moment a messenger arrived in a breathless
condition and handed a note to the chief.
The latter took the missive without uttering a word, tore it open,
and quickly mastered the contents. Then he gave one or two short
sharp words of command, in response to which all his followers leapt
to their feet and busied themselves in preparations for an immediate
departure.
I was thunderstruck at this sudden resolve on the part of the chief,
and wondered what it portended. I calculated that it must now be
somewhere about midnight, though I could not tell for certain.
My thoughts were suddenly turned into a still more disagreeable
channel; for the chief stalked up to me, in company with his ferocious
four-footed satellite, and made the latter deliberately smell me all
over. This repellent couple then crossed over and went through the
same performance with Ned Burton. Then they disappeared around
a corner of the cavern, doubtless in search of Mr. Triggs. I am
ashamed to say that I felt in mortal terror when that fierce-looking
dog came and poked his great jowl and snout against me, as if in
search of a nice tender place in which to bury his fangs. There could
be no doubt as to the reason of this strange procedure. The dog was
to be familiarized with our scent, so that in the event of his being put
upon our trail he would follow it up with more bloodthirsty zest.
It gave one a “creepy” feeling to think of it!
The chief now came hurriedly striding back into the main part of
the cavern again, and pointing first at me and then at Ned Burton,
issued some order in his usual domineering manner.
Immediately we were seized, lifted upon our feet, and blindfolded.
It was evident that we were going to set off on a journey
somewhere, and my heart sank within me at the thought; for not only
was my poor head still racked with pain, but I felt terribly fatigued as
well, and almost overcome with a strong desire to sleep.
In rasping tones the chief marshalled his men and enjoined silence
upon them. Every voice was hushed, but I could clearly distinguish
the heavy breathing of my bête noire, the Cuban bloodhound, as it
followed its master about.
One hope animated me at this moment, and that was that the chief
was about to beat a retreat in consequence of the advance of the
naval brigade, and therefore that there was a chance of our being
succoured ere long.
“Jim Beddoes must have given the alarm before this,” I muttered
to myself, “and we shall soon be free again.”
We moved off almost at once, and I quite expected, from what Mr.
Triggs had said, that we should immediately emerge into the open
air; but to my surprise this was not so. No fresh air of heaven fanned
my heated brows, and I did not stumble over stones and inequalities
in the ground. I was impelled forward at a rapid pace, but it was quite
evident that we were still underground. It was equally evident to me
that we were following some narrow, dark, and tortuous passage.
The flickering light of torches penetrated, to a certain extent, the
bandage over my eyes, and I was gifted with a keen sense of smell,
which revealed to me the fact that I was breathing the noxious
atmosphere of an ill-ventilated subterranean tunnel charged with
mephitic vapours. The footfalls of the men, as they trooped along,
sounded hollow and unreal, as also did the occasional ring or clang
of their weapons. Now and again the sound of water dripping over
rocks smote upon my ears, and I heard the rush and gurgle of a
stream—no doubt the one that had fed the cavern cascade—as it
forced its way through some underground aqueduct of nature’s own
making.
It was terribly tantalizing to be blindfolded.
The way seemed to me interminable. Once or twice I began to feel
my head swim round; but I managed to pull myself together with a
great effort, hoping every moment that we should emerge from the
subterranean passage and be enabled to breathe pure air.
The idea occurred to me that it might be difficult, indeed, to
discover the main entrance to the cavern if it was by such an
approach as this, and one could hardly blame Jim Beddoes for not
having discovered our prison. I felt sure that the gunner had been
mistaken in thinking that he saw the mouth of the cave from where
he lay, and I concluded that he had probably been deceived by the
descent of the flood of light from some orifice overhead.
At length I began to breathe more freely. The mephitic vapours
were gradually giving place to a purer atmosphere. It was like new
life to me, and the feeling of faintness passed away. Still we seemed
to wind along the tortuous tunnel. Still the measured tramp, and the
reverberating echoes upon the rocky vault.
A low word of command issued by the chief; a halt; a whispered
conference which appeared to last some time; a few hurried footfalls,
and then a sound of some heavy obstruction being rolled back. I felt
a sudden rush of cold night air. With what ecstatic delight did I draw
it into my lungs, and feel it playing over my face and hair. My nerves
were instantly braced up, and my head ached with less intensity.
Another order came from the chief, still in a low tone, as if he were
fearful of being overheard.
Once more we moved forward, and then a strange thing
happened. I was bent almost double by the men who were
conducting me, and pushed through what seemed to be a small
square orifice in the rocks.
CHAPTER XV.
A MARCH TO THE COAST.
F IVE minutes after I had been put in irons, Mr. Triggs and Ned
Burton, under a strong guard, were brought down a hatchway
ladder just over my head. I was overjoyed to find that they were
going to be manacled close to me, for I had not in the least expected
such good fortune. As soon as my shipmates’ legs had been
secured, and their arms and eyes set free, our guards hung a lantern
to the beams, went away, and left us alone.
It was evident that the vessel was going to get under way at once,
for there was a great hubbub on deck, and I thought I could
distinguish the noise of a windlass and of a cable coming in at the
hawse-hole. I knew, too, that the land wind was blowing, and felt
sure that the chief would wish to take advantage of it to get clear of
the coast before dawn.
Mr. Triggs and Ned were as delighted to see me as I was to see
them.
“They didn’t mean to put us together, I suspect,” said the gunner;
“but it so happens they’ve got irons only in this part of the ship, and
can’t well help themselves.”
“This is an armed vessel,” said I, watching my shipmates’ faces
keenly, “and must be a privateer, or perhaps a piratical craft of some
kind.”
The gunner started.
“How did you gain that information, youngster?” he asked.
“Weren’t you blindfolded?”
Ned was watching me curiously. I was grieved to see by the light
of the flickering lantern that his face looked haggard and drawn.
I told them how my bandage had slipped down, and had enabled
me to spy to a certain extent upon the doings of our captors.
“That was a slice of luck, and no mistake,” said the gunner,
rubbing his hands; “and if ever we succeed in circumventing these
villains, your knowledge may prove to be most important.”
“What do you think they’re going to do with us, Mr. Triggs?” I
asked.
“I’m just as much puzzled as ever,” answered the gunner. “They
want to get a ransom for us, I s’pose, but ’tis the most mysterious
business I was ever mixed up in.”
“The owdacious swabs!” put in Ned angrily. “I only hope that our
skipper will make a clean sweep of ’em when he hears tell of their
little game.”
I condoled with my coxswain as to the vile treatment he had
received at the instigation of the mule-driver.
Ned thanked me warmly for my sympathy.
“Of course, I knew you’d feel for me, sir,” he said; “but don’t you
trouble your head any more about the matter, but try to forget it. I’d
do the same myself, but my back is that stiff and sore I’m blowed if I
can.”
“Now just a word or two of advice, if you’ll excuse it,” observed the
gunner, “and then we must try to get forty winks, for it’s no good
blinking the matter we’re all as tired out and exhausted as we can
be. The advice is this: We had better not be seen talking by any one.
If any member of the crew comes down on this deck, mum’s the
word! Take no notice of any insults or bad treatment. Try to look as if
you liked it. Keep your weather eyes lifting, and your ears open, but
look as stupid as owls. Now, good-night, and God bless you both!”
Ten minutes later the gunner and Ned Burton were actually fast
asleep. Sailors who have seen as many years of service as they had
seem to be able to fall into the arms of Morpheus at a moment’s
notice, even under extraordinary conditions.
How I envied my companions in misfortune!
For a long while—or so it seemed to me—sleep would not seal my
eyes. The hurried rushing to and fro of men on deck, the creaking
and clanking of spars and cables, the subdued shouts of those in
command, and the answering hails from the crew—all combined to
keep my senses on the alert and to banish slumber. Besides all this,
my brain was in a whirl. All the strange adventures of the last twelve
hours recurred again and again to my memory, and my anxious
thoughts kept dwelling also upon the deadly perils of our present
situation, and of the utterly unknown future looming like a gloomy
cloud upon the horizon of our lives. I was especially oppressed with
the dark foreboding that our shipmates would be unable to discover
that we had been torn away from the shores of Cuba. I pictured them
anxiously and energetically searching every nook and cranny of the
valleys and hills in a vain search for us, and utterly ignorant of our
real whereabouts.
It was weak and foolish of me to take this pessimistic view of
matters, but the reader must kindly remember that I was in a very
exhausted and overwrought state.
The waves were dashing against the vessel’s sides; she heeled
over slightly under the influence of the land breeze; the noises on
deck had ceased. We were under way.
The gentle, almost imperceptible motion of the little craft seemed
to lull me to rest, and in a few minutes, in spite of the hard deck, my
heavy iron manacles, and still heavier forebodings, I fell into a
feverish, restless sleep—rocked in the cradle of the deep.
I was awoke some hours later by feeling a heavy hand upon my
chest, and hearing a loud, fierce voice in my ear.
CHAPTER XVII.
ON BOARD THE PIRATE BRIG.