USSR ACADEMY OF SCIENCES

@ 08.045.8.0 A2T
ARCHAEOAor
ia

41
197
5
 USSR ACADEMY OF
8 SCIENCES INSTITUTE OF
ARCHEOLOGY
PUBLISHING
HOUSE
SOVIET № 4
· NAUKA
MOSCOW
•
ARCHAEOLOG 1975
Y
The magazine was founded in
1957. İt is published four times
a year

EDITORIAL BOARD:
A.V. Artsikhovsky (editor-in-chief),
O. N. Bader, S. N. Bibikov, V. D. Blavatsky,
Yu. N. Zakharuk (deputy editor-in-chief), İ. S. Kamenetsky,
M. K. Karger, V. M. Masson, R. M. Munchaev, B. B. Piotrovsky, S. A. Pletneva, B.
A. Rybakov, V. S. Titov (ed. secretary)

CONTENTS

A. A, Formozov (M o s kv a). Some outcomes and objectives of research in the field of

history of archaeology .. ..........5
V.P. Tretyakov (Len ingrad). İn defense of the unity of the hairs of antiquities 14
M. D. Khlobystina (Lenpng rad). İssues of studying the structure of Andronovsky
communities of the "Alakul type" ........... . . . 23
A. T. Ramishvili (T beat 11 sp). On the purpose of parking lots with "textile ceramics -
coy "of the Eastern Black Sea region......... 36
N. A. Frolova (Mosk in a). On the reign of the Bosporus kings of Radamsad
11 Riskuporida VI.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
M. B. Schukin (Leni n r rad). About some problems of Chernyakhov culture
and the origin of the Slavs...... . . . . . . . . . . . . 57
R. G. Fakhrutdinov (K az al). Once again about the capital of pre-Mongol Bulraria 71
V. L. Egorov (Mosk in a). About the time of the emergence of Kazan 80
To the 70th anniversary of the birth of S. V. Kiselev............. 88
Publications
A.P. Savchuk (K İİ ev). New Mesolithic monuments in Middle Podne-
provier.................. . . . . . . . . 92
N. O. Bader (M o c k in a). Early Jewish settlement Tell Sotto (according to
kopkam 1971, 1973-1974 rr.)........ . . . . . . . . 99
G. A. Chernov (Mosk in a). Ustkheyyaginsky ancient settlement on the river. Korotaikha 112
E. N. Chernykh (Mosk in a). Ai-Bunar copper mine İV millennia to
n e. İn the Balkans (studies 1971, 1972 p. 1974).... ..132
A. D. Pryakhin (İn r he is a hedgehog). About the settlements of the Abashev community in the
south-west
in the Middle Volga region. . . . . . 154
V.V. Evdokimov (K at st. A on y). New excavations of the Alekseevsky settlement on
r. Tobol....... ......... . . . . . 163

© Publishing house "Science. "Soviet

Archaeology, 1975
M.F. Kosarev, T.M. Potemkina (Mosk in a). Settlement İpkul İ. 173
B. Yu. Mikhlin (Donetsk). Sarmatian burial in the South Donbass 185
V. A. Lekvinadze (Tbilisi). Rich burial of the late İV century from Ureka
(Georgia)... . 193
Yu. L. Shchapova (Mosk in a). New materials for the history of mosaics of Uspensky
of the Cathedral in Kyiv...... . . 209
İ.K. Labutina, O. A. Kondratyeva (Ps to o v, L e ni n grad). Plates with iso-
the display of a centaur and a fantastic animal from excavations in Pskov 223
P. A. Rappoport (Len grad). Cathedral of the Trinity Monastery on Klavka in
Smolensk.. . . . 235

Notes
S. V. Kuzminykh, V. S. Patrushev (M o c c a). Casting mold from Akozino İ. B. Vasiliev (To
uyba m ev). Duvaiei settlement of the late Bronze Age in Bashkiria......
V. A. Petrenko (Gr o n n y). Hoard of equestrian equipment from the excavation of the 25
second
Khankal settlement (Chechen-İngushetia) .. . 0
E.P. Kazakov (K aza n). Two burials of the Chishminsky burial ground . 25
L. G. Kolesnmshva (Xie in a st op o l). Burial of the howl on the necropolis of Kherso-
nes ..... . .. . 6
264
V. A. Burov (M o well a). "Husband good Esif Davydovich"... 267
25
G.N. İvanova (Krasnoyarsk Territory). Rhine pottery from excavations
in Pskov.... . ....... ...... 927
Yu. A. Zadneprovsky (Len grad). Nomadic burial of the Xİİİ- XİV centuries. 4
in Fergana... .
A. K. Stanyukovich, A. G. Atavin (Mosk in a). Simplest field probe for archaeological 27
exploration
6
Criticism and bibliography 28
V. A. Schnirelman (M o s k v a). The problem of the origin of the Natufi culture - 0
r (literature review)............. . . . . . 283
İ.İ. Artemenko (Kie v). Ch. S t r а h rn. Die Gliederung der sclnurkeramischen
Kultur in der Schweiz. Acta Bernesia VI. Bern, 1971 . . . . . 293
E. A. Simonovich (M os to a). 1. S. Wine o to the river. History that culture of black
those of the tribes of the Dnicmpo-Dniprovsk inter-church İİ-V century. N e. Key ~ in,
1972... 297
İ.P. Rusanova (Moscow). İ. S. Vinokur. İstoril that culture of blacks-
those of the tribes of the Dnicmpo-Dniprovsk inter-church İİ-V century. N e. Ki ~ in, 1972. 301
G. M. Burov (With him f er op o l). To the question of the origin of Komi (in connection with
with opub: shocking a monograph by E. A. Savelyeva) 304
Chronicle
G.N. Lisitsyna (M o c k in a). 3rd İnternational Symposium on Paleoethnobo -
tonic ... . 34
[Tatiana Maksimovna Minaeva [. 1
[Stepanov Pavel Dmitrievich [.. 314 31
İndex of articles published in the journal "Soviet Archaeology" for 1975 3
year..... 316
 ACADEMIE DES SCIENCES DE L'U.R.S.S. INSTITUT
D'ARCHEOLOGIE
Reoue
trimestrlelle f
ondee
ARCHEOLOGIE № 4
ep 1957 SOVIETIQUE 1975
Rcdacteur еп chef А. V. А RTSIKHOVSI

SOMMAIRE
A. A. Formozov (M o s s o u). Quelques resultats et problemes dans des recherches
de l'histoire de l'archeologie . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
V. Р. Tr@tiakov (Lenin grad). Еп faveur de l'unite des antiquites de la cultu-
re de Volossovo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44
M. D. Khlobystina (L e n i n g r a d). Questions concernant l'@tude de la struclure
des communautes andronoviennes du type alakoulien . . . . . . . . . 23
A. T. Ramichvi (T H i İ i s s i). La destination des stations а ceramique decoree par
irnpression de tissu, du littoral nord de la mer Noire . . . . . . . . 36
N. A. Frolova (M os soy). Sur 'epoque du regne des rois du Bospore Radamses
et Rhescuporis VI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
M.V. Chtchoukine (L e n i n g r a d). Quelgues probl@mes concernant la culture
de Tcherniakhovo et lorigine des Slaves . . . . . . . . . . . 57
R. G. Fakhroutdinov (K a z a 0). Reparlons de la capitale premongole de la Bulga-
rie volgienne . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71
V. L. Egorov (M o s s o 11). Sur l'epoque de la fondation de Kazan . 80
Pour le 70@те anniversaire de la naissance de S. V. Kiss@lev 88
PuЫications

A. R. Savtchouk (Ki e v). De nouveaux monuments mesolithiques sur le cours тоyen du

Dniepr . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92
N. O. Bader (M o s s and). Un etablissement des premiers agriculteurs: Tell-Sotto (d'apres les
fouilles de 1971, 1973-1974) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99
G. A. Tchernov (M o s s o u). EtaЬlissement prehistorique d'Oustkhe1aghine, sur }а
riviere Korotaikha . . . . . . . . . . . . . ........ 112
E. N. Tchernykh (M 0sc o and). А~-bounar, ипе mine de cuivre du IVe millenaire avant notre 13
ere, dans les Balkans (fouilles de 1971, 1972 et 1974)..
A. D. Priakhine (V o r o n e j). Les etablissements de la communaule abachevienne dans les 2
regions sud-ouest de la тоуеппе Volga . . . . . . . . . . .
V. V. Evdokimov (K o 11 s t a n a ~). Nouvelles fouilles dans l'@lablissement d'Ale- 15
xeievo, sur la riviere Tobol... ... . . . . ... 4
M. F. Kossarev et T. M. Potemkina (M o s soy). L'etablissement d'Ipkoul 1
B. İou. Mikhline (D on pe z k). Une sepulture sarmate dans le Donbass meridional V. А. 16
Lekvinadze (Т Ь i l i s s i). Une rirl1e sepнltнre de la fin du IVe si@cle, а
Oнreki (Georgie) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ..... 3
Iou. L. Chtchapova (M o s o u). De nouveaux details pour conlribuer а l'histoirc des 17
mosaiques de la cathedrale Ouspenski а Кiev . . . . . . . . . . . 1. K. Laboutina et O. A.
Kondratieva (P s k o v, Le p i n g r a d). Plaques representant le Centaure el ип animal 3
fabuleux, trouvees dans les fouilles de Pskov Р. А. Rappoport (Le ningrad). La cathedrale
du monastere de la Trinite а 18
Кlovka (Smolensk) . . . . . . . . . . ..... ....
5
Notices
19
S. V. Kouzminykh et V. S. Patrouchev (M o s with o and). Un moule provenant d'Akozino
249 3
1. B. Vassiliev (K o and ~ b y with h e v). L'etablissement de Douvanievskoie еп Bachkirie
(fin de l'Age du Bronze) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . '. . . . . . 250 20
V. A. Petrenko (G r o z n y). Un tresor de harnachements pour chevaux provenant
des fouilles du deuxieme oppidum de Khankala (Tchetcheno-lngouchetia) . . 256 9
22 3
3
23
5
E, ₽. Kazakov (K a z a p). Deux inhumations de la sepulture de Tchichminskoi6 259
L. G. Kolesnikova (S e H a s t o r o l). Inlшmation d'un guerrier dans la necropole
de Chersonese . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 264
V. А. Bourov (Moscou). «lessif Davydovitch, homme de bien.». 267
G. N Ivanova (region de Krasnoiarsk). Ceramique rhenane provenant
des fouilles de Pskov . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 274
Toi. А. Zadneprovski (Le ni п g r а d). Un lieu d'inhumation de pasteurs du XIIe
s. au XIV s., а Ferghana . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 276
A. K. Stanioukovitch et A. G. Atavine (M o s s o u). Une tres simple sonde pour les
investigations archeologiques . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 280

Critique et bibliographie
-1. A. Chnirelrnane (M o s o u). Le proЫeme des origines de la culture natoufienne
(apercu de litterature)............... 283
I, I. Artemenko (Kiev). Ch. S t r a h m. Die Gliederung der schnurkeramischen
Kultur in der Schweiz. Acta Bernesia VI, Bern, 1971 . . . . . . . . . 293
E. A. Symonovitch (M o s s o u). 1. S. V i n o k o u r. Histoire et culture der trib11s
tcherniakoviennes de la region comprise entre le Dniestr et le Dniepr (du
Iless. an Ve s. de p. O.). Kiev. 1972 . . . . . . . . . . . . . 297
İ.R. Roussanova (M o s s o u). 1. S. V i n o k o u r. Histoire et culture des tribus
tcherniakoviennes de la region comprise entre le Dniestr et le Dniepr (du
Ile s. an Ve s. de p. O.). Kiev, 4972 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 301
G. M. Bourov (S i m f e r o p o l). Le probleme de l'origine des Komis (а l'occasion
de la publication de la monographie de Е. А. Savi@li@va).... . ... 304

Actualites Archeologiques
G. N. Lissitsyna (l\İ o s s o u). Le Illeme Symposium international de paleoethno-
botanique . . . . . . 311
[Minaieva vol. [. 313
[Stepanov R.]. 34
 A. A. FORMOZOV

SOME OUTCOMES AND OBJECTIVES OF RESEARCH IN

THE FIELD OF HISTORY OF ARCHEOLOGY

Over the past decades, inter,;, to historiography has noticeably revived in our
country. The USSR Academy of Sciences has created a Scientific Council for the
History of Historical Science. Four volumes were published summarizing "Essays on
the History of Historical Science in the USSR" and a magnificent bibliographic guide
to pre-revolutionary historiography, covering over 11,000 digs. * Ospovana seril of
annuals "History and Historians." Along with mpogochis: 1st articles, the same topics
published textbooks and lecture courses on historiography and valuable monographic
works .
This growing interest in historiography plowed its reflection in the sciences related
to archeology. The İnstitute of Ethnography of the USSR Academy of Sciences
published six historiographic collections, books by M. G. Levin * and S. A. Tokarev
*.
İ.G. Spassky published meaningful articles about the past of Russian
numismatics. " Eight collections dedicated to the history of museum business in Russia
İİ USSR 1
This is not to say that our archaeologists remained completely indifferent to this
direction of spiders. Here and there are published articles on the history of archeology
in Russia. Written and: monographs characterizing the development of individual
sections in our field of knowledge. A three-volume review of the studies of the
Paleolithic of Siberia and its surrounding areas is defended by V. E. Larichev as a
doctoral dissertation 8• N: The Andidatsyu1s were the summaries of the history of
archeology in the Baikal region of N. D. Arkhipov9 and the history of the study of the
Stone Age in Central Asia - M. D. Dzhurakulov. "
And yet we have to admit that the study of the history of our spiders from Soviet
archaeologists does not receive much development. We still have

'Essays on the history of historical science in the USSR, vols. İ-IV. M., 1955-1966 .
2
History of historical science in the USSR. Pre-October period. Bibliography .
M., 1965.
3
Essays on the history of Russian ethnography, folkloristics and anthropology ,
vol. İ-VI. M., 1956-1974 (Tr. İn ethnography of the USSR Academy of Sciences, vol. 30, 85, 91, 94,
95, 102). ~ M. G. Levin. Essays on the history of anthropology in Rossi. M., 1960 .
5
S. A. Tokarev. History of Russian ethnography. Pre-October period. M., 1966. • İ.G. Spassky.
Essays on the history of Russian numismatics. TGIM, 25, 1955,
pp. 34-108; his. Numismatics in the Hermitage. Essay by Mintskabipet - Department of Numismatics.
"Numismatics and Epigraphics," VIII, 1970, pp. 123-234.
7
Proceedings of the Research İnstitute of Museology, 1 (History of Museum Affairs in the
USSR). M., 19; j7; IJ, 1961; VII,_ 1962; Essays on the history of museum business in Russia, vol. 11.
M., 1960; Essays on the history of museum affairs in the USSR, V, M., 1963; VI, 1968; VII, 1971;
Proceedings of the Research İnstitute of Museology and the Protection of Historical and Cultural
Monuments, 22 , 1970.
8
V. E. Larichev. Paleolithic of North, Tseptralpa and East Asia, parts 1-11. Novosibirsk, 1969-
1972 .
9
N. D. Arkhipov. The history of the formation and development of archaeological science in the
Baikal region (XVIII v. - 1940). Autoref. cand. dis., M., 1973.
10
M. Juraku, p., Ov. History of the study of the stone vein in Central Asia. Autoref. cand. dis.
Samarkand , 1966.
5
sings the book "History of Russian Archeology," an equivalent summary of S. A.
Tokarev, although, it would seem, in the presence of a four-volume "Stories of Russian
Ethnography > Academician A. N. Pypin, the creation of historiography of archeology,
and not ethnography, would be more relevant." İn the generalizing works of Soviet
archaeologists, historiographic chapters occupy a significant place in very rare cases.
Perhaps only in the books of P. İ. Boriskovsky, M. K Karger and A. P. Okladnikov,
these chapters are of independent importance and are of a research nature. " On the
contrary, in the works of N. N. Voronin, S. V. Kiselev, S. P. Tolstov, which received
well-deserved recognition, historiographic introductions boil down to two or three
pages and have a purely reference meaning. " İn the valuable monograph of V.F.
Gaidukevich, devoted to the history of the Bosporus kingdom, studied by Russian
science for almost two hundred years, there is no historiographic chapter at all. "
Unfortunately, the anniversary date - the centenary of the foundation of the
Archaeological Commission (1859-1959) - the institution immediately preceding the
central archaeological institution of the USSR - of the Order of the Red Banner of
Labor to the İnstitute of Archeology of the USSR Academy of Sciences was forgotten.
The history of the Archaeological Commission, unlike the history of the Moscow and
Russian archaeological societies, has not been written.
İn our literature, we often encounter insufficient acquaintance with the works of
our predecessors. İt happens that some fruitful idea expressed long ago is attributed to
the authors of the latest reports on this topic. So, V.İ. Sarianidi calls the biggest
achievement of V.M. Masson the idea of two zones of primitive Central Asia - the
zone of farmers in the foothills and the zone of hunting: kov and fishermen turning to
cattle breeding, in the steppes and deserts * *. Meanwhile, this idea was not put
forward by V. M. Masson at all in 1964, but appeared more than twenty years ago in
the reports of S. P. Tolstov *. "
G. N. Matyushin considers the conclusion that copper and bronze products
penetrated the Russian Plain first from the Caucasus and later from the Urals to be a
remarkable discovery of E. N. Chernykh, "although this generalization was made in the
pre-war years and published by O. A. Krivtsova-Grakova in 1955."
What are the reasons for less attention to historiography among archaeologists than
among historians, ethnographers, numismatists? The point, apparently, is the specifics
of the archaeological spider itself. Every year, every field season increases the volume
of its sources, while the fund of sources from historians (if we do not talk about
materials for the current century) is relatively stable. The method of excavation and
office processing of collections is being improved. The works of our predecessors:
Kov no longer satisfy us from the methodological side. Moreover, archaeologists who
have been working for more than a dozen years notice how quickly their own books
and articles become obsolete .

1 So far, the replacement of such a book can be chapters on the history of Russian archeology in
the first three parts of "Essays on the History of Historical Science in the USSR > >, written by A.
V. Artsikhovsky and created on the basis of a historiographic course he reads at the Department of
Archeology of Moscow State University.
12
P.İ. Boriskovsky. Paleolithic of Ukraine. MIA, 40, 1953, pp. 11-29; M. K. Karger. Ancient
Kyiv. M.-L., 1958, pp. 11-62; A.P. Okladnikov. Neolithic and Bronze Age of the Baikal region. MIA,
18, 1950, pp. 13-50.
1
z N. N. Voronin, Architecture of North-Eastern Russia Xİ-XV centuries, vol. İ. M., 1961, pp. 9-
15; S.V. Kiselev. Ancient history of Southern Siberia. M., 1951, pp. 5-9; C. lf. To.l, st. Ancient
Khorezm. M., 1948, pp. 7-10 .
1
% V.F. Gaidukevich. Bosporus Kingdom. M.-L., 1949.

'• V. İ. Sarianidi. Review of the book: V. M. Masson. Central Asia and the ancient East. WDI,
1970, 1, p. 158.
6 S.P. Tolstov. Aral node of the ethnogonic process. SE, Vİ - Vİİ, 1947, p. 309 .
1
1 G, N. Matyushin. At the cradle of history. M., 1972, p. 34.
18
O. A. Krivtsova-Grakova. Steppe Volga region and Black Sea region in the Late Bronze Age.
MIA, 46, 1955, pp. 50-69.
6
From this arises the idea of the value of research only of the last decade, only of the
current generation of scientists, that everything done at the beginning of the twentieth
century, and even more so in the XIX and XVIII centuries, now no longer matters. İs it
so? Consider some aspects of the work in the field of the history of archeology and
show the importance of this area of research .
A number of archaeological finds made in the past retain their uniqueness to this
day. İn 1741, academician G. Bayer described two gold tiaras decorated with precious
stones found near Kazan. " Until now, these works of North İtalian masters of the İX
century. remained the only ones among the finds in the Volga region and recently took
an important place in the summary of V.P. Darkevich *. " İn equal measure, things from
the Siberian collection of Peter İ ° ', treasures of jewelry of the Kyiv era, discovered in
Kyiv itself in 1787, 1824, 1827, 1841, 1842, 1846, in Old Ryazan - in 1822, and in other
pucts - in 1807, 1822, 1823, 1836, 1837 and subsequent years °. One of the tasks of
archaeologists is to collect information about archaeological finds made in the past, but
remaining valuable for the compilation of archaeological maps, and for statistics, and in
themselves.
Often, the old collections did not reach us, but drawings have been preserved that
allow us to judge the disappeared antiquities. So, D. G. Messerschmidt sketched in 1723
stone sculptures found on the river. Tuba and soon broken by the local population.
Despite the ongoing research in the Minusinsk Basin for 250 years, this type of statue
has never been met again. Before us is an important document q monumental sculpture,
apparently Tagar time. " E.N. Dmitrieva and V.P. Levasheva analyzed sketches of
ancient things from Siberia made for V. de Gennin in 1734, and in this way revealed
interesting materials about monuments of different stages of the metal era * *. O. İ.
Beach extracted from the diaries of P. Dubreux information about the now destroyed
part of the Panticapaeum necropolis * '
The attention of archaeologists should be attracted not only by the information
contained in the old sources about the dead monuments, but also by ancient descriptions
and drawings of antiquities that have survived to this day. The comparison of their
former state with the present turns out to be very curious. Thus, the comparison of the
Bronze Age copy of the İrbit scribe filmed at the end of the XVII centuries with its
current condition allowed V.N. Chernetsov to refute the repeatedly expressed opinion
about the rapid destruction of ocher paintings on open rocks *. " Very valuable for the
examination of the ancient city was the analysis by A.N. Karasev of the plans of Olbia
taken at the beginning of the XIX century2. 7Even more gave the study of the maps of the
Heraclean Peninsula and the plans of Chersonesos of the end of XVIII - the beginning
of XIX century.

9 Т. S. Bayer. De doubus diadematibus in Museo Imperatorio, «Commentarii Асаdemiae

Scientiarum Imperialis Petropolitanae», VIII, Petropoli, 1741, р. 378-387.
20
V.P. Darkevich. Works of Western European art craft in Eastern Europe (X-XIV centuries).
spruce, Ye-1-57, 1966, pp. 7, 8 .
21
S. İ. Rudenko. Siberian collection of Peter 1. spruce, D - 3-9, 1962.
22
G, F. Korzukhina. Russian treasures İX-XİII centuries M.-L., 1954, pp. 80, 81, 90, 92, 102,
403, 105-107, 116, 123, 125, 140, 143-146 .
23
, G. Messerschmidt, Forschungsreise durch Sibirien 1720-1727. Teil 11. Berlin, 1964, Taf.
1; A. A. Formozov. Essays on primitive art. M., 1969, p. 20t.
2
% E.N. Dmitrieva, V.P. Levasheva. Materials from excavations of Siberian hillocks. SA, 1965,
2, pp. 225-236 .
5 O. İ. Beach. The first excavations of the Panticapaeus necropolis. MIA, 69, 1959, pp. 296-
321 .
28
V.N. Chernetsov. Rock paintings of the Urals. SAİ, V-4-12 (2), 1971, pp. 9-22 .
27
A.N. Karasev. Plans of Olbia of the XIX century as a source for the historical topography
of the city. MIA, 50, 1956, pp. .9-34.

7
first of all, the Anania Strokov plaza of 1786, which captured the boundaries of ancient
agricultural areas-clerks before the intensive dismantling of the stone by the
inhabitants of Sevastopol * "
The number of examples is not difficult to increase, but the question arises - have
so many archaeological finds been recorded in XVIII or the first half of the XIX
century, have these materials already been exhausted? Of course not! A lot can be
found in the archives. The Archive of the USSR Academy of Sciences in Leningrad
contains dozens of sketches of things that made up the first collection of the Petrovsky
Kunstkamera. Here we will find ceramics, jewelry and weapons from Siberian mounds
and a bronze altar of the Semirechensky type, Finnish noisy ghosts and used in the
XVIII century. during the construction of the church stone sculptures of the Nonduisky
town in Transbaikalia (not taken into account in the works about this monument), tiles
from the Golden Horde cities in the Volga region and a series of ancient lamps, the
richest collection of Chinese mirrors and works of Western European medieval
jewelers, etc., etc. 2Extremely 9rich in archaeological:materials so-called "Miller portfolios"
- a colossal fund of records kept by G. F. Miller during the Siberian expedition of
1733-1743 and later. "
The examination of old literature will also give a lot. Now, after the publication of
three excellent reference books on archaeological bibliography of the Soviet era, the
library of the USSR Academy of Sciences is discussing the issue of creating the same
bibliography for the pre-revolutionary era. Doubts are expressed whether such a
reference book is needed. İ would like to assure doubters that this work will be
important for all archaeologists. Experts may know the articles published in the "News
of the Archaeological Commission" or "Notes of the Odessa Society of History and
Antiquities," but few people look in search of materials in other publications -
publications of local departments of the Russian Geographical Society, "Provincial
Vedomosti," magazines of the beginning of the XIX century. Meanwhile, numerous
information about archaeological sites are scattered there, which often have not lost
their significance to this day. İn order for the directory on pre-revolutionary
archaeological bibliography, which we all need, to be created, a lot of work will be
required and, İ think, not only a team of compilers from the LOIA library led by T. N.
Zadneprovskaya, but also many voluntary assistants who know the literature well on a
particular issue. First of all, it is necessary to determine the circle of sources and
outline the structure of the publication. Wei, the structure adopted for reference books
on modern archaeological bibliography, in this case, is clearly not suitable. İn pre-
revolutionary periodicals, no less information about archaeological discoveries abroad
than about finds in Russia. Materials about archaeological sites are embedded in all
kinds of travel notes, printed in abundance in the XVIII and XIX centuries .
Along with the examination of old publications and archives, in order to extract
information about archaeological sites, it is necessary to create chronicles of
archaeological research in certain areas of our country. İn Siberia, excavations have
been conducted for over 250 years, in the Crimea and in the North: Caucasus - about
200. What was done at every point by our predecessors, we imagine badly. Old books
by K. E. Grinevich with a chronicle of research in Chersonesos and 10 are useful. Yu.
Marty - with a chronicle of rocking

8 V. D. Blavatsky. Agriculture in the ancient states of Northern Prpchernomil. M., 1953, pp. 36-
38.
29
Archive of the USSR Academy of Sciences in Leningrad, p. IX, op. 4. Only individual
drawings have been published. S: m.: T.V. Stanyukovich. Kunstkamera of the St. Petersburg Academy
of Sciences. M. - L., 1953, Fig. 4; T.K. Shafranovskaya. About the treasures of the Petrovsky
Kunstkamera (according to the drawings of the XVIII century). SE, 1965, 2, pp. 147-156, Fig. 1-6;
A. A. Formozov, Uk. Op ., Figure 40.
eo Stored in CGADA. See: N.V. Golitsyn. Miller portfolios. M., 1899.

8
 pok near Kerch and on Taman, "but these publications need many additions, and not
only for the last 45 years, and have also become a bibliographic rarity. Now an
employee of the Kerch Museum D. S. Kirillin is working on the history of excavations
on the Kerch Peninsula and on Taman No. Undoubtedly, the same chronicle reviews are
needed for archaeological research in Olbia, Kyiv, Novgorod and other points. İn
connection with the preparation for publication of the materials of the newly built
Krasnoyarsk expedition, E. B. Vadetskaya and M. A. Davlet did a lot of work to
systematize data on excavations in the Minusinsk basin for two and a half centuries.
The publication of their work is highly desirable .
Another, and perhaps the most important, task of the history of archeology is to analyze
the ideas and methods of our predecessors. İt is important not only what they found, but
also what goals they set in their research, how they carried them out. We have done very
little in this direction. The monographs published in the 40s by V. T. İllarionov on
Paleolithic ° and S. A. Semenov-Zuser on the Scythian problem * are annotated
bibliographies rather than truly historiographic studies. The same reproach can be made
in relation to the latest report by V. E. Larichev. Opa is certainly useful, especially in
sections concerning territory beyond frontier countries, but it has many purely
compilative parts compiled from archaeological reports, and little real historiography.
Page by page are filled with the following, for example, information: "Nak showed a
further inspection, plot No. Z of Afontova Mountain is located 150 m northeast of plot
2. Here, in a pale-gray loess sandy loam at a depth of 2-2.5 m from the surface, G.P.
Sosnovsky found animal bones split by humans and plates from mammoth teeth. Plots
No. 4 and 5 did not give any interesting finds so that excavations could be planned here.
" On the contrary, we will not see the extremely necessary analysis of the works of
individual scientists in the two-volume book of V. E. Larichev. At the beginning of the
twentieth century. in the backwater Kyakhta, a circle of local historians formed, which
made a great contribution to the archeology of Transbaikalia. Articles by Yu. D. Talko-
Grintsevich, A.P. Mostitsa, P.S. Mikhno and others are neatly listed by V.E. Larichev.
But there were these people - political exiles, representatives of the progressive local
intelligentsia, respectable county officials? What tasks did they set in their search? There
is no answer to these questions in the book, although this is by no means indifferent to
understanding the place of the circle in the history of Siberian archeology. İn the 1920s,
there were two centers for the study of the Stone Age in Siberia - Krasnoyarsk and
İrkutsk. İn Krasnoyarsk, young G.P. Sosnovsky worked, in İrkutsk - prof. B. E. Petri and
his young students (G. F. Debets, M. M. Gerasimov, A. P. Okladnikov). The main
achievements of these researchers are named by V. E. Larichev, but even here the
inevitable questions remain unanswered: did the methodology of Krasnoyarsk and
İrkutsk archaeologists differ in anything? Has G.P. Sosnovsky passed the school? What
gave him the latest move to Leningrad and work in a team headed by P.P. Efimenko?
and T.D., etc., similar questions arise when reading any section of the book by V. E.
Larichev, and this shows that the problems of historiographic

1 O. Yu. Marty. One hundred years of the Kerch Museum. Kerch, 1926; K. E. Grinevich. One
hundred years of Khersopesky excavations. Sevastopol, 1927 .
So far, the theses of his rather controversial report on Ashik have been published: D. S.
Kirillin. About the role and place of A. B. Ashik in the development of the domestic Scythian-ancient -
archaeologist. "İA ACADEMY OF SCİENCES OF THE USSR. Abstracts of reports on sections
devoted to the results of field research in 1971 "M., 1972, pp. 344, 345. Earlier, a historical survey of
excavations in the Kerch area was prepared by V. D. Blavatsky, but, unfortunately, the print was not
printed .
33
V. T. İllarionov. Experience of historiography of the Paleolithic of the USSR. Gorky, 1947 .
z4 • A. Semenov-Zuser. Scythian problem in domestic science. Kharkov, 1947. V.E. Larichev. Uk.
5z

Op., Part İİ, p. 31.

9
the works are understood by him narrowly, in reference and bibliographic, and not in
research terms.
We have few articles on the creative path of prominent Russian archaeologists .
There was a paradoxical situation when in Russian there are three books about the
amateur archaeologist Henry Schliemann (translated and two original, one of them
came out in the second edition, the fourth was written), "while there are no books about
domestic archaeologists. Recently, following the book of G. Stol about Schliemann,
his book was translated about Karl Humann, who did not even take the steps to
scientific research that Schliemann was capable of. The merit to the science of this
road engineer boils down to the fact that he broke out of the wall of the Turkish fortress
the remains of the Pergamon altar. From the afterword to the book, we learn that this is
the only publication about Humanp. Even correspondence related to his enterprise has
been published "
Meanwhile, there is no certainty that the editors of The Life of Wonderful People or
the Nauka publishing house, which published the books of G. Stol, would like to print
biographies of, say, I.E. Zabelin or N. İ. Veselovsky. But in the history of Russian
archeology, it is not difficult to find brilliant field discoveries worthy of the attention of
the widest circle of readers. There are also such tragic episodes in it as the death of V.V.
Shkorpil at the hands of Kerch treasure hunters. The experience of an entertaining story
about archaeologists of the past shows that on this material you can create both
interesting and informally useful books. İ will name the popular books by V. E.
Larichev about researchers of the Siberian Paleolithic İ. D. Chersky, N. F. Kashchenko,
İ. T. Savenkov, about local historians of Primorye Palladia Kafarov, F. F. Busse, İ. A.
Lopatin, who first revealed bright medieval monuments there "and a brochure by İ. B.
Brashinsky about excavations antique necropolises and Scythian mounds in XIX B,
No
But going along the path of entertainment, it is easy to lose the main thing - the
idea of a place in the history of science of a scientist. İt happened, as it seems to me,
to İ. Shapoval, the author of a book about D. İ. Evarnitsky, where the story of a
prominent historian and archaeologist was replaced by a collection of jokes about a
colorful eccentric posing for Repin for Zaporozhtsy "
İt's good if we have popular books about I.E. 3abelin and N. 11. Veselovsky, but
even more needed their scientific biographies. No less desirable is the publication of
works about P. Dyubryuks and İ. A. Stempkovsky, Z. Khodakovsky and D. Ya.
Samokvasov, A. A. Spitsyn and V. A. Gorodtsov, B. V. Farmakovsky. This also applies
to the older generation of Soviet archaeologists, for example, B. S. Zhukov, B. A.
Kuftin, A. A. Miller, M. İ. Artamonov, S. A. Teploukhov, S. İ. Rudenko, S. V. Kiseleva.
A comparative analysis of the activities of such scientists as P. P. Efimenko, G. A.
Bonch-Osmolovsky, S. N. 3amyatnip would be extremely interesting. Each of them
went his own way in science. Their relationship was complicated. But together they
created a globally recognized Soviet school for the study of the Paleolithic. "
İmportant information is contained in obituaries and anniversary articles. Of
course, no one needs stencil phrases about the "heyday of creative forces" or the
"amazing modesty" of the hero of the day or the deceased, but completely

in D.N. Egorov. Heinrich Schliemann. Pg., 1923; M. L. Meyerovich. Schliemann, 1st ed., 1938,
2nd ed., M., 1966; G. Stol. Schliemann. M., 1965. (A new book about Schliemann was prepared for
publication by L. S. Klein).
37
G. Stol. Gods and Giants. M., 1971.
sv V.E. Larichev. Mystery of the stone turtle. Novosibirsk, 1966; his. Hunters
behind the mammoths. Novosibirsk, 1968.
z9 İ. B. Brashinsky. Treasures of Scythian kings. M., 1967. 4 And,
0

Shapoval. İn search of treasures. M., 1968.

44 An interesting attempt to compare the scientific views of P. P. Efimenko p S. N. Zamyatnin
was contained in the report of G. P. Grigoriev at a meeting of the Paleolithic sector of the İA
Academy of Sciences of the USSR in 1968.
10
and nearby such articles are the only form of summing up the work of the scientist. İt is
appropriate to recall here what was once said by İ. Yu. Krachkovsky: "The words of
obituaries are not given to us by the mourning ringing. We look back to determine the
distance that we have traveled, and there is a long endless path ahead, and there,
forward, the teacher calls us "* ° .
İt is also significant that biographical data about a person is easier to collect in fresh
traces than many years later. B. A. Latynin had to conduct special archival surveys to
indicate the date of death of the largest archaeologist, corresponding member of the
Academy of Spiders A. A. Spitsyn, who died in 1931. What to say about scientists of a
smaller scale! Nrat biographies and, if possible, full bibliographies of our scientists
should be published. Even more necessary is the analysis of the creative path of leading
researchers, objective, evaluating the work of a scientist against a wide background. An
example of such an analysis is an article by M. İ. Artamonov in memory of İ. İ.
Lyapushkin. To give a comprehensive impartial assessment of the activities of
archaeologists of previous generations is our moral duty to the Pimi. From such articles,
the history of Soviet archeology can gradually develop: Many of its episodes (for
example, the heyday of local history in the 1920s) are almost unfamiliar to the modern
generation of archaeologists.
Even more important than essays on individual scientists, works characterizing the
development of certain large sections of the spider. The essence of any phenomenon can
be understood only by knowing its history and the history of its study. Now scientists
are clearer than before, realize that scientific works are not an absolute truth in the last
instance, not the creation of dispassionate mechanisms, but the work of human hands,
on which the characteristics of the researcher's personality, the spirit of the era, and its
characteristic view of the world are imprinted. We can say that each generation of
archaeologists saw in the monuments of antiquity what the era suggested to him. This is
instructive for us, because thanks to this we understand the limitations of our own
perception of the material and get acquainted with other possibilities for understanding
it that existed in the past .
An interesting analysis of old archaeological literature from this angle was carried
out in England (S. Piggott, G. Daniel), France (A. Lameng-Emperer), the Polish
People's Republic (Andrzej Abramovich) *. What was written on close topics with us is
now very outdated. İn the 30s, in any archaeological work, M. G. Khudyakov saw an
answer to the requirements of trading capital. " İn the 40s, separate quotes were often
taken out of the context of old books and articles, and when some were freely mounted
and other statements were hushed up, a legend was created about epiphanies that were
ahead of their era by whole centuries. For example, let me remind you of the article by
D. M. Gurvich "Lomonosov and Archaeology," where it was argued that the great
encyclopedist looked at Old Russian art in much the same way, how they began to look
at him in the twentieth century. İn reality, the papers of M.V. Lomonosov did not speak
at all about the study of ancient Russian painting, but only about the manufacture of
copies from portraits of princes and tsars to illustrate the "Brief Russian Chronicler". "
Absolutely

42 V. A. Gordlevsky. İgnatius Julianovich Krachkovsky. Elected Op., vol. IV. M., 1968 p. 127 .
43
S. Piggott. Prehistory and romantic movement. Antiquity, vol. Xİ, 4937, 41, pp. 31-38; Glyn Е.
Daniel. А Hundred Years of archaeology. London, 1952; dem. The origins and growth of archaeology.
London, 1967; А. Laming-Emperaire. Origines de l'archeologie prehistorique еп France. Paris, 1964;
4. Abramowicz. Wiek Archeologii. Warszawa, 1967.
% M. G. Khudyakov. Pre-revolutionary Russian archaeology in the service of exploitative classes.
M., 1933.
45
D. M. Gurvich. Lomonosov and archaeology. KSIIMK, XLI, 1951, pp. 119-122; Wed.:
M.V. Lomonosov. Presentation to the office of the Academy of Sciences on the sending of a painter to
take copies of ancient paintings. Full. sobr. Op., vol. 9, 1955, p. 407.
11
obviously, we must not take the phrases convenient for us out of context for some
reason, but study the entire system of views of a scientist, not modernizing them, but
determining their genuine relationship with the science of that time and the stages of
its development in the future.
My 1961 book Essays on the History of Russian Archeology does not quite satisfy
me today either. The main premise of the book that the history of our archeology
should be perceived as a page in the history of Russian culture, and not separately,
seems to be correct. But this premise was understood in a straightforward way. Such
facts as the acquaintance of A.S. Pushkin with the works of Z. Khodakovsky or the
participation of D.N. MaminsSibiryak in the archaeological study of the Urals are
interesting in themselves, but the point, of course, is not in these episodes. Not so
important has Stempkovsky met with Pushkin or not. The main thing is that
Stempkovsky was a man of the same time and his activities reflected the ideas of
European enlightenment, the style of sentimentalism, and the breath of the liberation
war against Napoleon, etc. We can rightfully talk about the archeology of the era of
Romanticism or the period of positivism, as A. Abramovich does when applied to
Polish scientists. Analysis of the past of Russian archeology from this angle is still
ahead.
İn recent years, the study of the psychology of the creativity of scientists has also
received a certain development. The first experiments in this direction on the materials
of our science were made by B. A. Frolov. " They don't seem very successful to me.
The desire to exaggerate the achievements of the heroes of the essay is felt. The
mistake of İ. D. Chersky, who attributed the finds of ceramics to the paleolithic layer of
the İrkutsk site, is given for his greatest discovery, anticipating recent observations in
Dolnykh Vestonitsy. Rather random features in the biography of a scientist (for
example, İ. D. Chersky's love for dancing) are too directly associated with the results
of his research. Nevertheless, İ think that the analysis of the history of Russian
archeology in psychological terms is not useful and needs further development .
Until now, we have only talked about studying the history of Russian science.
But our specialists can do a lot for the history of archeology in other peoples of the
USSR and abroad. The history of archeology in Ukraine was successfully engaged in
M. Yu. And A. T. Brychevsky, "in Belarus - L. V. Alekseev *," in Uzbekistan - B. V.
Lunin. " At one time, S. N. Zamyatpin and P. İ. Boriskovsky published a wonderful
essay on Gabriel de Mortilla. " The main stages of the history of archeology in Europe
are covered in the books of A. L. Mongait '. The story of the discovery and recognition
of Paleolithic painting, based on a number of foreign reports, was published by B. A.
Frolov. " At the same time, a critical assessment of various currents in saru -

in B. A. Frolov. The first researchers of the Siberian Paleolithic. VI, 1973, 5, p. 214-220 .
7 M. Yu. Braichevsky. Vidatny Ukra ~ a new archaeologist (until the 40th day of the death of
V.V. Khvoiki). Vsnik AN URSR, 1954, 11, pp. 53-61; A. T. Braichevskaya. T. G. Shevchenko and
archaeological science. SA, 1964, 3, pp. 3-7 .
4c]. V. Alekseev. Essay on the history of Belarusian pre-revolutionary archeology and historical
local history. SA, 1967, 4, pp. 146-163; his. Belarusian archaeolop1 and _ nstoric local history in the
second half of the XİX - early XX centuries. SA, 1968, 3, p. 85-100 .
+ > B.V. Lunin. From the history of Russian Oriental studies and archeology in Turkestan. 1 ashkspt,
1958; his. Uzbek amateur archaeologist and collector of antiquities Akram Pavlan Askarov. Ed. AN
Uzb. USSR, ser. societies. sciences, 1960, 6, pp. 66-76. 0 P.İ. Boriskovsky and S.N. Zamyatnin.
Gabriel de Mortillier. PIDO, 1934, 7-8, pp. 88-107.
$4 4. L. Mongait. Stone Age of Europe. M., 1973, pp. 10-59; A. S. Amalrik and A. L. Mongai. İn
search of disappeared civilizations. M., 1966, pp. 9-134 .
52
5. A. Frolov. Discovery and recognition of ice age rock paintings. Sat. "Scientific Discovery
and İts Perception." M., 1971, pp. 194-235.
42
beige archaeology is very important for the work currently unfolding in the field of
theory of our science .
İ settled very briefly on certain areas in which the history of archeology can be
studied, but, İ think, and what was said is just to disagree with the opinion about the
uselessness of developing this topic. İ have no doubt that everyone who pays a share of
their attention to the study of the past of our science will not consider this time lost.
They will be enriched with valuable forgotten materials, and unexpected approaches to
them, and important thoughts about the ways of knowing the early stages of history .

A. A. Formozov

CERTAINS RESULTATS ЕТ PROBLEMES DES RECHERCHES DANS LE

DOMAINE DE L'НISTOIRE DE L'ARCHEOLOGIE

R No. S ityo

Cet article contient une revue critique des publications sovi@tiques parues ces derniers dix ans
sur l'histoire de l'archeologie. Dans се domaine, l'auteur envisage les taches suivanles: 1) relever les
renseignements contenus dans la litterature ancienne et les documents d'archives sur les decouvertes
arch@ologiques faites dans le passe; 2) @tablir la chronique des investigations archeologiques pour
les regions ой les fouilles sont menees depuis plusieurs dizaines d'annees; 3) analyser les idees et les
methodes des arch@olognes du XIXe s. et du debut du ХХе s., et rediger leurs biographies.
 V.P. TRETYAKOV

IN DEFENSE OF THE UNITY OF THE HAIR OF ANTIQUITIES

(Regarding the article by A. L. Nikitin "Did the hair culture exist?")

The journal "Soviet Archaeology" (1974, 2, pp. 27-33) published an article by A. L.

Nikitin "Did Volosov culture exist?" The author briefly characterizes the views
expressed to date regarding the substance of this culture, the place of origin and the
movement of its carriers. As a result, A. L. Nikitin comes to the conclusion that the
monuments ranked by researchers as a single Volosov archaeological culture should be
divided into two different time groups, one of which, named by him Volosovo-1, in
ancient times occupied the territory north of the upper Volga and partially the Oka
basin and led its origin from the Baltic states and the upper Dnieper (p. 32), the second
- hair-İİ - was distributed in the Volga region and the surrounding areas (p. 32).
A. L. Nikitin dates the hair-İ İV millennium BC. e. - the first half of the İII
millennium don. e., as evidenced, in his opinion, by the radiocarbon dates (4300±240
and 4340±40) of the horizons covering the Volosov layer in one of the westlands in the
Polzo site. Volosovo-İİ dates from the İİ millennium BC. e. Here the author follows O.
N. Bader, A. Kh. Khalikov and İ. To Tsvetkova (p. 32).
İn addition, A. L. Nikitin believes that the hair-İ and hair-İİ complexes allocated by
him are not genetically related to each other, as allegedly evidenced by the difference
in materials on the monuments assigned to these complexes. İn his opinion, hair-İ is
characterized by the following features: round-bottom ceramics (1) ', made of clay
with shell or plant admixture (2). The vessels were molded by hand, using the "gouging
out" method (3). They were decorated with serrated and framed stamps (4), the
impressions of which covered the entire surface of the products (5). This complex,
according to A. L. Nikitin, is also characterized by the presence of segmental and leaf-
shaped knives (6), flint sculpture (7), slate jewelry (8), amber (9) and oval ground
dwellings slightly recessed into the ground (10). Total - 10 features (page 31).
Volosovo-İİ, according to A. L. Nikitin, is characterized by flat-bottomed pots (1) made
of clay, to which shamot, sand, sometimes a shell (2) were added. The vessels were
made by the method of ring ice (3), decorated with a toothed stamp, cuts and
indentations (4), and the ornament was applied only at the corolla and bottom of the
product (5). İn addition, this complex, according to A. L. Nikitin, is characteristic of

1
Hereinafter, the numbers in brackets correspond to the ordinal number in the list of signs (total
11) allocated by A. L. Nikitin for the main monuments of the "Volosov culture" when characterizing
the complexes "hair-İ" and "hair-İİ." See A. L. Nikitin. Did the Volos culture exist? CA, 1974, 2, p. 31,
Table

14
copper and bronze objects (6) and rectangular deep dugouts with exits and transitions
(7). İn total - seven signs (p. 31).
A. L. Nikitin refers to the first complex such sites as Bologoe, Nonchanskoye,
Modlon, Volosovo, on oz. Sakhtysh, Polzo, Yazykovo, Nikolo-Perevoz (pp. 30, 32), to
the second - the sites of Vashutino, Rozhdestvenskaya, Boran, Machine, Vladychino,
Panfilovo, Podborodskaya itsa-Shcherbininskaya (pp. 32, 33)
The hypothesis of A. L. Nikitin cannot but attract attention, since it violates the
traditional periodization of the antiquities of the Volga region, the Oka River and
adjacent areas, first established by B. S. Zhukov *, developed in the works of A. Ya.
Bryusov *, O. N. Bader\D. A. Krainov °, etc. The basis of the hypothesis of A. L. Nikitin
is the division of hair materials into two chronological and genetically unrelated
complexes. Let's see how thoroughly this unit is based on the analysis of the
monuments mentioned by A. L. Nikitin .
The first group of monuments (according to A. L. Nikitin - hair-İ).
Bologoe 6• When studying this site, P. A. Putyatin discovered a complex of finds that A.
A. Spitsyn rightly compared with Volosovsky. İt includes fragments of round-bottomed
utensils (1) made of clay with "a thick admixture of a variety of plant fibers and small
bird feathers, and often also with an admixture of a large shell" (2) '. The vessels were
made by the dt hand. No "gouging out" technique was used (3). Among the elements of
the ornament are serrated and framed stamps, rounded depressions, cuts (4). Patterns
were applied throughout the pot (5). Stone products are represented by sementoid and
leaf-shaped knives (6) and other finds. Flint sculpture (7), slate jewelry (8), amber (9)
and remains of dwellings (10) ° were not found .
Thus, the materials of the Bologoe settlement include only 4 (out of 10) features
characteristic of the hair-İ complex - the shape of the vessels, impurities, the
ornamentation system (continuous decoration of the vessel walls), segmental and leaf-
shaped knives. The remaining features, about which A. L. Nikitin writes, are not
characteristic of this material (the technique of "gouging out" vessels, flint sculpture,
slate jewelry, amber, dwellings, a much larger number of ornamental elements).
Konchanskoe 9• Collection found: to this settlement consists of fragments of thick-
walled circular bottom vessels (1), made manually from clay with an admixture of
crushed shell (2). The "gouging out" technique (3) is not fixed. Elements of the
ornament are prints of comb and frame stamps, rounded depressions (4). The patterns
filled all vessel walls (5). During the excavations, crafts made of amber were found
(9). Segmental and leaf-shaped knives (6), flint sculpture

B. S. Zhukov. The theory of chronological and territorial modifications of some Neolithic

cultures of Eastern Europe according to the study of ceramics. "Ethnography," 1, 1929, pp. 54-77 .
* A. Ya. 'Bryusov. Essays on the history of tribes of the European part of the USSR in the
Neolithic era. M., 1952.
· O.N. Bader. Oka Basin in the Bronze Age. M., 1970.
D. A. Krainov. Some controversial issues of the ancient history of the Volga-Oka interfluve. KSIA
AN USSR, 97, 1964, pp. 3-19.
• A. A. Spitsyn. Bologovskaya Stone Age site. ZORSA, vol. V, vol. 1, St. Petersburg, 1903, pp.
239-277 .
1 İbid., p. 252.
8
J-la p. 253 in this work of A. A. Spitsyn mention "basins with a narrowing bottom that could
serve as the basis of dwellings." But the shape, dimensions, depth of these depressions are not
indicated. Given the methodology for studying the Bologov site, according to which each cultural
layer was studied by P. A. Putyatin "by a mobile trench by sifting through a metal sieve," it is difficult
to say anything definite about these depressions.
9
/1. C. Roerich. Some antiquities of the pyatins of Derevskaya and Bezhetskaya. ZORSA, vol. V,
vol. 1, St. Petersburg, 1903, pp. 14-43 .
45
(7), no slate decorations (8) and dwellings (10) were found in the parking lot. From this
list it can be seen that Konchansky's materials do not fully correspond to hair-İ.
Common here are the shape of the vessels and the admixtures to the clay dough, the
continuous decoration of the walls of the vessels, the presence of amber, that is, four
signs. The remaining signs, as in the Bologoy collection, are not characteristic of
Volosov-İ (the technique of "gouging out" vessels, flint sculpture, slate jewelry,
dwelling, segment-shaped and leaf-shaped knives, a larger number of ornament
elements ).
Modlona. " The ceramics of this two-layer settlement are represented by fragments
of stucco round-bottomed dishes (1) with an admixture of shell (2). The technique of
"gouging out" (3) is not noted either by A. Ya. Bryusov or S. V. Eruzhkina. Elements of
the ornament were prints of comb and frame stamps, indentations of various shapes,
cuts (4), and patterns were applied on all walls of vessels (5). İn addition, flint figures
(7) and amber (9) were found in this settlement. Segmental and leaf-shaped knives (6),
slate jewelry, oval dwellings slightly recessed into the ground (10) were not found in
the parking lot. Therefore, in strict accordance with the list of signs characterizing hair-
İ (according to A. L. Nikitin), at the site of Modlon we see only the shape of vessels
and admixtures to clay dough, the principle of continuous filling of the vessel walls
with patterns, the presence of flint sculpture and amber (five signs).
Volosovo 11• The collection is represented by fragments of round-bottomed vessels
(1), made by hand from g of linden, to which the crushed shell (2) was mixed. The
"gouging out" technique was not noted (3). The vessels were ornamented with
impressions of comb and frame stamps, cuts, all kinds of depressions (4). Patterns were
applied throughout the pot field (5). The collection of the Volosovskaya parking lot
includes flint figures (7), slate jewelry (8). Segmental knives (6) and amber (9) are not
here. There are no oval ground dwellings (10). B. S. Zhukov noted the presence of a
quadrangular semi-dugout, "which is uncharacteristic, according to A. L. Nikitin, for
Volosov-1. İt is easy to see that the materials of the Volosovskaya site do not include
all the signs of Volosov-1. Common here are only the shape of the vessels and
admixtures to the clay dough, the continuous coating of the walls of the pot with
ornaments, flint figures and slate jewelry (five common features).
Settlements on oz. Sakhtysh. " There is no detailed information about the Volosov
materials of the Sakhtysh sites in the literature yet. About

10
A. Ya. Bryusov. Work report 1938-1939 Tr. GIM, XII, 1941; his. Pile settlement on the river.
Modlon and other sites in the Charozersky district of the Vologda region. MIL, 20, 1951 ; S.V.
Erabkina. Modlon's site, its origin and relation to Kargopol culture. SA, 1966, 4, pp. 27-37.
1 A.S. Uvarov. Archaeology of Russia. Stone period, vols. İ and İİ. M., 1881; P. İ. Kudryavtsev.
materials about a prehistoric man of the Stone Age r. Oki. Tr. SPb. Natural History Society, vol. XIV,
no. 1, St. Petersburg, 1883; V. M. İversen. New things of the Volosovskaya parking lot of a prehistoric
man. ZORSA, vol. V, vol. 1, 1903; his. Note about the Volosovskaya parking lot. Vesti. archeology
and history, vol. XII, St. Petersburg, 1900; A. A. Spitsyn. From the collection of N.K. Roerich (figures
made of flint). ZORSA, vol. VIİ, issue 2, St. Petersburg, 1907; V. A. Gorodtsov. Archaeological
research in the vicinity of r. Muroma in 1910. Antiquities , vol. XXIV, M., 1914; 4. Y. Bryusov. Essays
on the history of tribes..., p. 79 p .
2 B. S. Zhukov. Essay on three-year works of the Anthropological Complex Expedition. Ed.
Associations n.-i. institutes at the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics İ MG-U, issue İ-İİ, 1928, p.
274 .
'8 D. A. Krainov. Study of the territory of the Upper Volga region. JSC - 1965, M., 1966, pp. 54-
57; his. Results of the work of the Verkhnevolozhsk expedition. AO- 1968, M., 1969; his. Studies of
the Upper Volga expedition. JSC - 1970, M., 1974, pp. 34-36; his. Research of the Upper Volga
expedition in the Yaroslavl İvanovo and Kalinin regions. AO1971. M., 1972, pp. 48-50 ; his. Studies
of the Upper Volga expedition. JSC -1972, M., 1973, pp. 68, 69; his. Results of work
46
we know these extensive collections mainly only from brief information published in
the collections of Archaeological Discoveries, in the theses of reports at the plenums of
the İnstitute of Archeology of the USSR Academy of Sciences. Nevertheless, now it can
be argued that the materials of the Sakhtysh sites pe correspond to all with: the shakas
indicated by A. L. Nikitin as characteristic of Volosov-1. Tableware from the Sakhtysh
parking lots was made by the "gouging" technique (3), in addition to toothed and
framed stamps, the elements of the ornament (4) were cut and pit molds. There are no
segmental knives in the collections (6). When studying the Sakhtysh Volosov horizons,
no remains of oval ground dwellings were found (10). With the signs of hair-İ,
according to A. L. Nikitin, Sakhtysh materials are related only to admixtures to clay
dough (2), amber (9), flint sculptures (7) and slate jewelry (8).
Apparently, the same can be said about the rest of the settlements assigned by A. L.
Nikitin to the hair-1 group. Their materials remain almost unpublished, "but are
available for inspection in the funds of the State Medical İnstitute and the Kalipins
Regional Museum of Local Lore. So, in the sites of Yazykovo and Nikolo-Perevoz,
jewelry from slate (8), segment-shaped knives (6) were not found. Dishes here were
decorated with a much larger number of ornamental elements, according to A. L.
Nikitip, than hair-İ ceramics (in addition to stamps, patterns of deepening and cutting
were used). During its manufacture, "gouging" was not used. Of interest are the
fragments of a crucible with drops of smelted copper in the Volosovsky horizon of the
Yazykovo settlement. According to A. L. Nikitin, these finds are alien to the hair-1
complex and are characteristic only of hair-11 monuments.
As a result of our review of the materials of the sites assigned by A. L. Nikitin to
the hair-1 group, it is not difficult to notice that they do not fully correspond to the
characteristic on which the author insists to the reviewer: my article. Commonality with
hair-1 is manifested here by no more than 50%, and this is certainly not enough to
convince the reader of the existence of the hair-İ complex .
The second and İ am a group and pa m İ am not a c (according to A. L. Nikitin -
hair-11). Consider the materials of the second group of settlements.
Vashutinskaya site 18• Fragments of flat-bottomed vessels (1) made of clay with
plant admixture (2) by the ring ice method (3) were found. Elements of the ornament
(4) were imprints of combs, cuts, indentations, as well as imprints of a framed stamp,
which are characteristic, according to A. L. Nikitin, for hair-11. The ornament was
applied (5) not only at the corolla and bottom of the vessel, but also on the walls. Metal
products (6)

Upper Volga expedition. JSC - 1973, M., 1974, pp. 59, 60; his. The results of the work of the Upper
Volga expedition for 1964. Theses. doc. at the plenum of İn-ta archeology of the USSR Academy of
Sciences for 1966 Neolithic Section İİ bronze. M., 1966, pp. 31-34; his. Stoyapka and Mogplnik
Sahtsch VIİİİ. Sat. "Caucasus and Eastern Europe in the Old Days." M., 1973, pp. 46-55; D. A.
Krainov, O. S. Gadzyatskaya. Archaeological research in the İZerhpem Volga region. JSC - 1966, M.,
1967, pp. 21, 22; they are. Research in the Upper Volga region. JSC - 1967, M., 1968, p. 23; they are.
New studies of Neolithic monuments of the Upper Volga region. KSIA AN USSR, 100, 1965, pp. 29-
39 .
4 B. S. Zhukov. The theory of chronological and territorial modifications ...; O.N. Bader.
Archaeological work near the village of Yazykovo and on Lake Skorbezhk in the summer of 1935 in
connection with the question of the ancient laponoid component in the anthropological type of the
modern population of Eastern Europe. Anthropological Journal, No. 2, 1936, pp. 257-262; W. M.
Rauschenbach. Fatyanovsky burial in the Neolithic site of Nikolo-Perevoz. Tr. GIM, 37, 1960, pp. 28-
37; Yu. N. Urban. Study of Rneolithic monuments in the Kalinin region. JSC -1970, M., 1971, p. 39;
his. Excavations of the Yazykovo site İ. AO-1972, M., 1973, pp. 97, 98; his. Excavations at der.
Yazykovo. JSC -1973, M., 1974, pp. 83, 84; İ. G. Portnyagin, Yu. N. Urban. Works of the Kalinin
detachment. AO-1971, M., 1972, pp. 51-53 .
5 0. N. Urban. Excavations at der. Yazykovo, p. 84.
1
in İ.K. Tsvetkov. A new monument of Volosov culture near the city of PereyaslavlZalessky. Tr.
GIM, 37, 1960, pp. 48-55 .
1

7
not found in the parking lot. An interesting semi-submerged dwelling of rectangular
outlines (7). As a result of this list, we see that of the seven components characterizing
the hair-İİ complex, there are only three at the Vashutinsky site. These are flat-
bottomed pots made by the ring ice method, and a dwelling. The oostal components are
uncharacteristic for hair-İİ (impurities, ornamentation system, lack of metal products,
more ornamental elements).
Christmas site 17• Fragments of flat-bottomed vessels (1) made of clay were found
on this monument, to which "sand, chamotte, crushed shell, plant impurities, bird
feathers, occasionally even fish bones" were added, and "crushed shell is less common"
(2). " Utensils were made with a ring seal (3), ornamented not only with marks of a
comb, cuts, indentations, but also with prints of a frame stamp (4), and the patterns
were located both at the corolla and bottom, and on the walls of vessels (5). Metal
products (6) and the remains of dwellings (7) were not found in the Christmas parking
lot. Thus, of the seven components of Volosov-İİ, only two are presented in the
materials of the monument in question: flat-bottomed vessels made by the ring-pour
method. The ornamentation system, the number of elements of the ornament, as well as
the amount of impurities used for the dough from which the pots were molded, are
different here. And metal products and pe dwellings have been found.
Boran. " There are no fragments in the settlement of Boran that would allow us to
judge the shape of the vessels, in particular their bottoms (1). Pottery was molded by
hand using ring ice (2), ground grass was used as impurities, and not chamotte, sand
and shell (3). The elements of the ornament, in addition to the impression of the comb,
cuts and pits, were circular depressions and prints of the frame stamp (4), and the
patterns were applied not only at the edge and bottom, but also on the walls of the
vessel (5). We do not have metal products (6) and reliable information about residential
residues (7). Therefore, the materials of this settlement and the hair-İİ complex mainly
bind the technique of ring ice in the manufacture of vessels. The remaining
components either do not correspond to hair-İİ at all, or are more diverse (for example,
the number of elements of the ornament).
Selection-Shcherbininskaya. " The materials of this settlement are represented by
fragments of flat-bottomed vessels (1), in the manufacture of which clay "with plant
admixture was used. Only on the floor of the dwelling were several fragments of clay
vessels with an admixture of crushed shell "(2) ° '. The pots were molded using the ring
ice method (3). They were decorated with prints of combs, cuts, pit depressions, circles
(4), that is, more rich than volosov-İİ dishes, according to A. L. Nikitin, and the
ornament was applied not only at the corolla and bottom, on and on the walls of the
vessel (5). During excavations at the Podboritsa-Shcherbininskaya site, a dwelling of
quadrangular outlines was opened, deepened into the ground (7). Bronze (6)
decorations were also found, although, strictly speaking, they can also be associated
with fragments of Abashev ceramics found in the same site. İn addition, the materials
of Podboritsy-Shcherbininskaya present a flint segment-shaped knife * ° - a product,
from the point of view of A. L. Nikitin, characteristic not of the Volosov-İİ monuments,
to which the op refers this site, but for Volosov-İ. İn general, when comparing the finds
with Podboritsy-Shcherbininskaya and the components that make up the hair-İİ
complex ,

1 A. L. Nikitin. Nero Lake Christmas Lot. SA, 1965, 1, pp. 257-264.

1
in İbid., p. 259.
19
N. N. Gurina. Neolithic settlement of Boran. MIA, 79, 1960, pp. 188-238; her. Monuments of
the Bronze Age and Early İron in the Kostroma Volga Region. MIA, 110, 1963, p. 87 fir.
20
İ.K. Tsvetkova. Parking lot Podboritsa-Shcherbininskaya. SA, 1961, 2, pp. 172-185.2 İbid., 1p. 179.
22
İbid., p. 177.
18
common are only flat-bottom vessels made by the ring-cover method, sub-four-angle
semi-dummies and, perhaps, bronze products. The impurities in the clay dough, the
number of elements of the ornament and the ornamentation system are different here.
Vladychino. The settlement of Vladychino was explored by O.N. Bader in the
1920s, and in recent years İ. • Tsvetkova * 'was excavated. The collection of this site
contains fragments of flat-bottomed vessels (1) made of clay, to which a crushed shell
was mixed, but not chamotte and sand (2). They were made by the method of ring valep
(3). Among the ornamental motifs, only the prints of the comb stamp, cutting and
depression, but also the circles, as well as the prints of the frame stamp (4) are visible,
with the patterns filling all the walls of the vessel. They did not group only at the
corollas and bottoms (5). Metal products found here (6) are associated with Fatyanov,
not Volosov antiquities 2• The remains of 4dwellings (7) are still unknown. Thus, the
Vladychinskaya site is associated with the hair-İİ complex only flat-bottomed vessels
made by the ring-fill method. The remaining components (admixtures in clay dough,
elements and system of ornamentation of dishes, etc.) are different compared to those
made of hair-İİ .
Machine. " At this site, fragments of flat-bottomed (1) vessels made with ring
deposit were found with admixture of crushed grass in the test, less often crushed shell
(2). The utensils were ornamented with comb prints, cuts and prints of the frame stamp
(4), located along the entire surface of the products. No objects made of metal (6) and
remains of residential buildings (7) were found in the parking lot Machine İ. Attention
is drawn to slate pendants, "atypical, according to A. L. Nikitin, for this circle of
monuments, supposedly ordinary only for Volosov-İ. Judging by the findings from this
settlement, we can conclude that their connection with the hair-İİ complex is manifested
only in the form of vessels and the method of their manufacture. The remaining
components of the culture (impurities in clay dough, elements of ornament, their
location on the walls of the vessel) have a number of differences. Metal products and
dwellings in the parking lot were found. The presence of slate decorations here also
makes it possible to attribute this monument to the hair-İİ complex. Thus, the materials
of the settlements that make up, according to A. L. Nikitin, hair-İİ, do not confirm his
hypotheses about the possibility of isolating this complex, since, as we tried to note
above, the commonality of these materials with each of the monuments with hair-İİ
does not exceed 40-50 %.
İn this regard, the analysis of the materials of the Panfilov site is indicative.
A. L. Nikitin considers them as something unified, following here the work of V. A.
Gorodtsov in 1926 (p. 31) ° '. İndeed, during the excavations of V. A. Gorodtsov in
Panfilov, stucco flat-bottomed ceramics made by the method of ring castings and
ornamented only by the corolla, metal products and the remains of semi-earths (all
seven signs!) Were found. But these are not only Volosov finds! İn Panfilov, both mesh
and other types of ceramics are represented. What series of fragments metal products
are associated with is unknown. And actually hairy ceramics from this monument in the
form of vessels, technology Their manufacture and ornamentation is clearly divided
into two chronologically

2
0 İ.K. Tsvetkova. Parking lot and burial ground at der. Vladychino. JSC -1970, M., 1971, pp.
59, 60.
2
% O. N. Bader. Fatyanovsky metal and its Middle European connections. Sbornik Na-

rodniho muzea v Praze, XX, No. 1-2. 1966, p. 79-83.

2
5 N. N. Gurina. Monuments of the Bronze Age and Early İron..., pp. 109-118. in 2İbid., p.
118, Fig. 26, 7-2.
27
V. A. Gorodtsov. Panfilov Paleometallic Site. Tr. Vladimir State Region Museum, 2, Vladimir,
1926.

1
9
different subgroups that have already been noted in the literature. " Consequently, the
supposedly single complex (hair-İİ) of finds from this site actually disintegrates into a
variety of different, different-time collections of antiquities.
So, we come to the conclusion that the complexes of hair-İ and hair-İİ, according to
A. L. Nikitin, actually do not exist. Moreover, the analysis of the materials of the
above settlements indicates their similarity. This is evidenced primarily by vessels
made by the method of an annular pallet from clay with an admixture of crushed shell
and vegetable fibers, decorated with the same elements of the ornament, where the
main role is played by impressions of comb and frame stamps, slicing and pit
indentations. The unity of the Volosov antiquities is also confirmed by the similarity of
residential buildings, which are deepened half-structures connected to each other by
transitions. These are the most important ethnocultural indicators !
Of course, the similarity of the Volosov monuments is not absolutely. These
antiquities occupy a vast territory, including the Middle Volga region, the Volga-Oka
interfluve, Karropol, the basin of the river. Meta. Having settled in such a space, the
Volosov tribes could not preserve the appearance of their material culture in its
original form. Based on the analysis of ceramics, we can talk about the Middle Volga,
Oka and northern (Upper Volga region and the regions north of it) versions of Volosov
antiquities. According to the tools of labor, Volosov settlements can be divided into the
Middle Volga and Volga-Oka versions. To the north of the Volga there are monuments
(Bologoe, Nonchanskoye, Modlon, etc.) with peculiar features in the collections of
tools of each of them, which is explained by the difference in the raw material base
used in the manufacture of these tools * "We can talk about chronological
modifications of Volosov antiquities. But all these are monuments left ethnically by a
single population. Contradicting his own hypothesis regarding the division of Volosov
monuments into alien hair-İ and hair-İİ, A. L. Nikitin himself admits: "One thing is
certain: to date, there are many archaeological sites (settlements, sites, layers on
foreign cultural monuments) similar in shape, ornament, vessel manufacturing
technique, flint inventory and other finds. Similarity is manifested both in the totality
of these features, and between the two most striking ones "(p. 29 ).
İt seems to us that the main reason for the attempt to divide the Volosov antiquities
into alien complexes is the results of field studies at the Polzo site conducted by A. L.
Nikitin. Here, in addition to the cultural layer of the metal era, a depression was
partially examined, where Volosov ceramics lay below the pit-comb, dated to the first
half - the middle of the İII millennium BC. e. This was the reason that Volosov
materials in this site were attributed to an extremely early time - İV millennium BC. e.-
a thousand years more ancient than traditional ideas about the chronology of Volosov
(p. 32). An attempt to explain this unusual date of Volosov finds, apparently, led A. L.
Nikitin to the idea that Volosov monuments are divided into two chronologically
different and genetically unrelated complexes.
Meanwhile, the stratigraphy in the hollow of the Polzo site can be explained
without an attempt at chronological and cultural division of Volosov antiquities,
especially since we have seen - this division cannot be recognized as successful -

8 V.P. Tretyakov. Volosovskaya ceramics of the Panfilov site. SA, 1967, 1, pp. 233-235.
29
V.P. Tretyakov. From the history of the Volosov tribes. Report on the Neolithic and Bronze
Sector of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR in February 1970
20
nym. İn 1953, an article by A. Ya. Bryusov was published regarding the principles of
dating Neolithic materials. " A. Ya. Bryusov noted that on multilayer monuments within
dwellings there may be cases of the so-called reverse stratigraphy, when older layers
are lying above the later horizons. This phenomenon is not to be surprising, since when
two (or more) cultural layers are found on the edge of the pit (dwelling) and they are
destroyed naturally (flushing, landslide) or artificially (leveling the surface, filling
holes), then the material that lay above and only after that - horizons with older finds.
Moreover, A. Ya. Bryusov writes, if the pit is a remnant of a dwelling, then on its floor,
even before the destruction of cultural layers outside the pit, products of those
inhabitants of this parking lot who created this dwelling (dug the pit) may be deposited.
İt seems to us that the cases described by A. Ya. Bryusov are also applicable for the
Polzo parking lot. They explain the reasons for the occurrence of pit-comb ceramics of
the Volosovskaya pad within the depression on this monument.
Cases of reverse stratigraphy are known in archaeological practice .
This line was told to the author by V.P. Levenok (Despinsky sites). İ had to observe a
similar situation during the excavations of the Great Khostinsky Cave (expedition of İ.İ.
Korobkov) in 1968, where in a pit located approximately 80-100 m away from the
entrance to the cave, the Paleolithic layer overlapped the horizon with Neolithic
shepherds .
The denial of the existence of hair-1 and hair-İİ complexes largely removes the
second question posed in the work of A. L. Nikitin - the question of the origin of
Volosov antiquities from the Baltic territory (pp. 30-32). " The fact is that A. L. Ninitip
considers all Volosov monuments northwest of the Volga to be early (Volosovo-İ),
synchronous with the Baltic Neolithic (based on the developments of A. Ya. Bryusov,
above: we denied the possibility of such early dating). İn the Volga region and pa Oka,
in his opinion, there were early and late settlements. From the point of view of A. L.
Nikitin, this is enough to look for the original territory of the settlement of their
inhabitants in the northwest. Op reinforced his hypothesis by the fact that VolgoNamye
during the Neolithic - early metal era was allegedly poorly populated, which made it
impossible to settle from the area. İn addition, according to A. L. Nikitin, the direction
of resettlement of the Volosov tribes should correspond to the direction of distribution
of Baltic amber. İn the Baltic states, writes A. L. Nikitin, İskoni made ceramics with a
shell admixture, which allegedly also connects Baltic and hair materials .
However, the opinion about the weak settlement of Volga-Namya in the Neolithic
era is not thorough. The works of Namsky, Nizhnekamny, Tatar, Mari, Cheboksary and
other expeditions to Volga-Kamye revealed dozens of monuments of the era of the new
Stone Age. They are currently known many times more than in the Baltic states!

h0 4. Y. Bryusov. Some theoretical foundations of Neolithic chronology. SA, XVIII, 1953, p. 19

fir .
z1 Po A. L. Nikitin, the area of possible emergence of Volosov antiquities is also the Upper
Dnieper region. This is completely understandable. İn the upper Dnieper during the Neolithic era,
there was an Upper Dnieper archaeological culture, which, according to its materials, had nothing to
do with stripe. See: A.N. Lyavdansky. Some data on the Stone Age and the culture of the Bronze Age
in the Smolensk province. Scientific news of Smolensk State University, vol. İV, vol. 3, Smolensk,
1927; İ. M. Tyurina. Upper Dnieper during the Neolithic era. Autoref. cand. days M., 1967; her.
Neolithic of the Upper Dnieper. SA, 1970, 3, pp. 40-49; her. To the question of the Neolithic
Smolensk region. KSIA AN USSR, 126, 1971, pp. 415-149 .

2
1
 Next. İt is completely unclear why ethnic shifts must necessarily correspond to the
direction of exchange routes. İn addition to the Baltic states, the centers of distribution
of various types of raw materials in the Neolithic era - early metal were Belomorye
(amber), "Upper Volga region (flint), northwestern Belarus (flint), Ladoga (Olonets
slate), etc. But these areas are not russ: matrif'iare as centers of settlement of ancient
tribes! As for the same impurities in the clay test of vessels in the Baltic and East
Tyusov sites, it can also be noted that in this case any conclusions of ethnic order are
unlikely to be appropriate. The impurity of the shell in the Neolithic era was known
extremely widely - in the lower reaches of the Dnieper, Don and Volga, it is unlikely: it
can be considered as an ethnocultural indicator
Finally, Volosov monuments are currently not known in the Baltic states. İn the
areas adjacent to it, they are known only in small numbers (Konchanskoye,
Repishche). The material culture of the Baltic and Volosov antiquities differs
sufficiently. So it is illegal to talk about the Baltic origin of Volos materials.

V. Р. Tretiakov

EN FAVEUR DE L'UNITE DES ANТIQUITES DE LA

CULTURE DE VOLOSSOVO

R • s it

Uet article est centre sur la critique de l'hypothese de Nikitine А. L. (SA N 2, 1974) qui partage
les antiquites de la culture de Volossovo en deux groupes ethniques differents. Еп analysant les
monuments de Volossovo, l'auteur fait la preuve de l'unite de leur culture materiele, et se prononoce
eu faveur de l'originc orientale de cette culture.

z2 A. A. Kuratov. Ancient history of the Arkhangelsk White Sea during the Neolithic and Early Metal. Autoref.
cand. dis. L., 1971, p. 19. Maybe the Volosovtsy used White Sea amber?
z3 V.P. Tretyakov. The culture of pit-comb ceramics in the forest strip of the European part of the USSR. L.,
1972, pp. 15, 16.
 M. D. KHLOBYSTINA

ISSUES OF STUDYING THE STRUCTURE OF ANDRONOVO COMMUNITIES

OF THE "ALAKUL TYPE"

Despite the intensive field research and fruitful discussion of the last years, which
entailed the adjustment of the typological scheme and the clarification of the
periodization of Andronovo culture, which is not qualified as a cultural and historical
1community, the sociological
model of the latter remains underdeveloped. The obvious
classificationopio-typological 2bias in research leaves in fact beyond the framework of the
study an extensive range of issues related to the socio-ideological and etpogenetic
aspects of the Andronovo problem. The researchers continue to have the task of
comprehensively developing a paleosociological panorama of the Andronovo
community as a whole, such and finding the reasons for the lonal originality of
individual complexes, as well as regions united in territorial-cultural communities. İn
saints, with the study of the monuments of the Alakul circle and the problem of
identifying their local, epeolithic basis, issues of the specifics of the funeral rite as a
reflection of the forms of the family and community are of interest. Based on the
materials of the complexes classic for andronology (grave graves Alekseevsky,
Alak.ulsky, Tasty-Bhutan), correlating the data of the rite as a whole with the
peculiarities of the inventory and evidence of anthropology, we will try to present the
features of the family and social structure of the updropov community of the "Alakul
type ."
Behind Alekseevka on Tobol '• in special literature, the idea was established as a
chronologically compact' three-member complex - a settlement, a burial ground and a
"sacrificial place." İn connection with the accumulation of dapny for various types of
children's eachoronies of the Bronze Age, the interpretation of the Alekseevsky
"sacrificial place" requires revision. Let us pay attention to such facts as the
interpenetration of children's burials and the < < Sacrificial place > > (No. 14-20) that
comes to terms with the burial ground, and the vessels of the latter - on the environment
of children's burials of the burial ground ( apt. 1-15, 2-116) • We note the placement
of at least a third of the vessels "sacrificial me-

1
K.V. Salnikov. Essays on the ancient history of the Southern Urals. M., 1967; E. A. Feborova-
Davydova. To the problem of Aldronian culture. Sat. "Problems of the archaeologist of the Urals and
Siberia." M., 1973; E. E. Kuzmina. Periodization of Andronovo burial grounds of the Elenovsky
microdistrict. Sat. "Monuments of the Stone and Bronze Ages of Eurasia." M., 1964; 11!. F. Kosarev. On the
causes and social consequences of ancient migrations in the 3apadpoii of Siberia. SA , 1972, 4.
No. V. S. Stokolos. Culture of the population of the bronze pitch of the Southern Trans-Urals. M., 1972. No. 40

years ago the development of Andronovo themes, its connection with a number of cardipal historical,
cultural and ethnolinguistic problems makes it permissible to use such a generalizing term.
• O. A. Krivtsova-Grakova. Alekseevsky settlement and grave. Tr. GIM, XVII, N148.
• The latest excavations of the Andronovo settlements of the Trans-Urals (Cherporechenskoye İ, etc.),
Northern Kazakhstan (İly1111; and İ on İshim) refute the traditional representation of the oG of the one-
layer Alenservs, Juro settlement .
6
O. A. Krivtsova-Grakova. Uk. Op., Table 1.

2
3
one hundred "compact groups, two to three specimens (in sq. 1-8, 15; 1-10, 11; II-8,
IV-9, İV, V-4, VI-7,9, VII-3, Vİ -4), as well as covering vessels with "covers," which is
characteristic of the Andronovo funeral ritual '. İt is further significant that some
vessels of the "sacrificial place" are accompanied by sheep astragalas (No. 43), typical
of the buried boys, beads. The finds of children's milk teeth are interesting (this is how
burial No. 14 is recorded), while only inventory has also been preserved on the burial
ground square from some children's graves, and the bones have faded (No. 11). All
this data seems to raise the question that the so-called sacrificial place is not an
unprecedented monument in the cultures of Eurasian steppe bronze, where "the main
rite of sacrifice was to bury a hill of pots with food in the sandy soil..", "and the soil
cemetery of young children, on which separate children's bones were preserved in
conditions of fluttering sandy soil with a slight depth of pits. İt is possible to try and
presumably restore the original number of burials, given both single and group setting
of vessels - perhaps it was about 40 .
The undoubted originality of the children's part of the Alekseevsky burial ground is
given by the presence of "sacrificial pits": in the center of the hill there is pit A (sheep
bones, ceramics), at the western end there is pit B (cattle bones, ceramics), pits B - F -
on the eastern slope had plant remains; the entire contents of these "primal altars" were
burned '. Given the placement of pits on a hill - one on the top, next to a rounded, ritual
(?), Platform, others in the direction of sunrise and sunset - it can be assumed that such
an arrangement was predetermined by the worship of spiritualized animals and plant
forces of nature associated with the solar-astral cult, carried out through a single fire
ritual. The innermost meaning of these cults can be deciphered as the implementation
of the idea of the revival of life, multiplication, and general fertility. İt is noteworthy
that such a sacred complex accompanied precisely the children's cemetery, which could
clearly illustrate the deeply dialectical in its essence, although embodied in the
naturalistic-material form of primitive rituals, the idea of the unity of the essence of
nature and man as integral components of the surrounding world. Thus, Alekseevsky
Hill as a whole was a bright funeral-ritual complex, apparently associated with
solarized fertility cults .
The rite of separate burial of children was quite widespread throughout the
territory of the discovery of Andronovo monuments with the rite of corpse. So, a close
analogy of Alekseevka can be considered a monument near the village. Petrovka on
İshim, called the authors of the excavations, obviously in similarity with the Tobolsk
complex, the "sacrificial place" The topographic and soil conditions of both locations
are close, and all 25 "pits" of Petrovka (part of the quarry) in size correspond to the
outlines of children's Andronovo graves: length 0.8-1.2 m with a width of 0.4-0.8 m,
and in the northwestern ("head") end there are from one to three vessels, similar in type
to Alekseevsky. A similar Alekseevskaya picture can be traced, obviously, in
Raskatikh on Tobol, which, along with Petrovka, is also a children's soil burial ground.
" One more

7
İbid.
8
İbid., p. 72.
9
İbid., pp. 72, 73.
o [. " B. Zdanovich, S. Ya. Z0anovich. Works in Northern Kazakhstan. AO-1968, M., 1969, p. 405
.
1 T. M. Potemkina. Excavations near the village. Rolling on the Tobol River. Sat. "From the
History of the Southern Urals and the Trans-Urals," 4, Chelyabinsk, 1969 .
24
a soil grave (up to 30 graves) was excavated on the Upper Ob (Bolshaya Rechka). Some
children's cemeteries have ring designs: "children's mounds > > of Southern Siberia -
Dry Lake İA (25 graves) and Lower Black 111 (24 graves), Karakuduk in Semirechye
(25 graves), Khabarnoye in the Southern Trans-Urals (mound 15, 28 graves). İn with.
Baklansky on Miass, children's graves (about 35) may have been marked by earthen
mounds; in any case, one burial was performed in a log house. " We further note that in
all cases, except Petrovka, Raskatikha, Bolshaya Rechka and Baklansky, where the
adult burial ground remained unknown, and Alekseevki, where the adult burial ground
immediately adjacent to the children's one, had exclusively female burials, "other
children's Andronovo cemeteries were accompanied by adult mixed-type burial
grounds." İt can be assumed that in Alekseevka, children's graves were specially
allocated, in other monuments, children were buried both in the social cemetery and
together with adults. This: forces to raise the question of a special, probably ritual in its
oldest basis, role that was assigned to children's burial grounds in the system of the
socio-ideological structure of the Updron community. On the materials of practically
completely excavated cemeteries (Middle Yenisei, Khabarnoye), a certain number of
graves (about 30) per each of them can be distinguished, which, by a diverse orientation
by the countries of the world, raspoJuzheniya on the hills or a specially created mound
and, finally, the tendency of the circular arrangement of graves can be associated with
the sphere of solar-astral cults. The latter, as we know, are associated with the
development of initial astrophysical patterns for the Eurasian steppe bronze cultures.
Despite the fact that part of Alekseevka was not studied, the available material -
compactly grouping graves of women and children - shows that the structure of the
burial ground is sustained in the principle of sexual differentiation: children, women,
men and, probably, adolescents were buried in group touching cemeteries. Analogies
not only show the reality of just such a topography of Alekseevka, but also allow us to
talk about the compliance of such a construction with very archaic social and ritual
forms. İndeed, the earliest of the burial grounds that can be mentioned, compiled
according to the principle of gender-age grouping, from those known in the Eurasian
steppe, are found in the Late Supradorozhsky Mesolithic, which preceded one of the
most expressive and original in its socio-social structure of ancient Greek culture of the
Black Sea south-dnepro-Donetsk. " İn the Supradorozhsky burial grounds, men were
buried separately from women and children in group (close in age composition) burials,
odpano remains unclear for early monuments (Vasilyevka 1), "whether children were
buried together with women (we assume, based on the further evolution of the rite, that
they were buried).
12
M.N. Gryaznov. The history of the tribes of the Upper Ob according to excavations near the
village. B. Rechka .
MIA, 48, 1956; G. A. Maksimenkov. Excavations in the valley of the river. Chernova. AO-1965, M.,
1966; his. Excavation Report 1964 İA Archive, R-1, 2958; A. G. Maksimova. Burial ground of the
Bronze Age in the tract Karakuduk. Tr. İİAE, 12, Alma-Ata, 1961; E. A. Fedorova-Davydova. Uk. Op.;
Lpdronovskaya culture, SAİ, VZ-2, M., 1966, p. 20, Fig. 1.
13
O. A. Krivtsova-Grakova. Uk. Op., pp. 64-66. Graves 10-12 are, in fact, the tip of the children's
part of the burial ground .
1% Andronovo culture. SAİ, VZ-2.
5 The mouth is also allowed to judge the versatile data of petroglyphics and monumental art: A.
A. Formozov. Essays on primitive art. M., 1969; Sat. "Primitive Art." Novosibirsk, 1971.
1
in D. Ya. Telegin. Dninpo-Donetsk culture. Nor ~ in, 1968; his. New excavations of Prolytic burial
grounds in Nadporozhye. Sat. "Archaeological research in Ukraine in 1967." Kyiv, 1968 .
1
1 A. D. Stolyar. 1st Vasilievsky Mesolithic burial ground. "Archaeological Collection," 1. L., 1959
.
2
5
İn later burial grounds (Vasilyevka 3), "where graves are grouped on the basis of sex,
occupying a certain part of the burial ground area, the bulk of children are also
separately buried. İn some Dneprodonets burial grounds, the archaic tradition of
collective children's burial (could. Bald Mountain). " A similar moment of deep sexual
and age differentiation was reflected in the funeral rite and some early Russian culture
* of the Bronze Age, of which we will call the most expressive example for our topic -
children's collective graves, which made up an independent cemetery in the early
Tulhar burial ground, a monument of Central Asian steppe bronze, having Andronian
analogies * '
The historical and genetic aspect of the study of collective same-sex burials is closely
related to the development of archaic social structures such as the prenatal, "maternal"
community, based in its source on the principles of the dual-class marriage system *. "
İt can be assumed that the stimulating reason for the appearance of the oldest group
same-sex burials, their unification into relatively large cemeteries, again on the basis of
a separate burial of the sexes, as well as, most importantly, children, could be the
production consolidation of the team due to the socio-economic need to add a rather
significant number of members of the public association. Fishing, later primitive cattle
breeding could be those branches of primitive farming that stimulated the progressive
process of rallying the social and production collective, in which the age-sex distinction
of certain labor spheres was to be practiced. The relic forms of the era of the oldest
family institutions should have been very tenacious, since it is difficult to assume that
the funeral rite recorded norms that are absolutely alien, in no way consonant with the
real processes in the life of his contemporaries, although it is necessary to keep in mind
a certain traditionality, natural relics of the funeral ritual. All this complicates the
categorical conclusions regarding the Alekseevsky burial ground, which formed on the
basis of the funeral rite, which was obviously based on the mentioned ancient socio-
ideological norms. İt remains to be assumed that the socio-economic level of the
community that left the Alekseevsky burial ground, the community familiar with the
breeding of cattle and small cattle, primitive agriculture and mowing of herbs, that is,
practicing a fairly developed subsistence economy, remained in something consonant
with that distant archaic that was reflected in the creation of a separate children's
cemetery with its ritual pit-donors, group burial of women and, obviously, men. The
direct closure of the female and children's territories of the cemetery seems to
predetermine the conclusion about the matrilineality of this team. Finally, and on the
purely ritual side, the Alekseevsky burial ground seems to be a very early Andronovo
complex: the soil type of burial pits, their bowl-shaped rounded bottom, the absence of
animal bones when buried, the strong speed of the bones, as well as unstable orientation
correspond to early ritual forms .

8 D. Ya. Telegin. Third Vasilievsky burial ground. KSIA, ACADEMY OF SCİENCES OF THE
UKRAİNİAN SSR, 1957, 7. No. D. Ya. Telegraph. Dninpo-Donetsk culture...
İt is customary to call the Early Scotch culture the corresponding cultures of the Developed
Bronze Age, while the oldest cattle-breeding cultures of the Neolithic - Aeneolt such as Dnieper-
Donetsk, Ancient Yamal, etc., will be more reasonably called Old Scotch.
1 4. M. Mandelstam. Monuments of the Bronze Age in southern Tajikistan .
MIA, 145, 1968.
22
N, A. Butinov. Primitive community system (main stages and local options). Sat. "The
Problems of the History of Pre-Capitalist Societies." M., 1968; Yu. İ. Semenov. The problem of the
initial stage of the birth society . İbid.

26
 A natural question arises: to what extent it is possible to agree
findings with materials lying in the immediate vicinity of the Alekseevsky settlement?
Several dugouts of a very large size were opened at the settlement, with an area of 135
to 255 m '*, "intended, according to O. A. Krivtsova-Grakova," apparently for very
large families, "which could naturally find compliance with the idea of the team that
left the burial ground, nak is quite large public association, which is absent with:shaki
separation of a small family as an industrial separate unit, it also sings signs and
characteristic division into the so-called large families. İt can be assumed that such a
dwelling could accommodate a group of the type of clan, ba: stitched on a certain system
of kinship, presumably on the maternal side (taking into account the materials of the
burial ground). A.O. Nrivtsova-Grakova emphasized the outstanding nature of some
female burials equipped with abundant equipment, as well as extremely large dishes
(No. 13 and burial from excavated by B.V. Sokolov). Significant clarity in the
identification of the materials of the burial ground and the settlement should be
introduced by the work on clarifying the stratigraphic scale of Alekseevka, taking into
account the modern materials on Updron dwellings accumulated over the four decades
that have passed since its excavation. İndeed, points such as the question of the ratio of
two types of foci, the detection of pits from pillars under some foci and at the
base:1Emlyanon, the obvious vertical formation of economic pits with their clusters of
heterogeneous remains and vessels of the "İvanovo type" hoisted from above - all these
are important details that make up a complex 1, an art of a long and far from one-time
hoarding of the Amlyano 24• Conclusion about the probable synchronicity of the burial
ground with the initial period of settlement of the sowing, characterized by Early Shark
ceramic forms * ', will apparently be most consistent with the modern state of the
question
İn the Alakul burial ground, containing more than 60 mounds, only two 26 were studied,
however, they also give significant: material on our topic. Mound 8 has two central
graves. İn the grave there are 2 cellars "adult" man and woman, in the grave 7 - "young"
man p "teenage girl aged 15"; the sequence of burials in the first grave is established, in
the second they are made simultaneously. We can assume that grave 7 contained the
burial of the "leader," the man of the anti-war warrior, the organizational head of the
team, as evidenced by both the location of the grave and the "zpak of power" attached
to the buried - a bronze mace, as well as the fact of simultaneous burapepia with
gingerbread *. " However, the older elders, the "childbearing couple" of the collective,
were supposed to appear, apparently, a couple of people of mature age, buried in a
nearby grave. A measure of kinship between people of both main burials of
archeological pe may be sub -

23
O. A. Krivtsova-Grakova. Un. Op., p. 76.
O. A. Krivtsova-Grakova. Uk. Op., p. 78. The author puzzles many significant stratigraphic
problems, and in particular the process of forming dugout 4, which, together with dugout 1, arose
"wound, at the foundation of the settlement" (ibid., P. 100).
25
Early Alekseevskaya ceramics find analogies in the North Kazakh ware of the "Petrovsky type"
(named after the pa İshime complex mentioned), which received development in vessels such as the
Alakul burial ground ('. B. Zdanovich. Ceramics of the Bronze Age of the North Kazakhstan region.
"Questions of archeology of the Urals," 12. Sverdlovsk, 1973, pp. 26, 27, 40, 44, Fig. 2 and Table
111).
2
in K.V. Salnikov. Mounds on Lake Alanul. MIL, 24, 1952.
2
1 Apparently, it is not necessary to traditionally assume in a buried woman a "forcibly" killed
"concubine, a patriarchal slave, judging by the correspondence of the ages of both dead, the number
and variety of jewelry accompanying her, the opa could be precisely the wife of the deceased warrior.
followed voluntarily .
2
7
 is solid, although it can find a logical justification in the ratio of the ages of the buried,
the neighboring location of the graves. The remaining seven graves of the mound
contain exclusively children's burials. Based on the total number and age of the buried
children (nine people: six, judging by the size of the grave, "babies," children 6 and 8
years old and one older age - pit length 1.37 m), all of them could, presumably, be
children of couples buried in the main graves. İndividual burials of adults and
adolescents in the mound are absent. The almost simultaneous death of the couples who
headed the team (stratigraphically the main graves are very close in construction time)
entailed, perhaps, the accession of the surviving part of the team to another related
association. Of course, this is only one of the assumptions designed to explain the <
(incompleteness "of Alakulsny nurgan 28, which 8represents a striking contrast with the
oversaturated burials of mound 13. Judging by the presence in the mound of 8 two
paired heterogenous hatch1epieces, the team that left this collective tomb could
represent an r.by the totality of a certain number of marriage couples, small families of
relatives, possibly already united into a "large family" consisting of two or three
generations. Unfortunately, the question of linearity in the structure of such a family
boiling is difficult to put on the material of this mound, but we still note some
characteristic moments: the absence of an adult and a children's burial in one grave,
compact, group placement of children's graves encircling the graves of adults .
Mound 13 Alakul has 41 burial pits * Triple burials occupy the two largest
graves of the mound, located in its southern and northern sectors (No. 2, 28). The first,
with an area of more than 8 m *, contained the burial of "an elderly woman and
two men," accompanied by two horse bones, as well as a skull and legs of a cow. The
second grave had burials of "adult" men and women, and another "Very young subject
whose... cervical, radial, ulnar, collarbone and cervical vertebrae... strongly colored
copper oxide "*," so., Apparently, a young girl in a rich dress of bronze unramenias. The
burials of women are in three graves: "a woman of 40-50 years" in grave 1 and a
woman, judging by the accompanying equipment, in graves 23 and 29 in the northern
sector of the mound (copper oxide on the radius of the pogr. 23, paste and bronze beads
in pogr. 29) '. Burials of teenagers were committed in graves 20, 21, 26. İn grave 9 -
the burial of a "teenage girl" at least 1.5 m tall (grave area 1,85Kh1,27 m), known for an
outstanding number of jewelry, not robbed unlike others. İn grave 20 (2,27Kh1,6 m),
the bones belonged to "a very young man, maybe a teenager"; No. 21 (1,65Kh1,3 m)

(1,9Kh1,1 m) found "several small bones of a young man "

- heavily plundered, but, judging by the size, also the burial of a teenager; in grave 26
° Burials of children -
the largest group, 28 burials found in graves 4-7, 12, 13-19, 22, 24, 25, 327, 30-41 3•
Outside groups can be named two

2
in K.V. Salnikov. Mounds on Lake Alakul, Fig. 22. 9 İbid., Fig.
4.
zo İbid., pp. 56, 57, 61. 1z İbid.,
pp. 56, 60, 61. z2 İbid., pp.
58-61.
33
Judging by the size of the grave pits, most of which did not reach 1 m, burials of children aged
one year and over prevailed among children, and graves 43, 35 may have belonged to newborns. The
grave 1.55 long belonged to a girl 7-8 years old, and 1.12 m long - to a girl 5-7 years old. The
grouping of children by gender was apparently absent. Children's graves are grouped in the southern
sector of mound 13, as well as in mound 8. The main mortality rate was ·, obviously, under the age of
five, the least - at the age of the eldest child and especially adolescent .
28
burials: No. 8- "a very young woman" and "a child of about seven" and No. 3 - the
remains of the bones of an "adult subject," in the inventory - shards * *.
Turning to the consideration of joint burials of mound 13, we note that
researchers are attracted, unfortunately, mainly by the late forms of different-sex burials,
one of the most indicative and striking varieties of which, paired different-sex burials,
is devoted to extensive literature. " When raising the question of the addition of the -
form of a paired diverse burial, one should obviously pay attention to the existence of a
more ancient type of joint diverse burials in its social and ritual structure, observed in
two forms: a man and two women and two men and a woman. İt can be assumed that
such triple burials were a kind of intermediate structural link between two main types
of group burials: paired (group) same-sex and paired different-sex, marking two
fundamentally different family-marital structures, in the first case based on a dual-class
system in its source, in the second - on a progressively strengthening form of a small
family, initially developing within the framework of early generic structures. Although
triple burials reflected in their form relics of the oldest type of marital relations between
"brothers" and "sisters" according to the marriage-age class, they simultaneously found
an expression of a new ritual form that allowed the joint burial of diverse subjects. A
dialectically contradictory feature of triple burials is that in them the archaic form of
group burial acquired a new social content, since, as can be seen from the oldest
examples of such burials, they contained the burial of not ordinary communes, but
outstanding in the social situation of people - primitive elders, communal priests
("sorcerers"; the term "shaman," usually applied to such burials, seems to be an
unjustified modernization). The same circumstance obviously explains the rare
occurrence of triple burials.
The oldest examples of triple burials in the form of burials of a man and two
women can be found in Kubenin (No. 1-3, two with cult equipment and one
devotless), on the Deer İsland of Lake Onega (Nos. 55-57, two with iconic inventory,
one with a private, surrounded by four male burials), as well as on the Deer İsland of
the Barents Sea (Nos. İV, V, İX and 1-3, the first triple was built on a men's burial
with a "shaman beater" and a child, the second is surrounded by four men's burials). "
Other burials of the Oleneostrovsky burial grounds, especially Onega, earlier, are very
archaic in rite, they include, in addition to IND] (lvidual paired and group same-sex
burials, burials of a man and a child (the bulk of children's graves are absent in these
adult cemeteries), as well as the oldest paired diverse burials - the first archaeological
evidence of the existence of a small family within the framework of a large family
community anglers and hunters

z4 İbid., pp. 57, 58. We assume, h: then a zhepshchina is buried in grave 3, especially since it is
located in the southern sector, among children's graves. İf we assume, h: then this is a male burial,
then it will be the only one for both nurranon Alakul .
5 Critical reviews see: V. S. Sorokin. New archaeological evidence on the question of the raevity
of the ancient family. SA, 1959, 4; M. A. İtina. Knockcha Bronze Age Burial Ground 3. M., 1961;
O.N. Bader. Balanovsky burial ground. M., 1963, pp. 290, 291; A. M. Mandelstam. Monuments of the
Bronze Age in South Tajikistan, p. 119.
36
M. E. Foss. Burials in the Kubenino parking lot. Tr. GIM, VIII, 1938; N. N. Gurina.
Oleneostrovsky burial ground. MIA, 47, 1956, p. 302, Fig. 27; A.V. Schmidt. Ancient burial ground pa
Kola Bay. ICEI, 23, 1930, pp. 129, 130; N. N. Gurina. Commemoration1 of the early metal era on the
northern coast of the Kola Peninsula. MIA, 39, 1953, Fig. 3.

29
 Triple burials of the Chalcolithic - Bronze Age continue to maintain the character
of exclusivity, the dominant position of a man - the "patriarch," the privileged position
of the common "sorcerer" vividly stands in them (both of these social functions turn
out to be divided) - such graves are found among the "neighbor" graves of the Glazkov
culture of the Baikal region, its South Siberian counterpart - Okunev culture of the
Middle Yenisei, in the Taskhazin monuments of the Abakan basin, finally, in the classic
catacomb monuments of Prikuban, Northern Black Sea region and Crimea 37• From the
Andronovo Minusin monuments we will call a triple burial in the fence 24 Kamenka İİ,
from the Trans-Ural - grave 28 mound 13 Alakul. The second female burial of the
Alakul grave belonged, obviously, to a young girl who had many decorations, which,
as you can see, was typical for adolescents who had barely reached the age of maturity,
but were already considered adults, able to marry (could. 7 kurg. 8, could. 9 kurg. 13).
İn the ancient pastoralists of the Central European strip, carriers of the Fatyan culture,
whose early MogiJ1niki have such archaic features as group same-sex burials, burials
of a man and a child, as well as separate burials of children and women, in the

two young women and a rebepka *

Bolshnevsky burial ground there was a burial of a middle-aged man accompanied by

Triple burials in the form of burials of two men and one woman in their structural
and social genesis should be similar to those discussed above, but they were found
mainly in the monuments of the Chalcolithic - Bronze Age, which is most likely due
not so much to the fragmentation of the data, but characteristic of the process of
consolidation of communal patriarchal power, the cohesion of the communal core of
adult male warriors. İn the Timofeevsky Fatyanovsky burial ground there is an
expressive complex where "shepherd warriors" and "leader's wife" (No. 1, 2, 15) are
buried, in the Balanovsky burial ground - this is grave 6, adjacent to collective grave 5
with four adult burials (gender not established), in the Karasuk burial ground Kamenka
İİ on the Middle Yenisei - grave 2 fences 9 3. 9The triple grave of the southern sector of
the mound 13 Alakul occupied a dominant position in the mound. İndeed, the social
significance of the adult men buried in it is emphasized not only by joint burial with a
woman (judging by the age, the wife of one of the dead), "but also by accompanying
them with horse bones. Under the woman was the carcass of a cow, while for other
graves the position of the bones of the sheep is more characteristic. İt is possible that in
such male burials one should see the graves of the brothers, it is also impossible to
exclude the possibility of the existence of the custom of twinning, uniting men with
uaami rituation.1year kinship - such an interpretation would entail a number of
interesting conclusions regarding the role of equestrian male vopns in community
leadership. Women from such burials could, apparently, be, like women from
prominent paired diverse burials, both wives in the social meaning of this concept, and
in other cases "patriarchal" slaves - everything was determined, apparently, by a
specific situation .

z1 4. P. Okladnikov. Neolithic and Bronze Age of the Baikal region. MIA, 43, 1955; p. 235;
History of Siberia. T. 1. Ancient Siberia. L., 1968, Ch. 2, $4; M. D. Khlobystin. Origin and
development of the Bronze Equal Culture of Southern Siberia. SA, 1973, 1, pp. 30, 34, 35 .
• in D. A. Krainov. The oldest history of the Volga-Oksky interfluve. M., 1972, p. 184 .
39
D. A. Krainov. Uk. Op., pp. 200-202; O.N. Bader. Balanovsky burial ground, p. 292; M. D.
Khlobystin. Kamensky burial ground on the Yenisei and the Ust-Erbin group of Karasuk monuments.
CA, 1970, 1, pp. 122-124, Fig. 2.
4 For the early forms of triple burials, the possibility of forms of group marriage cannot
0

obviously be ruled out either.

30
An indicative feature of the mounds of Alakul is the absence of individual burials of
adult men in them. However, if all men are buried in different-sex burials, then there are
several individual female graves. Perhaps their existence should be explained by the
custom of mutual mortification during the creation of the Alakul mounds. The most
significant of the female graves is the central one, directly adjacent to the burial of two
men and a woman. Judging by its location, as well as the proximity of the ages of
women from both central graves, it can be assumed that before us is the burial of close
relatives, possibly sisters, who were the spouses of men from the main burial. Based on
the existence of essentially separate children's cemeteries under the mound
embankments of Alakul (burials of adolescents are also geographically concentrated),
the absence of joint burials of adults and children, as well as the presence of the form of
"triple" burials (i.e. men, obviously, did not warm up to women, which is also observed
in some South Siberian Okunev burial grounds), can be seen in the team that left the
Alakul mounds, a rather archaic social structure in terms of its indicators, in which
matrilpney kinship could be practiced, which, of course, did not exclude the dominant
social position of a man. Burials under mounds, bones of pets with buried, as well as the
named features of the social structure of the collective allow us to talk about a more
mature stage of the socio-economic development of the Alakul community compared to
the Alekseevsky complex.
The burial ground of Tasty-Butak İ is territorially divided into two groups ": western
(fences No. 1-23) and eastern (fences No. 24-57), which, as can be assumed from the
funeral rite and inventory, as well as the features of the groups of the buried, correspond
to successive stages of development of this monument. İndeed, let's pay attention to the
appearance in the eastern group of vessels in the form of "cups," some new ornaments
on ceramics, and from bronze products - scissors, a bracelet with spirally twisted ends,
ornamented plaques, while in the western group there are only simple, "convex-concave
in section" bracelets, penetrated; characteristic bear canine amulets * °
The core of the burial ground is made up of several fences with collective burials.
Burials of women and children were performed in fence 10, where the central grave of
an adult woman is accompanied by burials of four children aged 2 to 13-14 years *, "in
fence 14, where a young woman (possibly with a child) is accompanied by five
children's graves, and in fence 19, in which a mature woman with a three-year-old child
is buried, surrounded by burials of children aged 9 to 4-5 years (the last five-year-old
child is buried). İt can be assumed that before us are the graves of mothers united with
children by a funeral fence, and, apparently, mutual decoration was allowed within the
fence. From the age amplitude of the buried, it can be seen that almost annually the birth
of a child was typical for this primitive collective, and, as already noted by the
researchers * ', the greatest pro-

41V. S. Sorokin. The burial ground of the bronze era of Tasty Butak İ in Western Kazakhstan. MIA, 120,
1962. Both groups are treated as territorial (p. 40). İbid., Table XXXVII, XXXVIII, 1-4, 6-8-West
24

group; Table XXXVIII, 5, 9-22, XXXIX-XLI - Eastern group.

4z The burial of a 13-14-year-old girl as accompanying to her mother testifies to the alleged age of
marriage. İn fence 39, a girl of about 10 years old accompanies a man as a spouse.
44 V.P. Alekseev. Paleodemography of the USSR. SA, 1972, 1, pp. 11-15 .

1
the percentage of mortality occurred in the first months, and years of life. Collective -
burials of children were made in fences No. 17, 18, located near the fences of the first
group • Two assumptions are possible: either these are unfinished fences of the type
considered above, or, which is also possible, an independent variety. İn the eastern
group, such burials were made in fence 35; in: the end of the existence of the burial
ground, in fence 52, two children were buried *. " The group with collective burials of
children is archaic in its ritual form, at least in: it is also indicative of its placement in a
single territorial complex with burials of women and children, as well as with the burial
of three women in a 13 * ° fence.
We approached the characteristic of an extremely curious phenomenon, which
manifested itself in mass form in Tasty-Butak, - these are paired diverse burials of
children, which, by analogy with the graves of adults, can be considered as burials of
"children-spouses." İn such graves, children are buried facing each other, boys on the
left, and girls on the right side, like adults in paired burials, and since burials are
simultaneous, apparently one of the children was killed as a result of the death of his
"marriage partner" (fences No. 2, 6, 20, 22, 25 and, possibly, 12, 36). Obviously, we
have a manifestation of the custom when children are almost from birth "promised" to
each other as spouses, and not due to the whim of their parents, as can be traced from
late ethnographic data, but as a result of certain laws governing the marriage norms of
this community, predetermining them as marriage partners. İn essence, fences with
"child spouses" occupy a classification intermediate position between a group of
fences with collective burials of children and a group of fences with paired different-
sex burials of adults. The combinations of such original burials with others are
interesting: fences with women mothers are not met in combination with this group of
burials, while they are combined in a single complex with graves of children, male and,
which is especially curious, with the burial of a man and a 12-year-old girl, also a
young wife (No. 22). The existence of a form of burial with paired different-sex burials
of children testifies to the variety of ways of developing the status of a small family, to
the tendency to cover marriage norms even of such early age categories. " Obviously,
the question of these peculiar burials requires a resolution involving broad analogies;
in this regard, we mention similar graves in the early Karasuk burial ground of Khara-
Khaya, in Ust-Syda. "
Paired mixed-sex burials of adults make up the group that attracted the greatest
attention of the researcher. "The following group of burials can be planned:
simultaneous burial (No. 22, 23, 38, 39, 43, 48), multi-time burial (No. 4, 36, 30) and
the third group we allocated are graves originally intended for paired burial, but
remaining half unfilled (No. 26, 37, 44, 49, 50, 55). Let's dwell on the last group, since
the first two were considered by V. S. Sorokin with sufficient completeness. Graves,
half unfinished, are also known in other monuments, they are met in South Siberian
Orak, Khorezmian Kokcha 3 (No. 98, 101, 13), burial grounds

•5 -v. S. Sorokin. The burial ground of the bronze era..., tables. XXİ, XXXİII, pp. 16, 17. İn the
64

eastern group, individual graves of children are more typical.

• 7 V. S. Sorokin. Uk. Op., p. 15, table. VIII. İn this fence there are three female burials with a
kind of inventory: 50 beads with an older woman, a predator's tooth with a second .
.İt was due to the widespread infant mortality, which gave rise to the desire for n earlier
marriage and childbearing, although the practical consequences of such a trend were purely
negative.
4 S.V. Kiselev. Karasuk graves according to excavations 1929, 1931 and 1932 SA, İII, 1937; L.
9

R. Kyzlasov. Karasuk burial ground of Hara Hai. SA, 1971, 3.

50
V. S. Sorokin. Bronze age burial ground.., pp. 101-112.
32
peaks with a developed system of mutual subfortification. He recognized the named six
burials of Tasta-Butak as incomplete paired different-sex, which follows from the size of
the pit, the position of the buried and the placement of inventory, "we will be forced to
recognize artificially created such issues as the reason for the burial of some adult" -
single "women on the right side (. No. 37, 49, 55). Naturally, the question of < <
multiplicity, "supposedly very typical of the Tast-Butak community," also disappears. İn
the dapny question, it seems that not the real materials of the burial ground were taken
as a starting point, but ethnographic parallels that are very attractive for their exotic
originality, but far from the problem of Andronovo family-communal relations. İn
addition to the named, consider two more burials, classified by the author of the
excavation as "single": the grave of a man lying on his left side (No. 45), and the
symmetrically placed to the north of it the grave of a woman lying on her right side (No.
46) • Two assumptions are possible: either these are the graves of spouses, or incomplete
paired burials; the former seems more likely. İt should be further noted that stone boxes
appearing in the eastern group of the burial ground were created, as it seems, mainly for
certain types of burials: this is a complex of graves No. 45 and 46, burials of a man or
woman in an incomplete pair burial (. No. 26, 37, 44, 49, 50, 55). However, it is curious
that men with young "wives" in graves No. 39 and 43 lie in unpaved graves. As an
exception, a stone box was built for the individual burial of an old woman (No. 47), as
well as for the cremation of an adult (No. 53).
İf adult married women of Tasta Butaka, as well as "girls," were buried on the right
side and a number of similar burials are in unfinished graves, then some women, like
men, shook on the left side. V. S. Sorokin classifies some of them as "single > > burials 5."
1
However, if you approach the named graves with the indispensable consideration of the
complex in which they were found, then the inadmissibility of considering them as
individual will become obvious. İndeed, in graves 5 fences 10, 4 fences 14, 3 fences 19
women lie on the left side, apparently because they are buried not in tandem with a
man, but in a single complex with collective children's burials. On the left side, women
are buried, the intercession of men to whom, for one reason or another, was obviously
not provided: an old woman in grave 47; a girl in grave 40; a woman in fence 13; upper
female burial in fence 44, having traces of violent death, devoid; a woman in a double
diverse (?) Burial 30, which has an unusual orientation for a burial ground. İt seems,
therefore, that the question of the relationship between the position of a woman in the
grave on one side or another and her ancestral affiliation cannot be raised on the
available material in such a form, as done by V. S. Sorokin, that is, without taking into
account the existence of incomplete paired different-sex burials, complexes with the
graves of women and children, according to artificially created correspondences
between the ethnography of African cattle-breeding tribes and the peculiarities of the
Appronian culture of the Alakul circle. " From Table 4 of the Tasta-Butak publication it
follows that women from pair burials were demanded on the right bona (exception -. No.
32 between two

1 İbid., Table XVİHİ, XXİİİ, XXXİ, XXXİİ, XXXV, Fig. 4. 1-3. 2

İbid., Table 4, pp. 91, 119.
hİbid., p. 24, Table XXIX, Fig. 1. 4 İbid.,
Table 4.
İbid., pp. 119, 420.
$5

e İbid., pp. 112-119. The level of socio-economic development of the Bantu seems to be
6

disproportionately developed in comparison with the Tasta-Butaka community; the "hippodari ~

skpe" parallels proposed by E. E. Kuzmina on the construction of monuments of the Orenburg region
are more real .
2 Soviet Archaeology, No. 4 3
3
children's graves of the eastern group), on the left - men and all others, and this ritual
feature is difficult to interpret in terms of the family affiliation of the buried without
fear of falling into inconsistencies of both the factual and purely theoretical plan, since
we know the form of the genus, the form of the account of "kinship," observed by this
team. İndeed, the presence of diverse burials with the custom of mutual mortification
"as if it should indicate the far-reaching development of" patriarchal "relations, the
patrilineality of the community. However, such a prerequisite will turn out to be a
purely logical construction, if in our attempt at reconstruction we bring to the fore the
presence of a whole complex of collective fences with an archaic ritual grouping of the
buried, which finds analogies in the peculiarities of the structure of Alekseevka and
Alakul. İt will be more cautious to assume a fairly developed small-family structure of
the tast-Butak community, complicated, especially judging by the graves of the Western
group, by the tradition of matrilineality. The western group looks more complex in
terms of its paleosociological indicators: it lacks unfinished mixed-sex burials, there is
an absolute majority of fences with collective burials, as well as with the graves of
"children-spouses." İn the eastern group, the rite clearly evolves, apparently reflecting
the development of family and community forms.
The question of signs of archaic social structures based on the materials of the
monuments of the Alakul circle seems to be one of the important problematic tasks in
the study of these monuments as autochthonous Andronovsky. The traditional view of
paleosociological studies of Andronovo monuments lies in line with the consideration
of the problem of paired diverse burials. However, it seems that this important problem
should be based on modern material and the stage of study put into suspense from
considering the family-social structure of the "Andronovsky" society as a whole, from a
comprehensive study of the features of burial grounds and, if possible, their correlation
with data on housing and settlements. Archaic moments in the structure of the
monuments of the Alakul circle are obviously far from accidental, they should
apparently be sought in the peculiarities of the primitive economy of these
communities, their indigenous ties with Eneolithic monuments. İt is the named tradition
of the socio-economic development of Alakul society that prompts us to turn to
comparisons with cultural objects that are geographically remote, but nevertheless
reveal the origins of some socio-ideological phenomena in the structure of Alakul-type
communities. Since the chronology of the Andronovo complexes of the Alakul circle is
under development, it would be somewhat premature to talk about certain temporal
relations and correspondences regarding the three monuments considered above, which
are a kind of reference objects for studying the Andronovo community as a whole.
However, it should be emphasized that the Andronovo communities of the "Alakul
type," obviously, were not the same type of public entities, there were known variations
that we tried to outline .

57
A large number of unfinished graves are explained in repeated, apparently, marriages of adults
and minors (No. 39, 43, 48).

34
 М. D. Khlobystina

QUESTIONS CONCERNANT L'ETUDE DE LA STRUCTURE

DES COMMUNAUTES ANDRONOVIENNES DU ТУРЕ ALAKOULIEN

R es ite

Letude des differents aspects de la vie sociale des tribus des premiers pasteurs, qui ont
laisse des monuments du type andronovien sur une vaste etendue steppique et sylо sleppique,
depuis la region transouralienne jusqu'au cours moyen de l'Ienissei (milieu de la seconde moitie
du IIeme millenaire av, п. ere), comporte ип large ensemble de problemes lies аих traits archaiques de
la structнre familiale et communautaire. L'exemple des trois sepultures andronoviennes classiques
d'Alexeievo, d'Alakoul et de Tasty - boнtak montre nettement des analogies avec les formes des
inhнmations et sepultures des anciens pasteurs des steppes du littoral de la mer Noire, aussi Ьien
qu'avec certaines cultures prepastorales (sepultures des rives du Dniepr а inhumations separees des
sexes, inhumation d'un homme avec deux femmes, et de deux hommes avec une femme, lieux de
sepulture collectifs d'enfants). On peut croire а des elements de matriarcat dans les premiers
monuments andronoviens, et а la diffusion de lieux de sepulture reserves аих enfants, lies aux cultes
astro - solaires de la fecondite, et disposes probablement en fonction de certaines lois astronomiques.
L'elaboration d'une vue d'ensemЫe de la structure sociale des collectivites primitives de 'epoque
eneolithique - Age du Bronze de la steppe eurasienne permettra de deceler les lois generales de l'ordre
social, id@ologique, culturel el historique еп s'appuyant sur 'exemple du developpement de la societe
des premiers pasteurs.
 A. T. RAMISHVILI

ON THE PURPOSE OF PARKING LOTS WITH "TEXTILE CERAMICS"

OF THE EASTERN BLACK SEA REGION

Sites with "textile ceramics" are found along the coast of Western Georgia from the
mouth of the river. Chorokhi to Gagra. These monuments, mainly related to the first
half of the İ millennium BC. e., for many years have attracted the attention of
specialists. İn studies on coastal sites of the Black Sea region, the connection of these
sites with coastal dunes is rightly indicated. On the dunes, cultural layers are found in
separate nests and consist of numerous fragments of clay horns and "textile ceramics"
(baths with tissue prints on the surface). İt is also noted that seaside sites were not
ordinary settlements, but were associated with a certain area of production activity. "
The question of the purpose of parking lots with "textile ceramics" is the subject of
consideration of this article. Our judgments are based on the results of both previous
surveys of coastal sites and archaeological excavations conducted by us in Pichvnari
(Kobuleti) *.
Also L.N. Solovyov u1 {said that in such monuments between sandy layers there
are lenses of sea pebbles. Apparently, then it was not possible to establish their
character. * Between the third and fourth layers of the Pichvnar site, a pebble layer of
sea nanos was revealed, which gradually fell from the east to the west, that is, to the
sea. " Obviously, these parking lots were so close to the sea that it flooded them at
times. Apparently, such proximity corresponded to certain practical goals. İn Pichvnari,
for the first time in such monuments, a relatively clear picture of the cultural remains
of individual nests was obtained. The latter are located in the coastal strip with short
intervals at a distance of 1.5-2 km. Seaside parking lots are multi-layered. Six
cultural horizons containing sand have been identified in Pichvnari: -: rko interlayers.
Cultural layers are separated by rather powerful sterile plan-

'A. A. Jessen. Sukhumi expedition GAIMK. SA, İII, 1937, pp. 251, 252; L.N. Soloviev. Villages
with textile ceramics on the coast of West Gruzni. CA, XIV, 1950, pp. 279-282; his. Traces of the
ancient sallow P [JO) 1fold blps of Sukhumi and Ochamchire. Tr. AbGM, İssue 1. Sukhumi, 1947,
pp. 23-50; N.V. Khoshtaria. Archaeological research of Ureka. Materials on the archeology of Gruzpi
and the Caucasus, İ. Tbilisi, 1955, pp. 26-30 ; B. A. Kuftin. Materials for archeology of Nolhida, İİ.
Tbilisi, 1950, pp. 247, 287 11 others.
A. T. Ramishvili. Coastal sites of the Black Sea region in the Kobulet region (for cargo.
language). Tr. Batumi Research İnstitute, İİİ. Tbilisi, 1964; the same. Ancient sites on the sand dune
in Pichvnari (for cargo. language). Monuments of Southwest Georgia, 1. Tbilisi, 1964; his.
Southeastern Black Sea region in the Late Bronze and Early İron Age. Autoref. cand. dis. Tbilisi,
1971; his. N ~ dating of coastal parking lots in Pichvnari (for cargo. language). Matzne, 1974, 2; his.
Archaeological excavations of seaside sites in Pichvnari (Kobuleti) in 1960-1964 and 1967 SA, 1975
, 1.
e. L.N. Soloviev. Villages with textile ceramics on the coast of Western Georgia, p. 226.
'A. T. Ramishvili. Uk. Op. p. 138, Fig. 1B.
36
stami • The formation of sterile interlayers between chronologically not so separated
cultural layers, together with the spread of parking lots over long distances, should
indicate the periodic movement of the inhabitants of these parking lots along the shore.
Otherwise, under conditions of almost continuous human activity, it would be difficult
to imagine the formation of sterile layers of such power .
The exceptional number of fragments of clay baths with and without fabric prints is
noteworthy. Apparently, this fact should indicate a direct connection of these vessels
with the main occupation of the inhabitants of the seaside sites. İt was believed that
baths with cloth prints were used to boil salt from seawater. "
The literature has made several assumptions about the nature and purpose of coastal
sites. As already indicated, the researchers unanimously note that these sites are not
ordinary settlements. İt is quite rightly believed that agriculture or fishing was not the
main occupation of the inhabitants of seaside sites. This interpretation contradicts a
number of features of these monuments, which will be discussed below.
Currently, the prevailing opinion is that the coastal sites of Georgia were associated
with the extraction of salt from seawater. This assumption, as already indicated, was first
put forward by L.N. Solovyov, 7the first researcher of these monuments. N.V.
Khoshtaria admitted that before the İİ millennium BC.: e. for: these sites, proximity to
the sea was determined by its value as a source of salt. From the end of the İİ
millennium BC e., in her opinion, magnetite sands should have been mined here •
8
Recently, another suggestion has been made that coastal sites seem to be tribal cult
centers of ~.
A. Yu. Kakhidze in his work on Pichvnar monuments of ancient times expresses
doubt about the connection of bath-like vessels with the enrichment of magnetite sands
and thus, apparently, considers the connection of seaside sites with the extraction of
magnetite to be poorly based. He tends to see in the seaside sites "powerful layers of the
spiritual culture of the tribes of the land and metallurgists of the seaside strip." İn his
opinion, the Black Sea dunes were supposed to serve as a "common tribal cult place,"
where at a certain time of the year residents of the surrounding settlements flocked and
performed religious rituals related to the cult of the bull, flax or deity of the sea. "
One enumeration of supposed cults testifies u to a superficial character: this
assumption. İndeed, it was put forward by the author as if in passing in the introductory
part of the work dedicated to the ancient monuments of Kobuleti - Pichvnari. The only
evidence for this assumption by A. Yu. Kakhidze is the altars identified by us in
Pichvnari and clay horns characteristic of such shyatnpks, which are often associated
with the cult of the bull. Of course, these facts speak of the sending of certain cult rites
by the inhabitants of the sites, but, it must be assumed, they should have served the
success of their main activity. Even if you imagine that
· İbid., p. 138, Fig. 1, 2, 4.
· D.N. Soloviev. Traces of ancient salt mining near the city of Sukhumi and the city of
Ochamchir, pp. 23-50; his. Villages with textile ceramics on the coast of Western Georgia, pp. 281-
284; B. A. Kuftin. Uk. Op., pp. 287-290.
7
L.N. So.l, oviev. Traces of an ancient salt fishery...
in N.V. Khoshtaria. Uk. Op., pp. 29, 30.
A. Yu. Kakhidze. N the history of cities of the Eastern Black Sea region in the ancient era
(Kobuleti - Pichvnari). Autoref. cand. dis. Tbilisi, 1965, pp. 8, 9; his. Cities of the Black Sea region of
Georgia in the ancient era (Kobuleti - Pichvnari). Tbilisi, 1971, pp. 32, 33 (pa cargo. language).
Oh İbid.

3
7
at this stage of social development, special tribal cult centers arose, it is difficult to
explain why they are stretched by individual nests (1.5-2 km) along the coast
dangerously close to the sea, which at times destroyed them.
A more convincing opinion seems about the connection of seaside sites with the
extraction of salt from seawater. This assumption of L. N. Solovyov II later received
almost universal recognition. " The main arguments in favor of the discussed
assumption are the close proximity to the sea and the certain similarity of baths with
the "textile" surface with clay vessels for evaporation of salt from concentrated brines
in the East African tribe Massam and quadrangular iron pans (the so-called crenas or
crenas) of Old Russian salt varnishes •
The authors of the hypothesis under consideration believe that the salt was initially
evaporated from seawater naturally; for this purpose, a lowering behind the coastal
shaft was used, where a storm caught seawater into a specially dug ditch. On hot
summer days, the water standing in the lowlands evaporated naturally. Later, from the
resulting rap, as if salt was boiled over the fire in baths with textile prints , fortified over
the fire with the help of clay horns. "
At first glance, everything seems to be logical and reliable here, but after carefully
studying the data given in favor of the assumption under consideration, we have a
number of objections that do not allow us to agree with this opinion .
As noted, for natural evaporation of seawater, a trench will be laid in the shore
shaft. At the same time, it is believed that the lowland behind the coastal rampart
should be below sea level, since otherwise the water will not remain in the depression.
İf it is still possible to imagine the preparation of such a basin for the first layer of
Picvnar sites (although this layer was 1 m above the current water level), it is difficult
to allow this for the upper layers located 7-8 m above sea level. İn our opinion, it
would be almost impossible to produce excavation of the appropriate volume,
especially since after each storm everything would have to be done again .
İt is assumed that the baths above the fire were placed on round clay horns with a
diameter of about 3 cm, allegedly having a height of 40-50 cm. Whole horns of these
sizes have not yet been found. And it is hardly possible that they should be of this
height with a section of about 3 cm. " Height of heretofore known horns suitable for
practical applications

1 D. N, Soloviev. Traces of ancient salt mining near r. Sukhumi and r. Ochamchire; his. Villages
with textile ceramics on the coast of Western Georgia .
12
B. A. Kuftin. Uk. Op., İİ, p. 288 p.; OM Japaridee. The reconnaissance expedition of Guria,
VGMG, XVI-V. Tbilisi, 1950, pp. 118-121; M. M. Trapsh. Archaeological excavations in the
vicinity of Sukhumi. Tr. AbİALI, XXIX. Sukhumi, 1948, p. 185 sl.; V.V. Bzhania. Machar settlement
of the Chalcolithic and Bronze Age in Abkhazia. SA, 1966, 1, pp. 113-126; İ.P. Zakaraya, V.A.
Lekvinadze. Preliminary report of excavations 1968-1969 in Chakwinja and Gudava. Archaeological
expeditions of the HMG, 11. Tbilisi, 1971, pp. 106, 107.
z İ.N. Soloviev. Villages with textile ceramics on the coast of Western Georgia, pp. 281-284,
Fig. 12 (link to: Karl Weule. Leitfaden der Valkerkunde. Leipzig. Wien, 1912, p. 106, Table 104, Fig.
5); B. A. Kuftin. Uk. Op., p. 289.
1
% D. N. Soloviev. Uk. Op., pp. 282, 283.
' The horns of this group should not be confused with massive cornoid columns of rectangular
5

cross-section (measuring at least 4x5 cm), which, as established in Pichvnari, were used when
compiling İİ altars up to 50 cm high (see 4. T. Ramishvili. Excavations of seaside sites in Pichvnari
(Kobuleti) in 1960-1964 and 1967, Fig. 6, 1, 21). İt should also be noted that the number of
detections of massive horns clearly does not correspond to the volume that should be expected when
using these horns for a practical purpose alone and especially for supporting baths.

38
many targets, does not exceed 20 cm. Fragments of such horns are very common "
According to the authors of the considered assumption, for the final evaporation of
brine, baths with tissue prints were used. As noted by other authors, "they are
distinguished by weak burning and fragile shingles. Therefore, it is doubtful that
installed on four horn-shaped columns, they can withstand not only the severity of brine, even
their own. The shards of the second type of baths do not differ in great strength either.
The latter have an oval shape in addition, which makes it difficult to install them over a
fire.
İf baths with a textile surface were indeed used to cook salt, then at least part of the
shards of these vessels would have to have traces of fire, according to the numerous
fragments found in Pichvnari, not a single pe had obvious signs of re-burning. The same
can be said for clay horns.
The nature of the monument also contradicts the discussed interpretation of coastal
sites - the totality of its topography and cultural deposits. Nak has already been noted,
we assume that the inhabitants of the seaside parking lots at times moved along the
coast. Otherwise, it is even difficult to allow the simultaneous existence of a parking lot
along its entire length along the coast. İf our assumption is true, then, of course, these
movements had a connection with the main occupation of the inhabitants of the parking
lots. This occupation in this case could not be salt fishing, for for this there was no need
to move along the coast .
And finally, in our opinion, svya: the zh of seaside sites with salt mining
categorically rejects one of the recently discovered monuments on the left bank of
Okumi, in the vicinity of villages. Gudava on the Abkhaz coast. " A relatively small sand
hill containing numerous fragments of "textile ceramics" and clay horns has been
identified here. İt is located a few hundred meters from the coast. Apparently, during the
formation: cultural layers, this hill was located at about the same distance from the sea.
The basis for this assumption was witnessed in the section of the shore of the river.
Okumi clay soil is almost two meters thick. The fact of the existence of a seaside site
with "textile ceramics" on the coastal sandy rampart is also important. İt should be noted
that the cultural deposits of the latter, apparently, are older than the corresponding layers
of the hill near the river. Okumi. Everything from, in our opinion, indicates that the
cultural remains of this hill, and therefore the so-called textile ceramics and clay horns
characteristic of seaside sites, are not at all associated with the extraction of salt from
seawater .
Now let's consider another assumption put forward at one time by N.V. Khoshtaria
in connection with the study of the Urek site. Since the end of the İİ millennium B.C.E.,
landfall sites have served to extract raw materials from coastal magnetite-bearing sands.
The basis for this assumption was primarily the fant that the sands of the Black Sea
region of Georgia contain magnetite. According to the author of the İV century. BC
about. Aristotle, raw materials for Khalib and Amis iron were mined by washing the
sands brought by the rivers. Attention was also drawn to the important fact of the
location of such monuments near the fresh water of rivers and swamps. İn addition, in
connection with the finds of "iron smelting
c], N. Soloviev. Uk. Op., p. 279; A. T. Ramishvili. Uk. Op., Fig. 6, 8-20. 1 D. N. Soloviev. Uk.
Op., pp. 279, 280; N.V. Khoshtaria. Uk. Op., p. 31.
18
The monument was unveiled by the İngur Archaeological Expedition (headed by G. K
Grigolia) of the İnstitute of History, Archeology and Ethnography named after İ. A. Javakhishvili of
the Academy of Sciences of the Georgian SSR and partially investigated by the archaeological:
zhspsdppei of the State Museum of Georgia named after S. N. Japashia. Cultural layers with so-called
textile ceramics have been interpreted as salt crafts. See P.P. Zakaray, V.A. Lekvinadze. Uk. Op., pp.
106, 407 .
39
 Gornov "in the territory of Anaseuli, in the vicinity of Makharadze, the opinion was
expressed that the source of raw materials for these gornov could be magnetite
contained in the sands of the Natanebi and Brzuzha rivers with its tributaries"
Unfortunately, this assumption did not receive further
development. The rather logical arguments listed were not supported by a
corresponding analysis of the nature of the seaside sites and remained only at the level
of witty guesses. This interesting thought was actually forgotten. Even N.V. Khoshtaria
did not remember her in her report on the work carried out on a similar monument in
Pichvnari and in subsequent work, where there are also arguments about the coastal
sites of Georgia *"İ did not envisage the extraction of magnetite at the seaside sites and
İ. A. Gzelishvili, whose name is associated with the study of the powerful center of iron
metallurgy of the Southeast Black Sea region, although, in his opinion, magnetite sands
were used as raw materials in the iron smelting furnaces he studied. D.A.
Khakhutaishvili, who devoted special articles to the issues of ancient iron metallurgy in
Colchis, also does not mention seaside sites * '
Archaeological research conducted in 1960-1967. seaside: the site in Pichvnari
(Kobuleti), a thorough study of all scientific literature known on this issue,
familiarization with other similar monuments of the Black Sea region of Georgia made
it possible to identify a number of'fa ~, etc: w justification of the assumption about the
connection of the studied monuments
with magnetite extraction by flotation of coastal magnetite-bearing sands .
Transcaucasia is considered the area of deposits of the highest quality iron ore in
all of Western Asia. There are both magnetite and hematite deposits, which served as
the basis for the development of the oldest iron metallurgy. " İt is generally accepted
that the oldest iron objects were made of iron melted from magnetite sands. İt is
believed that the first iron was accidentally obtained during the extraction of gold from
the sands. * " The oldest method of gold mining was quite simple: gold-bearing sands
were washed in running water, which carried relatively light sand, and heavier gold
particles remained in place °
As you know, the ancient authors associated the legend of the golden rune with the
extraction of gold in Colchis. Strabo, describing the swans, reports: "They also say that
they are blowing gold and that the barbarians collect it with the help of drilled troughs
and shaggy skins. Hence, they say, the fable of the golden rune "

19
N.V. Khoshtaria. Uk. Op. pp. 28, 29 and 72, 73; er. Archaeology of Georgia. Tbilisi. 1959, pp.
250, 251 (per cargo. language).
2 N.V. Khoshtaria. Archaeological excavations at Pichvnari. Gas. "Batumi Worker," 1957, 7.IV,
0

No. 69; her. Tsihijiri. Tbilisi, 1962, pp. 36-45 (per cargo. language ).
21
İ. A. Gzelishvili. İron smelting business in ancient Georgia. Tbilisi, 1964; his. The main results
of excavations of iron smelting workshops: those identified in Adjara in 1960-1961 rr. Monuments
of Southwest Georgia, İ. Tbilisi, 1964 (for cargo. language); İ. A. Gzelishvili, D. A. Khakhutaishvili. The
oldest focus of iron production in the pip-shh river. Chorokhp and archaeological exploration in
Gonio-Apsaros, ibid. (for cargo. language); D. A. Khakhutaishvili. At the origins of the iron metallurgy -
of Colchis, chu, the same (for cargo. language ).
1 Mineral resources of the SSR of Georgia. Tiflis, 1933, p. 213 sl.; Н. Quiring.
2

De Erzgrundlager der altesten Eisenerzeugung. «Zeitschrift fiir praktische Geologie». August,

1933, S. 128-131.
3 Н, Quiring. Ohr. cit., S. 128-130; • I. Forbes. Metallurgy in Antiquity. Leiden, 1950. S. 403.
404.
2
• L. Lucas. Materials and craft production of ancient Yegppt. M of 1958
p. 356. ' '
z5 Strabo. Geography, XI, 14, 49 (V.V. Latyshev. News of ancient writers about Scythia and the
Caucasus, vol. İ, issue İ. St. Petersburg, 1893, p. 438).
40
 Appendix points out: "Many sources flowing from the Caucasus carry invisible
golden sand with them; the surrounding inhabitants, immersing dense sheep skins in the
water, collect the golden sand attached to them; perhaps this kind of was the golden
fleece of Eita " °"
The reality of the information of the ancient authors is to some extent confirmed by
the fact that this ancient, literary attested method of gold mining has survived in the
ethnographic reality of Svaneti almost until the very last time. " Since the famous
legend of the Argonauts and the Golden Fleece is associated with gold mining in ancient
Colchis, it can be assumed that in Colchis gold was mined in this way from at least the
second half of the İİ millennium BC. e. And 2if the initial 8use of magnetite sands was directly
related to the development of gold-bearing sands, then in ancient Colchis there should
have been corresponding prerequisites.
İndirect evidence of the development in ancient Colchis of Black Sea magnetite-bearing
sands can be the identification in the Southeast Black Sea region of a powerful center
for iron metallurgy synchronous with coastal sites. The first information about iron
smelting workshops belongs to O. M. Japaridze and N.V. Khomtaria, but since they
failed to carry out appropriate excavations, nothing was known about the nature and
dating of these workshops. İt was only suggested (N.V. Homtaria) about the possible use
of magnetite as a raw material. " Subsequently, the remains of several dozen iron
smelting workshops were revealed on the territory of modern Guria and Adjara. Some of
them were studied through archaeological excavations. İt has been established that they
mainly date back to the first half of the İ millennium BC. e. İt is also suggested that
magnetite sands were used as raw materials here. "For our part, we add that the location
of these workshops near the coast can also serve as confirmation of this .
Aristotle's information about the development of magnetite sands in the Black Sea
region has been preserved: "They talk about the completely special origin of the iron of
the Khalib and Amis: it is formed, according to stories, from sand borne by rivers; this
sand, according to some stories, is simply washed and melted over fire, and according to
others, the precipitate formed from washing is washed several times and then melted "'.
This written evidence should reflect the reality that significantly preceded the İV
century. BC e., since by this time it had already turned into

26
Appian. Wars with Mithridates, 103 (V.V. Latyshev. İbid., Vol. İ, issue İİ. St. Petersburg, 1896,
p. 531).
27
D. Bochorishvili. Goldilocks in Svaneti. Bulletin of the Academy of Sciences of the Georgian
SSR, vol. VIİ, 5. Tbilisi, 1964, p. 285 (for cargo. language ).
28
Georgian scholars do not share the opinion that Colchis and the golden fleece are included in
the legend of the Argonauts after the VIII century. BC e. (see A. A. Yelnitsky. Knowledge of the ancients
about the Nordic countries. M., 1961, pp. 12-14; R. Hening. Unknown lands. M., 1961, pp. 37-39) and
consider them to be the leading motives in the oldest versions of the legend of the Argonauts ( see G.
A. Melikishvili. N history of ancient Georgia. Tbilisi, 1959, p. 19; A. Urushadze. Ancient Colchis in tales
of the Argonauts. Tbilisi, 1964, p. 7 fir. (per load. language); OD Lor @ kipanidze. Ancient world and
ancient Colchis. Tbilisi, 1966, pp. 11-23 (per cargo. language); T.K. Mikeladze. To the genesis of the
relationship between Georgian tribes and the Greek world. Messages of the Department of Social
Sciences of the Academy of Sciences of the Ukrainian SSR, İİ. Tbilisi 1960, pp. 169-172 (per
cargo. language); his. Studies on the history of the oldest population of Kolkhpda and the Southeast
Black Sea region. Tbilisi, 1974, 76-88 (pa cargo. language ).
29
O. M. Dzhaparidze. Uk. Op., page 111 (for cargo. language); N.V. Khoshtaria. Archaeological
investigation of Ureka, p. 72; Archaeology of Gruzni, pp. 250, 251 .
zo İ. A. Gzelishvili. İron smelting business in ancient Georgia. Tbilisi, 1964 3. Aristotle1. About wonderful
rumors, 48 (V.V. Latyshev. News of ancient writers about Scythia and the Caucasus, part İ, issue İİ, p.
380).
41
"wonderful hearing." Although this information refers to areas located south of Georgia,
the existence of magnetite sands and powerful iron metallurgy in the Black Sea region
of Georgia makes it real for the area under study .
According to Aristotle, raw materials for smelting iron were obtained by washing
magnetite-bearing sands. İt should be assumed that magnetite was mined at the site of
the natural accumulation of these sands. İt is symptomatic that the studied monuments
are located in places where magnetite-bearing sands accumulate. İt is also noteworthy
that these sites are usually found near rivers, which provided seaside sites with the
water necessary to wash the sands .
When studying coastal sites, it is important to understand the nature of
accumulations of magnetite-bearing sands. Their concentration at the very shore of the
sea is explained by the action of three factors: the bringing of rivers, the surf of sea
waves and the sea current. The constancy of the nature of the sands and the content of
magnetite in them are evidenced by special observations. İn wells up to 10 m deep,
interbeds consisting of pure magnetite sand, formed depending on the nature of the
surf, were identified in places on calcareous horizons. Throughout the Georgian Black
Sea region, magnetite iron forms either solitary masses or layers stretching a significant
distance. İn places, the thickness of these precipitation reaches 12 cm. The area of
Ureka is especially rich in magnetite sands. Quite powerful clusters of magnetite are
found at Kobuleti and Ochamchire "
Thus, the existence since ancient times of the tradition of the development of gold-
bearing sands, the presence of iron smelting workshops in the coastal strip, allegedly
smelting magnetite ore, Aristotle's information on the extraction of raw materials for
iron smelting in the Black Sea region by washing magnetite-bearing sands and, finally,
the location of the seaside sites in the areas of accumulation of magnetite sands near
the rivers are indirect data, suggesting the connection of coastal sites with the
extraction of raw materials by flotation of magnetite-bearing sands .
İt was noted above that magnetite-bearing clusters are found in layers of a certain
thickness or in separate masses. Of course, as a result of the intensive development of
magnetite-bearing sands, after a certain time, it became necessary to search for new
ore-bearing areas. İn the future, the sea again applied new layers of magnetite to the
treated places, which led to a return to the previous places. This interpretation explains
well the proximity of the sites to the sea, which carries the raw materials necessary for
production. İn our opinion, this is the only way to explain the movement of coastal
sites along the coast and their spread over long distances and the presence of sterile
interlayers between the cultural layers that arose in these intervals.
The exceptional number of clay baths is rightly considered to be evidence of the
connection of these vessels with the main occupation of the inhabitants of the sites.
The practical purpose of the vessels, in your opinion, is confirmed by the fact that in
addition to mass-produced baths (approximately 50Kh2015 cm in size), large baths
(approximately 100Kh50Kh50 cm in size) and miniature baths are occasionally found,
which could not have practical functions and should have had a cult purpose. Medium
sized baths are suitable for sand washing. İt must be assumed that baths filled with
magnetite-bearing sand were placed under running water, which, from moans specially
made in the vasculature of vessels, carried out lighter rock, and magnetite settled at the
bottom. Van-

z2 Mineral resources of the SSR of Georgia. Tiflis, 1933, pp. 244, 246, 248, 254 .

42
 the kidneys were not particularly strong, and the inhabitants of the sites liked rather
high-quality household utensils. The noticeable number of horns of relatively small size
suggests that in any case a certain part of them was of prantichial importance. İndeed,
horns with a corresponding fork could serve as a support for the lengths of the stronger
ustshuvy1 vashuchen on the ground. Another part of these renders could be used:
yuvana as stands for gutters supplying water to the baths .
İn the proposed interpretation of seaside parking lots, the most unsung issue is the
supply of water for the lengths of washing the sands. İt has been suggested that rivers
and swamps were used for this purpose, next to: which are usually the sites. İt is difficult
to assume that the water was brought to the baths by hand, since it is physically
impossible to ensure the washing of the entire mine. İn addition, running water is more
effective for this purpose. Therefore, in our opinion, it should have been brought by
special hydraulic structures. Pona still sings some direct evidence to confirm this
assumption, but considering that the material culture and ethnographic life of Colchis
preserved monuments of complex irrigation systems with aqueducts, piles and wooden
troughs, whose age dates back several centuries, as well as methods of building such
systems and their very interesting toponymy * "then our assumption looks quite
acceptable.
Kan talyos1, above, a certain part of the clay horns was nult in nature. Judging by
the data of Pichvnari, massive horns were used for the device of altars. The cult
character probably had smaller horns with an ornamented surface and details, clearly not
of a practical nature. İt has been suggested that these horns are associated with the bull
cult •
The cult of the bull on Navkaz, and in particular in Georgia, has been widespread
since the Chalcolithic era • Usually this: the cult is associated with the deity of fertility
and abundance, which contributed to both the reproduction and well-being of man and
his pets, as well as the abundance of produnts created by him. İn Georgia, until recently,
the relics of this cult in the form of a deity - the woman of Barbale "
The inhabitants of the seaside stoyans probably also counted on the assistance of
their deities. İt is possible that clay horns and beetles laid out of them, according to the
idea of the ancient inhabitants, should be used to contribute to the success of ho: nri:
steppe activity, in particular the extraction of magnetite. Nan: it has already been noted
that the seaside sands are not uniformly saturated with magnetite. Dshr inhabitants:
stoyapo1 < the degree of content of magnetite in the sands was obviously associated
with the will of the deity and: jubilee. Therefore, in order to earn favor, they probably
performed certain rituals. İt is possible that part of these rituals was the offering
3 [. Z. Bakradze. Historical and archaeological essay of the Kara region. ICR İl'GU, VIİ, No. 1. Tiflis,

1884, p. NU; 11. N. Marr. Batumi, Artnnp, Kare as the historical nodes of international relations of the
Caucasus. Pg., 1922, pp. 15, 16; İ. S. Chidzhavadze. Mountain agriculture (field farming) in Adjara (
according to ethnographic materials). Autoref. cand. day. Tbilisi, 1066, pp. 21, 22; his. From the history of
agricultural life in Adjara. Tbilisi, 1971, p. 8\J-103, 113-12 l (rra cargo. language)
z < O. M. Dzhaparidze. Uk. Op., pp. 118, 119; İ. V. Khoshtaria. Uk. Op., pp. 34-37. 35 B. A. Kuftin. To a
glimpse of the Chalcolithic by the Morning of Kartli and 1Ogo-Ossetia .
VGMG, XIV-B. Tbilisi, 1947, pp. 69-74; G.F. Go6edzhishoili. Patsar Mountain Hill near Stalipiri.
"Mimomhilveli," 11, Tbilisi, 1951, pp. 256-262.
for 3. V. Bardavelidze. From the history of the oldest beliefs of Georgians (deity Barbara Babar). Tbilisi,
1941, pp. 33, 42 (for cargo. language); her. Ancient religious religion neronapia and rituoooo graphi •
1es1us is1, a union of Georgian tribes. Tbilisi, 1957, pp. 191, 192 fir.; G. S. Read. The motley culture of the
West of Georgia (Colchis). Tr. İnstitute of History. İ. A. Dshaoahishvnli, İV, no. 11. Tbpliei, Hl; J! İ, p. 159
(per load. language).
43
to the altars of models of baths filled with pure magnetite. İt is also possible that for this
purpose, separate horns were placed at each or at a certain group of baths. İt also seems
noteworthy to us that the nature of the alleged cult corresponds to the rites of
commercial magic, which was resorted to only in those areas of economic activity
where success largely depended on random circumstances and where a person could
not fully rely on his own strength "
İn conclusion, it should be emphasized that, in our opinion, the main argument of
the proposed assumption about the nature and purpose of seaside sites may be the
aforementioned sand hill on the banks of the Okumi River. This hill remote from the
sea, containing cultural remains absolutely identical to seaside sites, rises at the site of
the river's removal of magnetite-bearing sand. Unlike seaside parking lots stretched
along the coast over long distances, it is compact. With our interpretation of the
purpose of such monuments, this is quite natural - the inhabitants of the seaside sites in
search of richer magnetite deposits at their disposal had only a small bay, where the
river still applies magnetite sands.
Thus, the connection of seaside sites with the extraction of raw materials from:
magnetite-bearing sands looks more likely. Of course, further research of such sites
will allow us to thoroughly check the reliability of our assumption .
A. T. Ramichwili

LA DESTINATION DES STATIONS А CERAMIQUE DECOREE PAR

IMPRESSION DE TISSU DU LITTORAL NORD
DE LA MER NOIRE
R 6s ite

Les stations а ceramique decoree par impression de tissu, lesquelles remontent en general а
la premiere moitie du ler millenaire av. п. ere, se rencontrent dans la zone cotiere de la Georgie
occidentale. Quelques savants (dont L. N. Soloviev et В. А. Kouftine) pensent que les
haЬitants de ces stations oЬtenaient du sel а partir de l'eau de mer. • V. Khochtaria estimait
que depuis la fin du Ie millenaire, dans ces stations on se livrait en outre а l"extraction de
saЫes de magnetite; mais cette supposition п'@tait pas fondee. Selon ипе troisieme hypothese,
les stations cotieres auraient @te des centres cultuels tтibals. Le present article essaie de
rattacher l'apparition de ces stations а l'extraction de minerai de magnetite а partir des saЫes
cotiers. L'existence depuis les temps les plus recules de traditions pour le traitement des sables
auriferes, la presence sur le littoral de fonderies contemporaines des monuments etudies - ateliers
qui auraient traites le minerai de agnetite (selon I. А. Grdzelichvili et D. А. Khakhoutaichvili); -
les t@moignages d'Aristote concernant l'extraction sur le littoral de la mer Noire de minerai pour
obtenir du fer par le lavage des saЫes de magnetite; enfin l'emplacement des stations cotieres
dans les regions de concentration maximale des sables agnetiferes, а proximite des cours d'еаи,
tout ceci prouve indirecteent Iexistence d'ип rapport entre les stations cotieres et l'extraction du
minerai pour obtenir du fer au moyen de la flottation des sables cotiers. Le voisinage immediat
de ces stations du bord de la mer, les epaisses strates steriles entre les couches culturelles
proches par l'age, le deplacement periodique des stations le long du rivage, ainsi que la quantite
exceptionnelle de tessons de ceramique а impression de tissu, les plus caracteristiques pour се
genre de monuments (recipients portant а la surface l'empreinte d'un textile), et de rhytons
d'argile, temoignent egalement еп faveur du type d'occupation de leurs occupants:
l'extraction de minerai а partir des sables agnetiferes.

37
S. A. Tokarev. Religion in the history of the peoples of the world. M., 1964, p. 53.
44
 tS:::
TableL

• ·•
a
/J 1 l/ 1
~ -·" ....
/"

7,35
N.A.FROLOVA

b
ON THE REIGN OF THE BOSPORUS KINGS OF RADAMSAD AND RICE:
CUPORIDA VI

İn numismatic literature on the history of coinage of late Bosporus, the opinion was
strengthened that Radamsad issued his "staters" from 606 to 615 of the Bosporus era

o
(309-318), Riskuporid VI - from the end of 615 to 633 b. e. (318-336 AD) e.) '.
Meanwhile, in the collection of the British Museum, in the collection of coins of the
National Museum in Copenhagen, in the collection of coins stored in the State Historical
Museum, there are "staters" of Radamsad with the date of ~ IX (619 b. e.). The "staters"
of the last Bosporus king Rspskuporid VI, dated 611-613, 638, 639, are also known. b.

u
e. (GIM). The very existence of these "staters" questions the correctness of the existing
definition of the reign of Radamsad and Riskuporid VI. There is no need to once again
mention what value "staters > > dated to the years of the Bosporus era represent as a
historical source. The paucity of epigraphic information about Radamsad * and

t
Riskuporide VI 'gives special importance to "staters" released on their behalf. İt
becomes apparent that only the study of the "staters" of Radamsad and Riskuporid VI
will restore the history of their rule .
So, it is believed that the last issues of Rada: the Msad are pas. 615 b. e., and the
first issues of Riskuporid VI - at the end of 615 b. e. This denies the fant of the joint rule
of Radamsad and Riskuporid VI, attested by an inscription naming the names of both
rulers (KBN, 66). İn this regard, their "staters" are of extreme interest. Coins with the
name of Radamsad and the date 615 b. e. are common. They are often found among
storage and excavation materials. "Staters" 616 b. e. rare, although known since the end
of the XIX 6century. Four copies of Radamsad coins 616 b. e. were found in the Taraktam
treasure '. A.N. Zograph noted that in the collection of the State. Hermitage there are
"staters" of Radamsad, in the date of which in the place of units there is a sign F, pri-

'K.V. Golenko. To some of the early minting issues of Riskuporid VI.

KSIIMK, 66, 1956, p. 108 el.; his. To the chronology of Bospor's long-term coin issues. 3OAO, vol. İ
(34), Odessa, 1960, p. 334 el.; his. To some questions of the chronology of coins of late Bosporus. BB,
XXV. M., 1964, p. 178; K.V. Golenko, N.İ. Sokolsky. Treasure 1962 r. from Kep. NE, VIİ, 1968, p. 78 fir.
2
KBN, 65, 66.
· KBN, 1112, 66.
· K.V. Golenko. ~ some issues of chronology. BB, XXV, p. 178.
· A. Steven. Taraktash treasure. İTUAN, 43. Simferopol, 1909, p. 101. (5 copies); L.P. Har ko.
Tiritak coin treasure 1946 WDI, 1949, 2, p. 76, No. 39-46 (8 copies); D. B. Shelov. Theodosian hoard
of coins. WDI, 1950, 2, p. 135, No. 35, 36 (2 copies); K.V. Golenko. Second Patray Hoard of Coins
(1951). NE, 1, 1962, pp. 260, no. 144-149 (6 copies); his. A treasure of Late European coins found in -
Kerch in 1961, BB, XXVİİ, 1967, p. 268 (2 copies); K.V. Golenko, N.İ. Sokolsky. Uk. Op., pp. 102, Nos.
238-241 (4 copies).
6
V.V. Kene. Description of the museum of the late Prince V.V. Kochubey. Vol. İİ. St. Petersburg,
1857, p. 365, No. 13, 14 .
1 A. Steven. Uk. Op., p. 101.
 m.
71
charged by him for the figure 6 8• Based on this, A. N. Zograph considered it possible
to talk about the release of the "staters" of Radamsad in 616. 9• Coins with a similar spelling
of dates were found in the Tiritak treasure of 1946 and attributed to L. P. Harko by 616.
'"The collection of the Historical Museum contains three copies of Radamsad coins 616
b e. (GIM, NOS. 5480, 5484, 5521; weight 6.67; 6,98; 7.08 g) (Tables 1, 2)
Coins of Radamsad 617 b. e. were known to A.M. Podshivalov 11, but until now they
have not been found either among excavation material or in treasures. As for the
"staters" of Radamsad 619 b. e. (E > IX), there are currently more than 10 of them.
"Staters" with the date ~ İX (619 BC) were known to B. V. Nene, "A. V. Oreshnikov 13,
H. H. Gilyu * *. One copy is kept in the collection of the British Museum 15, one copy -
in the collection of the National Museum in Nopermine 16, one was found in the
Taraktash treasure, "about one copy, with the clearly visible letter ~ (9) in the place of
units, wrote P. O. Karyshkovsky." İn the GIM collection there are five copies of
Radamsad coins on the date of ~ İX (GIM, No. 5527-5531; weight 6.97; 7,47; 5,70;
7,35; 7.44 g) (Tables 1, 4, 5 ).
H. H. Gil, when publishing his copy of the 619 coin, published a second coin from
his collection, on which, in his opinion, the letter ® (9) was converted to B (2). " By
analogy with this case, he proposed to believe that the carver, when reacting in the
stamp of the year ~ İX, was mistaken, and then corrected. H. H. Gil's remark is true
of only one instance struck with a corrected stamp. A. N. Zograph perceived the
remark of H. H. Gil when he wrote that Gil was right, "considering the date of 619 as
one of the stamps an error that has been corrected." "Despite the fact that there are other
stamps of the working sides of coins 619. (GIM, No. 5527-5531), H. H. Gil's statement
about the carver's mistake on one coin spread to all the "staters" of Radamsad with the
date E > İX. İn addition to this opinion, it was proposed to prove that in 619 Radamsad
could not release his "staters"

8
A.N. Zograf. Antique coins. MIA, 16, 1954, p. 242.9 İbid.
1
about D. P. Harko. Uk. Op., p. 76, No. 47.
11
A. M. Podshivalov. Moscow Public and Rumyaptsevs: which museums. Numismatic Cabinet,
İssue İ. M., 1887, p. 47, No. 303 .
2 B. W. Kene. Uk. Op., p. 365.
13
A.V. Oreshnikov. Catalog of the collection of Count Alexei Sergeyevich Uvarov. M., 1887, p.
120, No. 788 (1 copy).
14
H. H. Gil. New examples of my congregation. ZRAO, V, 1891, Table VIİ, 83 (1 Eq.).
15
İ. Wroth. Catalogue of the coins in the British Mнseum vol. Pontus, Paphlagonia, Bithynia and
the kingdom of Bosporus. London, 1889, p. 79, No. 1, Table XVIII, 9 (hereinafter referred to as the
Navy).
1
в Sylloge Numorum Graccorum. The royal collection of coins and Medals Danish National
Museum vol. Bosporus - Bithynia. Copenhagen, 1944, Table 3, No. 92 .
1
1 A. Steven. Uk. Op., p. 401.
18
P.O. Karyshkovsky. Once again about Knpg A. N. Zograf "Antique Coins."
WDI, 1953, 1, p. 111.
1
No. H. H. Gil. New acquisitions..., Table VIİ, 84. İ.N.
20
Zograph. Uk. Op., p. 121.

Table İ. "Staters" of the Bosporus kings: L No. 1, 8 - Foforsa; 2-5 - Radamsada; 6, 7, 9-11 - Riskuporida
VI (GIM )
Table İİ. Photo table from Art. K. V. Goleyuyu. To some issues of early minting of Riskuporid V.İ.
KSIIMK, 66, 1956, p. 112, Fig. 16. According to K. V. Golesh, oh, < < staters > > Riskuporida VI: No.
1-618 GB, 2-619; 3-618 g; 4-619; No. 5-619 b/e.
Table İİİ. "Staters" Riskuporida Vİ from the GIM meeting: No. 1-638 b. E.; 2-619; 3-638; 4-649; 5-
639 b.a.
47
consider 619 coins as minted in 612-614 gt. b. e. 'At the same time, the method of
comparing coins by stamps was applied. But, unfortunately, only the faces of the coins
were compared. One of the stamps on the face of the 619 coin was found among the
614 coins, that is, with the LIX date on the back (Table 1.3 ). From the fact that coins
with the date of LIX and ~ İX turned out to be minted with the same stamps of the
faces, it was concluded that coins with the date of ~ İX (619) are issued in 14 BC. e.,
and theta (® ~) was proposed to be considered an unusual delta mark °. But when it
turned out that the front side of another "stater" of Radamsad 619 from the museum in
Copenhagen ° was minted with the stamp of the coin of Radamsad 642. * Radamsad's
"staters" with the letters ~ IX received a new dating of -612-614. b. e. *. İn this case, if
you base your conclusions on the dating of coins only on the fact that there are
identical stamps of the front sides, the discovery of the same stamps of the front sides
among the coins of Radamsad 619 and among the coins of other years of minting will
allow them to offer any dating from 606 TO 615 b e.
İt should be noted that only the presence of the same reverse stamp with a clearly
distinguishable date of the years of the Bosporus era makes it possible to date the same
year another "stater" of the same reverse stamp, the date on which is not visible for
some reason. Determining the time of release of Bosporus "staters" based on the
similarity of the face stamps alone is an unacceptable error. We can only talk about
using one face stamp for several years. There are many examples of this phenomenon
in Bosporus numismatics. The minting of Savromat İİ (174-210 AD) is indicative in
this regard. There are, for example, face stamps that have been used for 5, 8, 10 years.
(Stamp l. p. "Statera" 476 b. E. was used when minting coins in 483 b. e.; stamp l.
from. "Statera" 493 g. B. e. was used back in 503 b. e., that is, for 10 years.) İn
Chersonesos, there are cases of using a single face stamp for minting tetrasarium for
16 years 26• Therefore, it should be recognized that the dating of Radamsad coins with
the letters ~ İX-619 b. e., as previously proposed by B.V. Kene, A.V. Oreshnikov, A.
Steven, V. Ross, P.O. Naryshkovsky *.
Thus, the information on the joint rule of Radamsad and Riskuporid contained in
the inscription NBN, 66, is also confirmed by numismatic data.
As mentioned above, the reign of Riskuporid VI leads from the end of 615 to 633 b.
e2. 8Meanwhile, the coins of Riskuporid VI with the date AIX (611), found in the second
Patray treasure 'and the Kep treasure of 1962 eo (Table İ, 6), are known. İn addition to
these three copies, there are also coins of Riskuporid, the date on which is written as
LIX (Table İ, 7).

1 K.V. Golenko. To some of the early minting issues of Riskuporid VI, pp. 108, 109.
22
İbid.; K.V. Golenko. N dating one group of Fofors coins. SA, 1958, 2, p. 263.
2
eSNG, Table 3, No. 92.
2
4 K.V. Golenko. To some of the early minting issues of Riskuporid VI..., pp. 108, 109.
25
İbid.
26
V. A. Anokhin. Monetary affairs of Chersonesos İ-İII centuries. n. e. NE, İV, 1963, p. 9, approx.
14 .
2
1 B. W. Kene. Uk. Op., p. 365; A.V. Oreshnikov. Catalogue.., p. 120, no. 788; A. Steven. Uk. Op.,
p. 101; W. Wroth. Navy, 1889, p. 79, No. 1; P.O. Karyshkovsky. Uk. Op., p. 111.
2
in K.V. Golenko, N.İ. Sokolsky. A 1962 hoard from Kep, p. 78.
29
K.V. Golenko. Second Patray hoard of coins. NO, İ, 1962, p. 278, No. 309. eo K.V. Golenko, N.İ.
Sokolsky. Uk. Op., pp. 115, no. 499, 500.
48
"Staters" with this date, previously known to B.V. Kene ', A.V. Oreshnikov, "V. Ross *,"
dated 610 b.b. e. A similar coin with the date LIX is available in the State. The
Hermitage, three copies are stored in the GIM collection (No. 5684, weight 4.78 g, No.
6064, weight 5.79 g, No. 5874, weight 5.90 g), and another coin was found during
excavations in Kerch and published by A.N. Zograf. "
When it was published, A. N. Zograph pointed out that this coin is a "stater" of
Riskuporid Vİ degraded to pure copper, a copy of good preservation, but very rough
execution, in the sleep of which the date fully preserved on · it cannot be read from the
post 35• İn the note to this phrase, explaining its difficulties in reading the LIX date on
this coin, A.N. Zograph reported that reading the date of LIX as AIX (611) or LIX (614)
prevents the absence of reliable "staters" of Riskuporid VI over these years, since such
begin only from 615 b.e, No. Let's dwell on this statement in order to pay special attention to
the fact that reading the date on the coin A. N. Zograf was prevented by the lack of
reliable "staters" 611 or 614 b. But such coins with a clearly visible date AIX (611) are
now found in the Patray clade 1951 • '(Table İ, 6). When publishing the treasure, the
date on this coin was not read as 611 B.E., although it was noted that the coin of good
preservation and the letters AIX are visible, but as 621 B.E. * Spelling the date AIX
(611) was regarded by the epo as an example of distortion of the date on which instead
of kappa (K = 20) iota is cut (İ = 40), and the entire date was generally recognized for 3the
cutter error. The same 9
thing happened with two other coins from the Nepean treasure of 1962, on
the back of which the letters AIX * were placed. "İt is noted in the list of coins of the
treasure that the year AIX is visible to the coin," but, referring to previously published
materials * *, the coin still sees a distortion of the date, which makes it possible to date it
not 611, but 621 BC. e. " To prove the correctness of the interpretation of the clear date
AIX (611) as AKX (621), the method of comparing coins by stamps was applied, but, as
will be shown below, the decisive element in the PSD of coins was 10 the presence of a
common stamp of the front side again. The stamp of the front side of the AIX = No. 309
coin from the Patray treasure of 1951 (Table I,6) was compared with the stamp of the
front side of the coin from the Nepean treasure No. 501. The date on the back of the coin
from Kep (No. 501) is not visible *. " But this "undated" coin from Nep (No. 501) has
the same reverse side stamp with another coin from the Repa 45treasure, on which the
date of AKH (621) stands. The course of reasoning was simple: if the undated coin from
Kep No. 504 has the same backside stamp with the 621 coin, therefore, it was issued in
621 b. e. Further, if, as just established, an undated coin from Kep L No. 504

in 1B.V. Ken. Uk. Op., p. 344, No. 2.

32
İ.V. Oreshnikov. Catalogue.., p. 120, no. 790.
zz AI. Wroth. Uk. Op., p. 80, No. l, Table XVIII, 10.
34 • N. Zograf. Coins from the excavations of Tiritaki and Mirmekpya in 1932-1934 rr.
MIA, 4, 1941, p. 157, Fig. 1; page 172, No. 295. * s
İbid., p. 157 .
sv İbid., p. 157, note 1.
1 ~. V. Golenko. Second Patray Treasure, Table İX, No. 309. sv İbid.,
p. 230.
zİbid., 9p. 278, No. 309; K.V. Golenko. To some issues of chronology
coins of late Bosporus. BB, XXV, 1964, p. 182.
4o K, V. Golenko, N. İ. Sokolsky. Uk. Op., pp. 115, no. 499, 500. ., p. 79.
14 İbid

4 K.V. Golenko. The Second Patray Hoard..., p. 230. 4z K. V.

2

Golenko, N. İ. Sokolsky. Uk. Op., p. 79.

44 K.V. Golenko. To some questions of the chronology of late Bosporus coins, pp. 483, Nos. 7, 8,
Fig. 7, 8.
4 İbid., Fig. 8.
5

4
9
minted in 621, then a coin from Patray with the date AIX (611) minted in 621, because
both of them were minted with one stamp on the front side. Therefore, according to the
author, on the back of the coin from Patray No. 309 the date AIX (611) is cut
incorrectly, and therefore the coin dates from 621 b.e , * "
But why, in this case, on the same grounds, that is, on the basis of the similarity of
the stamps of the front sides of coins No. 309 and 501, do not date the coin from Kep
No. 501 611, because the AIX date is clearly distinguishable on the coin from Patray
No. 309? This cannot be done, since the stamps of the reverse sides of these coins are
different. Therefore, we have to assume that the date on coin No. 309 (AIX) remains
unchanged and determines the time of the first issue of the "staters" of Riskuporid VI -
641 b.b. e. (314 AD). So, three copies of coins with the date AIX are already known
(Patray 1951., J No. 309; Neps 1962, No. 499, 500).
İn addition to these well-executed coins of 611, there are coarse minted degraded
"staters" made of copper with careless inscriptions. They are considered barbaric
imitations. " But perhaps one should still include in them the issues of regular
Bosporan minting, as suggested by the Czech numismatist E. Pokhitonov. " A similar
phenomenon, that is, issues in the second half of the İİ century. n. e. de graded samples
of Chersonesos coins, V. A. Anokhin also considers the products of the city mint. " His
conclusions are based on the fact of finds of "barbaric imitations" together with other
good Chersonesian coins during excavations of the city and its necropolis. " On
Bosporus, the same pattern is observed. "Barbarian imitations > are found in treasures
of Late Bosporus coins and in archaeological layers of the studied Bosporus cities. As
for the degraded Bosporian < < staters > > with (> letters of LIX, due to the fact that
coins with the date AIX are minted with a common stamp on the front side with coins
621, 624 b. e., they were dated 621 b. e., seeing in the date LIX the searched
"unintended" style of the year '. With regard to the insolvency of dating "staters,"
based only on the similarity of the stamps of the front sides, with completely different
dates standing on their working sides, there is no need to speak. İt is necessary to reject
the assumptions about the inconceivability of the LIX year, since we now have
reliable AIX (611) coins. Therefore, you can see in the LIX date the spelling of the
letters AIX, especially since a similar form of alpha has been known in Bosporus for a
long time. For example, on the coins of Savromat 11 (GIM, 498), Riskuporida 111
(Paris, National Library, No. 270). On Fofors coins issued in 601 b. e., there is an AH
date (GIM, 5433, weight 7.96 g; Table İ, 8). İn the second Patray clade, four "staters"
of Fofors with a date of AH were found, and when dating 601 b. e. this alpha spelling
was not in doubt "
İn addition to coins of 611, there are "staters" with the name of Riskuporid, issued
in 612 b. e. Staters 612 b. e. found in the Tiritak clade of 1946 (2 copies) 5 and in the
3
Theodosian clade (1 copy) *. " Since the copy proclaiming the pz of the Theodosian
treasure is very good preservation, which was noted when the treasure was published,
"there can hardly be doubts

in İbid., p. 182.
and A.N. Zograf. Coins from the excavations of Tiritaki and Mprmekiya, p. 157, Fig. 1. in 4E.
Pochitonov. Nekolik poznamek k posloupnosti poslednich bosporskych kralй.
Numismaticky Sbornik, VII. Praha, 1962, стр. 37-39.
9 V. A. Anokhin. The Soviet case of Chersonesos 1-III centuries. n e. NE, İV, 1963, p. 53. so
İbid.
1 K, V. Golenko. About unusual coins Riskuporida V.İ. KSIA Academy of Sciences of the
Ukrainian SSR, 6, 1956,
p. 58; his. N some questions..., p. 181.
52
He is. The second Patray treasure..., p. 257, No. 112-114, Table. IV. 112 s3 D, P,
Harko. Tiritak coin treasure..., p. 84, no. 49, 50.
$% D, B. Shelov, Theodosia treasure..., p. 135, L No. 38 .

ss İbid.
50
in the correctness of its dating 612. But at one time this definition was not accepted on
the basis that the publishers of the Tiritak and Theodosian treasures were mistaken
when reading the sign of units in the designation of the year. " Meanwhile, similar coins
of Riskuporid with the date BIX (612) were found during archaeological work in
Fanagoria. " Four copies of "staters" 613 b. e. different stamps with the name of
Riskuporid were known to A.V. Oreshnikov ®. One copy was among the coins of the
Theodosian treasure "and one" stater "of 613 was found in Fanagoria." But the minting
of coins by Riskuporid VI in 613 b. e. is also refuted on the basis of the similarity of the
faces of the "staters" 613 and 616-617. and a possible shift in the stamps of the working
sides on coins 612-613. b. e. No. Judging by the fact that in the "Uvarov Catalog" A. V.
Oreshnikov also published the "stater" of Risiuporid VI with the date ZIX (617), "we
have to assume that they still differed between coins with the letters GIX and ZIX. As
for the statement that coins 612 and 613. b. e. "minted with a common face stamp with
coins 616 and 647," "then it does not rely on any actual data and is not documented and
cannot be confirmed. This becomes clear from the very course of reasoning: "Viewing
the coins of the Tiritak treasure, as well as those in the collection of the State Historical
Museum (where the copies described by A.V. Oreshnikov are stored) and the State
Hermitage Museum convinced us that, with one exception, all coins belonging to 612
and 613 were minted in reality in 616 and 617. İn this you can make sure when
comparing them with coins of 616 and 617, among which copies minted with a
common stamp of the front side "" will definitely be found. İf we talk separately about
the "staters" of 612 and 613, then you need to indicate, that there are indeed two
specimens of "staters" of 612 in the Tiritak clade and possibly, that they share a face
stamp with some "staters" 616-617. But from this fact one cannot conclude that, that
they were minted in 616- 617, because only the similarity of the working parties on
which the years of the Bosporus era are marked should be crucial in dating coins. On the
reverse sides of the coins of the Tiritak treasure are the dates BIX and 8IX "
Let's turn now to the "staters" of Riskuporid 613. They are mentioned in the < <
Uvarov Catalog > >, but their weight is not indicated and they are not reproduced
phototypically. İt is impossible to find them among the "staters" of Riskuporid VI stored
in the GIM. İn addition, it is not known whether these "staters" entered the Historical
Museum at all. Currently, there are no "staters" of Riskuporid 613 b. e. There are none
in the Tiritak treasure, and the Theodosian treasure was not listed among those viewed,
as was the "stater" of 613 from excavations in Phanagoria. Meanwhile, about the
"stater" of 613 from Fanagoria it is said that op is good preservation. " This
circumstance allows us to assume the correctness of its definition and leave behind the
"staters" with the letters GIX (613) their release date - 613 b e.
"Staters" of Riskuporid 614 b. e. unknown. But starting in 615 b. e. before 627, the
"staters" of Riskuporid VI form continuous series "." Ta-

56K.V. Golenko. To some questions.., p. 109.

B. Shelov. Coin finds in Fanaroria in 1947-1957 rr. NE, İII, 1962, p. 118,
"D7.
№ 1117.
5v İ.V. Oreshnikov. Catalogue.., p. 120, @ 791-794.
5 L. 9
B.
Shelov. Theodosian treasure..., p. 135, No. 39.
$ Oh He. Coin finds in Fanagoria in 1947-1957, p. 116, No. 1062. in K, V. Golenko. To some
1

questions..., p. 110.
62
A.V. Oreshnikov. Catalogue..., p. 120, no. 797.
vz K V. Golenko. To some questions..., pp. 109, 140. v4 İbid., p.
140.
in • D.P. Harko. Uk. Op., pp. 76, no. 49, 50 .
vv D. B. Shelov. Finds of coins in Fanaroria..., p. 116, No. 1062. in A.N1.
Zograph. Uk. Op., p. 212.
5

1
thus, the joint rule of Radamsad and Riskuporid VI is also confirmed by numismatic
data. A.N. Zograph considered it possible to talk about the division of power over
Bosporus between Radamsad and Riskuporid VI for 615 and 616. b. e. ° "L. P. Harko
and D. B. Shelov increased this period to five years (612-:616), 69but the "staters" of
Radamsad and Riskuporid, issued in 611, 612, 613, 615 616 and 619, suggest that their
joint rule on Bosporus was in 611-616 and 619 b e. (314-319 and 322 rg. aD.).
However, minting them has not been equally intense in all years. Since 616 b.a.
Radamsad's "stater" issues are decreasing. İf from 615 there are 17 copies in the
collection of GIM coins of Radamsad, and Riskuporid 615 there are three copies, then
the "staters" of Radamsad 616 are only six copies, while the "staters" of Riskuporid VI
616 are 19 copies. From 617 b. e. there are no reliable "staters" of Radamsad, except
for one copy known from the literature of "a" staters "of Riskuporid 617 in the
collection of GIM 43 copies. From 618 b. e. "staters" of Riskuporid VI 36 copies
(GIM), "staters" of Radamsad 618, apparently were not minted. 619 b.a. (322 AD) the
last year of joint rule on Bosporus Radamsad and Riskuporid V.İ. Therefore, 620 b.a.
(323 AD) the first year of the sole reign of Riskuporid V.İ. A. N. Zograph believed that
the minting of Riskuporid continued without interruptions until 629 b e. This year's
"Stater" was in the GE collection. " İn the GIM collection there is one copy of the
"stater" of 630 b. E. (GIM, 5844, weight 8.47 g), one akzemplar 631 b.a. (GIM, 6068;
weight 7.41 g). No 632 coins were found .
There is an opinion that the minting of coins by Riskuporid VI ends in 633 b. a.7 But
2
since the end of the last century, the "staters" of Riskuporid VI with the dates NLH
(638 BC) and ~ LH (639 BC) have been known. One coin 638 b. e. was published by
A. M. Podshivalov. " Two copies of 638 are kept in the collection of the Historical
Museum (GIM, 5771-5772, weight 7.90; 7.65 g; Tables 1, 9, 10). One "stater" of this
year comes from the Tiritak treasure of 1946. Describing it, L. P. Harko reads the date
as 628 b.b. e. "* Seven copies of" staters "with the letters NLH (638) were found in
the Kep treasure of 1962: 75İn addition to these coins, another copy with the date NLH
comes from a treasure found in the Anapa region" (weight 7, 7 g). The author notes that
the date of NLH is clearly visible, but, referring to previous dates, 'refers to 648.
"Stater" with the name of Riskuporid and the letters ~ LX (639) on the back was
first published by A. V. Oreshnikov. " Stored in the Historical Museum, No. 5770,
weight 7.08 g (Table 1, 11). Another "stater" with the date of ~ LH was found in the
Tiritak treasure. When publishing it, L.P. Harko considered it necessary to note that
the newly found copy with the date ≤ LX

bv İbid., p. 242.
69
İ, P. Harko. Uk. Op., p. 81; D. B. Shelov. Theodosius treasure..., p. 139.
10
A. M. Podshivalov. Moscow Public and Rumyantsev Museums, p. 47. No. 303: P.P. Sabatier.
Kerch and Bospor. St. Petersburg, 1851, p. 85 (indicates three copies with a date of 617 from the
Kerch Museum, but it is impossible to verify the correctness of its information).
1 A.N. Zograph. Uk. Op., p. 212.
1

1 K.V. Golenko, N.İ. Sokolsky. Uk. Op., p. 81.

2

Beschreibung der unedirten und wenig bekannten Miinzen von Sarmatia Europaea,
31 И. М. Podschiwalov.

Chersonesus Taurica und Bosporus Cimmerius. M., 1882, p. 24, No. 79, Table 11, 43.
1
4 D, P. Harko. Uk. Op., p. 77, J No. 495 .
1s K, V. Golenko, N, İ, Sokolsky Uk. Op., pp. 79, No. 318-324, Table VIII, No. 348,
319, 324.
1b A. İ, Salov. Treasure of the 111-IV centuries from the Shum River (Anapa District). CA,
1975, 3.77 K.V. Golenko, N.İ. Sokolsky. Uk. Op., Table VIII, 324.
18
A.V. Oreshnikov. Coins of Hersoves of Taurida, kings of Bosporus of Cimmeria and Polemov
İİ of Ponta, NS, 11. M., 1913, p. 47, Tables 1, 13.
52
 undoubtedly minted by the same pair of stamps as the copy published by A.V.
Oreshnikov 79• A.N. Zograf, the coins described above with the dates NLH and ~ LH
were known only from literature. Believing that the last issue of pa Bospore coins was
represented by "staters" of 629 b. e., he believed that "staters" equipped with dates 631,
638, 639 represent incorrect readings, since the letters L and K are very easy to mix,
"But already in: 1960 it became known about several copies of" staters "with the date G
LH (633)." Prior to the discovery of the Kep treasure of 1962, the dates on these
"staters" assumed a distorted spelling of the letter standing in place of the tens sign, by
analogy with the NLH and ~ LH coins, and they dated back to 623 b. e.8 2The question of
dating these "staters" remained open even after the publication of the Patray treasure in
1961. The date on three copies of the "staters" from the Patray treasure was called into
question by G AH (633?), b. e. "°. because "staters" with a date of 633 (< FULLY replay -
one of the types of coins from 623 b. e.. " But a little later they all began to date back to
633 b. e., "since among all the staters of issue 623 of Riskuporid VI there was not a
single stamp on the front side, which would be identical to the stamps on the front sides
of staters with the letters HAX (633)." Therefore, the "stater" with the date of the HLH
from the excavations of Panticapaeus "" and the coin from the Kep treasure of 1962
finally received the correct definition of -633 b.b. e .
Thus, 633 b. e. (336 AD) began to be considered the last year of minting Riskuporid
VI. 87The fact that Riskuporid ruled after 630 AD is also confirmed by the inscription
KBN, 1112, where the event being presented (construction of a defensive wall) occurs
in 632 AD. -8 8Having established that the correctness of the presence of the letter L = 30
in dates on the reverse sides of the "staters" of Riskuporid VI has already been
recognized by researchers, let's return to the "staters" with the letters NLX and ~ LX.
Based on the statement of A. N. Zograf, who at that time did not know about the
existence of "staters" in 633 b. e. and who believed that a lambda was carved instead of
a kappa on "staters" with the date of NLH and ~ LX, in the dates of these "staters " they
still see only meaningless combinations of signs 8 and 9still date 618 and 619 b. e. *
The pretext for such dating was the seeming presence of common stamps of the faces
among coins with dates 618 and 619. b. e, "This issue should be addressed especially,
since its correct solution is extremely important for the history of Bosporus coinage.
So, to prove that "staters" with dates NLX (638) and ~ LX (639) were issued in 618 and
619, five coins are given (Tables 11, 1-5), which are presented in the above table .
The course of the evidence is as follows: "Consideration of the faces of coins (Figures
16, 1, 3, 5) convinces that they were minted in common stamps with coins published in
Figures 16, 2, 4, and one reverse stamp

19 D.P., Harko. Uk. Op., Art. 84, No. 48. 8O

A.N. Zograf. Uk. Op., p. 212.
in 1K.V. Golenko, N, İ. Sokolsky, Uk. Op., p. 125, No. 739, indicating litera-
tours in which "staters" with a date of 633 b. e.
in 2K.V. Golenko. Hoard of coins found in 1951 r. in Patrae. SA, 1957, 2, p. 202. Ve He. The
Second Patray Treasure, p. 231, Table İ, approx. 1; p. 288, no. 395-397. v4 İbid., p. 235.
in 5K V. Golenko. To the chronology of the final coin issues, pp. 336-338.
v0 K.V. Golenko, D.V. Shelov. Coins from the Panticapaeum excavations 1945-1961 .
NiSf, İ. Kyiv, 1963, p. 12, approx. 50; page 58, No. 673. Tue
İbid., p. 22.
Vv F. Gaidukevich. Bosporus Kingdom, M.-L., 1949, p. 464. in No. K.V.
Golenko. To some questions..., p. 182 .
9
about K.V. Golenko, N.İ. Sokolsky, Uk, Op., p. 79.
91
K.V. Golenko. To the chronology of Bospor's final coin issues, p. 336.

53
 Stamp _*

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the article
by by
whom, N.V. Golenko®,
where, 66,
when, the
Figure
for front
16,
what sides
purpose
1 of coins
these No. 1,
crudely 3, 5 are
executed minted by
"staters"
2 two Two-tooth 0IX
front side (er. KSIIMK,
Table İİ, 1, 3,Front
were minted, why they are found in the treasures of Bosporus coins and in athe
different stamps of the 5). On one party
stamp, it
the trim ec-
is
wreath (No. 4), and 619other
on the GB e.(No. 66, rps. 46,is zemplyara
2 a trident. belongs to "sta-
archaeological layers of the Bosporus3-5) cities under study, Equally,
teru "- No.until 3then,coins No. 2,
apparently,
(KSIIMK,
4 are
66, they
minted
must be with differentasstamps
considered of the front
coins issued at thesides (er. Table
Bosporus Mint. II, 2, 4). As for the supposed
Figure 16, 3), on: on which date the
Otherwise, how to explain
one backsideofstamp
appearance for all
imitation offive
the copies
"stater"ofofthe "staters"
Fofors withinnlh,
question,
the it is here,
letters & PFtoo,
stored = =inthis pe
582gim g. B. e.
statement
(Table 1, can1be confirmed,
), if Fofors isbecause there are
not believed three ruled
to have different
.№ 5771
in 582dates b. on
e.?their reverse
İnIT the treasures,
3 sidesTrident
(er. 583
TablesBranch
İİ, but , 5)618
1, 2lime and two trim: No. KSIIM,
1- sinceFront
the end of party the last century, ec-
"staters" b. e., 66, Figure 16, 3 zemplyara belongs to "one the
everyone has seen the letters NLH on the coin, counting teruonly
"No.the 2placement(GIM, of5572)
lambda for the carver's error, and the branch. No. 2 - the letters ~ IX (619),
KSIIMK, 66, Fig.double-
16, 2; on
toothed, are clearly visible. No. 3 - it is assumed that the letters HIX back (618)dateandofaNLXbranch
are on)}the coin. No. 4- clearly visible ~ IX, double-toothed. No. 5 a- pe theHIX,
dateasofclaimed
the İX ~
4 Two-toothA.V.
is assumed, although ~ 1X 619 he read
Oreshni: KSiimk,
~ LH, A.N. Second
ZografPatray
and L.P. Harko kla - ~ KH,
66, Figure 16. 4 1951,. No. 188, GIM
5 and a double-toothed.
»
))
~ 1X 619 RSIIMR, A.V. Oremvi: Kov, NS, 11, 1913 ,
Based on the above data, it cannot be argued
66, Figure 16.5 that allp.five 47,coinsTabwere 1, minted
13, with a
gim.
single backside stamp and were therefore issued in 619 b. e. First, it is necessary to
5770
indicate that on the table intended for before: evidence of minting coins No. 1, 3, 5 with
the same face stamp as "staters" No. 2, 4, the faces of coins No. 2 and 3 are simply
confused. İf you return them to their previous appearance (Table İİİ, 1-5) and
compare them again, it turns out that No. 1 (wreath - branch, NLH) was minted with
one pair of stamps with coin No. 3 (wreath - branch, NLH, and not N İX, as expected).
The reverse sides of these coins are similar to the smallest details, which allows us to
talk about a single stamp of the reverse side. This allows us to assume that the date
NLX (638) is on coin No. 3. Further, "staters" No. 1, 3 (wreath - branch, NLH) cannot
be compared with "staters" No. 2, 4 (trident - double-toothed, ~ IX), since coins are
minted in two different pairs of stamps. İt is clear from this that coins with the date of
NLH pican cannot be dated to either 618 or 619, as has been proposed. " There is still a
coin 5 (trident - double-toothed, ~ LX). İts front side is indeed minted with a common
stamp with coin No. 4 (trident - double-toothed, ~ İX). But from this fact, it cannot be
concluded that the reverse side of coin No. 5 should have an ~ date of IX (619).
Moreover, A.N. Zograph saw in the letter standing in place of dozens, a kappa (K = 20),
because he did not know the coins issued after 630 b. e. After him, L.P. Harko dated
coins with a ~ date .\H. found in the Tiritak clade, 629. But neither A. N. Zograph nor
L. P. Harko saw the date of ~ IX on it, although the "staters" of 619 were known to
them. Knowing reliable coins, the date of which contains letters .\= 30, we can consider
them issued in 639 b. e. Unfortunately, the copy published by A.V. Oreshnikov and
stored in the GIM is of poor preservation. The "stater" of the Tirptak Hoard is one pair
of stamps, so until other specimens with a clearly distinguishable date are found, they
cannot be used to address such an important issue as the question of the end of the
Bosporus coinage.
Bearing in mind a sufficient number of coins with a date of 638 BC. e., originating
from treasures (9 copies) and stored in GIM (2 copies), it follows

92
He is. On some issues..., pp. 112, 413. hİbid., 9Fig. 16,
1-5.
9
4 İbid.

54
 d

but already several copies of 582 b. e. 9R İt may be more correct on the basis of these
"staters," considered "barbaric imitations," to date the beginning of the reign of Fofors
582 b.:: >., if it is impossible to answer who the barbarians who were so good were: ~ fell
everything that happened on Bosporus, which was ahead of the Bosporus events .
So, knowing about the existence of reliable "staters" of Radamsad 616 p. 619 b. e.,
should be considered the end of the reign of Radamsad pa Bospore 619 b. e. (322 AD).
Given the "staters" of Riskuporid VI 611, 612, 613 b. e., found in the Patray clade of
1951, in the Tiritak and Theodosia clades, as well as during the excavations of the
capital Bos, the time of Panticapaeus, one has to recognize 611 b. e. (314 AD) the first
year of joint rule on Bosporus Radamsad and Riskuporid VI. The fact of the raedelepin
of the power of pa Bospore between Radamsad and Riskuporid, attested by the
inscription: KBN, 66, found on the Tamans Peninsula, sub -

95
L.P. Harko. The Tiritak coin treasure of 1946 dates back to 629 BC. e., since it has two coins
with the date of ~ LX (639 r. b. e.),: which were assigned to 629 r. b. e .
• in K.V. Golenko, N, İ. Sokolsky. Uk. Op .
97
A.İ. Salo v. Treasure of the 111-IV centuries from the Shum River (Anapa District). CA, 1975, 3.
98
K.V. Golenko. On the nature of the issue of some Fofors coins. MAPP, İssue 2.
Odessa, 1959, p. 187 el., Table XXXII, 1, 2.
is thus hardened by the "staters" of both kings, issued at Bosporus during 611-613, 615-
616 and 619. b. e.
The end of the minting of "staters" by Riskuporid VI, determined by 633 b. e.,
suggests the possibility of considering that there is no accidental replacement of the
letter K (= 20) with the letter A (= 30) in the stamps of the reverse sides of the "staters"
of Riskuporid VI with dates NLC and ~ LX. The good preservation of the "staters" with
the dates of NLH (638 b. e.), found in the Tiritak, NKepsky and Anapa clades, confirms
the infallibility of the spelling of the date - 638 b. e. (341 AD) - and allows us to
attribute the issue of the last monetary issues of pa Bospore to 638 b. e. (341 AD). But
if "staters" of good preservation with the date E > LX (639) are found, then we will
have to consider 342 AD as the last year of production of Bosporus "staters," no matter
how the stamps of the faces of the previous years of coinage they were minted, since
only the dates of the Bosporus era, set on the reverse sides of the "staters," are of
decisive importance in their attribution .

N. А. Frolova

SUR L'EPOQUE DU REGNE DES ROIS DU BOSPORE RADAMSES ЕТ

RHESCUPORIS VI
R No. S it e
Radamses et Rhescuporis sont les derniers rois du Bospore dont fassent mention
des ,inscriptions du IVe s. de p. Ere (KBN, 65, 66, 1112). La chronologie de leurs regoes пе peut etre
ёtablie que grace а la numismatique. Selon certains, Radamses а regne au Bospore de 606 а 615 de
l'ere bosporienne (309-318 de notre ere); et Rhescuporis VI serait monte sur le trбne а la fin de 615. -
Ceci refute un regne commun de Radamses et Rhescuporis VI, atteste par l'inscription КВN, 66. -
Cependant, les stateres de Radamses de 616 (ere bosp.), conserves dans les collections de l'Ermitage
et du Musee d'Histoire а Moscou, et qui ont ete trouves dans les tresors de Taraktach et de Tiritaka,
ainsi que les stateres de Radamses portant la date de ~IX (619 de l'ее bosph.), qui se trouvent dans les
collections du Musee Britannique, du Musee de Copenhague, du Musee d'Histoire а Moscou; enfin,
le statere provenant du tresor de Taraktach, permettent de croire que Radamses а battu monnaie de
606 а 619 de l'ere bosph. (309-322 de p.). Оп connait aussi des stateres de Rhescuporis des annees
suivantes: portant la date AIX (611), provenant du tresor de Patrei (1951) et de celui de Керу (1962);
les stateres de 612 (ё. bosp.) des tresors de Tiritaka, de Feodosia et de Phanagoria. De 615 а 629 de
l'ere bqsphorienne, les stateres de Rhescuporis sont frappes reguli@rement. Ainsi, la division du
pouvoir аи Bospore entre Radamses et Rhescuporis VI, en 611-613, 615-616 et 619 de l'ere bosp., est
confirmee par la umismatique. L'appøe 633 à yote yotablie sotte celle de la fin du regne de
Rhescuporis VI. Mais il existe des stateres portant la date de NH (ai Musee d'Histoire, provenant des
tresors de Tiritaka, de Keru (1962), et d'Apara) et de ~ X (ai Musee d'Histoire, tresor de Tiritaka) А.
N. Zograf et L. Р. Kharko, qui ignoraient а се moment la presence dans ces tresors de monnaies de
633, ont date ces stateres de 628 et 629 de l'@. bosp., estimant que la lettre lambda inscrite (=30)
etait erronee. Mais сотme le regne de Rhescuporis VI apres 630 est atteste par l'inscription КВN,
112, ainsi que par les stateres de 633 de I'ё. b., il faut considerer exactes les dates НХ portees sur les
stateres, et faire dater de 638 (ё. b.) (341 de п.ё.) la fin de la frappe bosporienne, jusqu'а се qu'оп ait
trouve des stateres de 639 de l'@re bosporienne (342 de п. ё.) еп bon etat de conservation.
 M. B. PSHCHUKIN

ON SOME PROBLEMS OF CHERNYAKHOV CULTURE OF 11 SLAVS

ORIGIN
(regarding articles by E. A. Rickman, İ. S. Vinokur, V. V.
Sedov and İ. Werner )

The happy combination of circumstances or the plan of the editorial board of Soviet
Archeology brought together four articles in the fourth issue of the magazine for 1972,
closely joining each other in the circle of problems and issues raised in them. " And this
turned out to be certainly a very interesting and fruitful undertaking of the journal, since
the comparison of objective data cited in these works, as well as the positions and
individual positions of the authors reflecting the modern level of research, causes a
certain reaction of the reader, wakes up his thought and, possibly, will serve for a long
time as an incentive for new research in the field of Slavic-Chernyakhov problems. İn
particular, they prompted the author of the present lines to express some considerations .
Since the position of Chernyakhov culture is by no means indifferent to the more
fundamental issue of the origin of the Slavs, first we turn to the consideration of this
culture in its coverage by these authors .
E. A. Rickman's article deals essentially with a somewhat broader range of issues
than it is defined in the title. İf the title refers to dates of imported things, then in the
second section of the article - already about dates of monuments of Chernyakhov
culture. Having considered the chronology of amphorae, glass vessels, fibules and a
number of other categories of things, the author comes to the conclusion that there are
some data that allow us to talk about the İİ C.E. as the initial date of this culture.
İ think that for a sufficiently strict proof of the existence of culture, say, in the İİ
century. we must have closed complexes with things of the İİ century. n e., moreover,
for absolutely correct proof, these things should appear in combination with each other -
fibules İİ century. with weapons İİ century, crests İİ century. with imports İİ century, etc.
İf we find things that existed throughout, say, the second half of the İİ and the beginning
of the 111th century, in combination with the same 111th century or even objects that
existed throughout the İİ century, with things characteristic of the turn of the İİ-
İII centuries and the beginning of the İII century, then the time of the complexes
where they are combined is determined by the period: m of their coexistence. The entire
period of existence of certain categories of material, especially if these are things of an
international nature, with a wide range, cannot be transferred to the culture as a whole
without additional argumentation. İt is important in what combinations, in which
complexes they appear within the culture. This principle is sufficient -

'E. A. Rickman. The question of dating imported things in the monuments of the tribes of the
Chernyakhov culture of the Dniester-Prut interfluve; İ. Werner. To the origin and distribution of ants
and sclavens; V.V. Sedov. Formation of the Slavic population of the Middle Subformation; İ. S.
Vinokur. Forest-steppe tribes of the 11-V centuries N.E. And their role in the history of Southeast
Europe. SA, 1972, 4.
5

7
but it is widely known, and when it is violated, we get what in the natural sciences is
called insufficient purity of the experiment. "Pure experiment" is not always possible
for any culture, but then our conclusions are not so reliable. The desire for purity and
correctness is a requirement of any science, even one: which is inaccurate ii, like
archeology.
"Some small opportunities for the recognition of İİ in. The initial stage of the
existence of Chernyakhovs: which culture gives the study of fibules," writes E. A.
Rickman '. However, not a single complex with İİ fibules is given. A bicenter ray
fibula with an expanded leg was found in Budeshty pa settlement outside the complex '.
A.N. Ambroz indicates for such fibules a wide date of the 11- İII centuries *, however,
behind: covered: complexes, the second half of the first İ-İ İ İ centuries is mainly
confirmed, and: comple: xes İII century. much more.
İn the Chernorechensky burial ground, a similar fibula was found with a coin of
238-244 *, in Panticapaeum in tomb 3 - with a coin of 268 6, in Tirita: ke in grave 19 -
with a coin of 262 r.7 And only one earlier complex is the burial of 16 Cherporschensky
burial ground with a slot with enamel brooches and a coin of 161-180. 8The finds of
onion fibules are also known in other dated complexes of the İII century. (Kotovo *,
Nalinovka. " Gophers "Bogodar"). Finally, in the immediate vicinity of Budest, in the
Dniester-Danube interfluve, they are also found in the complexes of the İII century. 13
As for the fibules with a high needle holder and fibules with decorative rifled rings
(Hoochie and Hanska-Luteriya), 14they represent not the earliest versions of the two
mutually crossing groups of fibules of northern origin. Their genesis, however, is not
entirely clear, but the daters: the ki are sufficiently determined. They appear not earlier
than step C, (150-260), are particularly well represented in C, (260-315) and in C, (315-
350) and are completely absent in step B, (70-170). They are uncharacteristic even for
the transitional stage B ,/C, (150-200), although separate finds for C, are known. "Such
a chronology is not new to them - A. K Ambrose dated these groups, too, starting from
the İII century. * Thus, on the basis of these fibules, we can only talk about the
end of the İİ century and not about an earlier time. The same fibul groups include finds
from Budest and Mangonesta - Vasilika, the so-called "Monstruoso." They could even
represent earlier variants than the fibules from Huchi and the long spring of the fibula
from Hansk-Luterii, and relate to the C period, but they are also found outside the
complexes "

E. A. Rickman. Uk. Op., p. 97.

z E. A. Rickman. Monument of the era of the great migration of peoples. Chisinau, 1967, p. 31,
"At Dwelling 6," p. 11, Fig. 37, 1.
6
A.K. Ambrohe. Fibules of the south of the European part of the USSR. SAİ, 1966, issue D 1-30,
pp. 52, 53.
• V.P. Babenchikov. Chernorechensky burial ground. AP of the Ukrainian SSR, 1963, XİII, pp. 97-
100.6 KLA for 1864 r., p. 90, Fig. 153.
1
V.F. Gaidukevich. Necropolises of some Bosporus cities (based on excavations from the 1930s).
MIA, 1959, 69, p. 223, Fig. 95, 3.
8
V.P. Babenchikov. Uk. Op., pp. 102, 103.
9
İ.P. Verkhin. About three finds of the Late Sarmatian time in the Lower Volga region .
AS6GE, 1961, 2.
10
V.P. Shilov. Nalinovsky burial mound. MIA, 1959, 60, Fig. 62, 3. P.S. 11Rykov. Suslovsky
burial mound. Saratov, 1925, Fig. 22.
2 N, N, Gushchina. Monument of Late Sarmatian culture in Podnenrovye (according to
background
GIM ladies). Tr. GIM, 40, 1966, pp. 74-79. 1h 4.
C. Ambrose. Uk. Op., p. 53.
1
4 E. A. Rickman, The Question of Dating..., p. 97, fig. 7, 14, 18.
s К, Godtowski. The Chronology of the Late Roman and Early Migration Periods in Central
Europe. Krakбw, 1970, PI. 11, 2-3; V, 7; VII, 4, 5; XI, 1-5; XX, 1. 2. 10; 111, 22- 28; VI, 29; XI, 31;
XV, 6; Fig. 18, 19.
1
in A.K. Ambrose. Uk. Op., pp. 85-90.
1
1 E; A. Rickman, Monument..., Fig. 37, 4; N. Morosan. О filula particulara germanica dш ероса
emperialo-romana gasita in Basarabia. Chisinau, 1935, р. 6; A.K. Ambrohe. Uk. Op., pp. 73, 74; Н. J.
Eggers. Zur Absoluten Chronologie der romischen Kaiserzeit im
58
 All the mentioned fibules can really correspond to the early stage of development of
the Chernyakhov culture, the period of its formation, only this stage falls not on the İİ
century as a whole, but at the end of the İİ - the first half of the İII century, at a time
when some other products characteristic of this culture begin to exist.
A much more powerful argument in favor of the İİ century. are the data cited by E.
A. Rickman on the finds of amphora fragments of the "Baltsata group" in the
settlements of the Dniester-Prut interfluve. " These amphorae have already received the
name "Naples" in the literature, just as the amphorae of the "Olonesti group" are
conditionally called "Tanais" * We will use this terminology .
The chronology of the "Naples" amphorae is established quite reliably by two
closed complexes in Mirmekia *, " the burial of the İİ century in Pervomaisky *," as well
as the burial of 246 in the Testament "° and does not raise any objections. However, the
dating of the complex in Naples by Scythian * ° and the findings in Tanapss 2 1make it
possible to extend this date to the beginning of the İII century. N.E., that is, these
amphorae are partially synchronous and the fibulae considered above .
But the main period of the existence of the "Naples" amphorae falls on the middle or
second half of the İİ century, and it would seem that the existence of Chernyakhov
culture at this time could be considered proven. However, it is difficult to resist a
number of perplexing questions. İf the Chernyakhov culture had already taken shape by
the middle of the İİ century. N., THEN why only one category appears from the entire set of
dating things - amphorae. Why do we find glass vessels of the appropriate time, because
glass is widely represented in Chernyakhov culture? Why there are no fibules of the İİ
century, types that are very widespread, such as ka ~ ocular fibules of the "Prussian"
version, fibules of the V group Almgren, enamel round and diamond-shaped brooches,
tube-shaped fibules strongly profiled with a rib on the temple, etc. The time of interest to
us is, according to the modern European system of chronology, stage B, (70-170). Why
in the composition of Chernyakhov complexes there is no single find diagnosing 2this stage?
Why 5
among the crests of the Chernyakhov culture there is not a single layer characteristic
of this stage, but only later three-layer ones are presented? Why do they find ports of
this time in Sarmatian monuments and they are not in Chernyakhovsky2 of the 6same
territory? Why does the entire set of dating things belong to the next stages of
development? For the 111-,IV centuries, and mainly for stages C, C, and D, we really
have a formation of junctions. İt would be easy to demonstrate this, and this is quite
evident from the article by E. A. Rickman .

freien Germanien «Jahrbuch des R6misch-Germanischen Zentralmuseum Mainz», 2. Jhg., 1955, Abb.
3, 46.
in E. A. Rickman. Dating questions..., pp. 88, 89.
1
No. D. B. Shelov. Tanais and the Lower Don in the first centuries AD M., 1972, p. 117; M.V. Shchukin.
İssues of chronology of Chernyakhov culture İİ amphora finds. SA , 1968, 2.
20
V, F. Gaidukevich. Excavations of Mirmekiy in 1935-1938 MIA, 1952, 25, p. 70, Fig. 64 (with
coins from Riskuporid 11 (68-92) to Yevpator (154-170)); V.F. Gaidukevich. Ceramic complex of the İİ
century C.E. from Mirmekiy. KSIA AN USSR, 1963, 95, Fig. 8, p. 25 (with Savromat coin 1 (93-
123)).
21
E. A. Rickman, K. G. Hynku. Burial of the İİ century AD at the village. Pervomaisk. İn Sat.
"Drev-
the Slavs and their neighbors. " M., 1970, pp. 35-38 .
22
Funds of the Bakhchisarai Historical and Archaeological Museum.
2
% A.N. Karasev. Excavations of Naples Scythian. KSIIM ~, 1951, XXXVII, Fig. 556. 4 D, B,

Shelov. Uk. Op., p. 417 .

2
s К, Godtowski. Ohr. cit., Pl. 1; V, 1-20; VI, 1-28; X; XVIII, 1-26: Т. Liana. Chronologia
wzgledna kultury przeworskiej we wczesnym okresie rzymskim. WA, t. XXXV, 2. 4, 4974, TaY. V.
2
in V. Kropotkin. Roman imported products in Eastern Europe. SAİ, D1- 27, M., 1970, No. 819,
p. 95; Nos. 840 and 850; p. 97,. No. 851; p. 98; M.V. Shchukin. Sarmatian monuments of the Middle
Dnieper region and their ratio with Zarubinets culture. AS6GE, 14, 1972, pp. 46, 47.
5

9
İt turns out that for almost 100 years Chernyakhovtsy lived without a single fibula,
without a single crest, without a single glass and bronze vessel, without jewelry and
buckles. At all the largest burial grounds of the Chernyakhov culture, they have not yet
performed burials. So can we say that in the 11th century. their culture has already
formed? İs it possible to transfer the entire complex of Chernyakhov culture to the İİ
century. based on only one category of finds? Embarrassing and another moment. İn
Moldova, according to E. A. Rikman, there are absolutely no other territories of
amphorae of the "İnkerman" type that are most common in Chernyakhov culture, very
similar in shape and some details to the design of amphorae of the "Naples" * '
İf all fragments of "Naples" amphorae are determined correctly (it is often almost
impossible to visually distinguish the types of light-line narrow-throated amphorae from
individual fragments) and if there is confidence in the monolayer of all these
settlements, then in the hands of E. A. Rickman an interesting discovery, perhaps the
very string, pulling on which, will be able to somehow unravel the complex tangle of
interactions between various groups of the population of the Pruto-Dniester interfluve
and the entire Southeast Europe on the eve of the formation of such a complex
heterogeneous formation as Chernyakhov culture. After all, the very period of the
formation of Chernyakhov culture, which began, according to my observations,
somewhere in 70-80. 11th century and ended in 60-70. İII century, "and the previous
time is very poorly represented by monuments. The isolation of another group of
antiquities, especially if burial grounds corresponding to these settlements could be
found, would be a significant contribution to the problem under study. The simple
inclusion of them in the Chernyakhov culture seems to be too easy a solution to the
issue, deprives the opportunity to trace the course of the formation of this well-ltura
and ultimately can lead to a distortion of our ideas about the real course of historical
events, which, in my opinion, happened in an article by İ. S. Vinokur. This author does
not consider it necessary to prove the existence of Chernyakhov culture in the 11th
century. He simply refers to the opinion of V.V. Khvoyko, believing that his
argumentation is quite sufficient, although we will not find a special justification for
chronology in the works of the discoverer of Chernyakhov culture. Today, the accuracy
of dating 70 years ago within a century cannot already satisfy us. Archaeologists have
learned to operate for periods: 20-30 years. And therefore, when it says "İİ century or V
century) >, the question arises: what is it about İİ century or V century in general, about
its middle, end or beginning? For the reconstruction of the historical picture, this is by
no means the same thing. This question arises when reading an article by İ. S. Vinokur.
İf he means the end of İİ and the beginning of Vc. (i.e. in the end, it is not quite
possible to write it as İ 1-V centuries.), Then it is quite possible to agree with this,
realizing, however, that in this case both the period of formation of the culture and the
period of its decay are included here .
How important it is in this case to accurately establish the dating can be seen from
the following: in the middle of the İİ century. N e., at the turn of stages B, and C,, there
is a tendency for the movement of carriers of the Velbar-Tsetselsko culture * No.

2
1 M. B. Schukin. About amphorae of Chernyakhov culture. "Collection of reports at the IX and
X All-Union Archaeological Student Conferences." M., 1968, pp. 76-79; his. Questions of
chronology...
2
in M. B. Schukin. "European Sarmatia" and Chernyakhov culture ( chronological relations).
Autoref. cand. dis. L., 1971.
29 The term "Velbar-Tsetselsky culture" was recently proposed by R. Wolqgieicz. Zagadnienie
stylu wczosnorzymskiego w kulturze wielbarskiej. «Studia Archaeologica Pomeranica», 1974, S. 129-
152). İn his understanding, this late Roman version of the Velbar culture corresponds to the culture
of the East Morskomazovets K. Godlovsky (K. Godlowski. Ohr. cit., p. 34-41). The early Roman
version of the Velbar culture, the Velbar-Lyubovidtsky culture, corresponds to what was formerly
called the "Goto-Gepid" culture and was considered as a late variant of the Oksyva, sometimes with
the transfer of the last name. İt seems, term-
60
in a southeast direction. Early complexes of the burial ground of this culture Brest
Trishin * also date back to this time.
At the end of the İİ century. there is also a movement of Pshevor tribes in the
southern and southeastern direction 31• By the middle of the 111th century, according to
written data, Goths appear on the Black Sea coast and in Podunavye. Other Germanic
tribes also operate here - Heruls, Typhals, then Gepids. İf the movement of the
Pomeranian and Mazovian tribes corresponds to the movement of the Goths (it is not at
all necessary that the Goths own the burials of the Brest-Trishin burial ground; Velbar
culture is a rather complex, multicomponent formation, and others, including non-
German groups, were involved in the ready movement), then on Volshi and in Podolia
they had to face some local population. According to İ. S. Vinokur, carriers of the
formed Chernyakhov culture already lived there. However, the earliest
Chernyakhovsky monument, called by him the Ruzhichansky burial ground, begins to
function in his opinion, also at the end of the İİ century, "i.e. at the same time as this
movement, not before. İn order to prove that the movement of carriers of the Velbar-
Tsetsel culture of pe played no role in the formation of the Chernyakhov culture, it is
necessary to demonstrate the layer of Chernyakhov monuments of İİ in the middle and
first half. that is, the monuments of stage B,, before the appearance of elements common
with the cultures of Velbar and Pshevor. There are few references to the dating of V.V.
Khvoyko. İn the work of İ. S. Vinokur, we do not find a specific material confirming his
position.
This does not mean that the Chernyakhov culture directly flows from the Velbar
culture. The process is considerably more complex. Here there is an interaction of
various elements - Velbar, Przeworsk, Sarmatian, Late Sarubinets - from the alloy of
which a completely new phenomenon is formed - Chernyakhov culture ° As for the
participation of carriers of Zarubinets culture in this process, in this case we can only
talk about such late manifestations that are presented at the burial ground:kah Rakhny *,
"Grinevichi-Velka," in the settlement of Lutezh, "since at least 150 years of
Chernyakhov culture is separated from the classical Zarubinets antiquities of the Middle
Dnieper and Polesie. 1, Due to this, İ. S. Vinokur's comparison of Cherpyakhov
dwellings with Zarubinets is not correct enough. More grounds would be for comparing
them with the dwellings of Pmevor culture. But this culture cannot be considered as
either

R. Volangevich's nology is most successful, since he avoids both the methodological error of ethnic
labeling of archaeological culture and unnecessary associations with cultures of an earlier time -
Oksyva and East Morskii. Before the work of K. Godlovsky, Mazovian monuments of Velbar-
Tsetselsky culture were often considered as Przevorsky, although these cultures differ significantly in
the absence or presence of weapons, burial rites, a set of ceramics, etc.
zo J. V. Kuharenko. Le probleme de la civilisation «gotho-gepide» еп Polesie et еп Volhynie.
«Acta baltico-slavica», 1967, 5, р. 19-40.
31
М. Smiszko. Kultury wczesnego okresн epoki cesarstwa rzymskiego v Malopolsce \Yslюdniej.
Lwbw, 1932; К. Godlowski. Die Pzeworsk-Kultur der шittleren und spaten Kaiserzeit. ZfA, 2-68-2, S.
262; К. Godlowski. Niektore wezlowe problemy bada nad kultura przeworska, w okresie rzymskim,
«Prace Archeologiczne», т. 8, 1967, str. 82-84; • Budinsky-Krika. Vychadnoslovenska nizina v
praveku. AR, 13, 1961, str. 46.
z:: İ. S. Vinokur. Un. Op., p. 139.
v3 M. B. Schukin. European Sarmatia..., pp. 14-16.
4 P. 1. Havlyuk. Memos of Zarubinetskoi culture on Pobuzhi. "Archaeology," 1974, 4, pp. 89-95.
35
Z. Szmit. Sprawozdanie z poszukiwan archeologicznych w Hryniewiczach Wielkich kolo
Bielska Podlaskiego. WA, VII, 1922.
sv V.İ. Bidzil and S.P. Pachkov. Zarubinetsky settlement with. Lutezh. MIA, 160, 1!) 69. pp. 51-75
.
z1 M.V. Shchukin. Sarmatian monuments..., pp. 49-52; E.V. Maksimov. About datuvanpa
zarubinetsko ~ cultures. "Archeology," 1971, 1, p. 76.
61
local substructure of the Chernyakhov culture of the Dnieper-Dniester interfluve. İts
easternmost monuments are concentrated in the upper Dniester, and their appearance
there coincides in time with the movement of Velbar culture. " İt can be assumed that
at the beginning of the İİ century. these two flows met in the areas of the Volyn-Podolsk
border region and in the difficult situation of the first half of the İİ
century, the time of the activity of the northern barbarians in the Black Sea and
the Balkans, there was a merger of heterogeneous elements into a single culturally
unified alloy - Chernyakhov culture .
İ. S. Vinokur poses a very interesting and important question about the interaction
of the alien German population with the local environment, attracting as parallels
interaction with the local population of the same Goths 300 years later in İtaly, Gaul
and Spain. However, in order to consider this issue on a specific material, it is
necessary to make a fairly quick impression about the society, about the population
with which the Goths encountered in the Northern Black Sea region. The time of their
appearance is known there - the beginning of the 111 century. Therefore, in order to
resolve the question posed by İ. S. Vinokur, monuments should be isolated ~ the İ
century, "to the Goths," and then compared with monuments "after the appearance of
the Goths" - İİİ -] V centuries. We do not find such an analysis in the article by İ. S.
Vinokur. The problem, therefore, rests again at the same moment as mentioned above,
the isolation, the search for monuments of the İİ century and their careful study.
Without this, neither the problem of the genesis of Chernyakhov culture nor the Gothic
problem can be resolved .
Confused in the article by İ. S. Vinokur and some other statements, in particular, the
author's thesis about the remoteness of the northern and northwestern tribes from the
"progressive" influence of ancient civilization and Roman provinces. " A quick look at
the map of Europe is enough to make sure that Roman castellas on the Middle Danube,
say, from Vindobona or Aquincum to Polish Pomerania are not much further away than
from the Black Sea coast to Volhynia, and from the lower Rhine to Denmark much
closer. The abundance of imports found on these lands (their number is more than in
the forest-steppe part of Eastern Europe) shows that the "progressive impact of the
ancient world on the northern tribes" was quite strong. There is no reason to talk about
"poverty" or lower social development of carriers of Velbar or Pshevor cultures. This
illusion arises from İ. S. Vinokur precisely because of the comparison of the different
time phenomena of the Chernyakhov culture of the 111- İV centuries and its
northwestern neighbors in the İ-İİ centuries. The impact of the ancient centers of the
Northern Black Sea region on the formation of the Chernyakhov culture should not be
exaggerated either. Most of them at that time lay in ruins or life on them barely glowed
"
The term "Goto-Gepids" is not very successful, since these are, although kindred
tribes, but moving towards the 1st generation at different times, which were more often
in hostile relations and having very different fates. As for the transformation of
Chernyakhov's culture into early Slavic, the conclusions of İ. S. Vinokur are based on
the materials of multilayer settlements, which always leaves room for skepticism about
such conclusions. Although the fact of the participation of some part of the
Chernyakhovsky population in the process of forming the culture of the early Slavs is
not excluded, but in the named work the statement that "the main core among the
population of the İİ-V centuries. n e. İn the territory of Southeast Europe, in
the forest-steppe Dniester-Dnieper interfluve, were local eastern -

sv M, Smiszko. Ohr. cit,; M. B. Schukin. European Sarmatia... p No. İ. S.

Vinokur. Uk. Op., p. 431 .
о V. F. Gajdukewitt. Das Bosporanische Heich. Berlin, 1971, S. 459, 496.

62
Slavic tribes "* ', remains, unfortunately, only a matter of ardent conviction of its
author .
V.V. Sedov's position in this regard looks more realistic. He made an attempt to find
a specific group of monuments in the Chernyakhov culture that could be associated
with the Slavs. An attempt, long overdue, deserves all respect, since the Wends with
whom Germanarich fought, and the Antams with whom Vinitarius fought, at the end of
the İV century. archaeological correspondences should ultimately be found. Perhaps
they should be sought as part of the Chernyakhov culture itself. Until now, attempts to
divide Chernyakhov's culture have not been particularly successful, and one should
seriously think about highlighting a special option within the boundaries outlined by
V.V. Sedov. Only its name seems not very successful. This is more of a
Podolskodneprovsky option than a Middle Dneprovsky one. And it includes such
different monuments as Nosanovo and Kompaniytsy, Chernyakhov and Kurovka,
Ruzhichanka and Privolnoye. Great doubts are also raised by the thesis about the
predominance of Pmeurian elements here and about the formation of it at the base of
Pshevor culture. The fact is that V.V. Sedov is based on the work of G.F. Nikitina "N. M.
Kravchenko" and V.V. Kropotkin * ', which distinguished Pshevor elements in the
Chernyakhov culture. But there have been changes since then. Polish researchers now
consider the Przeworsk culture of late Roman times within a narrower territorial
framework than before. Thus, the monuments of Eastern Masovia, perceived as
Przeworsk, are now included in the newly distinguished culture of the East Morsk-
Mazovian or Velbar-Tsetselsky4. As a result, it turns out 5that a number of elements perceived as
Przeworsk actually characterize Pomeranian-Mazowiecki pannticians or they are
common to both cultures, since in Mazovia the latter absorbed the Przeworsk substrate
and also influenced the Przeworsk culture as a whole.
So, bowls with small X-visible handles, which sometimes turn into pseudo-lyuchki-
nalepas, are an element not Przeworsk, but Velbar-Tsetselsky. İt is for this culture that
the rite of secondary burning of vessels placed in burial is also characteristic. Almost all
the burials of the Brest-Trimin burial ground were performed according to this rite. The
carriers of the Velbar-Tsetselsky culture, and not the Przeworians, according to V.V.
Kropotkin, were introduced to the Chernyakhov culture and pear-shaped amber
pendants. N. Godlovsky specifically notes that these pendants do not penetrate the
Przeworsk region for a long time, although they are found east and even south of the
Pego. " İt is not entirely true to consider the rite of burial in vast pits with nalcinated
bones scattered throughout the area as purely Pmevorsky. For the stages preceding the
formation of the Chernyakhov culture - and for B, and for C, - the Przeworians were
more characterized by the rite of burial in the urn, the gradual displacement of which by
urinal-free burials begins with stage C, *. " But such an extensive

1 And , S. Vinokur. Uk. Op., p. 143.

2 F. Nikitina. Population of the forest-steppe strip of Eastern Europe in the first
half of the İ millennium C.E. Autoref, cand. dis. M., 1965.
43 N. M. Kravchenko. To the question of the origin of some types of corpse burning rite on
Chernyakhov burial grounds. KSIA AN USSR, 121, 1970, pp. 44-51.
'"V.V. Kropotkin. Chernyakhov-type burial ground in the village. Rizino, Cherkasy region. (On
the issue of the origin of Chernyakhov culture). «Slavia antiqua», XVIII, 1971, str. 197-205.
The Chronology ; К. Godlowski. Die Przeworsk-Kultur ; Е. Okulicz. Studia nad rrzemianami
5'• К. Godlowski.

kulturowymi... «Archeologia Polski», t. XV, 2. 2, 1970, slr. 419-492; R. Wolqgiewicz. Ohr. cit.
in K. Godlowski. Die Przeworsk-Kultur..., S. 265, 266. 1
Ibid., S. 267.
we find the pits in the Late Marubin burial ground of Rakhna. " As for such a rite, in
which the boundaries of individual burials are difficult to trace and the burial ground is,
as it were, a continuous layer of burning (we observe a close phenomenon in Kosanov
and Kompaniyci), in Poland it appears only at the very final stage of the development
of pshevor, in the Dobrodzen group. " İn time, this is somewhat later than the
mentioned Cherpyakhov burial grounds .
İf we make appropriate adjustments to the maps of V.V. Sedov, then it is petrudok
to make sure that there are more reasons to talk about the origin of the Podolsk-Dnieper
group from the culture of the Velbar-Tsetselsky than from the Przevorsky one; in any
case, there are much more elements of it here, and this idea is not so unacceptable as it
seems to V.V. Sedov (Fig. 1). İf we map the phenomena that Chernyakhovtsy and
Pshevors really share, in particular burials with weapons, and of all the cultures of
stages B and C, such a rite was characteristic almost exclusively of Pshevors. then
most of them will be out of the zone outlined by V.V. Sedov (pps. 2).
V.V. Sedov claims that the Podolsk-Dnieper group is characterized by semi-dugout
dwellings. "This is also not entirely true. İt is large land dwellings that prevail here, the
northern origin of which was quite convincingly shown by M. A. Tikhanova
'(Yagnyatin, Zhukovtsy, Yerkovtsy, Dedovshchina, Turil, Novo-Lipovskoye,
Nikolaevka, Kut, Voloshskoye, Leski, Radutskovka, Maksimovka, etc.). There are
exactly twice as many of them as half-earths. And if we talk about the similarity of the
materials of the Pshevor and Chernyakhov cultures, then first of all, we should pay
attention to the Upper Dniester group of monuments studied by V. D. Baran. " For some
reason, V.V. Sedov is completely considering this group.
And finally, in the chain of evidence, the Podolsk-Dnieper group - hemp - Slavs
of the X-XII centuries. one of the weak is the first link. The Slavic affiliation of the
pshevor is accepted as an axiom, an oez of evidence. "Polish researchers believe that
the bearers of the Przeworsk culture were Veneda Slavs. There is no direct
archaeological evidence in favor of this opinion. However, the totality of historical,
archaeological, linguistic and toponymic observations suggests that there should be
Slavs among the population of the Pshevor range. " This is all that is said in favor of the
original thesis of the entire hypothesis of V.V. Sedov. Let's hope that in the near future
the whole set of historical and other observations will be submitted to the readers' court,
while this provision remains sufficiently precarious. And among Polish researchers,
not everyone supported and supports the concept put forward by Yu. Kostshevsky and
his school about the Venedian affiliation of Przeworsk culture, the starting point of
which is the thesis about the Slavic affiliation of Lusatian culture. İn the modern state
of science, the ethnic attribution of such remote cultures is hardly real enough .

4vP, İ. Havlyuk. Uk. Op.

49
К. Godlowski. Die Przeworsk-Kнltur ... , S. 267-272. 0
V.V. Sedov. Uk. Op., p. 124.
1 M.A. Tikhanova. Once again to the question of the origin of Chernyakhov culture.
KSIA AN USSR, 121, 1970, pp. 89-94; her. On the question of the ties of Southern Scandinavia with
Eastern Europe in the first half of the İ millennium C.E. "Studia Archaeologice in memoriam Harri
Moora," Tallinn, 1970, S. 202-206.
2 V, D. Baran. Before the Nichannya about the lipna ceramics of the culture of the Black and
Black type in the İnteririchchi Dnicmpa i 3ahidnoro Bugu. MDAPV, 3, 1961; V. Baran. Settlement
pershph to capital papsho ~ İ beat with. Cherepin. Ki ~ in, 1961 ; V. D. Baran. Monuments of
Chernyakhov culture of the Western Bug basin. MIA, 116, 1964; V. D. Baran. Deyaki nidsumki
sedigennya settlement chernyakhivskoro type at the top of Dnistra i 3ax Bugu. İn Sat. "Slov'yano-
ruski old-timers." Ki ~ in, 1969.
3 V. Sedov. Uk. Op., p. 424.

64
 The hypothesis of the Venedo affiliation of the pshevor made sense under two
conditions: first, that the data of Pliny, Tacitus and Ptolemy on the Veneda reflect
approximately the same reality of the first centuries AD; secondly, in the case of the
unity of the cultures of Pshevor and Oksyva. Veneda Pliny and Ptolemy are placed in
Pomorie and in the territory of the Oksyv culture. However, by recent studies, both of
these conditions are

Rps. 1. Elements of
Velbarskotselsky in
Chernyakhovskaya
to culture
a - vessels with small ears and
pseudo-ears, b - circles with a large
handle, c - pear-shaped amber
pendants, d - burials with
secondarily burned ceramics, d -
boundaries of chernyakhon ·
culture, e - boundaries of the
Podolsk-Dnieper va -
Rianta

Fig. 2. Elements of Przeworski

in the coronavirus: Yakhov
culture
a - burials with weapons, 6 -
ceramics with an analop, and in
PMEVOR culture, the boundaries
of Chernyakhov culture, g - the
boundaries of the Podolsk-Dnieper
military
Rianta

oscillated. The data of Pliny and Ptolemy may date back to earlier times and to more
eastern territories. * The relative unity of the Pshevor and Oksyv cultures is permissible
only for the late Latsna era. The transformation of the Oksyv culture in the İ century
C.E. led to its complete separation from its southern neighbor and transformation into
the Velbar culture. The Przeworsk culture in its new, narrower borders is quite
convincingly compared with the meadows, and the entire circle of archaeological
cultures of East Germany and Poland in Roman time - with the concept of "Svevia " "
si. D. A. Machinsky. Ancient Slavs in the first centuries AD E. according to ancient written
sources and archeology. D.C.L. at a joint meeting of NGOs and OIPK State. Hermitage on November
20, 1970 r.; his. To the question of the Wends of Pliny the Elder. İn Sat. "From the History of World
Culture" L., 1973 .
55
К. Godlowski. Die Przeworsk-Kultur ... , S. 266; К. Godlowski. Stгefy kulturowe w okresie
rzymskim w Europie Srodkowej. D.C.L. on conf. "Kultury archeologiczne i strefy kulturowe w
Europe Srodkowej w okresie wpywow rzymskich," Krakow, September 1972

3 Soviet Archaeology, No. 4 6

5
 Thus, the thesis about the Venedo affiliation of the pshevor, the original thesis of the
construction of V.V. Sedov, was now under attack. İf the totality of historical,
archaeological, linguistic and other data leads to the conclusion that the Slavs should be
among the Pshevor area, then the researchers will face a task similar to the one that
V.V. Sedov tried to solve by highlighting the Podolsk-Dnieper version of the
Chernyakhov culture, the task is to find these Slavs archaeological equivalent.
The links of the Chernyakhov-Penkovka chain are not well connected.
Perhaps a number of forms of ceramics of the Penkovka group came from stucco
Chernyakhov vessels, but today this position has been demonstrated not with more
conviction than the typological chain of P.N. Tretyakov, which derives them from the
Podesenya nobility antiquities. Although: the latter hypothesis does not look
invulnerable due to insufficient dating material.
All this does not reduce the advantages of the generally very interesting work of
V.V. Sedov, where a number of very subtle observations and comparisons have been
made, a number of problems will be touched upon and posed. İt seems that this article is
destined to wake up the thought of researchers for a long time, to be a kind of generator
of ideas. Moreover, it is likely that many of the processes noted by auto · rum took
place in reality, although, perhaps, in a different accent .
One of the most interesting points is the observedV. V. Sedov similarity of the
narrow-grained anthropological type of Slavs buried in grave pits with carriers of
Chernyakhov culture and inhabitants of the Middle Dnieper region in Scythian time.
Although all three groups are separated from each other by huge intervals of time and
archaeologically such continuity cannot be traced, the etotphant itself, if the author's
conclusions are correct, needs to be explained. İt seems that here the constant part of the
historical process is reflected, in which the two sides always interact. One of them is
constant variability, constant development and change of social institutions, ethnosocial
organisms and formations, changes in political, economic, cultural, linguistic, etc. And
the other side is that, with all the changes, this or that part of the population is
preserved, it carries in the sebenek constant. İn anthropological signs, this is probably
reflected with great visibility and more often than in culture and language. At · same
time, all three characteristics - anthropological type, language and culture - do not
always coincide with each other and almost always not completely .
The question is when, under which of the numerous changes and innovations, these
mesodolichocranes with a narrow face and a mesorine nose spoke Slavic. V.V. Sedov
believes that this happened within the framework of Chernyakhov culture. And this
would be so if he managed to avoid the pitfalls mentioned above in the reasoning. But
this could have happened earlier, with the contact of the carriers of the Zarubinets
culture, if we assume that it is Slavic (and in favor of this there is exactly the same
amount of data as in favor of the Slavic affiliation of the Pshevor) with the local
Scythian substrate. But this could happen later, in the 5th century, after the end of the
Chernyakhov culture, when an İranian-speaking part of it collided with an alien Slavic
population or a Soslavian part of it. This could also happen when the Slavs encountered
the remnants of the Sarmato-Alan tribes, which were not part of the Chernyakhov
culture, with carriers of pastoral or Volyntsev cultures. There are a lot of different
versions to offer. İ do not think that the groin could be substantiated today on a specific
material with greater: persuasiveness than the version of V.V. Sedov, but gaps in his
reasoning: they do not make it obvious either. İt should be admitted that to resolve the
issue, we still lack some data not yet found.
66
 Various equally probable and equally elusive versions can be proposed to explain
the two waves of toponymy in Polesie and Volhynia. The position of V.V. Nikonov in
this matter is much more cautious "than the position of V.V. Sedov. Among the
interesting comments of V.V. Sedov, one thing seems to me especially fruitful, echoing
to some extent the ideas of İ. Werner: "The Zarubinets tribes seem to have been
carriers of the marginal dialect, which occupied to some extent an intermediate position
between the Slavic and Western Baltic (Pruso-Yatvyazhsky), therefore, depending on
the circumstances, they could become both Balts and Slavs." - writes V.V. Sedov.
Similar considerations regarding Zarubinets culture were expressed a little earlier by
P.N. Tretyakov "
İ don't know if this is so true of Zarubinets culture itself, but if we allow the
possibility of the existence of such Balto-Slavic groups, ready to turn into Balts, either in
the Slavs, not only in the Zarubinets time, but also later, on the eve of the formation of
Slavic culture of the VI century, will this help us get rid of the "charms of Baltianism,"
about which İ. Werner writes, and find the initial points of Slavic culture in the forest
zone, or in any case its essential components, for example, prototypes of Prague-type
ceramics?
You can't get around with silence here. extremely interesting and, İ would say, elegant in
its logic hypothesis of İ. Werner. This work deserves the most close attention from
Soviet archaeologists and a detailed consideration of all its provisions by specialists. But
since in general the plots that İ. Werner speaks about are already outside the
competence of the author of these lines, let's limit ourselves to only some cursory
remarks about the prospects that open up to researchers in connection with this
hypothesis.
İn my opinion, İ. Werner made an extremely interesting and correct observation:
monuments such as Kolochin - Tusheml, usually considered as synchronous Korchak
and Penkovka, actually precede the latter in time and space 59• İn any case, their
beginning dates back to earlier time. Moreover, we add that there are finds that not only
indicate the second half of the first half of the VI century, for a time for which we do
not yet have a certain layer of monuments in the forest-steppe, but also things indicating
the connection of this population with Podunavye ""
İ am afraid, however, that it is still difficult to demonstrate on the available materials
of the forest zone hiatus for the Vİ - Vİİ centuries. (or rather, we should talk about the
second half of the Vİ - Vİİ centuries.) Today. The absence of burial grounds and the
negligible number of dating things in complexes makes this problem almost insoluble.
Probably, in this case, a new petrochronological method of dating ceramics proposed by
O. Yu. Krug "" can help. True, its accuracy is not yet large enough - an error equal to
approximately ±1 82centuries is taken into account, that is, the date will be in the interval
of about three centuries, but when statistically processing a large number of measured
samples, it is powerful to obtain satisfactory results.

5
in V.V. Nikonov. 'Two waves in Polesie's toponymy. İn Sat. "Polesie." M., 1968, pp. 193-205
.
$1 V.V. Sedov. Uk. Op., p. 125.
58
P.N. Tretyakov. Local groups of Upper Dnieper settlements and Zarubinets culture. CA,
1960, 1, p. 45.
s9 And, Werner. Uk. Op., pp. 110-112.
80
E. A. Schmidt. On the culture of settlements-shelters of the left-bank Smolenschipa. İn
Sat. "Ancient Slavs and their neighbors." M., 1970, pp. 63-70; A. K. Ambrose. Southern artistic
connections of the settlement of the Upper Dnieper in the VI century. İbid., pp. 70-75 .
in 1O. Yu. Krug. Petrochronology is a new method of absolute dating of ancient ceramics. SA,
1972. 4, p. 193 .
in 2O. Yu. Krug. Uk. Op., p. 195; Table p. 197.

3*
67'
 tats.Soviet
İn anyresearchers for various cultures
case, the chronological of the forest
dismemberment of thezone recorded
materials of thesome
forestchanges
zone is
that
nowoccurred
the most approximately
urgent task, andinone theshould
middle tryoftothe
useİ all
millennium BC.
methods for e.: although
this, the cessation
there
of thecomplete
is no culture of stroke that
certainty ceramics
this willand itsout
turn transformation
to be the hiatusinto a culture
sought such as the
by İ. Werner.
Bantserovsky
The need tosettlement, the population
divide the antiquities leaving
of the forest zonesettlements and crossings
into smaller territorial groups to
is
also brewing.
villages, Theprecise
etc. "No unification
timeof, no
such various monuments as Abidnya, Tushemlya and
Kolochin into one cultural group is permissible only when building a working
hypothesis in the most general form (İ. Werner proposes such a working hypothesis). İn
the future, with the specific development of materials, such a combination is likely to
cease to satisfy. İt is possible, however, that even then the task will not be fully
resolved. İf it is possible to allow the development of the forms of Tushemli-Kolochin
ceramics into Penkov (although this provision also needs evidence), then it is more
difficult to derive the Prague type, Korchak ceramics from these forms. And one can
only hope that antiquities will be discovered in the forest zone, giving us the previous
stage of the development of Slavic culture in its pure form, or we will remain after V.V.
Sedov and İ.P. Rusanova to look for these sources in more western regions, ultimately
as part of the Przeworsk culture 6•3
İ. Werner believes that in Polesie and Volhynia it is already "quite difficult to find a
place for the Slavs to live between the Balts and the Eastern Germans in the 111th and
İV centuries." " However, there is such a place. İf we map the monuments of the
Dnieper-Dvin culture, the Pochep culture, the culture of hatched ceramics and the
Volyn group of burial fields, then a rather extensive zone will remain between them,
almost completely devoid of monuments. İt covers almost the entire Pripyat basin, at
least the lower reaches of its left and right tributaries, and Uborot and Uzh completely .
This also includes a bend in the lower Neman and Dnieper between Berezina and
Pripyat (Fig. 3). İn the eastern part of this "white spot" L. D. Pobol knows some "late
Zarubinets" monuments such as Abidni, but it is difficult to make a clear idea of them
from the available publications 85• But even given this circumstance, the zone of
archaeological emptiness remains large enough for a whole archaeological culture to be
located here ""
İt is difficult, of course, to foresee what kind of monuments will be open here. İt is
possible that nothing new will be found or that this is really a border zone of emptiness
and all searches will be unsuccessful, but conducting special field surveys in this area
in one way or another seems to be a very urgent task.
vz V, V. Sedov. Uk. Op., p. 127; İ.P. Rusanova. Report at the conference of the IL Academy of
Sciences of the Ukrainian SSR, Uzhgorod, May 1970. Since the monuments of Pshevor culture,
containing individual forms reminiscent of the Prague type, in time precede the Chernyakhov
settlements of the upper Dniester and Western Bug, which İ tried to show in the named work, and the
latter are developing on a Pshevor basis and with constant interaction with this culture, the next
course of reasoning is quite possible. As part of the Prsevor, there are not yet localized Slavic ()
groups with ceramics close to Prague-type ceramics. During the expansion of the pshevor at the end
of the İİ-111 centuries in the southeast direction, they are concentrated in the upper Dniester as part
of the Chernyakhov culture. With the end of it, they lose their Chernyakhov appearance, transforming
into a culture of the Korchak type and occupying new territories. İn the course of these reasoning,
there are two weak points. Firstly, there is no such group in Pshevor yet, there are only individual
vessels in a typically Pshevor environment. Secondly, there remains a chronological gap between
Chernyakhov and Slavic monuments of the Upper Dnieper region.
v4 İ, Werner. Uk. Op., p. 110.
65
D. D. Pobol. Belarusian Dnieper in the İ millennium AD. «I Miedzynarodowy kongres
archeologii slowianskiej», t. İİ, 1969, pp. 306-324; his. Results of the study of antiquities of the İron
Age of the Belarusian Dnieper. BD, Minsk, 1969, pp. 103-108.
v6 D.A, Machinsky speaks About the importance of such zones of an archaeological
trudnoulovimost in the history of early Slavic peoples (D.A. Machinsky. To the question of the
territory ...) .
68
 ·-
••
•

•a
a b XD

• D in -e

Fig. 3. Map of archaeological sites of the İ-İV centuries. Polesie, Vo-

lynes and Upper Dnieper
a - monuments of the culture of hatched ceramics (according to V.V. Sedov),
b - monuments of the Dnieper-Dvin culture (according to V.V. Sedov), c -
monuments of the Pochep culture (according to P.N. Tretyakov) and the
"Kyiv" type, g-monuments of the Pomeranian-Mazovian and Volyn groups
(according to Yu. V. Kukharenko) ,-late Arubinets monuments (according to
L. D. Pobol), e - the boundaries of the "white spot" of relative ar
cheological emptiness

the reasons for these changes cannot be determined yet. İt is possible that these
changes and the formation of the culture of the early Slavs with their further
expansion to the south are in a certain connection. İn any case, until we deal with
the events and processes that took place in the first half of the İ millennium C.E. in
the forest zone, neither the problem of the genesis of Slavic culture of the Vİ- Vİİ
centuries, nor the problem of the origin of the Slavs as a whole will be completely
resolved .

VT V. Sedov. Slavs of the upper Dnieper and Podvinye. M., 1970, pp. 18-25, 28; A. G.
Mitrofanov. Banz ~ Rivne settlement. DB, Minsk, 1967, pp. 243-261, and other work .
 MV Chtchoukine

QUELQUES PROBLEMES CONCERNANT LA CULTURE DE TCHERNIAKHOVO ЕТ

L'ORIGINE DES SLA VES

Resume

Cet article est consacre а l'examen de quatre etudes sur la culture de Tchernia.khovo et sur la
probleme de l'origine des Slaves, @tudes publiees dans la revue «Arch@ologie Sovi@tique» (№ 4,
1972). L'auteur s'@l@ve contre l'opinion de Е. А. Rikmane, qui а voulu donne le IIeme siecle соте la
plus ancienne date de la culture tcherniakhovienne, @tant donne que les pieces fournies par lui ne
forment pas un ensemЫe. On est fonde а indiquer seulement la fin du Пе s. Tant qu'оп п'а pas isol@
et tudi@ les antiquites du Пе s., il est difficile de parler des rapports et du caractere de l'interaction de
la population venue du nord - ouest а la fin du Пе s. e ai İlle s. et de la population locale. En prenant
le Пе s. comme point de depart de la culture tcherniakhovienne, 1. S. Vinokour s'est ote la
possibilit@ d'examiner sur des documents concrets la question posee par lui concernant cette
interaction. Dans la serie des preuves @tayant l'hypothese de V. V. Siedov sur l'origine de la variante
Dniepr moyen, choisie par lui, de la culture tcherniakhovienne comme issue de la culture
pchevorienne, et sur son appartenance slave, le сбtе le plus faiЬle est l'element initial: le principe
adopte а priori sur l'attribution аих Slaves de la culture de Pchevorsk. Веаисоир d'@lements
pchevoriens, cartographies par lui dans la culture tcherniakhovienne, sont plus caracteristiques pour
la culture de Velbarsko - Tsetselsk, alors que des traits tout а fait pchevoriens (armes dans les
sepultures) se trouvent hors du cadre de la variante Dniepr moyen (01. 4, 2). L'article de I. Werner
presente de l'interet et merite d'etre examine а part, Ici, оп doit se borner а remarquer que 1. Werner
п'а pas completement raison d'affirmer qu'aux Ille s. et IVe s.
il ne serait pas reste de place pour les Slaves entre les Baltes et les Germains. La carte des
monuments de cette epoque presente ипе grande tache Ыanche dans le bassin du Pripet (Ш. 3).

'
 R. G. FAKHRUTDINOV
ONCE AGAIN ABOUT THE CAPITAL OF THE PRE-MONGOL
BULGARIA
Having published on its pages in discussion order an article by A. Kh. Khalikov "On
the capital of the pre-Mongol Bulgaria" ', the magazine "Soviet Archaeology" invited a
wide range of researchers to take part in this discussion. Even earlier, the magazine
published an article by the late A.P. Smirnov, where this largest Soviet Bulgarologist
cited convincing conclusions in favor of the established point of view that the capital of
the Volga Bulgaria in the Xİ centuries. was Bulgar, and at the Xİİ-beginning of the Xİİİ
century - Bilyar. The position of A.P. Smirnov was supported by us in an article that
analyzed a set of sources of the X-XİII centuries, which are directly related to the
history of the early capitals of the Volga Bulgars *. The article was caused by the
appearance of a large number of speeches by A. Kh. Khalikov in the periodical press of
Tatarstan .
İn the proposed work, we will try to draw the attention of readers to the range of
issues that are raised in the discussion article by A. Kh. Khalikov above, as well as in
some of his later works. Naturally, we will not repeat the provisions covered in our first
article. As in his newspaper articles, A. Kh. Khalikov in the mentioned work conducts
the idea that Bilyar becomes the capital of the Volga Bulgaria from the 10th century.
(Bulyar), built, in his opinion, with the help of Arab masters in the year of the arrival of
the caliph's embassy in 922, A. Kh. Khalikov writes that this city bore another name -
Bulgar, moreover, with the annalistic name "Great City": "Apparently, the capital of the
country was also called Bulgar with the epithet" Great City. "" "The study of the totality
of archaeological and written sources allows us to argue that since the 10th century,
probably since 922, the capital of the Volga Bulgaria was the Great City on the river. M.
Cheremshap, which was called in the H- Xİİİ centuries at the same time the city of
Bulgaria " '.
Let's turn first to archaeological sources and try to trace whether they indicate that
the city represented by the Bilyarsky settlement on the river. Small Cheremshan.
According to A. Kh. Khalikov, the location of this city in the geographical center of the
state suggests that it was he who was the capital. Frankly, the judgment is rather strange.
Obviously it wasn't
From the editorial office
With this article, the magazine "Soviet Archaeology" ends the discussion about the capital of
pre-Mongol Bulgaria. The discussion can be continued only after receiving new, more
convincing findings that could reinforce this or that point of rhenium .
'A. H. Khalikov. About the capital of pre-Mongol Bulgaria, SA, 1973, 3.
2
A.P. Smirnov. About the capital of the state of the Volga Bulgars. SA, 1972, 4.
• R. G. Fakhrutdinov. About the capital of pre-Mongol Bulgaria. SA, 1974, 2 (a corrective
error was made in the article: the word "Bulgar" in the 15th line above on page 142 should be
read "Bulyar ").
• A. Kh. Khalikov, UK. Op., pp. 83, 84.

7
1
in history there is now not a single state with a capital located in the geographical
center. For the capital, it is not the geographical middle that is important, but a
convenient commercial and strategic location (banks of large rivers, access to the sea,
etc.). İt was in such a place, beneficial in terms of economic and military interests of
the first feudal state in Northeast Europe since its inception, that its first capital was
located. İt is the town of Bulgar on the Volga near where the Kama flows into it. And
about the location of the Bilyarsky settlement in the geographical center of the state, A.
Kh. Khalikov is absolutely wrong. İt is located just in the eastern part of the territory
of the Volga Bulgaria of the X-Xİ centuries. Therefore, the author's opinion on this
issue is deeply contradictory.
Further, A. Kh. Khalikov claims that the layout of the Bilyar settlement is primarily
close to the layout of the capital cities of Danube Bulgaria, Central Asia and Southern
Siberia (Plpski, Preslav, Balasagun, Otrar), for which, he writes, it is characteristic of
division into an inner and outer city; this, says the author, gives the right to claim that
from the very beginning the city represented by the Bilyar settlement was built as a
capital. * İt is difficult to agree with this opinion. İt has not yet been proven by anyone
that a sign of the capital of these cities is the division of them into two parts. Such a
question never seems to have stood in medieval archaeology. Moreover, both in Russia
and in the Volga Bulgaria itself there are a number of cities with a division into inner
and outer cities, that is, a settlement in the center of the settlement, but they have never
been the capitals of these states. Regarding the Bilyarsky settlement, it should be noted
that the social topography of the city has not yet been fully determined. İt's hard to
assume the inner city was a Kremlin. Most likely, only this city existed at first, as
evidenced by archaeological data (relatively late construction of the defense of the
outer city, the presence of a large number of remnants of production complexes on the
territory of the inner city).
İn his article, A. Kh. Khalikov cites a fairly large number of archaeological
materials from the excavations of the Bilyar settlement, testifying, as he writes, to the
emergence of the entire city in the 10th century. However, in the dating of the
settlement, the author admits noticeable inaccuracies. So, speaking about the time of
the construction of external defense (more precisely, its internal shaft), he incorrectly
refers to our work in 1968 at the VI excavation, where the remains of early
fortifications erected on sterile soil were allegedly opened, "obviously at the beginning
of the construction of the city." None of this happened. They represent the semi-rotting
remains of fallen wooden overshaft structures and additional fasteners of the earthen
part of the shaft. İn addition, the shaft section showed that it was built on a layer
containing materials from the general pre-Mongol period.
We would like to emphasize that the construction of a city (in this case, an inner
city) since the beginning of the 10th century does not mean at all that it was built as a
capital. The new materials cited by A. Kh. Khalikov, quite interesting from the point of
view of the early history of the Bulgarian city, may indicate the initial date of Bulyar in
general as a city. By the way, and to confirm the opinion about the construction of the
city from the beginning of the X century. the author turns to unreliable sources. So,
referring to S. M. Shpilevsky, he says that "from the territory of the Bilyarsky
settlement there are two treasures of kufic coins of the IX-X centuries." '. S. M.
Shpilevsky did not write this. He pointed out that in the middle of the XIX century.
near Bilyarsk twice were made finds of Kufic coins related to the

sİbid., p. 936. İbid.,

p. 86. 1 İbid., p.
92.
72
 meni from 739 to 906. 8Sledo _ important, this is not a treasure, but finds, and it is
difficult to connect them specifically with the Bilyarsky settlement. Naturally, these
coins cannot talk about the emergence of a city, especially the capital, from the
beginning of the 10th century, but only talk about the settlement of these places, and
not from the İX-10th centuries, but from the Vİİİ century. Besides, they are not
minted in Bulyar, and in general they are not Bulgarian .
To confirm your idea of building: ke Bulyara from the 10th century as the capital
of the state A. Kh. Khali: kov refers to written sources. First of all, he uses İbn
Fadlan and says that the Bulgarian khan Almush, with the help of Arab masters, built
his capital on Cheremshan in 922. İn the previous article, we have already talked in
detail about how it really was: although the caliph in his letter previously informed
Almush of the expulsion of 4000 dinars to him,:which were supposed to be received
in Khorezm on the way to the Volga Bulgaria, but they were not received. All this is
very clearly said by İbn Fadlan, and therefore there is no need to distort his
information and assume the construction of a capital on Cheremman in 922. A. Kh.
Khalikov's statement that Almush "declared his determination to build this fortress
at his own expense," and at the same time a reference to A. P. Kovalevs: whom, the
publisher of İbn Fadlan, has no real ground. Here are Almush's genuine words: -
"Right, if İ wanted to build a fortress at my own expense, silver and gold, then, of
course, there would be no difficulty in this for me. Right, İ only wanted to receive a
blessing from the money of the lord of the faithful and asked him about it ""
Therefore, there is no decision to build a fortress and specifically "this fortress" (i.e.
Bulyar), according to A. Kh. Khalikov, there was no speech. Almush's words "if İ
wanted to build a fortress" say precisely that he has not yet decided to build it. And
then İbn-Fadlan has not a single word about the construction of the fortress.
Therefore, the further identification by A. Kh. Khalikov of the Jaushyr river
mentioned by İbn-Fadlan (where, in fact, a congress of Bulgarian princes on the
adoption of İslam was held) with the Maly Cheremman River, on the banks of which
Bilyars is located: some settlement. İt is impossible to agree with A. Kh. Khalikov,
suggesting the linguistic similarity of the names of the Jaushyr river and the Small
Cheremshan river (in Tatar - Chirmeman): the first part of the word Chirmeman
("chirme") corresponds to the second part of the word Jaushyr ("shyr"), that is, and
"chirme" and "shyr," according to A. Kh Khalikovu, mean "chishma" (small river,
stream). " İt should be noted that there are no such words in the Tatar language.
Therefore, the translation of the word Jaushyr as "big river" ("jau," according to A.
Kh. Khalikov, "big," which, of course, is wrong) is also unsuccessful. İt is necessary
to note the contradiction of the author in this matter. İf Jaushir etymologically
means "big river," then, according to İbn-Fadlan, it had a width of only five elbows
(i.e. 2 m), depth to the navel, in places to the collarbone, and the greatest depth - in
human growth * °. İn a word, it was a small river. Small Cheremshap does not
correspond to this description in any way; not only in the Bilyarsk region, but also
upstream the river is much wider and deeper (in some places up to 20-25 wide). İn
connection with the names of the rivers, it is necessary to pay attention to one
important detail: the Cheremshan river near İbn Fadlan is called Jaramsan. True,
that's what he calls Big Che-

• S. M. Shpilevsky. Ancient cities and other Bulgarian-Tatar monuments in the Kazan

province. Kazan, 1877, p. 364.
A. Kh. Khalikov. Uk. Op., p. 94.
0 4. P. Kovalevsky. Ahmed ibn-Fadlan's book on his journey to the Volga in 921-922
Kharkov, 1956, p. 144.
11
A. Kh. Khalikov. Uk. Op., p. 95. By the way, "chishia" in the Tatar language does not
mean a river or a stream, but a spring OR kLyuch.
12
The words "big" and "river" are incompatible with each other, the Big is only a river, and
the river is small .
13
A.P. Kovalevsky. Uk. Op., p. 439.
73
remshan, where the Small Cheremshan flows; but after all, both of them are called the
same - Cheremshan. Why were they called differently under İbn-Fadlan: one is
Jaramsan, the other is Jaushir ?
Thus, the assumption of A. Kh. Khalikov about the construction of the capital on
Cheremshan in 922 is not confirmed by any sources. Therefore, his reference to Sh.
Mardzhani and A. Yu. Yakubovsky, who allegedly assumed such a construction, is
unconvincing. The fact is that these major historians, if they even assumed the
construction of the city after visiting Bulgaria by the Arab embassy, did it very
carefully and, most importantly, did not talk about Bilyarsky, but about the Bulgarian
settlement on the Volga.
İf you turn to authorities, then you need to attract the outstanding Soviet orientalist
İ. Yu. Krachkovsky, who has the most valuable information that al-Balkhi wrote his
only work "Ashkyal al bilad" (or "Suvar al akalim") in 920-921. * AlBalkhi, as you
know, has the first message about the presence in Volzhskaya The Bulgarians of two
cities - Bulgaria and Suvar. Consequently, Bulgar was already before İbn-Fadlan (and
according to Khalikov, this name was called the city on Cheremshan). İt should be
emphasized that the news of al-Balkha is unique and clearly indicates the presence of
up to 922 r. the cities of Bulgar; the state was also called by the same name: "Bulgar is
the name of the country whose inhabitants profess İslam, and the name of the city in
which the main mosque is located. Not far from this town lies another town, Sivar
(Suwar), which is also home to the main mosque. A Muslim preacher said that the
number of inhabitants of both cities extends to 10,000 people ""
A. Kh. Khalikov is trying to connect the well-known historical reports of Arab
geographers in the H- Xİ centuries. about the city of Bulrar with the Bilyar settlement,
putting forward the thesis that there were already two cities with the name Bulgar, i.e.
Bulgar on the Volga and Bulgar on Cheremshan ("Great City"), but the capital, in his
opinion, was the last. " At the same time, he makes a reference to al-Balkhi, who
allegedly wrote about the presence of three cities in the Bulrars - Suwar and two
Bulgars, and he, they say, was repeated by al-İstahri and İbn-Haukal. " These authors
have nothing like that. Al-Balkhi, as we saw above, mentions only two cities clearly
and clearly from the very beginning of his story: Bulrar and Suwar. His other
expression "External Bulgar is a small city that does not occupy a large space and is
known only for the fact that it is the main trading point of the state" does not indicate
the presence of a second Bulgar, that is, Bulyar on Cheremshan. We covered the
question of the "outer Bulgaria" in the previous article, ultimately citing the interesting
idea of Academician B. D. Grekov and N. F. Kalinin that this name should mean the
Aga Bazaar, the trading pier of the city of Bulgar on the Volga *. " We add that the
distance from Aga Bazar to Bulgar is only 6 km, while to Bulyar more than 100 km.
The question is: why should the capital of the state, which held large international
trade in its hands, have such a remote trading wharf, "the most important trading point
of the state"? Neither al-İstakhri nor İbn-Haukal wrote to Bulgar about the external
("third," according to A. Kh. Khalikov), they only literally noted the following: "the
internal Bulgars are Christians" (al-İstakhri), "between the internal Bulgars there are
Christians and Muslims" (İbn-Haukal). " D. A. Hwolson wrote that here
6 İ, Yu. Krachkovsky, Selected Works, vol. IV. M. - L., 4957, p. 495.
'5Sch , A. Hwolson. News of Khozars, Burtas, Bulgarians, Magyars, Slavs and Russas Abu-ali
Ahmed bin Omar pbn-Dast. St. Petersburg, 1869, p. 82.
İn the first works he had not yet written about the two Bulgars; he simply wrote that os -
Tatki of the famous city of Bush-ara is the Bilyar settlement. 1 A. Kh.
Khalikov. Uk. Op., p. 96.
1
in R, G, Fakhrutdinov. Uk. Op., p. 438.
19
A. Ya. Garkavi. Tales of Muslim writers about Slavs and Russians. SPb.. 1870, pp. 193, 218.
74
 we are talking about the Danube Bulgarians "As for İbn-Haukal's message about
Bulgaria, there we are talking about only one city:" Bulgar is a small city with many
possessions; it was known because it was the harbor of these states "* 'İt
undoubtedly speaks of the only Bulgaria on the Volga, which was really small in the
house: what period and, of course, with its Aga Bazar was a harbor, the river port of pa
Volga. İn this regard, it is appropriate to recall the well-known words of the same al-
Balkha, al-İstahri and İbn-Haukal about Kyiv, "which is larger than Bulgar" * "*. Here
again we are talking about Bulgaria, for it is actually smaller than Kyiv. İt becomes
backed down why A. Kh. Khalikov bypassed this important message: then he would
have a serious contradiction, because Bulyar - the Great City (aka Bulgar, according to
him) has arisen since the beginning of the 10th century. as a capital with all its huge
area, that is, both inner and outer cities. And they, taken together, are larger than Kyiv 2•3
The use by A. Kh. Khalikov of another author X v. - Mukaddesi in the question of
the "two Bulgars" is also unsuccessful. Mukaddesi noted two cities among the Bulgars -
Bulgar and Suvar, and, as he writes, "Bulgar lies near the İtil River (Volga) and is closer
to the sea than to the capital" (D. A. Khvolson says that the message about the sea and
the capital is incomprehensible). Further Mukaddesi
reports on the third city (5\5 -X. d.), which "lies on one bank of the other river," more
than the two mentioned cities; its inhabitants were first Jews (i.e. Jews), then became
Muslims, when they went to the seashore, but now they returned to their city 24. A. Kh.
Khalikov makes a permutation of expressions here and thus finds the second Bulgar.
"One of the Bulgars (most likely pa. Cherem-

shan), - writes op and further quotes the words of Mukaddesi 2, - lies

about
by the İtill River.. "puts on its own the word" other. " Therefore, his statement: "Then
Mukaddesi adds that the first city is larger than both other cities, that is, Bulgar on İtil
and Suvar" * - does not reflect the true words of a contemporary. İt should be noted
that A. Kh. Khalikov himself used to interpret Mukaddesi's messages in a completely
different way, placing Bulyar on "both banks of the river" *, "and not" on one bank of
the other river. "
The article by A. Kh. Khalikov contains "The layout of the main cities of the Volga
Bulgaria X-: Xİ centuries > 2>, where 7Suvar and two are indicated

0 D. A. Hwolson, Uk. Op., p. 83.2 1A. Ya.

Garkavi. Uk. Op., p. 218. 22İbid., pp.
193, 220, 276.
23
The perimeter of ancient Kyiv was 4600 m (N. N. Voronin. Architecture of North-Eastern
Russia, vol. 1. M., 1961, p. 131). The perimeter of the entire Bilyarsky settlement is almost 11
km (10,800 m).
4 D.A., Hwolson. Uk. Op., p. 84. İn the work of B. D. Grekov and N. F. Kalinin given

another translation of the place from Mukaddesi messages. Word < Kh2 based on Arabic
Akhtari's dictionary was translated not as the name of the new city, but as "meadows" and is
associated with Suvar (V. D. Grekov, N. F. Kalinin. Bulgarian state before the Mongol conquest.
Materials on the history of Tatarstan, vol. 1. Kazan, 1948, p. 148 ).
With respect to X.D.R. we would like to express a different point of view and assume in it
the city of İtil, or rather, its eastern part. Two circumstances forced us to do so. First, X.D.R.
according to the rules of the Arabic script, it is pronounced as Hadar or it can be pronounced
Hazar, for "d" and "z" in Arabic are interchangeable (er. İbn-Fadlan, he; not İon-Fazlan). İn
some sources, the eastern part of İtam is called Hazaran (İbn-Haukal). Second, Mukaddesi's
words that the inhabitants of H.D.R. "At first they were Jews, and then became Muslims, it is the
ethnic composition of İtil that reminds. For lack of space, we will not develop this idea in detail,
we will agree only to the work of M. İ. Artamonov "The History of the Khazars" (L., 1962, p.
431 ale.), Where it is substantiated in detail.
2
8 A. Kh. Khalikov. Uk. Op., p. 96.
28
Newspaper "Sovetskaya Tataria," August 9, 1967 21
A. Kh. Khalikov. Uk. Op., p. 97.

75
Bulgara: Bulgar - Bryakhimov and Bulgar - the Great City. With the concepts of
Bryakhimov and the Great City, we first meet in Russian chronicles only in the XII
century, starting in 1164. These are well-known facts. True, the author makes a
reservation and suggests that Bulgaria on the Volga was given the name Bryakhimov
(İbrahim) at the beginning of the Xİ century, when Emir İbrahim ruled in Bulgaria
(Beykhaki's message about İbrahim ibn-Muhammad sending money for the
construction of cathedral mosques in Khorosan) ° "Then the legitimate question arises
again: why did the ruler of Bulgaria rule in little Bulgaria, and not in the Great City, the
capital of the state? İndeed, according to the insistence of A. Kh. Khalikov himself,
the capital of the country during the entire pre-Mongol period was in Bulyar - the
Great City.
On the same scheme, the author made an unsuccessful attempt to restore the historical
topography of the central regions of Bulgaria in the sphere of the three indicated cities:
Bulrar, Suvar and Bulyar. At the same time, he refers to the following message of the
geographer Xİ v. al-Marwazi: "They (bulrar) have two cities, one is called Suvar, and the
other is called Bulgar; between two rorodamps the space of the way two days along the
river bank in very dense thickets in which they are strengthened against enemies. "
Hence A. Kh. Khalikov concludes that we are talking about the distance between Suvar
and Bulyar, and not between Suvar and Bulgar. " The author tries to argue this thesis by
the fact that the department of the land route in Arab sources is approximately 48-50
km, therefore, concludes A. Kh. Khalikov, the path between Suvar and Bulyar "fully
corresponds in detail to the information of Marvazi." However, this is hardly the case.
V. M. Berkutov, having studied in detail the Muslim sources of the İX- XVİ centuries,
came to the conclusion that the length of one day of the land route in the Volga region,
including those of the Volga Bulgars, was 35 km. "İf we take into account that the
distance between Bulga rum and Suvar is almost 70 km (and not 42 km, as A. Kh.
Khalikov writes), then it is it that corresponds to the information of Marvazi İt should
also be noted that the expression of al-Marwazi "along the banks of the river in very
dense thickets in which they strengthen against enemies" testifies precisely to the path
between the Bulgar and Suvar settlements. İn order to get from Bulgaria to Suvar, you
need to go through the village. Three Lakes (the place of the summer headquarters of
Khan Almush) to the lower reaches of the river. Ducks, from there past such famous
early Bulgarian settlements as Tankeevskoye İ, Shmelevskoye, Nokryatskoye, on the
right bank of the river rise to its upper course. The entire bank of the Duck on this path
from Tankeevka to Suvar is striped, and closer to Suvar - it is full and dense. Among
these settlements there are large monuments; the area of the Shmelevsky settlement, for
example, is 282,600 m *, and Kokryatsky 2- 772,800 m • Between Maklasheevsky (lower
on the river) and Tankeevsky II, between Tankeevsky İ and Shmelevskpm settlements in
the forest there are the remains of a whole defensive line in the form of an earthen
rampart. " Moreover, the whole area is distinguished by the extraordinary wealth of
early Bulgarian monuments. İn a word, everything says that here in the old days there
was a path between two famous cities (by the way, there is still a large road here, despite
the fact that this area is a border between the Tatar Autonomous Soviet Socialist
Republic and the Ulyanovsk region). Unfortunately, these data of historical and modern
topography are deliberately not taken into account in the scheme of A. Kh. Khalikov, and
the distance between Bulrar and Suvar is marked by a straight, shortened line. At that

ga İbid., p. 96.
2
° İbid., pp. 97, 98.
zo V. M. Berkutov. Bulgar-Tatar
measures of length in length. Kazan, 1964, pp. 9, 12.
issue of defense fortifications of the pre-Mongol Bulgaria.
Z1 R, G. Fakhrutdinov. On the
"Proceedings of the VIII All-Union Student Conference. Archaeological Collection. " L.. 1964,
p. 112 .
76
at the same time, the path between Suvar and Bulyar to Cheremshan is indicated
where the author would like to find the features noted by al-Marvazi, although in
reality they are not there: neither the river bank, nor dense thickets, nor defensive
fortifications. By the way, this is a very inconvenient path between Suvar and
Bulyar, and there was hardly a suitable road there before. From Suvar to modern
Bilyarsk you need to go, choosing roads, north of the path marked by A. Kh.
Khalikov, and this space does not correspond to the description of the Arab
geographer .
There can also be some doubts about the placement by A. Kh. Khalikov of some
Bulgarian tribes, for example, baranjars and bersula, on the river. Small
Cheremshan. The author associates the Baranjars mentioned by İbn-Fadlan with
some toponyms near the Bilyar settlement: the Baranka river, the Russian villages of
Nikolaev Baran, Arbuzov Baran, the Russian Tatar village of Khreshcheny (Krasny)
Baran. Why then not to mention in this regard the river Baranka, the Tatar villages of
Old and New Baran in the upper reaches of the river. Mainy, not far from Suvar?
The village of Old Baran is generally famous for its antiquity, it is rich in legends
about the construction of a village by ancient Bulgars; The Bulgarian beginning of
this large settlement can also be traced archaeologically 3• İn 3addition, we must take
into account that the Baranjars, according to İbn Fadlan, were in the inner circle of
Khan Almush, and Almush lived, as you know, in the area of the modern Three
Lakes, and İbn Fadlan saw Baranjars to the migration of Almush to the river Jaushyr
(according to A. H. Khallan icon - Cheremshan). İt seems to us that the reference to
the Tatar manuscript, which indicates that "the people in Bulyar were called Baraj,"
allegedly similar to the Baranjars', 3also does not solve the issue. The manuscript
says that a dragon named Baraj drove out the inhabitants of the city, located at the
mouth of the river. Zai. Then they moved, came from • Bulgaria (Bulgaria? - R.F.),
founded a new city on the river. Bular, this city and themselves were given the
name "Bular," and also elected a "uranium" (sign, coat of arms) named Baraj.
"Therefore, people first lived at the mouth of the Zay, then in Bulgaria, only then
founded the city of Bular. İn general, the name "Baraj" is inherent not only in the
vicinity of Bilyarsk. İn 1971, pa r. Sheshma, parallel to Zayu, we had to hear legends
about some Baraj Khan. İ would like to note that the question is whether it is
possible to associate baranjars with modern toponyms "Baran" or with unclear
"Baraj" from legends, and in general the etymology of the word "baranjar" should
be decided by linguists .
The same could be said of the Bersula tribe, known from İbn-Ruste reports,
which A. Kh. Khalikov also associates with the Small Cheremshan basin. For this
purpose, he is trying to use the work of B. D. Grekov and N. F. Kalinin, who, he
writes, localized the bersul - silver Bulgars "on the Akhtai and Maly Cheremshan
rivers." "These authors wrote that silver Bulgars" can be timed to an area near the
Bulgarian settlement, that is, in the very heart of Bulgaria. " They also associate the
Nuhrat settlement on Akhtai and monuments in his district with these silver Bulgars.
Thus, they do not have a word about Maly Cheremshan and the Bilyarsk region.
Taking this opportunity, İ would like to note that, obviously, it is high time to
abandon the arbitrary citation of sources and statements of previous researchers,
which, unfortunately, is often found in the works of A. Kh. Khalikov .

There 2is no river between Suvar and Cheremshan.

Zz R. G, Fakhrutdinov. New archaeological sites of Volga Bulgaria in
Zakamsk Tataria. SA, 1969, 1, pp. 229, 230. 4 A.
Kh. Khalikov. Uk. Op., p. 95.
z5 S. M. Shpilevsky. Uk. Op., p. 57. $ in A. H.
Khalikov. Uk. Op., p. 95 .
• B. D. Grekov, N, F. Kalinin. Uk. Op., p. 107.
7

7
7
 Regarding the habitat of the Bersula tribe, it would be appropriate to mention N. İ.
Ammarin, who places this tribe on the river. Bersut in the right bank of the Kama. " İn
general, the identification of the bersul with the silver Bulgars should be assumed to be
incorrect. İt was carried out by some researchers, referring to the fashionable yaphetic
theory of N. Ya. Marr at one time, and wrote that "ber" (the first part of the word
bersula) and "ser" (from the Russian word silver) are identical. The fallacy of such a
judgment is evident. İt is known that the "silver Bulgars" are a Russian translation of
the alleged tribe "Nuhrat Bulgars" (Nuhrat is silver). The Bersula and the Nuhrats
are thus different tribes .
The issue of clarifying the name of the city of Bulyar is devoted to a separate place
in an article by A. Kh. Khalikov. His concept briefly boils down to the following. The
city on Cheremshan, named from the very beginning of the 10th century by Bulgar with
the epithet "great," at the same time bears the names "Bilar," "Balar," also in the
meaning of "great," "noble." The transformation Bilar - Balar - Bulgar has a different
parallel: Bular - Balar - Bulgar. Bilar (aka Bieler, Bilyar) is interpreted as "great" ("bi" -
noble and "lyar" - prefix of multiplicity) "The same" great "comes from the first part of
the word" Balar "according to al-Garnati * ':" Ball, "as well as" Bala "in Persian mean"
great. " At the same time, another interpretation is given: "great" from the words "biek"
(i.e. high, -P. F.) and "Bieclair shehere" (i.e. high city: kikh - R. F.) or even the city of
"biyev" - the city of the great, noble, like the "boili," "bolari" among the Danube
Bulgarians (parallel "bi" or "bai," that is, rich, among the Bulgar Tatars). " Here is such
a Russian-Tatar-Persian plus Danube-Bulgarian (South Slavic) linguistic puzzle. İn this
regard, İ would like to recall the explanation by A. Kh. Khalikov himself of the
etymology of "Bulgars" from the word "storm" (wolf) * "
The city, currently represented by the Bilyar settlement, in ancient times bore its
Turkic, that is, Bulgarian, later Tatar name ~ e Buler (Russian pronunciation Bulyar,
Bular, Bular). So it is named in those surviving written sources and folklore materials in
which this city is mentioned n _ Finding out the meaning of this word is the future business of
Turkologists.
"Bilyar" is the modern Russian name of the ancient city, somewhat changed due to
the fact that it took quite a while from the moment the city disappeared until the
Russians arrived in those regions in the XVII century. Hence the name of the Russian
village of Bilyarsk, where this settlement is located. The same slightly changed modern
Tatar pronunciation is Biler (Mishari Tatars, the main Turkic population of the vicinity
of Bilyarsk, as well as in Western Zakamye as a whole, moved there at the beginning of
the XVIII century).
As for the Russian annals, the expression < < Great City, "it must be assumed that it
is hardly a translation of the Turkic: whom, the true name of the city. İt is known that
the Russian annals called great not only this Bulgarian city, but also their Russian cities.
And it means

sv N. And Ashmarin.Bulgars and Chuvash. JOAIE, vol. XVIII, vol. 1-3, Kazan, 1902, p. 106.
z9 Note, by the way, that history knows only one great Bulgar. This is the city of Bulgar of the
Golden Horde period, the annalistic "Bulgarians the Great," mentioned since 1395.
4 Bi + lar (lair) cannot mean "great." This means: bi (prince or feudal lord ) in the plural, that is,
0

princes, feudal lords .

4 However, al-Gharnati calls this word a learned man, not a city. See:
1

O. G. Bolshakov, A. L. Mongait. Abu Hamid al-Garnati's journey to Eastern and Central Europe.
M., 1971, p. 31.
H. Khalikov.Uk. Op., pp. 98, 99; his. Stolitsata on Volzhsk Bulgaria from the pre-Mongol
24 4.

time. "Archaeology," Prince 1, Sofia, 1973, p. 23.

40 4. H. Khalikov. McLash rider. SA, 1971, • 11, p. 116. 4i See more about
this: R. G. Fakhrutdinov. Uk, Op., p. 136 .
78
the definition of "Great City" should be understood in the sense of a large, extensive,
exceeding others. İn this meaning, the word "great" is also explained in the
dictionary of V. Dahl: "The great is exceeding the usual measure, in comparison with
others, extensive, large." İt is precisely so large in comparison with others, the
largest among the rest of the Bulgars: which cities Bulyar becomes from the XII
century. (its area reaches 573 hectares), and it is no coincidence that from this
period, more precisely from 1164, Russian chronicles begin to call it great. İt should
be assumed that this word simultaneously symbolized the meaning of the capital,
which was Bulyar in the Xİİ - first half of the Xİİİ century .

R. G. Fakkroutdinov
REPARLONS DE LA CAPITALE PREMONGOLE DE
LA BULGARIE VOLGIENNE

R•sume

Cet article fait @cho а l'invitation lancee раг la revue «Archeologie Sovietique» а rendre part а
une discussion concernant la capitale premongole de la Bulgarie volgienne. Notre revue а ouvert
les debats еп publiant l'article de А. КН. Кhalikov (SA, 1973, 3) ой се dernier affirmait que la capitale
de l'Etat bulgare, depuis le debut du Хе s. jusqu а l'invasion mongole, etait la ville de Biliar (Bouliar),
batie avec l'aide des artisans arabes l'аппее ой vint l'ambassade du khalif. L'auteur du present article,
developpant les points touches dans une communication precedente (SA, 1974, 2), defend la
conceptiоп etablie dans l'historiographie sovi@tique et @trangere, selon laquelle la capitale de la
Bulgarie premongole, аих Хе et Xle ss., etait la ville de Bolgar, et aurait ete du Xlle s. а la premiere
moitie du XIIIe s. la ville de Bouliar. L'auteur se prononce categoriquement contre les conceptions de
А. КН. Кhalikov sur l'existence en Bulgarie volgienne, des le debut du Хе s., de deux villes de Boulgar
(dont l'une serait Briakblmov, et l'autre Veliki Gorod), et contre la datation de l'ancienne ville fortifiee
de Biliar, с.а.d. de toute la ville dans et hors les murs, аи debut du Хе s.; contre l'interpretation erronee
faite par А. КН. Кhalikov de plusieurs renseignements fournis par la geographie arabe classique sur les
questions des premieres villes de la Bulgarie volgienne, de la topographie historique des regions
centrales de la Bulgarie, de la repartition de divers groupes tribals, du nom de la ville constituee par
l'oppidum de Biliar. On donne ici des exemples de fausses interpretations par А. Kh Khalikov des
sources et des opinions de ses prede-
cesseurs.

45
V. Dahl. Explanatory dictionary of the living Great Russian language, vol. 1. M., 1955, p. 175.
İt should be noted that the word "great" was applied by Russian chronicles not only for Bulyar, but
also for a number of other cities of the Volga Bulgaria and later the Kazan Khanate. These are the
above-named "Bulgarians the Great" of the XIV century, the city and fortress of the XVI century.
İIO r. Kazanka and in general on the territory of the Khanate. "Their great fortresses are divided and
great in the forest," they write chronicles about the heavily fortified Tatar fortress cities in the area of
difficult marshy forests, reporting on the İİoxod of Russian princes in September 1552 deep
into the Order (PSRL, vol. XİII, M., 1965, pp. 211, 507; vols. XXIX, M., 1965, pp. 102, 197). Kazan
Summerİİisets also reports that during the conquest of Kazan land, the troops of Grozny took "ten
days of the great zhke and small prison camps 30" (PSRL, vol. XIX, St. Petersburg, 1903, p. 126).
 V. L. EGOROV
ABOUT THE TIME OF KAZAN

There is still no consensus about the time of the founding of the city of Kazan,
which is explained by the incompleteness of information from written sources, and
sometimes by the obvious inconsistency of the facts reported by them. The absence of
Bulgarian and Kazan historical works, the modern existence of these states, makes
Russian annals the most important sources on this issue. Unfortunately, the facts
reported in them relate mainly to Russian-Bulgarian and later Russian-Tatar political
relations, giving minimal information about internal events in these states. As a result of
research, the time of the emergence of Kazan, according to three main versions, is
considered: 1) the end of the XII century; 2) the reign of the Golden Horde Khan Batu
(1242-1255); 3) the end of the XIV century. İt should be added to this that sometimes
the foundation of modern Kazan dates back to the time of the emergence of the so-
called İski-Kazan. The latter is currently the remains of a citadel with a double rampart
(: Kamaevsky settlement) and the village (Urmatskoye) located here, which is the
remains of the city blocks proper. The archaeological site, which in the oral folk
tradition received the name "İski-Kazan," is located 45 km from modern Kazan, that is,
it is an independent city, the date of foundation of which has nothing to do with the
time of the emergence of Nazanp .
Clarifying the question of the time of the founding of Nazani requires consideration
of all three available points of view .
The first of them, referring to the beginning of the city to the XII century, is based
on the message available in Kazan History (History of the Kazan Kingdom, Kazan
Chronicler) *. This source dates back to the 60s of the XVI century. and largely carries
the features of a work of art. The foundation of the city: Kazan is set out in it as
follows: "The time is on: Kama on the river is an old city, named after Bryagov, the tsar,
named after Sain Bulgarian. And looking for a place passing in the summer of 6685 and
finding a place on the Volga, in the very Ukraine of the Ruska, in this country of the
Kama River, at the end of the study to the Bulgarian land, at the other end to Vyatka
and to Perm. " This is followed by a purely artistic story about the myriad number of
snakes living in this place and their extermination, after which "the tsar rejoice in the
place of Tom Kazan... And the rapid Kazan capital city instead of Bryagov "*. The date
of foundation of the city (1177) given here is not in all lists of Kazan history; the list,
which formed the basis of the 1903 edition, reports on 1172 *, while there is no date at
all in other lists '.
'See bibliography of the question: R. G. Fakhrutdinov. Tasks of archaeological study of the
Kazan Khanate. SA, 1973, 4, pp. 113-122 .
2
PSRL, vol. XIX. St. Petersburg, 1903; Kazan history. Preparation of text, introductory. article
and notes by G. N. Moiseeva. M.-L., 1954; Legend of the Kingdom of Kazan: _ İntroductory article,
arrangement
3
and notes by N.V. Vodovozov. M., 1959 .
Kazan history, pp. 47, 48.
PSRL, vol. XIX, stb. 10.
s İbid.

80
 The latter seems to be the closest to the original manuscript: this work, since in
the introduction to it the author frankly admits that "about the first conception of the
kingdom of Kazan at some time, as it began, and not hardened in the chronicler of
the Ruski, but not enough in Kazan videos. And a lot of speech is torture and from
the most skillful people of Rusk: in glagolashe taco, in glagolashe inak, not one is
true. " Later lists from the original most likely reflected the opinion of thinking
"tacos" or "inak" and inserting a specific date into the original text. This date is in
blatant contradiction with the facts set out in the source related to Razai's
denomination: and. The Bulgarian king XII in. Sain is not mentioned in any of the
earlier sources. This nickname was first recorded in the eastern sources of the
XİİIXIV centuries. exclusively in application to the Golden Horde Khan Batu. This
respectful nickname (fair, kind) was worn only by Batu '. And it is very
characteristic precisely for the primordially Mongolian tradition of title, the main
feature of which is accuracy and laconism. The Volga Bulgars, together with İslam,
took the traditions of Muslim title, distinguished by space and pomp, as exemplified
by a number of Bulgarian epitaphs 8• İt should also be added that after the disappearance of the
Golden Horde, many of the steppe princes of the XV-XVI centuries. added the
prefix "Sain" to their name, thereby trying to at least compare with the well-known
in the steppes and already became a legendary khan
Moreover, from the further text of the source it becomes quite clear that "the
king, by the name of Sain Bulgarian" is not at all the ruler of the Volga Bulgaria of
the XII century, but the Golden Horde Khan: "Both the king (Sain-V.E.) and often
himself from the pillar of his city Saray (!) Come and live in it" (i.e. in Kazan). "
Finally, a special interest in clarifying the question of "Sain of Bulgaria" is the
consideration of the text of the key part of the previous chapter. İt provides a
decidedly fictional account of Watu's death and that he was succeeded by the Khan
"Sain of Orda." Further, it is reported about the decision of this khan to make a
punitive expedition to Russia. However, the Russian princes settle the conflict
peacefully, and "Sain Ordins ~ iy," not reaching the Russian border, decides to oenit
the city here and is looking for a suitable place for it. This is where the chapter
ends, and quite unexpectedly in the very first phrase of the next chapter, instead of
"Sain of Orda," "Sain of Bulgaria" appears: "The past on the Kama on the river is an
old hail, the name of Bryagov, from here the king came, the name of Sain of
Bulgaria" 'This phrase sharply violates the coherence of the narrative and comes into
conflict with the previous theist. The unexpected transformation of Batu's fictional
successor "Sain Ordinsky" into the equally legendary "Sain of Bulgaria," as well as
Bryagov's incontinence that does not fade from the previous context, make it
possible to argue that this phrase is an insert into the original text, and made rather
clumsily. İn this regard, the list published in Kazan, "where the phrase about" Sain
of Bulgaria "is completely absent and the logical connection of the story about" Sain
of Orda "is not interrupted, seems closer to the author's original. There is also no
specific date for the foundation of Nazani, which is also more than

• Kazan history, p. 44.

1
V. G. Tizenhausen. A collection of materials related to the history of the Golden Horde,
vol. 1. St. Petersburg , 1884.
• I'. V. Yusupov. İntroduction to Bulraro-Tatar epigraphy. M.-L., 1960.9 Kazan
history, p. 48.
1
About İbid., pp. 46, 47 .
11
The legend of the conception of the kingdom of Kazan. Ed. F.T. Vasilyeva, Kazan, 1902, sheet
turn 10.
81
- corresponds to the author's recognition of the encountered difficulties in establishing
the truth .
The words of the parsed passage "and find a place on the Volga, in the Russian
country itself, in this country of the Kama River" do not correspond at all to the
historical geography of the XII century. At that time, R. Kazanka could not be "the
most Ukrainian Russian," since the border of the Russian lands of the XII century
passed several hundred kilometers north, in the area of the river. Oki. Later, in the
XIV century, it moved somewhat south and settled along the banks of the river. Sura,
but still far enough from the place of origin of Kazan. Such distortion of borders was
made by the author clearly deliberately in accordance with the political situation of the
XVI century, created after the defeat of the Kazan Khanate. This tendency vividly
appears at the beginning of the story, which says: "The Russian land was united, the
city of Kazan now stands, continuing into the valley from one from Nova to the east,
along both countries of the great Volga river down and to the Bulgarian (borders) and to
the Kama River... all the same power and region of Kyiv and Vla -
dimer, according to the same Moscow now "*.
İn conclusion of the parsed passage, it is reported:... " and rapid Kazan
capital hail place Bryagov. " These words also cannot be attributed to Nazani in the Xİİ
century. The city of Bryagov is identified by researchers with Bulgaria the Great * °, the
former capital of Volga Bulgaria until the Xİİ century and in the Xİİİ- XİV centuries. İn
the Xİİ century the capital was moved from Bulgaria to Bilyar. " These facts are well
known not only from reports of Russian chronicles, but also confirmed by
archaeological excavations. Thus, Kazan not only in the Xİİ century, but also in the
Xİİİ- XİV centuries. could not be the capital of the Volga Bulgaria .
İt is interesting to consider the general political situation in which the Bulgarian state of
this time was located in the XII century. According to chronicles, the Russian princes
throughout this century undertook a number of major campaigns against Bulgaria,
ending with the capture and defeat of Bulgarian settlements and cities. The largest of
them belong to 1120, 1172 and 11184 rr. One of the 5organizers of the active anti-Bulgarian
policy was Andrei Bogolyubsky, in connection with which some researchers rightly note
the interest of the Bulgars in eliminating this prince and their support for the conspiracy
against him. An extensive annalistic obituary of one of the main merits of Andrei
Bogolyubsky calls his repeated victories over the Bulgarian regiments "Such an active
anti-Bulgarian orientation of Russian politics in the XII century. led to the fact that the
main territory of the Volga Bulgaria was in Zakamye and its expansion went exclusively
to the south. This is noted by A.P. Smirnov and is confirmed by archaeological studies of
Predkamya by N.F. Kalinin, who came to the conclusion that the Bulgarians mastered
Predkamya mainly in the Xİİİ- XİV centuries. "True, R.G. Fakhrutdinov reports the
discovery in recent years of five pre-Mongol villages in the basin of the river. Kazan: 1ki.
However, 8
their dating is purely preliminary in nature and is based on lifting material, and
not on excavations.

History, p. 44.
2and Kazan

from S, M. Shpilevsky. Ancient cities and other Bulgar-Tatar monuments in 1-Tazan rubernia.
Razan, 1877, pp. 118-124; A, P. Smirnov. Volga Bulrars. M., 1951, p. 167.
n R. G. Fakhrutdinov. About the capital of pre-Mongol Bulgaria. SA, 1974, 2, p. 131.1 5PSRL.
vol. 11. St. Petersburg, 1908, stb. 286, 564, 565, 625.
1
in the same place, stb. 590.
1 A. P, Smirnov. Uk. Op., pp. 44-46; N, F. Kalinin. By the results of the archaeological expedition
of the KFAN of the USSR 1955 r. Ed. KFAN OF THE USSR. Ser. humanite. sciences, No. 2,
Kazan, 1957, p. 202 .
Yves R. G. Fakhrutdinov. Tasks of archaeological study of the Kazan Khanate, -str. 120.
82
 One of the characteristic indicators of tangible for the Bulgars military strikes from
the north is the transfer to the XII century. state capitals from Bulrar to Bilyar, "located
in the depths of Bulgarian land and away from the Volga .
The stingy information of the sources also allows us to judge the intense internecine
struggle within the Volga Bulgaria itself. This is evidenced by the involvement by one
of the Bulgarian princes of the Polovtsy as accomplices in the struggle against another
feudal lord. " The constant threat of attacks from the north and internal strife did not in
any way contribute to the Xİ of the İ century. the development by the Bulgars of
significant territories on the right bank of the Kama and especially along the Volga.
During this period, the development of pre-Kama lands could be carried out by them
only in areas much remote from the Volga, the coast of which was very militarily
turbulent .
When considering this issue, these · of medieval cartography are also of interest.
One of the most detailed maps of this area, compiled in the middle of the XIV century.
İtalian merchants Pitzigani, places Bulgarian cities exclusively in Zakamye and along
the course of the Kama ° '. To the north of the Kama, on the banks of the Volga, there is
only one city of Kostroma. Kazan is absent both on the map of the Catalan atlas of 1375
and on the map of Fra Mauro of the early 15th century, based mainly on the information
of the two previous maps. "
İt follows with certainty from the above that the foundation of Kazan in the XII
century. pe is confirmed neither by sources, nor by an analysis of the political situation
of that time. There are no direct reports on the attribution of the emergence of Kazan to
the reign of the Golden Horde Khan Watu in written sources. İs that for such news you
can take the above passage from Casance: which history, naturally, does not take into
account the date given in it 1177. During the reign of Batu, the gradual revival of urban
life really begins, the development of which was interrupted by the Mongol-Tatar
invasion. Batu lays his capital Sarai on the Lower Volga. İn the steppes, especially at
crossings across large rivers, small villages appear, inhabited by Russians and Bulgars
driven here .
However, the initial period of Watu's rule is characterized not by the laying of new,
but by the restoration of old cities due to the urgent need to quickly create a settled
administrative center of the state. This center of Watu temporarily elected the city of
Bulgar, where the minting of the first Golden Horde coins began. Since that time, the
rapid development of the city has been taking place, which is confirmed by written and
archaeological sources. Bulgar Xİİİ - XİV centuries. was the largest trade and craft
center, as evidenced by at least two such facts. İn 1376, Grand Duke Dmitry İvanovich
imprisoned his daruga and customs officer not in any city on the Volga, but in Bulgaria
°. İn 1382, Tokhtamysh sent a detachment to capture Russian merchants and 1fix their
goods also to Bulgar. " İn other words, Bulgar Xİİİ- XİV centuries. was a recognized
international center of trade in the territory of the Volga Bulgaria; there was no second
center like him in this area of the Volga .

19
A.P. Smirnov, Uk. Op., pp. 45, 46; R. G. Fakhrutdinov. About the capital of pre-Mongol
Bulgaria .
2
about PSRL, 1. İ, L., 4926, stb. 389.
21
F. K. Brun. Periplus of the Caspian Sea according to maps of the XIV century. Zap.
Novorossiysk. un-ta, vol. 9, Odessa, 1873 .
22
İbid.; F.F. Chekalin. The lower Volga region according to the map of the cosmographer of the
15th century FraMauro. Tr. Saratovsk. uch, archival comis., Vol. İİ, issue 2, Saratov, 1890.
2
H PSRL, vol. XV, no. 4. Pg., 4922, stb. 116.
24 İbid., stb. 123.

83
:
İn detailed annalistic stories about the campaigns of ushkuiniki 1360, 1366, 1374, 1375.
Bulgar also constantly appears, while Kazan has never been mentioned
Not the last place in a number of testimonies about the time of the founding of
Kazan belongs to archaeological materials. Unfortunately, the excavations carried out
here are clearly insufficient to cover this issue. The stratigraphic sections of the
excavations have not been published, as have the finds themselves. Only on the basis of
several fragments of clay vessels of yellow-red color found during these works with a
thick striped gloss, it is impossible to accurately date the layer in which they lay.
Firstly, ceramics of exactly the same type were distributed in the Xİİ- Xİİİ, and in the
XİV century. İt is very often found in the Golden Horde settlements of the Lower Volga
region of the Xİİİ- XİV centuries. Secondly, according to the method developed for
archeology of the Volga Bulgaria by A.P. Smirnov, ceramic material can serve as an
acceptable argument for dating the cultural layer only in mass quantities (hundreds and
thousands of copies). Thirdly, the absence of stucco ceramics in the studied areas is
characteristic, which is a vivid indicator of the archaic nature of the river 26• Thus, the
attribution of the emergence of Kazan to the XİII century is also more than
problematic .
As for the existence of Kazan in the XIV century, this is recognized by supporters of all
three points of view at the time of its foundation. The difference here is: you know that
supporters of the emergence of Kazan in the Xİİ or Xİİİ century. consider the city by
this time already fully formed and developed, and supporters of the founding of the city
in the XİV century. represent it by this time in the stadium of initial development. The
lack of convincing arguments in favor of the emergence of Kazan in the Xİİ or Xİİİ
century. reduces the essence of the issue to the most accurate concretization of the time
of the founding of the city throughout the XİV century. İts indisputable existence in the
XİV century is confirmed by reliable annals. The most equal to them is contained in the
Rogozhsky Chronicle at 1391 ° 'when describing the campaign of the ushkuiniki who
plundered Zhukotin (Juketau) and Kazan. This message is repeated in the Simeon
Chronicle and the Moscow Code 2of 1479. The second 8time Kazan appears in the Novgorod İV
Chronicle under 1395 29when describing the large campaign of Russian troops,
accompanied by the defeat of Bulgar, Zhukotin, Kazan, Kermenchuk. Thus, in the last
decade of the XIV century. Kazan already seems to be a fortress or a city, the
importance of which could not be underestimated by Russian troops.
The absence of any other information about Kazan, allowing to specify the time of
its occurrence, prompts to turn to the consideration of the general situation in the area
in the second half of XIVv.
The internal crisis experienced by the Golden Horde from 1360 to 1380 also
affected its constituent part - the Volga Bulgaria. Some large Golden Horde feudal
lords, who did not want to obey Mamai, but also did not have enough strength to fight
him, preferred to leave the steppe regions of the state and go to its outskirts. The ruler
of Beljamen (Russian Bezdezh) Tagai "Naruchad took that country for himself, that live
and stay" "Naruchad is the Golden Horde city of Mohshi from the modern Narovchat of
the Penza region. A certain Sekiz Bey

25
İbid., stb. 69, 84, 106, 414.
26
T. A. Khlebnikova. Pottery production of Volga Bulgars X - beginning of XİII century .
MIA, 111, 1962.
2
1 PSRL, vol. XV, †. 1, stb. 160, 464.
2
in PSRL, vol. XVIİİ. C1Pb., 1913, p. 144; Vol. XXV. M.- L.. 4949, p. 219. No.
2
PSRL, vol. İV, part 1, 111111111. 2. L., 1925, p. 380 .
in PSRL, 1 t. XV, come out. 1, stb. 70.

84
stood in the area of Yuyapee p. Piany, "cut off the moat, that gray" '. Bulak-Timur
captured Bulgar and "took the Volzhsky path." İmportant in economic and military
relations, Bulgar and the Volga itself become the subject of a fierce struggle
between Mamai, the Khans who were sitting in Sarai al-Jedid and individual feudal
lords who tried to independently rule in Bulgar. As a result, the Volga Bulgaria of
the "Great Silence" period becomes one of the territories isolated from the Golden
Horde, which is confirmed by the analysis of numismatic data. " The center of it all
this time continues to be the city of Bulgar. "
Of particular interest to our topic are the events described in the Russian annals
under 1370 and 1376 rr. By 1370, power in Bulgar was seized by the local prince
Hasan or, as chroniclers call him, Osan. Sitting in the Barn, al-Jedid Khan decides
to regain this area, putting his protege there with the help of the Russian Rnyaz. To
do this, the ambassador of the khan is sent to Dmitry Konstantinovich Suzdalsky.
As a result, the Suzdal prince, "having gathered a lot of war, the ambassador of his
prince's brother Boris and the son of his prince Vasily, and with them the ambassador
tsarev in the name of Achikhozh, and the ambassador İ am on the Blgar prince
Osan. Osan, on the other hand, opposes them with a petition and with many gifts,
they are gifts on the rise, and on the reign of Posadish Saltan Bakov's son and come
to Russia. "
İn 1376, Grand Duke Dmitry İvanovich sent troops to the Volga Bulgaria region
already on his own initiative: "That's the winter, Prince Grand Dmitry İvanovich of
the ambassador of Prince Dmitry Mikhailovich Volynskago ratifying to the godless
Blagary, and Prince Dmitry Kostyantinovich Sudalsky ambassador to the son of his
prince Vasily and other son of his prince İvan, and with them boyars and governor
and howling a lot. And when İ come to Blgar in the great talk of the month of
March, the 16th day on Monday on Palm Week, Pogrozhka Besermenov got out of
the city to oppose them and the flock for battles and started shooting, and from the
hail of thunder İ am afraid of our army, and from the friends of self-shooting arrows
İ am afraid, and we went out to the whaleblood, our horses were flat, but ours would
not be afraid of their thunderstorms; but firmly opposing the flock to the battles and
rushing to hire unanimously and skipping at them, they are the fences of running
into their hail, and ours, after the biyuchi and killing them with the number
Becermep 70. And Prince Bulgarskyi Osan and Makhmat Soltan and the Grand
Duke and the other 2000 rubles, and 3,000 rubles to the governors and the town, left
the city. Ours will return, all their will will will be taken up, and the gift and
customs officer will be given, and the loans and villages and winter houses will
burn, and the people will go and go with victory. "
İn our opinion, these two messages are key in resolving the issue of the time of
the emergence of Kazan. As a result of the campaign of 1370, Muhammad Sultan
became the ruler of the Bulgarian land. As for Prince Hassan, he saved his life by
offering "many gifts" and abandoning resistance. Muhammad Sultan, as the protege
of the khan sitting in Sarai al-Jedid, realizing his alien to the Bulgarian environment,
chose not to conflict with the local prince Hassan, but to make him his vassal ally.
The assumption that both princes remained in the same city, that is, Bulgaria, is
extremely unlikely. Most likely, Muhammad Sultan allocated some Surugal to
Hassan on certain conditions of feudal subordination. İt is unlikely that he was in
the original Bulgarian regions of the left bank of the Kama, since these lands were
considered to belong to -

1 İbid., stb. 74. z2

İbid., stb. 70.
zz G, A, Fedorov-Davydov. Treasures of Juchid coins. Numismatics and Epigraphics, vol.
İ.M., 1960, p. 17 .
04 S. A, Yanina. A general overview of the Juchid coin collection from excavations and
collections of the Kuibyshev Expedition in Bulgaria (1946-1958). MIA, 111, p. 155.
35
PSRL, vol. XV, issue 1, stb. 92.
• in İbid., stb. 416, 117.
8

5
the rulers of Bulgaria or in a certain part made up the possessions of the feudal lords
subordinate to him. The territories located south of these lands were involved in the
orbit of the struggle of Mamai with the khans of Saraya al-Jkedid and were at that time
a very turbulent area. The eastern regions of Volga Bulgaria constituted the inheritance
of strong Zhukotin feudal lords, a quarrel with whom clearly could not help strengthen
the position of Muhammad Sultan. İt is most likely that Hassan could receive an
inheritance north of the right tributary of Nama - r. Meshi. Giving Hassan these lands,
sparsely populated (especially along the Volga) due to frequent military conflicts with
Russia, Muhammad Sultan, firstly, maintained good relations with large Bulgarian
feudal lords, since this did not infringe on their interests, mainly limited to Zakamye.
Secondly, the owner of this area, which was important for the outpost during possible
clashes with the Russian princes, was their clear opponent.
For the construction of his residence and the administrative center of possessions,
Hassan chose a place near the mouth of the current river. Kazanka, 120 km north of
Bulgar. The founding of the city here had two undeniable advantages for that time.
Firstly, the city received along the river. Kazanka access to the Volga and was actually
on it. Secondly, it was invisible from the Volga, as it was separated from it at a distance
of several kilometers. There is no second place, equally convenient and meeting such
requirements, in this area of the Volga left bank.
Thanks to the location of his possessions closest to the Russian border, Hassan in
1376 was the first to know about the approach of the Russian Rati and in time warns of
the danger of Muhammad Sultan. This is what explains the appearance of Hassan in
Bulgaria, as well as the well and clearly well-organized defense of the city in advance
("To Besermenov, İ get out of the city, İ oppose them and the flock to fight and shoot at
the top of the fire, and İ'm afraid of our army, and İ'm afraid of the friends of the self-
shooting arrow velbludeh, our horses are awesome"). İt is also possible to assume that
it was Hasan who was the culprit of this Russian campaign, carried out clearly as a
retaliatory action for some unknown attack on Russian lands or the beating of Russian
guests in the Volga.
For 20 years (1370-1390), the administrative center of Hassan's possessions has
grown so much and gained fame that in 1391 the Russian chronicler mentions him
along with the well-known Zhukotin. By the same time, Bulgar, who became once
again in the second half of the XIV century. arena of fierce struggle, finally loses its
significance 7
The new city, founded by the Bulgarian prince Hassan in 1370, was named after its
founder. This custom, apparently, was widespread among the Volga Bulgars. G.V.
Yusupov, who specially dealt with this issue, notes a very large number of settlements
whose names are derived from personal names found in the Bulgarian epitaphs XIV in
No. A little later, in the process of forming the Tatar language, the name of Hasan was
transformed into the usual now: Kazan. Such sound transitions are well substantiated
by the studies of G. V. Yusupov, who revealed a clear pattern of the transition of the
Bulgarian "x" to the later Tatar "to" "and the Bulgarian" s "to the later Tatar " z "*"
Softening the final "n" in the word "Kazan" can most likely be attributed to Russian
influence.
3
1 A.P. Smirnov. The main stages of the history of the city of Bulgar and its historical
topotography. MIA, 42, 1954, p. 322.
sv, "V. Yusupov. Bulgar-Tatar epigraphy and toponymy as a source of research on the
ethnogenesis of Kazan Tatars. Sat. "İssues of ethnogenesis of Turkic-speaking peoples of the Middle
Volga region." Kazan, 1971, p. 218 .
z9. " V. Yusupov. İntroduction to Bulgar-Tatar epigraphy. M.-L., 1960, pp. 81, 82.
4o İbid., p. 83.

86
 İn conclusion, we can mention an extremely interesting stone overwork found near
Kazan and dated by G.V. Yusupov presumably at the end of XII İ century. "'İts text is
largely spoiled, the date has been erased, but the scraps have disappeared allow us to
read that < < this is the burial place of the great and noble overlord, assistant to the
lords, emir revered... victorious... pride of kind... and the faith, the shadows of the lord of
the worlds Hasan-bek son of Mir-mahmud. " İn this epitaph, in addition to the name, pay
attention to the word "assistant to the overlords," since Hassan was indeed ~ vassal of
Muhammad Sultan. The development and splendor of the title of the epitaph, as well as
the use of the title "emir" are characteristic precisely for the second half of the XIV
century, when official paperwork and title necessarily proceeded from Arab-Persian
traditions. İn favor of this date, the tombstone is also evidenced by some technical
features of its execution. For example, clear rectangles of lines separated from each other
by clean stripes. A similar arrangement of inscriptions originates only in • XIV century.
and reaches its heyday in the XV-XVI centuries, when pure buried stripes between lines
turn into relief crossbars that separate each · line from the next 2'· •

V. L. Egorov
SUR L'EPOQUE DE LA FONDATION DE КAZAN

R esume

Dans cet article on examine trois points de vue sur 'ёроque de la fondation de la ville de Kazan:
le XIIe sicle, le XIIle siecle ои le XIVe siecle. L'analyse des sources ecrites et archeologiques montre
qu'il п'existe pas de preuves convaincantes en faveur de cette fondation аи XIIe s. ou au XIIIe s.
L'auteur de l'article propose de considerer que la ville de Kazan а @te fondee еп 1370. Ceci decoule
de l'ехатеп de temoignages indirects fournis par les chroniques russes.

41
İbid., Table 2.
2 See also, for example, tombstones No. 53-57 .

8
7
 TO 70-LYeTIYu FROM THE BIRTH OF S. V. KISELEV

The 70th anniversary of the birth of the largest Soviet archaeologist and historian of
the ancient world, an outstanding organizer of archaeological science, laureate of the
State Prize, corresponding member of the USSR Academy of Sciences, Doctor of
Historical Sciences Sergei Vladimirovich Kiselev was celebrated. His name firmly
entered the history of Russian science as the name of one of the best representatives of
the Soviet archaeological school. Over 120 scientific papers reflect the breadth of mind,
the versatility of interests and the author's erudition. The research of S.V. Kiselev was
widely known and recognized not only among domestic, but also foreign scientists.
S.V. Kiselev was born on July 17, 1905 r. in Mytishchi, a car-building plant
technician in the family.
After graduating from high school in 1923, S.V. Kiselev entered the Moscow State
University at the historical and archaeological department. His supervisor is an
outstanding scientist who brought up several generations of Russian archaeologists, V.
A. Gorodtsov. İn 1923, V. A. Gorodtsov made a trip to Siberia on the instructions of
Glavnauka in order to survey museums. He was greatly impressed by the wealth of
southern Siberia with archaeological sites, amazed by the huge collections of
antiquities lying dead in the attic of the Minusinsk Museum. At that time, only the first
steps were taken regarding the development of chronological periodization of
monuments of Southern Siberia (the work of S. A. Teploukhov). V. A. Gorodtsov
guided his student S. V. Kiselev to study this distant and poorly studied region.
Still very young, but already unusually purposeful and deeply erudite scientist, S.V.
Kiselev with the energy and passion characteristic of his nature, set about mastering
the materials of the South Siberia. He devoted his whole life to studying the distant past
of this region. İn 1928, as a graduate student of the Research İnstitute of Archeology
and Art Studies of the Russian Association of Research İnstitutes of Social Sciences,
S.V. Kiselev made the first excavations on the Middle Yenisei, which laid the
foundation for systematic long-term field research .
His first field season was 1928 r. without exaggeration can be called a scientific
feat. With modest funds available, some of which were saved from a graduate
scholarship, he made significant excavations on a scale and made a large exploration
route. Excavations, in order to accumulate the control material necessary for the
systematization and classification of existing collections, were carried out near the
village. Krivinsky, on Tagarsky İsland, in the Ust-Tes settlement, near the village. Tes
on the river. Tube and at the village. Kochergino .
17 mounds of Afanasyev culture, about 500 Karasuk, 945 Tagar mounds, Tashtyk
and Kyrgyz funerary structures and other monuments were registered by intelligence.
The results of the 4928 works were published in full. Collection of finds S.V. Kiselev
88
transferred to the Minusinsk Museum. This new group of sources was the basis for the
classification of archaeological cultures, in particular Tagar .
İn 1929, at the suggestion and at the expense of the Minusinsk Museum, S.V.
Niselev continued to explore and excavate Afanasyev, Karasuk, Tagar and Tashtyk
burials on the right bank of the Yenisei, near the villages of Syda, Ust-Syda and
Bystraya, at the same time he made more than 80 prints of writers. A special article is
devoted to the analysis of the technique of applying these cave paintings, in which S.V.
Kiselev emphasized the importance of cave paintings as illustrative monuments, which
significantly replenish our information on the life of various groups of the ancient
population of Southern Siberia .
The end of the 20s is marked by a revision of the methodology of old science, a
struggle with the influence of bourgeois ideology in archeology. İn disputes, acute
discussions, overcoming temporary mistakes, the younger generation of archaeologists
developed a new technique, created the theoretical basis of Soviet archaeological
science. İn the forefront of the creators of the new methodology was S.V. Kiselev. From
the very beginning, his works were characterized by a desire for historicism, for wide
generalizations. An example of such work is his work "Settlement," in which he traces
the development of forms of settlement from the Stone Age to the Middle Ages in
connection with the general laws of the development of human society.
İn 1930, S. V. Kiselev defended his thesis on the topic "Minusinsk Neometal." He
successfully combines work in the State Historical Museum with work in the Moscow
branch of GAIMK.
The accumulation and comprehension of new archaeological materials from the
territory of Siberia allowed Soviet archaeologists to move on to the development of
complex socio-economic issues in the history of Siberian tribes.
An example of brilliant historical and archaeological research is the essay by S. V.
Kiselev, published in 1933, "The decomposition of the clan and feudalism on the
Yenisei." This bold, innovative work, which historically generalizes huge factual
material despite some errors of a sociological nature, played a large positive role in the
development of science .
Since 1930, for many years, S.V. Kiselev headed the work of the Sayano-Altai
archaeological expedition of the İIMK Academy of Sciences of the USSR and GIM.
Every year, the expedition carried out systematic archaeological work on the Yenisei
and Altai, where monuments of various eras from early bronze to the Middle Ages were
discovered and studied, many of which gained world fame.
Along with field research, which unusually enriched the source study base, S.V.
Kiselev paid great attention to the study of museum collections from the excavations of
his predecessors and from random finds, forcing the whole mass of Siberian antiquities
to speak the language of history.
İn May 1946, S.V. Kiselev brilliantly defended his doctoral dissertation. İn 1949, the
monograph "Ancient History of Southern Siberia" was published, having passed the
second edition in 1954 1, and its author was awarded the USSR State Prize and the
Lomonosov Prize. This work was the most complete combined work, summarizing
all previous archaeological research and covering a huge chronological period - about
three millennia - from the Neolithic to the creation and heyday of medieval states up to
the Mongol invasion in the XİII century. S.V. Kiselev identified the main stages of the
historical path passed by the ancient population of Southern Siberia, and showed the
originality of the development of each of them. Significant attention in the book is paid
to the local features of the economy, life and culture of the ancient population of
Southern Siberia. At the same time, it was shown that cultural development did not
occur in isolation from neighboring civilizations, but in close connection with them .
8

9
S.V. Kiselev largely revised the prevailing ideas and · made a number of valuable
conclusions about the ways of development and decomposition of the clan system and
about the emergence of feudal relations. Having solved the main problems of the origin
of the ancient population and modern peoples, formerly all-Cossacks, S.V. Kiselev
recreated the unwritten history of Southern Siberia. Reviewing the monograph of S. V.
Kiselev, A. V. Artsikhovsky wrote that "in the study of Southern Siberia, the book of S.
V. Kiselev from: covers a new era. The era of preparatory work (which lasted more than
a hundred years) was completed, the ancient history of this country was first written; it
was possible to create it only because the author was guided by the methodology of
Marxism-Leninism. All future studies of Southern Siberia will be based on this book
for many decades. "
Exploring the history of the peoples of Southern Siberia against a wide historical
background, S. V. Kiselev came closer and closer to developing the problems of ancient
and medieval history of Central Asia. İn 1946-1947 he worked in Tuva, in 1947-1949.
excavated on the territory of MIR, made large scientific trips to the People's Republic
of China.
As a result of work in Mongolia, a comprehensive archaeological and ethnographic
expedition recorded hundreds of archaeological sites, a multi-layered paleolithic site
Moltyn am (on the banks of the Orkhon River) was discovered, medieval settlements
and cities were studied.
Two-year excavations of 1948-1949 The cities of Narakorum made it possible to
finally resolve the issue of the location of this city, identify its plan, describe in detail
individual quarters, which made it possible for scientists to recreate the socio-
economic face of the Mongolian capital XİII century .
The most important for solving the long-standing discussion about the date of
foundation of the city was the excavation of the Ugadeya palace. The date of
construction of this palace was known from the annals, and in the layers underlying the
palace S.V. Kiselev discovered the remains of a Buddhist idol with frescoes related in
style to the Xİİ - beginning of the Xİİİ century. According to S.V. Kiselev, this temple
with frescoes was a contemporary of Genghis Khan.
The excavation materials confirmed and perfectly illustrated the three parts of the
city described by V. Rubruk - the administrative one with the Ugadeya palace in the
center, craft quarters and a shopping one. İn connection with the wide excavations of
the Mongol medieval city, S.V. Kiselev was able for the first time to put on the agenda
the issue of deep theoretical significance about the cities of Central Asia in the zone of
the predominance of nomadic feudal economy. İn the second half of the 50s, S.V.
Kiselev continued the same topic of analyzing the Mongolian medieval city as an
architectural ensemble and as a socio-economic phenomenon during excavations of the
Trans-Baikal "Konduisky town."
The work of the Sayano-Altai archaeological expedition was continued in 1954-
1956. During these years, S.V. Kiselev excavated the largest large Salbyk mound on the
Middle Yenisei. Unprecedented in scale work using earth-moving equipment was
carried out at a very high methodological level, combined with meticulous and
thorough fixation.
Excavations of the Great Salbyk Mound, which concluded the family crypt of the
tribal leader or tribal union, forced to revise the previously established idea of the
level of development of Tagar society.
İn the last years of his life, S.V. Kiselev began work on a huge generalizing work on
the coverage of archaeological material < < Eneo.r ~: it and the bronze veins of the Old
World, "in which he conceived to create a historical generalization of the most
important periods in the history of mankind. But Sergei Vladimirovich did not have
time to finish this capital work .
The teaching activities of S.V. Kiselev are widely known. Since 1939, he has been a
member. '! Professor of the Department of Archeology of Historical
90
cult of Moscow State University. M.V. Lomonosov.
S.V. Kiselev was an outstanding organizer of science. From 1945 to 1951, he
was deputy director of the İnstitute for the History of Material Culture, from 1951
until his death he headed the Neolithic and Bronze sector of this institute. From
1950 to 1954 he served as scientific secretary of the Presidium of the USSR
Academy of Sciences. For almost 10 years he was a member of the bureau of the
Department of Historical Sciences of the USSR. Since 1949, S. V. Kiselev was the
editor-in-chief of the Bulletin of Ancient History.
İn 1953, S.V. Kiselev was elected a corresponding member of the USSR Academy
of Sciences. The scientific and social activities of S. V. Kiselev were highly
appreciated, he was awarded two orders by the government - the Order of Lenin and
the Badge of Honor.
Numerous students and followers of Sergei Vladimirovich continue to develop
the problems first raised in his works, confirming on new materials his brilliant gift
of scientific foresight.
 Publications

A.P. SAVCHUK

NEW MESOLITHIC MONUMENTS IN THE MIDDLE

DNIEPER

Since 1949, the author has been exploring at dune sites in the Kyiv region .
Like the vast majority of dune sites, the discovered monuments give mixed different-
time material. Breaking flint guns into chronological groups is not easy. The products
of the Trypol culture are most easily distinguished, since they are well studied in the
numerous settlements and burial grounds (Sofia type) of this culture in the Middle
Dnieper. The situation is more complicated with flint tools accompanying the local
Neolithic, the so-called Dnieper-Donetsk, Neramics. The method of horizontal
stratigraphy developed by Polish archaeologists in the study of Mesolithic settlements
can also help to distinguish them.
A special feature of our monuments causes great difficulty - the scarcity of raw
materials, which is why local, boulder, bad ones were widely used: the quality of flint.
The technique looks "pebble." Nuclei are almost unknown. Blanks are determined by
tools. As a result, the possibilities of the typological and statistical method are
significantly limited, especially when comparing the Mesolithic products of interest to
local Paleolithic monuments, since the indices are not comparable. The qualitative
difference between our Mesolithic compared to the local Paleolithic and Neolithic is
expressed in the presence of new types of guns, in particular primitive arrowheads, axe-
shaped guns.
Among floodplain locations, we consider the most ancient to be those that are
closest in their flint to the late Paleolithic. On our materials, this can be seen mainly by
the absence or insignificant presence of geometric forms. A very striking example of
this kind is the location near the village. Tatsenki Obukhovsky district in the valley of
the river. Stugny, a small right den of the Dnieper. This is a small island character sandy
elevation in the middle of the peatland, largely occupied by an earthen quarry. A
number of authors here have so far collected up to 4,000 flints. ' The ratio of geometric
and pegeometric microlites, rare among sandy locations, is noteworthy: for 32
microplates with a dulled edge (Kudlaev type) - only two trapezoids. No other: the
categories of guns, except for scrapers in scrapers and nucleid pieces with traces of
processing, do not make up any expressive series (Fig. 1). Nevertheless, this location is
widely known and even ps -

1
V.N. Gladilin and V.N. Stanko. Additional data on the Mesolithic location of Tatsenka. Sat.
"Archaeological research in Ukraine in 1968." Kyiv, 1971.
92
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29

821r 29

Fig. 1. Typical finds of flint products from the Tatsenka site. 1-14 are blunted-back
microplates; 15-22, 24 - tools on sections of large plates, 23 - microplate-insert with:
circular retouching, 25-
28 - tools on nucleoid pieces, 29 - micronucleus

uses for synthetic constructions 2• The same complex of microlites is known under s.
Selische Barymevsko district on the river. Trubezh. Here, a miniature nucleus and
up to 10 Kudlaevsky microplates of the same type as the rock nucleus were found in
a water place, obviously the remains of the workshop. Microlites on sections of
larger plates have only approximate geometric outlines. The most expressive
triangle on the chip, here a complex of the Tatsenkov type appears very clearly.
Near the neighboring village. Pasechnaya on the banks of the Trubezh, among the
same small amount of flint, a fragment of a bone tip with a slot for inserting
microplastics with a blunt back was found. Of particular interest is the find made in
the spring of 1974 r. in the Trubezh valley, near with. Korzhi Baryshevsky district,
in the tract "Nut"; a parking lot was found here ,

2
Stefan К. Kozlowski. Zespoly typu Kudlajewka. Swiatowit, t. XXXIII, Waгszawa, 1972.
9

3
 ~~ ~~

'
(%
/At %
whole products. Thesezare rectangular inserts, J 1/
'
weakly destroyed by weathering. Cleaning was carried out on an area of up to 200 m *
in the place of accumulation of archaic flint. İt was possible to collect over 1,500 flints.
Among 1
them are about 50 plates with a dulled back, counting debris. There' are seven
finding an apology in the complex
nearest late Paleolithic site of Mezhirichi on Rosi '. Two trapezoids were found. Small
5
' of the

2
scrapers and nucleid guns are also typical. Obviously, on a par with the above-described
complexes, you can put Belosoroka in Belarus on Nizhny Pripyat, which gave only
microplates, which V.F. İsaenko, who studied ~~ this monument, refers to the earliest
f:Aj D4
4
meso: shtu. " Consequently, it is possible to classify the entire group of monuments as
the earliest in the floodplain, although their study is still beginning .
Most of the locations of microlytic flint can be attributed to the developed
,_
.. ,
mesolithic.
'

Kozintsy
b
The most striking example is the tract "Zagai" near the former village.
Pereyaslav-Khmelnitsky
7 district
8 at the mouth of 9Trubezh (the area 10 is currently
occupied by the "Nanev Sea"). ~~

' 8 a 2.31
The territory of the tract is an elevated section of the river meadow (high
floodplain, according to geological terminology) with an area of up to 20 hectares,
surrounded on all sides by lakes and swamps - the remains of ancient channels, mainly
the Dnieper. İn 1957, the surface of the. tract was plowed open and a huge number of
archaeological finds appeared everywhere. At first, a flint of large, Tripolian, numerous
arrowheads
11 of bronze12time were noticed. 13However, as the! 1/wind inflated the 1.5 arable layer
and the accumulation of the entire contents of the cultural ~~ layer at the ~bottom of young

Qt 5 at
blows, a smaller flint began to rise. Such fees lasted for many years, until recently,
constantly alternating with sweeps, even with sifting of sand through sieves, with
repeated fees at the sweeps .
İn total, four points with Mesolithic flint were found on the territory of the" tract of
interest to us, giving a 17 18
total of up to 3,000 19
finds. All these points make ZD up isolated
clusters1b of flint, and not just the results of collection in a certain area. The first point is
XIE

& ls ]!
Nozintsy İ, he gave the most archaic flint. Nak and everyone else, this point is located
~ massif. The finds were concentrated on~~an area of several square
on the edge of the
22 2555
meters. The build-up became noticeable when the blow-off touched the ground layer.
Powerful
21 ortsteins testified to the violation
23 of the land21./
8920.8
in this place in antiquity
25 and,
obviously, indicate a dwelling within which flint was cultivated.
After the ~

% ti 6% 1.
completion of all work, a continuous cleaning was undertaken, convincing
that the accumulation of flint was completely exhausted. İt was a round lens in plan
with a diameter of 3 m at a depth of O,5 m from the surface. The coincidence of the
accumulation of these finds was evidenced by the odi-fake rock: the flint of most of
them, corresponding in general to the boulder, but of the highest quality and having a
29
26
color. İn total,28there are about 700 flints, 240 products and semi-finished
yellow(ar
products. We 27 attribute mainly nucleid pieces, rare non-standard
30 nuclei,31fragments of
plates to semi-finished products. All of them are very small in size. The nature of the
plate has to be judged by the guns. Ultimately, it seems very rude. Up to 30 rather
expressive cutters are made on such a plate, as well as in pieces close to it. This is the
largest series of all complexes known in the floodplain of the Middle Dnieper. Among
the incisors there are lateral, median, on the corner of the broken plate and those in
which the incisional protrusions are decorated only

• M. G. Gladkikh. Cream'yany inventar nizgnonaleoltic settlement Mezhirich. "Archeology,"

1974, 3, stor. 59, Fig. 1, 1-6 .
% V.F. İsaenko. Neolithic of Pripyat Polesie. Autoref. cand. dis. Minsk, 1973.
this series of guns also stands out vaguely. Close to it are some nucleid pieces that carry

@~
traces of processing. Such tools by the functional principle are already approaching the
ax, although they serve not for chopping, but for rough cutting. Two guns have an
elongated shape, working edges pull along the entire perimeter. İn addition, the complex
belongs to a microlite resembling the degenerating shape of the svidersky arrowhead
type. Such tips
distributed in other complexes
and are characteristic of the
developed mesolithic.
Closely related to the
complex described above is an
interesting "treasure" of rough
cutting tools, found at a
distance of about 60 m from
the first point. İn total, eight
2
large such guns were found,
composed of a very dense
heap, probably located in a
small hole 60 cm deep. The
most interesting are two guns
with a longitudinal cutting
edge adjusted by the
~
upholstery, and another edge
designed to be captured by the
hand, much thicker. The type
of these highly primitive tools
speaks, as it were, of complete
unfamiliarity with Prince
cip of the action of the wedge-
shaped axe, in which all load falls on the transverse part '. The remaining guns had no
cutting edges, but traces of use are noticeable. The flint rock is relatively high-quality,
close to the first accumulation, imported. These guns, together with smaller nuclevids,
can be considered local: a prototype of an ax, they also correspond to chopper-shaped
guns of Mesolithic time in neighboring territories: Donetchina, Dnieper .
The third accumulation of flint, 200 m away from the first, yielded the most
abundant material, up to 2,000 objects. The series of trapezoids reaches 65 copies.
They are of a different type, wide. The manufacture of trapezoids on the sections of
larger and more regular plates by twisting can be considered as a late feature. İn
general,
Fig. 2.this complex
Microlites is not much
of geometric different
outlines fromfrom the first
Kozintsy 1 1-25. - trapezoidal on sections of
Among other locations of the developed
plates and splinters, Mesolithic,
26-31-plates the finds
with blunted backat the construction
site of the Kanevskaya hydroelectric power station, concentrated in the museum of the
Anevsky reserve, deserve special attention. About 100 flints were collected here by
local amateurs. Among them are two svideroid arrowheads, six nuclei with a
predominance
retouching (onofflakes).
prismatic shape, cutting
İn general, the veaand cutting
series toolsto(Fig.
testifies 3), among this
degeneration: the latter a
paleolithic form of tools. Very interesting are miniature, usually geometric well
typical (for Volyn) hatchet with interception. Absence in this complex, as as in
outlines,
others collected in the vicinity of Kyiv, records with dulled
plates with a blunt back. Among them are two segments, one semi-segment-semi-
triangle. There are nine such records in total. Two large plates e, dulled by the edge,
are very close to them. These tips or knives resemble those of the tipe rravet.
Especially typical of this complex is a large series of geometric, although not strictly
sustained, tools on the sections of the plates and even on the splinters, mainly the
shape of a trapezoid. Trapezoids are dominated by elongated, high, characteristic of
the forest zone, although often such elongation can be explained by the shape of the
workpiece, peel. There are up to 30 trapezoids in total. This series of guns almost
imperceptibly merges e, much larger in number by various microlites of non-
geometric shape (Fig. 2). All scrapers are made on peels (50 copies), however
95
the back confirms our observation over the grouping of arrowheads and small
plates of inserts. To the same cultural type, we also refer to the locations known
from literature in the southern part of the Middle Dnieper basin: Akhtyrka along
Vorskla and B. Andrusovka on Tyasmin. The total locations of the developed
Mesolithic in the study area are about 10 (Fig. 4) °

Fig. 3. The main finds of Mesolithic flint products from

the foundation pit of the Kanevskaya hydroelectric
1, 2 - arrowheads, 3station
- nucleus, 4 - cutting tool

• A.P. Savchuk. The healers of the cream know about Pereyaslavshchini. "Archeologists at
Ukra ~ n in 1969," Ki ~ v, 4972.
96
 3 5 2л№ 7
· 06
21o
About
t

)1
)
Poltava

Oa

~6

Fig. 4. Schematic map of the main Mesolithic monuments -

kov of the Middle Dnieper region
a - location with predominance of Kudlaev-type microplates, 6 - with
predominance of geometric microlites. Monument : 1 - Belosoroka, 2 - Kudlaevka,
3 - Tatsenki, 4 - Selishche, 5 - Korzhi (Kut tract), 6, 7 - Vodogonnaya station and
VitaLigovskaya (according to D. Ya. Telegin ), 8 - Nikolskaya Slobodka, 9 -
Korzhi (tract "Tags" and "Ryabtsy"), 10 - Prystma, 11 - Volchkov, 12 - Nozintsy,
13 - Kanevskaya HPP, 14 - B. Andrusovka, 15 - Akh-
tyr: ka (according to M. Ya. Rudinsky )

The late mesolithic is the least clearly distinguished typologically. Perhaps the
most significant feature of such complexes is the almost complete absence of
records with a dulled back. The joint finding of any microlites with Neolithic
ceramics, in our opinion, does not provide anything for dating, since we have
noticed that the finds of such ceramics, even the earliest, are mostly not
accompanied by microlites. For example, no microlytic complexes were found at all
on the area of the huge reservoir of the Kyiv hydroelectric station (120 km long).
Even individual microlites are known in one to two cases. İt can be assumed that
Dnieper-Donetsk ceramics in the territory of interest to us are associated mainly
with Trppol-type flint .

6
Some of the np orrisan in the recently published work of the author "Novi mesolitichi sites in
Ki ~ all the Dnieper'i." "Archeology," 13, 1974 .
4 Soviet Archaeology, No. 4 9
7
 Our experience of systematizing microlite finds in the Middle Dnieper region
allows us to better imagine the appearance of the Mesolithic of this area.

A. R. Savtchouk

DE NOUVEAUX MONUMENTS MESOLITНIQUES SUR

LE COURS MOYEN DU DNIEPR
Resume

Larticle est consacre аих nouvelles stations mesolithiques decouvertes lors des prospections
faites par l'auteur sur la riviere Troubej, dans la region du Dniepr moyen. Le trait distinctif des objets
de ces stations est, dans une grande mesure, la pauvrete еп matiere premiere, due а l'@loignement
des gisements, et la mauvaise qualite des silex erratiques locaux.
 N.O. BADER EARLY JEWISH SETTLEMENT TELL-SOTTO
(ACCORDING TO EXCAVATIONS 1971, 1973-1974)
The history of early Jewish cultures in Northern Mesopotamia, which provides
important materials for understanding the processes of initial accumulation of
producing forms of farming, has been attracting the attention of specialists for several
decades. However, the accumulation of evidence is slow. The most important field
work in the area remains the research of S. Lloyd and F. Safar on Tell Hassun ', the
extensive exploration work of R. Braidwood in İraqi Kurdistan and the excavation at the
settlement of Jarmo *. İn recent years, these works have been supplemented by studies
by Shimshara ', Telula-Telafat * and Umm-Dabagia •
The beginnings of the manufacturing economy can be traced to Rarim Shahir and its
analogues (about 9000 years BC). Tell Hassun gives a developed culture of farmers and
cattle breeders (about 5000 BC). Jarmo (7000-6000 BC) finds his place between them.
This scheme, however, remains fragmentary, many links of the intended chain are
unknown.
The Soviet archaeological expedition chose to explore the slopes of Sinjar and the
adjacent plain. İn this ecologically diverse area, you could count on monuments of all
types of different times. The main objects of the expedition's research - Yarymtepe İ and
İ - have already given unique materials belonging to the Hassun and Khalaf cultures. *
For several seasons, the author undertook small explorations to identify more ancient
monuments.
On the left bank of the river. Abra at the place of its exit to the plain, 4-5 km
northwest of Lrim-tepe, V.İ. Gulyaev discovered an open Mousterian location. On the
western slope of Sinjar, in one of the valleys, a grotto and a workshop at the exits of
flint, named Kursi after a nearby village, were examined. Material from the grotto gave
tools of Mesolithic appearance. The workshop, apparently, was used for a long time. İn
any case, the Hassunians who lived on the plain were also forced to bring flint from the
foothills .
İn 1971, V. A. Bashilov and V. İ. Gulyaev discovered the Tell Sotto hill 2 km west of
Yarym-tepe. İn the same year, the author laid a trial excavation on it, which gave a kind
of material of pre-Assonian time. İn 1974, as a result of fugitive reconnaissance within
a radius of 8-40 km around

' S. Lloyd, F. Safar. Tell Hassuna. «Journal of Near Eastern Studies», Chicago, 1945. • IV, N 4.
2
R. I. Braidwood and В. Hove. Prehistorie investigations in Iraqi Kurdistan. Chicago, 1960.
3
Р. Martensen. Tel1 Shimshara, the Hassuna Period. Historish - Fillosofishe Shrifter Danslue
Videnshaberns 5/21, Copenhagen, 1970.
+ S. Fukai, К. Horiuchi and Т. Matsutani. Telul et Thalathat. Tokyo University rraq - Iran
Archaeological Expedition. Report 11, 1970.
5
D. Kirkbride. Umm Dabaghiyah, 1973. Preliminary report <•lraq►>, 1973, v. XXXV.
6
R. Munchajev, N. Merpert. The Archaeological Research in the Sinjar Valley (1971) Sumer, v.
27, 1971. Baghdad, 1973.
4* 99
 --
--
the
time, base ofcontains
the expedition a openednumber 10 small of Hassun monuments, mainly with archaic
: Ea material and
Hassun
rearrangements on the can surface.
be One of as
interpreted them, Küllü-tepe İ, along with the archaic
a,
Hassun,
a separate
p,
1:1:
according
cultural to preliminary
horizon estimates,
(mountain contained material close to the lower layer
of Tell
umbrella
a,
93
Sotto.
1V).The e expansion of these reconnaissance missions will highlight the group
of pre-Kassun
O)
:t;
The structures monuments
of the fourthof greatest
horizon interest
İ .
overlap
o,
a, Tell Sotto
with a powerful, widespread suite ofthe modern plain, slightly stretched from
rises no more than 2.5 m above
east
coal t,' to
a,
and west;
zo- its length
~ leaf alonginawhich
lenses, long axissmall is no more than 80 m. The hill swings open.
~ The cultural layer is traced from the surface
cultural
00
layers 4-6 are identified. İt to
is an elevation of - 3.80, that is, more than

j
m below
1essential thatthe the modern
carbonaceous level of the are
layers surrounding plain. The pits dug during the
accumulation
filled with of the lower layer go even deeper .
the Work on Tellaround
depressions Sotto was thecarried out byofthe author in 1971, 1973 and 1974. İnitially,
large house
a stepped trench was
theo:,lower layer are lowered, that is,laid along the long axis of the hill east of the center, 25 and 2 m
their
long. İt allowed, minimally
deposition began shortly after it was destroyed the monument, to form a sufficient idea of its
stratigraphy, architecture and distribution
destroyed. Ash-carbonaceous layers 4-of finds. Especially interesting was the lower
layer,
6 maywhich gave a peculiar,
be separated into a previously
third cultural unknown material, significantly different from
the
horizon. typicallyLarge Hassun one. İnhave
structures 1973,not the been
trench was widened in the northeast quarter of
a,hill. The total excavation area reached 100 m *. Based on the trial trench, seven
the
traced on its exposed area, which would
residential
be linked layerstowerelarge identified. İn the lower layer, the remains of a large residential
architectural
complex
complexes. were partially penetrated.
İn 1974,
Basically, excavations
these are separate of peripheral
pe- squares in the eastern part of the hill continued,
which made it possible to fully explore the lower cultural layer. The total excavation
chi and outbuildings. Throughout the
o,
area reached 200. " The entire area has been opened up to the base of the hill. As a
existence
result of uglisto-
of three years of work, the eastern quarter of the hill was studied. The residential
complex of theoflower
The section the cultural
layer layer was remains
rebuilt unexplored, there is not enough idea of
the middle, transitional horizon, since thethe
several times, but the intensity of excavation fell here on a poorly built-up site .
layero:, shows thaton
Excavations itsTell
accumulation
Sotto were carried out according to the method developed by
wasexpedition
the not lengthy. during extensive work on Yarym-tepe İ 7• The hill was divided into 10-
Ash ash horizon
meter squares, but excavations is overlain andbyfixation
loamywere carried out in squares of 2,5Kh2,5 m,
layers. at their base, a powerful
with 20-centimeter edges between them. Clearing plaster was carried out in layers
floor
simultaneously (layer 3) over isthewidespread,
entire area. which
After opening each layer, the edges were removed
combines
for cleaning several
ctl
and fixing theresidential
structures. The andpreliminary orientation in the stratigraphy
outbuildings.
was given by the Both the floor
materials of and associated
the test trench.
buildings A separatego toroom undiscovered
is taken as aareas. unit ofThe the layer subdivision, between them - a living
entire
surface.complex Usually, the associated
structures with layeradjoined
directly 3 or overlapped each other, in other
may
cases now be isolated into horizon 11.
'1. they were tied along the living surfaces between them, the latter are often marked
withThe gypsum upper floorshorizon
. (horizon İ),
severely The field documentation isinbased
destroyed, is traced the central
on sections through 2.5 m. Through numbering of
part
the opened walls and accurate labels inpieces
of the hill. İt combines small combination with frequent sections allow you to
of walls, gypsum
fractionally divide thefloors entire and
materialcinderous
- both architecture and ceramics .
interlayers
..;
Observations in and of thedirectly
developmentbelowofthe the cultural layer allow us to conclude that
arable
there was a break in the settlementexpressive
layer. There are no of the monument (Fig. 1). Seven cultural layers were
interlayers
identified onbythewhich exposed thearea.
entire horizon
İn some cases, smaller, area-limited living surfaces or
could be combined;
architectural alterations can be traced there is no definite
within these layers. All layers can be grouped
marking
into
with layer between
four cultural horizons. the first and
second
1:'
horizons lower
The powerful on the penetrated
cultural layer (layerarea 7) is easily distinguished by the remains of
•
-
either.
a large,
8 Only
well-preserved multi-room houseitand the residential surfaces adjacent to it;
in some small areas were
possible
there E was to
E fix fragments of floors with
a long-term
undisturbed
abo
u9' material containing standard
carved Hassun ceramics. Loam poor in
:
finds =:F with absolute marks of 40-70 cm had
to Ebe separated into an undivided
.....5
intermediate layer.
54
11.

7
For more details see V. A. Bashilov, A. V. Kuza. Stratigraphic studies at the Bolshoi Gornalsky
settlement, KSIA AN USSR, 152, 1975. The same methods of analysis and generalization of
stratigraphy data were successfully applied in the work on other material.
100
 "":)
:.
i
7 §
.\

g_
~ ...
'
--
]
\
a

()
"\ N L
ci

\ [
1
t::::
s
...
~J
-.
":z.

B
-
:.>-'
:::,-
- r--.
.-

~
a
) r5J
. _, < c
___ j

abo
1
ut
E
E
e
h
-"a
,
E-
ci 2%
s:,

Е - :;
:::f

-
c-:

10
1
 Fig. 3. Residential complex 29 (layer 7)

On a small opened area, only preliminary conclusions can be drawn about the
architecture and layout of the settlement. Now about 50 different structures have
been recorded - residential rooms, furnaces, storages, hearths, just fragments of
walls, but only the structures of the lower layer 7 are well combined into a large
residential complex (Fig. 2).
As already indicated, the first horizon is almost completely destroyed by
plowing. İn the second horizon, a non-large rectangular room was opened with an
adjoining powerful gypsum floor and Hassun korchags embedded in it. The corner
of the room has been cleared, the main part of it goes into the area not yet excavated.
The thickness of the exposed wall does not exceed 30-40 cm. Within the same square,
the remains of a dilapidated straight wall more than 4 m in length were revealed.
Both structures do not form a single complex, but are compared stratigraphically.
The ruins of a long wall, a thick plaster floor extending into the walls of the
excavation, suggest the existence of larger residential structures on an uncovered
area .
The third horizon also did not yet give a single layout. The accumulation on a
small area of furnaces, foci and round storages, powerful ash traps · allow you to
see the remains of the production complex in them. Simultaneous living quarters can
be found on an unexplored area. The thickness of the walls of furnaces and storages
does not exceed 40 cm. With careful dismantling of the walls, in several cases it was
possible to trace their structure - large, up to 70 cm long, and thin, 5-7 cm, clay
cakes with an admixture of straw .
The lower layer has already given an expressive picture. A part of a large
rectangular multi-room house with a long corridor or lane between the rooms has
been opened here. Accumulations of animal bones, children's burials in vessels,
storages for grain in combination with grain meters, hearths, accumulations of
ceramics and tools were cleared inside the rooms (Fig. 3). At the outer walls there
are clay crustaceans embedded in the floor, stoves, characteristic grain dryers. The
study of the house is not finished. As far as can be judged now, its layout is close to
the multi-room rectangular houses of the lower layers of Yarym-tepe İ.
Previously, the Tell Sotto material can be evaluated as follows. İndividual
characteristic Khalaf shards with bright ros-
403
awriting
stack of stone vessels;:
is collected on thestone bracelets
surface and soand
far beads,
cannotincluding
be linked atosuspension: ka with:
the layer. The first
kulptura image of
cultural horizon a ram standard
contains (Fig. 6); Hassun
two clay female with
ceramics figurines
carved(Fig. 7) and and
ornaments two
zoomorphic
finds analogiesones; among
in the theup
upper, tools arefifth
to the a representative series
inclusive, layers of of stone wedge-shaped
Yarym-tepe 8İ •

hatchets, bone splines

The second horizon ismade of fragments
characterized of tubular
by large bones, needles,
rough Hassun korchags,glosses,
he findsclay
and stone spinning
analogies wheels,
in the VI-VIII clayofsling
layers bullets (Fig.
Yarym-tepe İ. 8 ).
There
The thirdis no absolute
cultural dating
horizon of of Tell
Tell Sotto
Sotto and Umm
produces roundDabagia yet. and
rib vessels Radiocarbon
polished
date of Telafat
pottery paintedXV with- 5570±120
ochre. Thisyears BC. e. * "R.
combination Braidwood
is not wind - half -

Fig. 4. Fragments of utensils from layer 7

chen on Tell Hassun, but noted in the lower layers of Yarym-tepe İ. The lower layer
of Tell-Sotto is ancient Yarym-tepe İ and has a number of close analogies in Umm-
Dabagia *. Among the characteristic features of the lower layer can be named:
monumental architecture, a large amount of coarse ribbed kitchen ceramics,
including with simple and zoomorphic crowns; rough vessels on pallets, including
rough dishes on pallets; oval troughs and rectangular vessels; thin-walled polished
ceramics coated with ochre (Fig. 4, 5); large quantity -
8
N Y Merpert, R M Munchaev. Early Jewish settlements in Northern Mesopotamia. SA, 1974,
J NO. 3 .
• D. Kirkbride. Umm Dabaghiyah 1971: А preliminary report. «Iraq», v. XXXIV. spring,
1972.
104
· considers roruyu to be a newcomer 12• However, cherry shards are also completely
alien to Tell Sotto .
Plant impurities in the dough are characteristic of Hassun ceramics .
İt has plant impurities and all ceramics from Tell Sotto. Black and red polished thin-
walled ceramics with an admixture of sand or crushed shell are widespread on
early-week monuments of Asia Minor. Close analogies to cherry shards from Tell
Sotto and Yarym-tepe İ can be found in Mersin XXVI, "Chatal-Guyuk (p. 2) "

• •

a I0s
b m
Fig. 5. Fragments of vessels withonaleps on the weddings from. layer 7
u
t
chil for the ceramic layer of Jarmo date 6750 BC. e. According to Batherbol: ka, the
11
same layer dates from about 6000 BC. e .
İmported things are of great interest. İn the third horizon of Tell Sotto, several
small shards were found, which differ sharply in color, dough, hara: firing cter from
the rest of the ceramic complex. These shards without ornamentation or painting, a
juicy dark cherry color on the surface and in the fault, are very dense, with an
admixture of ra: covens in dough and a smooth paved surface. Two similar shards
were also found in the eighth layer of Yarym-tepe 1. N. Ya. Merpert explains their
presence in the lower layers of Yarym-tepe İ by the influence of Sotto culture, co.

о S, Fukai, К. Horiuchi and Т. Matsutani. «Telul eth Thalathat, The Ecavation of Tell II», Tokyo
University Iraq - Iran Archaeological Expedition. Heport II, 1970.
11
N. T. Waterbolk. Working with Radiocarbon Dates. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society, v.
37, р. 15-33, 1971.
10

5
 1
1
;

Fig. 6. Typical female figurines, stone pendants, bead, bracelet made of the
seventh layer

Sakcha Gezu (pl. 1, 2) +". Cherry cuttings are in no way linked to the mass
ceramics of Tell Sotto and, obviously, are imported. İnterestingly, metal was found
in the same layers of Tell Sotto and Yarym Tepe İ. İmports not only give an idea of
time, but also confirm the exact link between Tell Sotto and Yarym Tepe 1.
Until recently, Tell Hassuna was considered the oldest agricultural monument
in the flat part of Northern İraq. Now in the same area, Tell Sotto and Umm
Dabagia, more ancient and, it seems, brighter monuments are being explored.

12 R. Munchajev, N. Merpert. Excavations at Yarim - Тере, 1972, Sumer, v. XXIX,

N I-II, 1973. Baghdad, р. 9.
1
з J, Garstang. Prehistoric Mersin. 1Oxford, 4953. + I. Mellaart, Catal
Hiiyik, 4967.
1
5 J Р. Taylor, М. V, Wlltams and J. W. Waechter. The Excavations at Saks6 Gzu. «Iraq», v. XV, р. 2, 1950.
406
 D. Kerkbright
A genetic link may seesbeinoutlined
Umm Dabagiabetweena thenewarchaic
culture Hassun
that is brought
and Tellfrom the Tell
Sotto. west
and alien
Sotto to the local
represents Hassun culture.
the unknown early "stage
N. J. ofMerpert spoke inthe
the hassuna, support of this point
protohassuna. Tellof
view *. " Tell
Hassuna, D. Kerkbright
Sotto, Umm believes
Dabagia thatare
at represented
the beginning by of the VI millennium
early-week monuments in of
the
Upper
one Two Rivers
cultural circle. there were significant ethnic movements, one of them could come
from Ofthe Habura
great region
interest to the
are the east. The
analogies reflection and
of Tell-Sotto of this process
Jarmo. Chrois Umm-Dabagia.
Moreover,
the noological thegapbright,
between perfect ceramicsandofJarmo
Tell Hassouna UmmDabagia,
made them difficult according
with to D.
Kerkbright, may represent an early stage of Khalaf culture,
delivery. Work about which so little
on TellSotto partlyis
yet known. " fills this gap. Briefly compare the
collections of Jarmo, Tell Hassuna,
Tell Sotto based on materials from
the İraqi National Museum in
Baghdad.
i Jarmo gives a large and varied
!I
collection of stone vessels. "
Among them are vessels with a rib,
bowls with a straight or bent
corolla, including bowls with a rib;
glasses with a simple vertical
whisk. On many vessels, the rim of
the corolla is thinned with a circular
horizontal groove along the upper
edge of the vessel. The bottoms of
the vessels are rounded and flat.
Ras-
flattened bottoms and bent corollas
on stone vessels
Fig. 7. Clay female figurines from the seventhclay prototypes
layer are most likely to
be repeated. İf the stone vessels in
İndeed, according to some significant features, general are not
the lower layercharacteristic
of the'elle Sottoof
differs from the archaic Hassun from Tell Hassuna, TellHassuna
Yarymepe andİ, Tell
Yarym-tepe
Sotto. Thin- İ,
there are
walled, polished, ocher-covered ceramics, zo- and anthropomorphic naleps on the many of them in Tell
crowns of rough vessels, stone vessels, stone Sotto, mainly beads,
bracelets, fragments of small
wedge-shaped
vessels and
polished hatchets, female and zoomorphic clay figures distinguish the Tell Sotto bowls .
culture from the archaic Hassuna. However, after The worksceramics of Jarmo ideas
on the Yarym-tepe, and
TellSotto,
about the Hassun culture itself change significantly, and the third horizon of Tell with significant
Sotto gives a numberaof transitional features in the differences
culture . in a number of
Large multi-roomn houses, so typical of Tell Sotto and Ummcharacteristic features, can are
Dabagia, alsonow
be
found in the lower layers brought together.
of Yarym Tepe 1; they must also be in the lower layer ofİn Jarmo, almost
d sa- archaic forms are presented in
Tell Hassouna. Female figurines, apparently, quite
the collection from TellHassuna . a numerous group is made up of the
walls of ribbed vessels, both coarse
The pottery of the hassuna and the lower layer kitchen andof Tellsmall vessels
Sotto is veryandclose
bowls of
in test
carefully mixed clay. İn Tell Sotto, this distinctive form dominates.
and manufacturing technique _. İt has already been noted that cherry shards from The proportions
and Sotto
Tell shapeand of the
Yarym vessels
Tepemayİ arediffer,
sharplybut the rib initself
different theseisindicators
common from here and there.
the bulk of
Among the rough vessels in Jarmo there are large oval troughs
ceramics, but they do not speak of the western origin of the Tell Sotto culture, but close to the similar
forms
of of Tell
western Sotto and
imports. TheTell Hassuna,
rough kitchenbutandwiththin
a smooth
dishesbottom.
of the İn vessels
second, of this
third and
type
fourth in Tell Sotto,
horizons of the
Tell bottom
Sotto is covered
have a with
number pinches
of from
transitional the inside,
forms; in Yarymtep
various ribbed
İ and Telland Hassun - more withoften corrugated. are Jarmo, like the archaic Hassuna, is
vessels
characterized oval
bytroughs
small rough, a fluted
poorlybottom
burned smooth especially characteristic
glasses. Jarmo has. frequent
This both
vessels, leadsstone
to the andconclusion
clay, oval that therequadrangular
or even is no sufficient reason
in shape. A to
wholeconsider
series the
of
lower layer of Tell Sotto as an independent
the same vessels has now been found in Tell Sotto. culture .
Along with coarse ceramics, slender, polished shards are found in Jarmo. Some
of them are completely covered with ochre on the outer surface and covered with
ochre. Ochre appears to have been applied after firing. Exactly the same technique
is characteristic of polished shards of the lower layers
1
in D. Kirkbride. Umm Dabaghiyah, 1971, А preliminary report. Iraq, v. XXXIV, Spring 4979, р.
15.
1
R. Munchajev, N. Merpert. The Archaeological Research in the Sinjar Valley (1971). Sumer, v.
27, 1971. Baghdad, 1973. p. 31. 32.
в D. Kirkbride. Umm Dabaghiyah, 1972, р. 15.
10
7
 1,
( r·,r----
(i( ' ·.
.
i
// '

~.·
3
s
Fig. 8. Tools from the seventh layer

и№ R. J. Braidwood and В. Howe. Prebistoric Investigations in Iraqi Kurdistan, 1960.

408
Tell Sotto. One fragment of a large vessel with a smoothed surface is covered with ochre
painting in the form of oblique parallel strips with thickenings. İn Tell Sotto and Umm
Dabaria, this ornament is not found, it is in Shimshar "Tepe Guran °" and other
monuments of İranian Kurdistan °. İn Jarmo, attention is drawn to stone and clay vessels
with a strongly flattened, as if flattened corolla. The same corollas are found on the
dishes of the lower layers of Tell Sotto .
Finally, plaque on Jarmo and TellSotto vessels is certainly indicative (Fig. 5). Jarmo
is most characterized and widely distributed by a thin vertical, pulled upwards, with a
small hole in the valep along the edge of the corolla. This detail is found on both clay
and stone vessels. There are also simple nalepas in Jarmo in the form of a round
tubercle. İn some cases, this tubercle is squeezed out by pressing from the inside of the
vessel .
Naleps on the vessels of Tell Sotto are more diverse , there are 300- and
anthropomorphic naleps. However, the main element of simple valeps remains the
tubercle here. The only vertical "nalep" with a hole is found in Tell Sotto on a stone cup
and stylistically coincides with similar naleps so characteristic of Jarmo.
Attention is drawn to the stone beads from Jarmo, exhibited in the exposition of the
Baghdad Museum, stone, flattened, oval in plan, with a thin drilled hole along a long
axis. One of the beads has slightly indented ends, the other in the float approaches the
rhombus. Analogies to these forms can also be found in Tell Sotto and Tell Hassouve.
Cylindrical stone beads were found in Jarmo. Equally interesting is the Jarmo clay seal,
with a cut in straight lines, which can also serve as a prototype for clay and stone
Hassun seals from Yarym-tepe 1.
The stone bracelets in Jarmo are very numerous, smooth and ornamented along the
outer edge; round, oval and rectangular in section. A stone bracelet from Tell Sotto
directly matches Jarmo's bracelets.
İn both Jarmo and Tell Sotto, small Nliai-shaped hatchets are common (Fig. 8). This
form is practically indistinguishable in both monuments. Usually hatchets are polished
whole, have a wide blade and a narrow massive sheath. Sometimes the blade is
sharpened additionally in the shape of a wedge. Small adzes have also been found in
Jarmo, which are not yet in Tell Sotto.
The examples listed speak of a certain cultural similarity between the lower layer of
Tell Sotto and Jarmo. Kahn has already been noted, the last radiocarbon dates allow
chronologically to bring these monuments closer together. Now typological analysis
leads us to the same conclusion. İt would be tempting to see a genetic link in this
similarity, which, however, still needs to be seriously tested on broad comparative
material. Recall that the painting with oblique lines with thickenings, presented in
Jarmo, is widespread in İravsony Kurdistan and absent in Northern Mesopotamia .
One of the important juxtaposition lines of Tell Hassuwa, Yarym tepe 1, Tell Sotto,
Jarmo gives a fine clay plate.
İn Yarym-tepe İ, the overwhelming number of figurines falls on the fifth layer,
below the sixth layer of figurines was not found at all. Standard type -

20
Peder Mortensen. Tell Shimshara. The Hassuna Period. Historisk - Filosofishe Shrifter Danske
Videnshabernes 5 (2). Copenhagen, 1970, fig. 96.
21
J. Meldgaard, Р. Mortensen and Н. Thrane. Excavations of Тере Guran, Luristan. «Acta
Archaeologica», 1964, 34.
22
See also loan Oates. The background and development of early farming communities in
Mesepotaшia and the Zagros. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society, v. 39, 1973; fig. 2, plate XVII.
109
a stylized form with an undivided flattened base, a slightly outlined chest and a high
retracted hairstyle. N. Ya. Merpert connects the appearance of figurines in the fifth
layer of Yarym-tepe İ with Samara influence * '. İndeed, the lack of original forms in
the lower layers of this rich and widely excavated monument requires explanation. On
the other hand, the figurines of Tell al-Savvan are also very peculiar .
İt is natural to compare the Hassun figurines from Yarym-tepe İ and Tell Hassuna
itself. Female figures from Tell Hassouna are more diverse in type '. The most
expressive group is formed by stylized figurines of the Yarym type. İn addition to this
fairly standard series, the funds of the Baghdad Museum contain a piece of the torso of
a standing figure with legs dismembered by a straight line. Finally, two realistically
executed sitting figures can be seen in the exposition. Both have arms and breasts, in
one case legs are sculpted, in the other the torso remained undivided. Unfortunately, the
figurines' heads are broken off. We were unable to separate this material
stratigraphically. Typologically, it is divided into three groups: realistic sitting figures,
a stylized figure with dismembered legs, stylized figures of the Yarym type. The
original form, apparently, can be taken as realistic figurines. The museum also contains
a zoomorphic figure from Tell Hassuna. The head and short legs are broken off. A long
torso with a powerful chest belt has been preserved .
Two female and two zoomorphic figures were found in Tell Sotto (horizon İV)
'(Figures 6, 7). The realistic figure from the lower layer is typologically quite peculiar.
The bust has been preserved. Wide sloping shoulders, slender neck, embossed breasts.
Hands are broken off. The head was apparently topped with a slightly pulled back
hairstyle. The second figure is stylized. A flattened torso, barely intended bust without
arms, an elongated head in general resemble figurines of the Yarym type. One of the
zoomorphic figures is close to the one already described from Tell Hassuna, the other
represents a blank or poorly preserved fragment of the head. Thus, in Tell Sotto there
are more ancient figurines than in Yarym-tepe İ; some stylistic features suggest in them
the original forms of the ardent-Tepin type .
The most diverse series of anthropomorphic figurines is given by Jarmo * '.
Realistic heads with high hair, eyebrows, nose and eyes are applied. A whole sitting
figurine with a face sculpted in the same technique. The hairstyle is clearly visible on
the back of the head. Chest pinches are highlighted; thin arms are stuck along the body.
Legs are marked on massive flattened torso by vertical line .
Massive torso of a sitting figurine. The head has not been preserved. Hands and
chest barely outlined. The legs are highlighted in the same way as in the previous case.
İn general, the figure is much more stylized. On one figurine with an undivided
flattened base, the eyes and mouth are given with simple slots. Schematic cross-shaped
or cylindrical figurines with a base in the form of a boot figure differ from realistic or
stylized figurines. Jarmo's women's stuettes are certainly very peculiar. However, here,
as in Tell Hassun, an evolution from realistic to stylized sitting figurines with a massive
flattened torso is planned.
Zoomorphic figures are even more numerous in Jarmo - on short legs, with a
powerful chest belt and withers; the swollen fur on the back is accentuated by pinches.
İt's hard to say with certainty who they are

0 R, Mnnchajev, N. Merpert. The Archaeological Research in the Sinjar Valley (1971). Sumer, v. 27,
1971. Baghdad, 1973, р. 27.
S, Lloyd, F. Safar. Tell Hassuna, 1945.
5 R, • Braidwood and В, Howe. Ohr. cit., 1960.
440
portraying. Figures with ruffled hair on the cornering resemble dogs or wild boars.
Thus, Tell Sotto represents not a new culture carried over from the west, as D.
Kerkbright believes, but an early, previously unknown stage of Hassun culture. N. J.
Merpert compares the lower layers of Yarym-tepe İ with Tell Hassun İ-A. From our
point of view, they are ancient and compare with the third horizon of Tell Sotto.
Both monuments are genetically related, coexisted for a significant time, however,
the lower layer of Tell Sotto is ancient to the lower layer of Yarym-tepe İ. İt is it that
is indicative of the Sotto stage and is directly compared culturally and
chronologically with Umm-Dabagia .
The significant similarity of the material from Tell Sotto and Jarmo allows
culturally and chronologically to bring these monuments closer together, but the
question of their genetic connection remains open.

N. О. Bader

UN ETABLISSEMENT DES PREMIERS AGRICULTEURS:

TELL-SOTTO
(d'apres les fouilles de 1971, 1973-1974)
R6sume

Cet article donne ипе appreciation preliminaire des travaux de la mssion archeologique
sovietique en Irak, а Tell - Sotto, etablissement agricole primitif. Оп у а decouvert quatre niveaux
culturels. Les deux niveaux superieurs renferment des vestiges
de la culture standart et archaique de Hassuna. А la base de Ia colline on а trouve ип ensemhle
original, tres seblable а celui d'Umm-Dabaghiyah. Le troisieme niveau prё-
sente ип caractere transitoire. D. Кirkbride pense que la culture d'Umm-Dabaghiyan а une autre
origine que la culture locale de Hassuna et la fait provenir de 'Occident. Lauteur du present article
essaie de prouver que la couche inferieure de Tell - Sotto est genetiquement liee а celle de Hassuna, et
пе presente par une nouvelle culture, mais est ипе @tape antericure, inconnue jusqu'а present, de la
culture de Hassuna: la periode Sotto.
 at And p
t>
to and "
B with
e _ to Os
"'
A_R_S

e
3 eG.A. CHERNOV USTKHEYAGINSKY
20-23
ANCIENT
"and
"'\
M_o2
~ SETTLEMENT ON THE RIVER: KOROTAIKHE
-- ~ 9

"'
The Norotaikha River flows beyond the Arctic: a circle with south-east: a line -
northwest along the Pai-Khoya ridge and flows into the Barents Sea. İt stretches for
more than 300 km, along its entire length there are w sites of an ancient man: ka (Fig. 1).
i
These are the most northeastern sites in Bol: t the Shezemel tundra. Recently,
exploration geological work has been vigorously hcarried out on the territory of the
Bolshezemelskaya tundra. İn exploration, in addition to air transport, all-terrain
vehicles and tractors are widely used, and under these conditions, a
unfortunately,
archaeological material dies . b
o
The first finds of archaeological material on the river. Korotaiha u were made by the
1Revisiting:
author back in 1941 and described in 1951. Korotaiha
t
in 1961 r., When we
conducted geological research here, made it possible to collect rich archaeological
material. For 150 km, 47 parking lots were found along only one right bank, and
another 11 ° was found on the left tributaries of Korotaiha - Padimeivis and Tarju in
addition to the 1941 parking lots.
All archeology: which material was collected on sandy jars 3, excavations were not
carried out. Among the numerous sites of the ancient man, one settlement stands out,
located on the right bank of the Korotaiha, 400 m below the mouth of the Heyagi,
where the bend of the river approaches the third terrace (Fig. 2).
On the terrace, 100 m from the river, there are yareas, outwardly no different from
the usual ones for this river. However, they are notable for the fact that narrow strips of
turf can be traced here on clean sands, resembling the outlines of squares, rectangles
and semicircles. Turf strips are almost all of the same width and expand twice in only
two places. There are only two similar areas (Figure 2).
The correct arrangement of squares and other figures suggests that some buildings
existed here, most likely semi-dugouts. Apparently, at this place, wooden piles or pillars
were dug into the sand, on the humus remains of which the grass flies. The outlines of
these "buildings" have some similarity with the dwellings on the settlement of the early
Bronze Age Galovo İİ in the lower river. İzhma '.
İt is interesting to note that in the middle of the last century V.N. Latkin * reported
on underground dwellings filled with shards of vessels and animal bones, which the
Nenets often found on the banks of the river. Koro-
A 1 about 3

•2 4

1
G. A. Chernov. Archaeological finds in the eastern part of the Bolshezemelskaya tundra. SA, XV,
1951.
G. A. Chernov. Archaeological finds in the basin of the river. Korotaihi. V UAC. Syk-
tyvkar, 1967, p. 103.
· Yarey - sand blowing boiler.
· V.E. Luzgin. Ancient cultures of İzhma. M., 1972, p. 53.
· V. Latkin. Diary of a trip to Pechora. St. Petersburg, 1859, part 1, pp. 95, 96.
112
 l
{A,
vt,,
r %
at
..,,,,
.,,,
U/11

Fig. 1. Layout of parking lots in the north-eastern part of the Bolmeemel tundra. Stkheyyaginsky
1-U

settlement; - sites of primitive man (undescribed); 3 - sites of primitive man, described in the
2

literature;
4 - X: Abidya-P: Edar sacrificial place
taihi. According to M. Zorinsky 6, eight such cave-type dwellings are located on
Mount Siirte-sya ("Peipsi Gora") 10 km from the mouth of the river. Rotorotaihi,
who, according to Nenets legends, seemed to belong to the "siirta" - the people,
ancient and unrelated Nenets .
L.P. Latuk7 cites information from the traveler A. Shrenk, who, according to
questioned data from the Nenets, describes in detail the devices of these cave
dwellings. Unfortunately, it was not possible not only to excavate in these places,
but also to collect all the material on the dog. However, it is certain that the origin of
the turf strips is related to activity
6
M. Zorinsky. Peipsi caves. Arkhangelsk provincial statements. 1846, № 35.
7
L.P. Lashuk. Essay on the ethnic history of the Pechora region. Syktyvkar, 1958, pp. 40, 41.

113
 İnventory of stone tools and ceramics from Ustkheyyaginsky settlement
Punt 1\Push, t 2\Punt 3\ The
gray quartzite (Fig. 3, 7); three fragments of yellow, lilac and gray flint general
arrowheads
(Fig. 3, 8-10); Name one of them with a small recess in the base (Figures 3, 8), the other
quantity
stvo
with the inclusion of transparent quartz in
Stone the central part, due to which the tip broke
during processing (Figures 3, 10), and the third broke, apparently, even during the
first, coarse, processing (Figures 3, 9). İn addition to the arrowheads, there were four
Arrowheads
Fromscrapers of brownish
knife-shaped plates and yellow-gray flint (Figures
2 3, 11-14) and two fragments 2 of
Fromgray
flint flint spear tips treated with coarse retouching
(whole) 3 3 3, 15,5 16). Of11the other
(Figures
tools, five "(debris) 4 are noteworthy;
stone hatchets made from various shales 11 9three of 24
them with
Frompolished
quartzite 1 1
Preparations 1 7 8
Scrapers
From flint 4 7 2 43
From quartzite 1 1
Spear tips
From flint (debris) 2 1 3 6
At
(blanks) 1 1
Flint incisors 2 2
Punctures from knife-shaped plates I 1 1
Hatchets
Quartz shale (ground) 3 3
"" (not ground ) 1 1
From flint (ground) 1 1
Chippers ~ 1 1
Bars 1 ... { {
J
Flint flakes 215 1130 1065 2410
))
(quartzite) [% w]2
3 14 S120 37
(shale) 12 20 32
* [!
)

Ceramics
Total number of shards YeYe7
50 58 Jb630 738
Of these with ornaments 1 * 10 23 150 183
NumberFig.
of vessels 4
2. İ - the location of the Ustkheyyaginsky settlement; 11 29 1 - fluttered
-19dugout layout. 52
sands; 2 - ground part; 3- places of bus-
pa of material; 4 - turf on clean sands; 5 - settlement; 6 - standing

human. Similar objects in the Bolmezemelskaya tundra were met for the first time,
despite the fact that about 300 sites of an ancient person are known here . A large
amount of material both inside and outside the "squares." in our opinion, it confirms
the assumption that there is a settlement or parking lot with a rich cultural layer .
İt should be noted that this settlement is the second in the Bolmezemel tundra. The
first is located at the mouth of the river. Adzva (parking lots 1 and 5). 8İn addition, it is
the northernmost of them, and therefore is of particular interest. On the one hand, the
settlement is located near the sea, on the other hand, it is relatively close to the
Nizhneobsky (300 km) *, Schuchinsky (250 km) and10, finally, Yamal parking lots (350
km) h
The archaeological material of the Ustkheyyaginsky settlement is concentrated
mainly in three places (see plan - Fig. 2 and table).
Stone. At one of the sections of the "dugout" 215 silicon flakes, three quartzite and
12 shale flakes were collected. Among the flakes were two arrowheads made of knife-
shaped plates of light gray flint (Fig. 3, 1, 3), one puncture (Fig. 3, 2), three whole
arrowheads - one of dark gray flint was quite carefully treated with fine retouching
(Fig. 3, 4) and two of yellowish-gray flint with more coarse processing (Fig. 3, 5, 6);
one coarse arrowhead of
8
G. A. Chernov. Archaeological finds in the Bolshezemelskaya tundra. KSIIMK .
54, 1954; his. Standing in the basin of the river. Adzva. MAESV. Syktyvkar, 1962.
9
V.N. Chernetsov. Lower Priobye in the İ millennium BC. e. MIA, 58, 1958.
1
o'A. Chernov. Archaeological finds on the river. Schuchya. KSIIMK, 40, 1951.
11 V. N, Chernetsov. Ancient seaside culture on the Yamal Peninsula. SE, 1936, 4-5; Yu. G.
Korolev, L.P. Khlobystin. İorkutinskaya parking on the village of Yam: al.. KSIA AN USSR, 115,
1969 .
114
 -f
~
3_dr-

7 1
-
~

f\
f \
1
\
1
1
/

<
222p

with working edges, two without grinding. The first flat-shaped hatchet, somewhat
tapering towards the back, is made of grey slate. At its wider end there is a rather steep
polished area. Small traces of grinding are visible on one of the edges of the hatchet .
The sharp end of the hatchet broke off from the spider in two places (Figures 4, 7).
Fragments of the working end have been preserved from the second hatchet. The hatchet
is made of flint, its working, ground part has a sharp edge (Fig. 4, 2). The third hatchet
is made of striped brownish-gray quartz slate. Treated with rough retouching. One side
of the hatchet is flat, the other slightly convex. The wide, sharp end is steeply polished.
İt has a small chip formed when using the gun (Figures 4, 3). The fourth hatchet is flat,
made of yellow siliceous rock and chipped. İts working end seems to be broken off, and
traces of grinding are visible on the remaining part (Figs. 4, 4). The latter - the fifth - the
hatchet rather represents the workpiece, since it does not carry traces of grinding. The
hatchet is made of yellow-gray strong hardened slate and could be used without
grinding the working edge. At the wider sharp end, small sherbinki are visible, formed,
11
5
broken ends (Fig. 6 8, 9),
sharpening bar (Fig. 6, 10) in a
square cross-section.
The guns are made of flint of
various qualities and colors - gray,
yellow, brownish and even black
chalcedon (Figures 5, 18). Among
the large number of arrowheads,
there are only three integers (Fig.
5, 1-3). One is made of a knife-
shaped plate (Fig. 5, 1), four
blanks (Fig. 5, 15-21), the rest
are in fragments. Most of the
fragments show a carefully made
small retouch (Figures 5, 4, 5, 8,
10). Four good quality flint
scrapers (Fig. 6, 6). All scrapers
have blunted working edges. The
broken tip of the spear is made of
yellow flint of poor quality (Fig.
6, 7). One of the cutters is made of
bluish-grained flint and resembles
a knife, but its edge is treated
with small retouching and does
not have a cutting point, the
opposite end is made in the form
of a scraper, its very tip is broken
off (Figures 6, 8). The second
cutter is made of peel
good quality brown flint with
brown crust (Fig. 6, 9). Sharpened

22292
of dark gray fine-grained sandstone, square in cross section, 15 ground 1on all four sides
and one end dulled (Fig. 6, 10).
The third point is north of the western "dugout." 1065 flint and 20 quartzite flakes
are collected here. Among the flint guns there are 15 arrowheads, of which 5 are intact
Fig. 3. Flint guns from the first point: 7, 3 - arrowheads from knife-
(Figures plates;
prominent 7, 1-5) , 10 are broken off (Figures
2-puncture; 7, 6-13);
arrowheads; ; three broken spear tips (Fig. 7,
14-16),fragments
one blank (Fig.tips.
7, 17),
(All three scrapers
of flint(two
tools of
areflint
high - Fig. 7, 18 and 19 and one
4-10 - 11-14 - scrapers

15-16 - of spear drawings

of gray quartzite,
full of an Fig. 7, 20).
employee of theAKomi
bumpbranch
stop of was
thefound here - large
USSR Academy pebblesK.up
of Sciences S. to 13 cm
along a longKorolev.)
axis, oblong in shape, convenient for work. İn two places, traces of
numerous in
apparently blows have been
the process. İn preserved
cross sectionon the pei.
it has theThe baby,
shape of nak p at the(Figures
a rhombus first two4,points,
5).
multi-colored and multi-colored, there
One side of it is flat, smooth in nature slate . is also a light gray chalcedony (Figures 7, 6, 13,
18).The
Thesecond
material and was
point handling
locatedof athe guns
few tensareofidentical
meters northat all of
three
thepoints . contains a
first. İt
significantly larger number of flint chops - 1130 pcs.; of these, 14 quartzite andat 20
Ceramics. A large number (738) of shrapnel clay vessels were collected the
shale, in addition, 23 flint arrowheads and their blanks (Fig. 5, 1-21), seven scrapersis
settlement, of which 163 with ornaments belonging to at least 52 vessels. Their safety
bad. 6,
(Fig. İn1-6)
the Arctic, in the permafrost
, a fragment of the spearzone, shards
tip (Fig. quickly
6, 7), collapse,
two cutters withand those lying on
the sands, not covered by anything, easily break under the hooves of deer. Despite the
poor preservation of the shards, it was still possible to establish a difference in
116
ornament.
 6
il
~
71~
44
2r 51
3 ~
< 2p

•• 1 g1 11 1 <»

< A "" <

8' 10 1
b 13 1
~

1b 1 17 '
1 <0»- < 20p
15
7a"

Fig. 4. Siliceous shale hatchets from point one

19 1

< 2~

1
7
 z

4/

fC:" • 1
455.4
7

18 1
< 2202Orr
"

Fig. 5. Flint guns from the second point: 1-14 - arrowhead; 15- 21 - preparation of
arrowheads; 22 - scraper

The vessels were ornamented with various stamps and pits. Shards from all three
points carry a peculiar but similar ornament, with the exception of a small number of
later ones.
İn the first point, only 50 shards were collected. 10 of them with ornaments belong
to at least four vessels. The ornament on the shards is very poorly preserved, and only
the impressions of the comb stamp in the form of square teeth or ovals are barely
visible (Figures 8, 1-3). Judging by the small number of shards with ornaments, the
vessels were decorated only at the top
118
 €
7 1
-<<
2rp

11 1

~
10

11 1

Fig. 6. Flint guns from the second point scrapers;

: 1-6 - 7 - regional
the mok from the spear; 8, 9 incisors; 10 - sandstone bar

her parts. One fragment from the corolla of the vessel was found, ornamented with pits
located in one row. On the inside of the shard, against the pits, tubercles with
fingerprints are noticeable. The corolla of the vessel above the girdle of the pits is
somewhat thickened and reaches 6 mm, below the thickness of the skull mm. " The edge
of the vessel is slightly beveled inward and ornamented with a four-toothed stamp. The
vessel had a diameter of no more than 25 cm, probably a straight body and round
bottom. The shards from the remaining vessels (Figures 8, 2, 3) with the ornament
belong to their upper part, the pits on them have not been preserved. The firing of the
vessels is not the same, the shards are brown or light brown in color. İn the test of some
shards, an admixture of a large amount of fine wood from crushed crystalline rock is
observed.
12
The profiles of the shards are given in Figure 13.

11

9
 "p
"<

•
'1-t
9
<00»

in •
< Pr 73
"

75 1
""PPP2 1
6

Fig. 7. Flint and quartz tools from the third point: 1-9 - arrowheads; 10-17 - blanks and
fragments of arrowheads and spears; 18, 19 - flint scrapers; 20 - quartzite scraper

The second point also contains a small number of shards (58), of which 23 are
ornamented, these shards belong to at least 19 vessels. All vessels were ornamented
with yamkamp and comb ornament. The comb ornament was applied at the very top of
the vessel and did not fall very low on the sides, and the pits were thin: at the corolla
itself. İn some vessels, the pits are applied in one row (Fig. 8, 4.6-9), in others - in two
and are usually staggered (pps. 9, 1-4). Pits were applied with various rounded sticks
(Fig. 8, 4-9; Figure 9, 1) or blunt
120
 Fig. 8. 1-3 show ceramic fragments from the first point; 4-9 - from the second point; 2-4,
8 - Ustkheyaginsky-type ceramics; 7, 5 - ceramics of Lebyazhsky culture; 6, 7, 9 -
pottery of the Early Wales Age

end (Figs. 8, 4; Figure 9, 2). Probably, sometimes pits were applied with grass, as,
for example, in vessel No. 3 (Fig. 9). İn most vessels, tubercles protrude against the
pits on the inner side (Fig. 8, 4; Fig. 9, 1-3). Fingerprints have been preserved on
some of the shards. The stamps of the comb ornament are quite diverse, but combs
with small square teeth prevail (Figures 8, 4, 5; Figures 9, 6) or oblong (Figures 8,
7; Figures 9, 5, 10-12). Only two vessels are decorated with large stamp prints:
one of them is oblong (Fig. 9, 5), the other is triangular (Fig. 8). Some vessels were
ornamented with two stamps (Figures 8, 4;
9, 1).
İn addition to toothed stamps, vessels were ornamented with a narrow angular
stamp with several parallel lines (Figures 8, 4) or a stamp resembling a floating
duck (Figures 9, 1) and often several slightly wavy parallel lines (Figures 9, 4, 8,
9). Finally, one vessel (Figures 9, 13) has a nail ornament.
The vessels had a straight body with a wall thickness of 4 to 6 mm, with a
smaller thickness on the side and, apparently, on the bottom. Judging by the slightly
convex shards without ornament, the vessels were made round-bottomed. İn clay,
dresva from burned crystalline rocks - granites was added in different quantities,
since minerals of quartz, feldspar and mica, the main minerals, are found in the wey
121
 2 .2
4
T6

c 1
0

12 1
3

Fig. 9. Fragments of ceramics from the second point: 1-9, 13 - Ustkheyaginsky type; 10-
12 - pottery of Lebyazhsky culture

granite. The firing of the vessels is quite significant and the shards are sometimes
reddish brown in colour. The dimensions of the vessels are relatively small, no more
than 25 cm in diameter. One vessel (Fig. 9, 3) had only 4 cm in diameter and no more
than 4 cm in height, most likely it was a baby cup. İn addition to small and small pits,
the vessel is decorated with narrow vertical depressions with very small denticles. On
the inside of the vessel, against the pits, tubercles are clearly visible. Vessel wall
thickness is only 3 mm.
İn the third point, 630 shards were collected, of which 130 with ornaments
belonging to at least 29 vessels. The ornament is generally similar to the ornament of
the vessels of the second point, but unlike the latter, new stamps are traced. Similarities
are observed in the patchwork; pits are also arranged either in one row ( Fig. 10, 1-4)
or in two (Fig. 10, 5-9). On some vessels, the pits form triangles in the second row
(Fig. 9, 3; 10, 8, 9). İt is impossible to trace the ornament on most fragments, since
they are too small (Figures 10, 10-12) or belonged to the lateral unornated part of the
vessel (Figures 11, 1-14).
As already mentioned, there are about 29 vessels in this paragraph.
On some of them, the toothed comb with large ones is imprinted (Fig. 40, 1, 5)
122
 Fig. 10. Fragments from the third point: 1-3, 5-9, 12 - Ustkheyyaginsky type
ceramics; 4, 10, 11 - pottery of Lebyazhsky culture

or smaller teeth (Figs. 10, 4, 8, 11; 11, 14). On almost all stamps, the teeth are not
strictly square, but somewhat oblong. There is some similarity in the ornament of
the vessels of the second point (Figures 8, 4; 9, 1) with vessels of the third point
(Fig. 10, 1); in all three vessels, we see a common pattern in the form of several
wavy curved parallel lines, but they are plotted with various stamps. Of the new
stamps on the vessels of the third point, it should be noted the quite common so-
called ungulate stamp, double-toed (Figures 10, 3, 6, 10, 12; 11, 1-4, 13) or three-
toed (Fig. 10, 9; 11, 5,6), as well as a well ornament, which was applied by the
rounded end of the stick at different pressures (Fig. 10, 2, 7; 11, 7,8, 11). One
shard was found (Figures 14, 12) with a rhombic: a stamp with four squares inside,
which had not been found before.
İn terms of shape and size, the vessels of both points are similar; these are
round-bottom vessels with straight walls 4-5 mm thick and some up to 6 mm.
Only single vessels may have had slightly convex flanks as measured by the
slightly outwardly bent corolla (Fig. 10, 11; 11, 9). Only two vessels had slightly
thickened corollas (Fig. 10, 4, 11). İf in vessels of the second point the corolla was
straight or beveled inward, then the corollas of many vessels of the third point were
straight or beveled outward (Fig. 10, 1,4,5,7,8, 11). Most vessels have an upper
margin
123
 5

Fig. 11. Fragments of ceramics from the third point of the Ustkheyaginsky type

the nenchka was ornamented with the same stamp as the entire vessel. Only in
some vessels on the inside of the corolla, notches were stamped in one row
(Figures 10, 8, 11; 41, Z).
Judging by the fragments of ceramics from the third point, it can be seen that
the ornament was applied to the upper part of the vessel, below one third of its
height. İn the lower half, the vessels did not have an ornament, since no ornament is
found on any curved shingle that falls on this part of the vessel. There are no
differences in the clay composition from which the vessels of both points were
made. The calcination of vessels is different: some shards are dark gray (Figures 10,
1), others brown (Figures 11, 13).
Ceramics from all three settlement points are simultaneous, except for
individual apparently significantly later shards, which indicate a later visit by
people to these localities. There are few such shards, from only six vessels, but they
differ significantly from the above ornamentation and shape. Ceramics of this kind
are known in many sites of the river. Korotaihi, as well as in the sites of other rivers
of the Bolshezemelskaya tundra .
At the second point, several were collected: to ornamented fragments from
vessels with strongly convex sides and a somewhat thickened corolla. Compared to
the vessels of the settlement, they have blyp sizes and thicker walls. Two vessels
(Figures 8, 6 and 9) were at least
124
30 cm in diameter
centuries *, "as well withasa monuments
wall thickness of 1Late
of the cm. Both vesselseraare*."close
Paleolithic in shapethese
İn general, and
ornamented, apparently with one cross stamp .
studies made it possible to establish the fact of early settlement by an ancient man of
The third
the Pechora point
basin , to also contains
identify severallate-time
cultures, shards
to outline belonging
them to three vessels with
pit-comb ornaments (Figures 12, 7)
distribution and connections with neighboring raions. and one without
•18 a flat-bottom ornament (Figures
13, Thus,
1). On
u

theone of the archaeological

extensive vessels, in additionmaterial toofthe U pits made by the blunt end of the
Stheirinsko
stick and located
settlements open upin the onewidest
row, there are impressions
possibilities in studyingofthe thehistory
comb ofstamp, strongly
the spread of
erased. On the inside, against the pits, slight bulges,
ancient cultures and, despite the fact that we have MOT. 'İko lifting material, some thickening of the corolla are
marked
conclusions can still be drawn
when comparing individual ele -
cops of processing stone tools and
ceramics of other sites of the
Bolshezemelskaya tundra, p. Pechora
and its neighboring regions located to
the west and east of the
Vychegodsky and Belomorsky
basins, the lower P riobye.
All stone tools of the Ustheyarinsky
settlement are made of rather bad
material. Obviously, people needed
flint, as there are no indigenous exits
nearby. The baby was mined for the
1 most part from boulders, which, by
the way, we noted for other sites of
Fig. 12, Early İron Age Pottery Fragments from the Third Point
the Bolshezemelskaya tundra. "
Scrapers and spear tips were
sometimes made from quartzite
rocks. Arrowheads were made of
is not observed, but along the upper edge on the inside flint, not is
there only of poor
a kind quality,
of sealed but
strip
of clay.: The edge of the corolla is slack: the edge with is obvious
beveled flaws;
outward.Figures
The3,vessel
10; 7,
had strongly convex sides with a wall thickness9 are of 8given mm.tips,All inthree
the flint of which
vessels are
round-bottomed, their outer and inner surfaces bear traces of smoothing withwith there are areas (geodes) filled a
bunch of grass. small crystals -
The general difference between these vessels quartz
and faces,
vesselswhen of anprocessed,
earlier time flint
broke in such places. Quite differently look the tools
should be considered the quality of clay. A huge number of large dresva grains from of parking near the rivers, on
which there are outcrops of bedrock containing
burnt crystalline rocks, usually granites, were mixed into it. flints, as, for example, on the river.
Ukhta; these flint
The ancient tools alsoon
settlement differ in larger
the river. sizes ° "as well as numerous sites (84) on
Korotaiha,
its banks and tributaries (Fig. 1) Padimeivis(2380
Despite the large number of retreats and Taryu pcs.) indicate
At the Ustkheyyaginsky
that these places
were inhabited in antiquity for a long time. Already at the firstfollowing
settlement, there are relatively few products among them. The research of types
the of guns
upper
are distinguished: arrowheads (44), significantly less than
river. Korotaihi it was clear that the archaeological material of the sites of different
ages Ceramics has elements
6 G. A. Chernov. similar to the
New archaeological ceramics
finds in the Pechoraof the basin.
sites of other rivers
KSIIMK, of the
64, 1956; his.
Parking lots of Central
Bolshezemelskaya Pechora.
tundra, whichSA, 1959,
dated 2;back
his. Archaeological
to the beginning sitesof
of the
Neolithic
BronzeandAgeearlyand
iron.
Cultural monuments of the Komi Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. Syktyvkar, 1959; his. Unya
even earlier
cave site in thetime.
Pechora" Most
basin.of
CA, the sites
1960 , 2; belonged
his. Sites of to thethe İ millennium
river. BC. e.
Adzva; his. Ancient Sites
man's sitesonon
the
U river.
se and Kolva
Central in the Bolshezemelskaya
Pechora. SA, 1964, 1; V.İ. Kanivets.tundraKanin M.E.Cave. FossM., attributed
1964, p. them
28; V.E.toLuzgin.
the
tribes
Ancientof cultures
the so-called
of İzhma... Pechora culture
V.İ. Guslitser, and dated
V.İ. Kanivets . Caves them to Pechora
of the the endUrals. M.,İİ
of the 1965.
and first
half B.İ. İGuslitser,
of1the millenniumV.İ. Kanivets,
BC. e,E.M. '* Timofeev. The Byzovskaya site is a paleolithic monument near
the polar steep. SA, 1965, 2.
İn inrecent years,
G, M. Burov. archaeological
Vychegodsky Territory.research in the29 Pechora
M., 1965, Figures and 31. basin has been
significantly
19
G. A.expanded.
Chernov. SitesAs aofresult,
ancienta large
man nar.numberKolve, of Neolithic,
Kolva vis and Copper-Bronze
Sandibey-yu inand the
Bolyshezemel
Early Wales sites tundra.
were KSIIMK, IX, 1941, pp. 101, 111; his. Archaeological finds in the central part
identified
of the Bolshezemelskaya tundra; his. Sites of ancient man in the northern part of the
Bolshezemelskaya tundra. KSIIMK, XXXVI, 1951, pp. 96-114 .
20
[. A. Chernov. New archaeological finds in the Pechora basin.

1
z G, A. Chernov. Archaeological finds in the eastern part of the Bolshezemelskaya tundra. SA,
XV, 1951, pp. 308-324 .
1
4 G. A. Chernov. Archaeological finds in the central part of the Bolshezemelskaya tundra. Tr.
KPICHP, 7, 1948, pp. 69, 71.
15
M. E. Foss. The oldest history of the North of the European part of the USSR. MIA, 29, 1952,
p. 145.
125
 30
cm 11/1
11
1/
11
11
11
1\
\\ \ \
\ \
\ \
\\
\\
' \\
\ \
\\

8
'\\2\\

'12 '
\o {
7, /
'am,, 5to '[10/
f

Fig. 13. Profile of shards of vessels from the

Ustkheyyaginsky settlement. İn the numerator - the
number of the tile, in the denominator - the figure
number

126
nium (7), scrapers - 13, hatchets - 5, two cutters, one puncture and one bar. A significant
number of arrowheads undoubtedly indicate that the inhabitants of the settlement were
hunting. Even though no fishing-related tools have been found, we nevertheless believe
that much attention has been paid to fishing. The lack of fishing tools is explained by
the fact that, apparently, they are manufactured: bones were ~ buried, which quickly
collapsed on the surface of the sands. This idea is confirmed by the preserved deer
skulls and horns, extracted 1 m from the surface at the Heibida-Padar sacrificial place *
'.
The arrowheads are monotonous. As an exception, several leaf-shaped tips should
be noted. İn most cases, these are tips with a straight base and parallel ribs (Figures 3, 4,
7; 5, 2, 3, 7; 7, 5), with a small recess (Figures 3, 6, 8, 10; 5, 2, 6, 8; 7, 3, 4, 7) or
with a rounded base (Fig. 3, 5; 5, 11, 16,20). Tips made of knife-shaped plates
(Figures 3, 1, 3), which were also found in other sites of the Bolshezemelskaya
tundra, are very rare. 22The treatment of the guns is in most cases rough, and only some
of them carry secondary small retouches, such as the tips in Fig. 5, 1, Fig. 7, 1.
Lanceolate tips with a blunt base are also isolated (Figures 7, 1, 17); perhaps they do
not belong to the cultural layer of the settlement, but are brought here at a later time. İt
should be noted that no tips with serrated edges were found here, which were quite
common in the sites of the river. Nolva, Kolvavis and Adzva °. This type of tip is
characteristic of the White Sea culture '.
Scrapers are made of peels, in most cases only the working edge is treated with
additional retouching. The settlement is characterized by the presence of a fairly large
number of hatchets (5), which, İ must say, are very rare not only in the parking lots of
the Bolshezemelskaya tundra, but also in the entire Pechora basin. İt was known that
two hatchets of the Russian-Karelian type, one found near the city of Naryan-Mara *, the
other near Troitsko-Pechorsk °, and one hatchet of the other type was found in the upper
reaches of the river. Korotaihi 2• Note 7by the way that hatchets of the Russian-Karelian
type, as well as similar Ustkheyyaginsky, were found in other sites of the river.
Korotaihi in fees 1964
Thus, so far the river. Korotaikha is the only point in the Bolshezemelskaya tundra
where guns of this type had wide use. Attention is drawn to the flint axe (Fig. 4, 2) with
ground working end. Similar hatchets are noted by A. Ya. Bryusov in the Balakhna
culture *, "which dates from the first half of the 11 millennium to and. e .
İn shape, the arrowheads of the settlement are identical to the tips of other sites of
the Bolshezemelskaya tundra. Thus, the tip with a rounded base (Figures 3, 5)
resembles the tip with the river. Adzva *. " On the tips from the sites near the city of
Naryan-Mara, on the river. Kue "and the river. Kolvavis"
21
G. A. Chernov. Sacrificial place in the northern part of the Bolshezemelskaya tundra.
KSIIMK, XXXIX, 1951, pp. 84-88; his. Heibidya-Padar sacrificial place in the Bolshezemelskaya
tundra. CA, XXİII, 1955, pp. 291-320.
22
G, A. Chernov. Archaeological finds in the central part of Bolshezemel-
skoi tundra.
23
[, "A. Chernov. Parking in the basin of the Adzva
River.% 2M. E. Foss. Uk. Op .
25
G. A. Chernov. Sites in the northern part of the Bolshezemelskaya tundra, Fig. 27. 4. G, 26A.
Chernov. Parking on the Usa and Central Pechora.
2
1 G. A. Chernov. Sites in the eastern part of the Bolshezemelskaya tundra, Tables 1, 22. İ. 28Ya.
Bryusov. Essays on the history of tribes of the European part of the USSR in neolpti-
Chesky era. M., 1952, pp. 87, 88, Fig. 14, 10, 11.
29
[". A. Chernov Parking in the basin of the Adzva River, Table XII, 5 .
30
G. A. Chernov. Sites of ancient man in the basin of the Pechora River, Fig. 21, 10 p. Fig. 25, 6.
z1 G. A. Chernov. Sites in the central part of the Bolshezemelskaya tundra, Table IV, 45 and Table
VI, 74.
12
7
we noted the same coarse treatment as on the tip from the settlement (Figures 5, 2).
Flat-based tips of the same shape (Fig. 3, 7; 5, 2) are found in the parking lots of the
river. İzhma ® .
Similarities are also observed in scrapers even in such a rarely seen triangular
shape with a straight or slightly rounded working edge. Scrapers (Figures 6, 7; 7, 19,
20) are known from the rivers Adzva, Lae, "Lower Pechora, also from Kolva and
İzhma.
From the Kanin Cave, V. İ. Kanivets indicates tools that date from the Copper-
Bronze Age, that is, the middle of the İİ millennium B.E. Some tools of the
Stheiyaginsky settlement are almost identical to them. So, for example, tips (Figures 3,
3-7) and a scraper (Figure 6, İ) are similar to the tools of the Kanin Cave '
M.E. Foss also saw the similarity of the tools of the Bolshezemelskaya tundra with
the tools of the western regions, for example, the Kargopol and White Sea cultures, the
age of which was determined by her within a wide range - the end of İİİ - the middle of
the İ millennium BC. 3e.5
The scraper from the Mish-Wan site "is slightly different from the scraper (Figures
6, 1) at the Steyyagip settlement. The age of this ceramic site - İII - the beginning of
the İİ millennium BC. e. However, the similarity of stone tools does not always give
confidence in their strict dating, especially since all our material is lifting. Ceramics
are more reliable in this regard.
The most ancient for U Steyyaginsky settlement should be considered vessels with
a straight or slightly convex body with a patchy and comb ornament, where the pits are
located in one or two rows in the upper part of the vessel under the corolla. On such
vessels in the second (lower) row, the pits are located more often at significant
intervals. The smoldering of the variety of comb ornament is created; it consists of as
if various dies that do not create a certain composition, the pattern is lowered and the
body of the vessel. These vessels are distinguished by the careless execution of the
pattern and the negligence of the stamps themselves. Even pits are applied for the most
part with sticks with uneven ends, which is clearly visible on many shards (Figures 10 ,
1-6, 8-12). The body of the vessels was also casually decorated with uneven rows
of incisions made with a hole stamp (Figures 8, 3; 10, 7; 11, 7, 8, 11). Negligence in
the pattern is also observed on most vessels decorated with other stamps: toothed
(Figures 9, 12; 10, 5, 6), hoof-shaped (Fig. 10, 6, 12; 11, 1-5) or a square comb -
(Fig. 9, 5; 10, 2; 11, 12). The smallest vessel is also ineptly made (Fig. 9, 3).
Probably, such negligence is generally characteristic of the sites of this culture of the
Bolshezemelskaya tundra. Such an example is the vessels from the sites on the rivers
Kolvavis, Korotaiha, Azve and Malo-Soplyasskaya on the Middle Pechora.
At the Ustkheyyaginsky settlement, vessels with ornaments were found, which
recently began to be attributed to the so-called Lebyazhsky culture (Figures 8, 1, 5; 9,
10; 10, 4, 8), recently opened but widely ras -

2 V.E. Luzgin. Ancient cultures of İzhma. M., 1972, Fig. 9, 9, 20, 38; 24, 14; 26, 25 n 27, 32.
33
G. A. Chernov. New archaeological finds in the Pechora basin, Fig. 44,
12, rps. 46, 5.
z4 V.İ. Kanivets. Kanin Cave, Figures 14, 2, 14; Figures 16, 18-21; Figures 62, 1, 2. w M. E. Foss.
5

Uk. Op .
36
G. A. Chernov. New archaeological finds in the Pechora basin, Fig. 44, 12.; 3G. A. Chernov.
Parking in the central part of the Bolshezemelskaya tundra .
№ 64-66. sv G. A. Chernov. Archaeological finds in the eastern part of the Bolshezemelskaya tundra,
Tables 15 , 4.
z • G. A. Chernov. Parking in the Adzva river basin, Fig. 4, 3. 0 '.
A. Chernov. Parking on Central Pechora .
128
extended in the Pechora basin and on Vychegda. Pottery of Lebyazhsky culture is
described in detail by V. İ. Nanivets • The vessels of this culture were discovered by
us earlier in the lower Pechora * "and on the river. Adeve *." The same ceramics were
found near the city of Naryan-Mara, on the shores of Lake Kazenny (site 12), near
Pustozersk at two sites - 4-6 and on the river. Adzwe at two points. İn Central
Pechora, ceramics of Lebyazhsky culture were found in the sites of Aranetskaya and
Nizhne-Petrushinskaya ,.,._
Later, monuments of this type were discovered by V. İ. Kanivets and V. E.
Luzgin "in the upper reaches of Pechora and on the Middle Pechora, on the
Sotchemiol, Velho, Lebyazhskaya rivers, etc. To the west of Pechora, sites of the
same culture were found at six points in the upper reaches of the river. Vychegdy
and one on the right tributary of the river. Bymi G. M. Burov. " Recently, ceramics
of Lebyazhsky culture have been discovered in the parking lots of the river. İzhma
B. E. Luzgin and, who notes the striking similarity of the ornament of the vessels of
the Yake İ parking lot with Lebyazhsky. He defines the time of Yake İ as the late
Bronze Age, synchronizing it with the site of Kelchiur İİ, which should be dated, in
his opinion, to the third quarter of the İİ millennium BC. e.
The sites of Lebyazhsky culture near the city of Naryan-Mara and on the river.
Adzwe are still the northernmost. And if our conclusions about the presence of
vessels of Lebyazhsky culture on U Stkheyyaginsky settlement turn out to be
correct, then the border of its distribution range will advance far to the northeast
into the Bolshezemelskaya tundra, into the basin of the river. Rotorotaihi, over the
68th parallel. Along the way, we note that the Ustkheyyaginsky settlement is not the
only one on Norotaikha where pottery of Lebyazhsky culture was found. On the
banks of this river, many sites were found, the material of which awaits careful
processing, although already with a cursory acquaintance with ceramics, elements of
Lebyazhsky culture are clearly revealed in the ornament .
İf you involve the ornament of Ustkheyyagin ceramics in the dating, you can
see in it, on the one hand, the features are earlier than Lebyazhsky, on the other
hand, characteristic of ceramics of the Miš-Wan site. " The pitted ornament of the
shards of the Mish-Wan site is similar to the ornament of the Volgo-Oka ceramics
from the Yazykovsky site, which dates from the middle of the 111 millennium BC.
e. "Material of the Miš-Van site by G. M. Burov" dates back to a slightly later time ,
to the İİİnachalu of the İİ millennium BC. e., and the Lebyazhsky culture dates from
it to the copper-bronze century (the first half of the İİ millennium BC e.). B.İ.
Ranivets attributes the age of Lebyazhsky culture to the beginning of the İ
millennium BC. e., i.e. a whole millennium later. '
Without going into the details of this chronological epor, we note that in any
case, the Lebyazhsky-type ceramics will be later than the Ustkheyyaginsky itself .
Analysis of ceramics pokazyvaye·r that for Mysz-Wan time, larger vessels with
patchy or pit-comb ornaments covering most of the surface of the vessel, and
possibly

41 V.İ. Kanivets. Kanin Cave, p. 81.

,.2 G. A. Chernov. Sites of ancient man in the Pechora basin, Fig. 2 '2, 20-22, 27; Figures 23, 28,
29 .
1, from G. A. Chernov. New archaeological finds in the Bolshezemel tundra; his. Parking in the

Adzva river basin, Tables 45, 1, 4, 5; Table 18, 1 .

1.1. G. A. Chernov. Parking lots on Central Pechora, Fig. 3, 1.3; 4, 4, 5; 24, 36.
45 V.İ. Kanivets, V.E. Luzgin. Archaeological exploration on the South Pechora
to the plain. MAESV, Syktyvkar, 2, 1963. in
G. M. Burov. Vychegodsk region.
+ 1 V.E. Luzgin. Ancient cultures of İzhma, Fig. 23, 1-5 .
• G. A. Chernov. New archaeological finds in the Pechora basin. 4 M. E. Foss. Uk.
8 9

Op.
s0 G, M. Burov. Vychegodsky Territory.
• V.İ. Kanivets. Kanin Cave.
1

5 Soviet Archaeology, No. 4 129

and the whole vessel having a round-bottom shape with straight thick walls. The
second stage in the development of ceramics, which falls on the so-called
Ustkheyyagin time, is also characterized by pit-comb ornament, but the pitches
clearly recede to the background, they remain only in the upper part of the vessel in
one or three rows, starting from the corolla itself. On these vessels, on the contrary,
a larger place is given to comb ornament, which, moreover, acquires a diverse
pattern in the form of holes, hooves, squares, etc. These vessels are somewhat
inferior in size to the vessels of the previous stage, although they have the same
round-bottom shape with straight walls, but are ornamented only in the upper part,
and only some of them, for example, a vessel from a parking lot at the source of the
river. Kolvavis, "have an ornamented body. Vessels were usually ornamented with
one stamp and very rarely with two. Vessels ornamented with one stamp do not
actually have any strict pattern, since notches with a stamp were usually applied
carelessly. İndividual vessels had a slightly convex body, but the corolla never
thickened; it was either straight or cut outwards. Vessels with a similar ornament
were met by us on the river. Pike and date back to the İİ millennium BC. e. * No.
The third stage corresponds to swan ceramics, which is characterized by a
peculiar ornament made mainly with serrated stamps. Pits were applied only in one
row and sometimes additional ones were placed at a considerable distance from
each other under the main row. Notches were already applied with toothed stamps
in a certain order, creating a certain pattern. İn size, the vessels are the same as in
the previous stage, but 1V contrast, they often have a slightly thickened corolla.
The main difference between them and the vessels of the previous stage is an
ornament made with a large akRurarity.
Vessels of the third stage (Figures 8, 7 and 2, 3; Figures 12, 1, 2) have in
ornament and: the form of similarity, on the one hand, with the vessel of the
Heibidya-Padar sacrificial place, "on the other, with the vessels known at the site of
the river. Schuchya. Vessels with a similar ornament are also known in the Green
Hill parking lot, which V.N. Chernetsov dates to the beginning of the İ millennium
BC. e. °
We do not share the point of view of V. İ. Kanivets "that the vessels are -
supposedly characteristic of Lebyazhsky culture with a cross stamp. Vessels stackim -
ornaments on Pechora and in the Bolshezemelskaya tundra are very rare "and it
seems that their appearance in the Pechora basin is associated with the influence
of a special culture, which was widespread in the lower reaches of the Ob basin.
The time of the spread of this culture in the Ob basin, submitted by V.N.
Chernetsov, dates back to the VI-IX centuries. n e , 1
Our point: the sight is partly confirmed by the studies of V. E. Luzgin in the
basin of the river. İzhma. İn particular, he writes: "İn the ornamentation of both
monuments, the absence of a cruciform stamp that adorns the dishes of other
Lebyazhsky settlements of Pechora in combination with typical Lebyazhsky
patterns deserves attention. This is hardly explained: by chance
The second half of the İ millennium C.E. includes our vessels with cross
"*
ornaments found in the second point, the Vessel in Fig. 9, 6 in the shape of the
corolla is very similar to the vessel from the upper part of the cultural layer of the
sacrificial place on the river. Heibidya-Padar, "most vessels co-

s2, "A. Chernov. Parking in the central part of the Bolshezemelskaya tundra.
z [A. Chernov. Archaeological finds on the river. Schuchya, Fig. 26, 1-4, 12-14. s4 İbid.,
Table İ, 1.
5s 3.
N. Chernetsov. Green bugle near Salekhard. KSIIMK, 25, 1949.5 6V.İ.
Kanivets. Kanin Cave.
57
V.N. Chernetsov. Lower Priobye in the İ millennium AD. MIA, 58, 1957.8 s V.E. Luzgin.
Ancient cultures of İzhma.
59
[G, A. Chernov. Heibidya-Padar Sacrificial Place, Table İII, 2.
130
the other, as well as metal products, date back to the middle İ thousand of the
anniversary of A.D. e. Apparently, by this time a vessel with a flat bottom,
discovered in the third point of the Ustkheyyaginsky settlement (Fig. 13, 1),
should be attributed.
Thus, the material collected at the Ustkheyyaginsky settlement allows us to
conclude that this early settlement has settled repeatedly; it is also at a later time,
which is once again confirmed by the presence of numerous various sites on the
banks of the river. Korotaihi and its tributaries Padimeityvis and Taryu.

G. А. Tchernov

ETABLISSEMENT PREНISTORIQUE D'OUSTKHEIAGНINE SUR

LA RIVIERE KOROTAIKHA

Resume
Cet article offre une description des decouvertes archeologiques faites sur les bords de la
Korota'ikha, lors de prospections geologiques, еп 4961, dans la partie nord-est de la toundra de
Bolcheziemelskoi6. Des outils de silex et des tessons de poteries d'argile ont 6t recueillis sur la rive
droite de la Korotaikha, ип peu en aval de l'embouchure de la Kheiaghi, sur la II@те terrasse
superieure, forme еп haut de sables. Tout le materiel archeologique concentre еп trois points, а ёte
ramasse а la surface degagee de sable. Оп а recueilli au total 2410 eclats de silex, 77 outils de silex,
738 fragments de poteries d'argile provenant d'au moins 52 ustensiles. Le sаЫе а conserve la trace de
bandes herbeuses rappelant par leurs contours quelques batiments. Ces constructions supposees et Ia
grande quantite d'objets trouves dans le sol font croire qu'а cet endroit il у avait un etaЬlissement. Les
pieces de silex et la ceramique permettent de penser que cet etablissemen t а dure de fa«;on
permanente du IIIe millenaire аи Ile millenaire av. п. @re, jusqu'а la premiere moitie du Ier millenaire
de п. ёre. Les formes des instruments de silex et le decor des poteries presentent des elements de
ressemblance avec le materiel des топиments de regions @loignees: а l'ouest, le bassin de la
Vytchegda et de la Bi@lomor; аи sud, celui de la Каша, et а l'est celui du cours inferieur de l'Obl.
 E. N. CHERNYKH
AIBUNARSKY COPPER MINE İV MILLENNIUM BCE
IN THE BALKANS
(Studies 1971, 1972 and 1974)

Copper mines of the Eneolithic time in Southern Bulgaria were discovered in

October 1971 as a result of the exploration of the detachment of the Bulgarian-Soviet
archaeological expedition '. The most interesting of these Ai bunar mines is certainly
among the rarest monuments of mining of the İV millennium not only in Europe, but
also in other parts of the Old World. After all, only in the same 1971 B. Yovanovitch
published information about the former. on the Balkan Peninsula, the finds of several
fragments of pottery of the Vinchan appearance and a zoomorphic figure at the Rudna
Glava mine in North-Eastern Serbia *, which allowed him to assume the eneolithic
losrast of the latter. However, the remains of ancient mines preserved at the Ore
Chapter were very 3small, powerful developments of ancient and medieval times, well
documented by historical sources *, made the age of the preserved workings very
problematic .
İn contrast, Ai Bunar, even at the time of its discovery, struck with a large number
of eneolithic ceramics of the Naranovo VI - Gumelnitsa type, found in developments,
corneal tools and, most importantly, impeccably dated huge ore mines. İnterest in Ai
Bunar also increased because within a radius of about 15 km. from the mine it became
known about seven villages, in the eneolithic layers of which more than 100 pieces of
copper oxidized ore were found, which, as shown by spectral analysis, came from the
mines of Ap Bunar. Arch ological material, with which the found ore was associated,
belonged mainly to the culture of gumelnitsa (Karanovo VI), and discovered in the
Bereketskaya grave, and especially in the settlement near the District Hospital of
Staraya 3agora, copper aibunar minerals can be dated even earlier time, such as the
culture of maritsa (Karanovo V) '
Ai bunar is located in the region of Southern Bulgaria, where many huge "village
graves" are concentrated, consisting in large part of strata of Eneolithic age. Spectral
analyses of Ai bunar ores and comparison of their composition with eneolytic metal
have identified preliminary links with this mine of İV millennia products, copper

'E. Chernikh, A. Raduncheva. Start copper ore near gr. Stara Zagora. Archaeology, 1, 1972.
• В. Jovanovi. Metalurgija eneolitskog perioda v Jugoslavije. Beograd, 1971, s. 18- 21, tabl. III.
3
IDid., s. 18. For example, shafts 3 and 4 had a diameter of only 40 to 60 cm with a length of no
more than 3 m.
· О. Davies. Roman Mines in Europe. Oxford, 1935; В. Jovanovic. Ohr. cit., s. 18.
· Excavation results 1970-1974 gt. an employee of the Starozagorsk Museum M. Dimitrov
has not yet been published .
432
which was enriched with various impurities - lead, silver, bismuth, etc. "
Ai bunar is located 8 km northwest of the city of Stara Zagora (Southern
Bulgaria) in a poorly mountainous and dense terrain, where the surrounding peaks
do not exceed 500-600 m above sea level. The ore body comes to the surface at
altitudes of 330-400 m above sea level.
• Hydrothermal deposit type (core); the nature of the ore is polymetallic, since
most of its areas are enriched with lead, zinc and some other elements in addition to
copper. The ore body stretches from northeast to southwest in a broken arc almost
1.5 km long, crossing three low mountains or hills: Khasanov ( Asanov) ramp, Malka
Tumba and Chairlyshkata usoina. İn many places, the ore comes to the surface in
the form of oxidized copper minerals - malachite and the rarer azurite.
Mineralization is usually in the form of relatively narrow veins 0.5-5 m wide. İn
some areas, parallel veins, merging, form rather powerful lenses up to 10-45 m
wide. Ore-bearing rocks are mainly limestones, marls and, much less often,
dolomites.
The first geological work on Ai bunar was carried out by the local industrialist
İvan Azmanov in 1934-1935. However, İ. Azmanov found only traces of ancient
work on Ai bunar and considered them "Roman." Here he collected a rather large
collection of ancient objects, now, and unfortunately, largely lost. İnformation about
his finds got into print.
Regular geological studies of Ai Bunar, begun in 1956 and 1959-1961, also led
to the conclusion that Aibunar ore production was futile. Perhaps that is why
information about Ai Bunar did not even get into the reference geological
literature8. The first reports of Ai Bunar in the press appeared only in 1972, 9except for a
very cursory mention in the book of G. Konyarov about an unnamed ore show in the
area
İn 1971, reconnaissance established at least six ancient workings on Ai Bunar
(No. 4-6). The oldest of them dated back to the Eneolithic age. Finds in the
production of No. 4 ceramics of the Late Bronze ("Hallstatt") time were estimated,
while evidence of the mine's operation at the end of the İİ millennium BC. e. Ras11:
cop: kami 1972, the last conclusion was refuted .
As a result of research in 1972 and 1974, we have information about 11 ancient
mines scattered along the entire length of the ore body. This figure, however, cannot
be considered final, since traces of ancient developments on the surface are very
poorly traced.
The topography of the development is shown in Figure 1. Six workings (No. 1,
2, 7-10) were found on the slopes of Mount Khasanov ramp, three (No. 3, 4 and 11) -
on the hill of Malka Tumba and, finally, development No. 5 and 6 are located on

İn a close composition, copper is noted not only in Bulgarian monuments, but also among the
Carbun treasure from Moldova (E. N. Chernykh. History of the oldest metallurgy of Eastern
Europe. M., 1966, pp. 53-57, 415, 116, Table V).
7
So he wrote about them in his diaries, preserved by the widow of his brother Z. Azmanova
.
in J. Yovchev. İt is useful to dig into the HP of Bulgaria. Sofia, 1961.
• E. N. Chernikh, A. Raduncheva. Uk. Op.; E. N. Chernykh. About the ancient copper mines of
Bulgaria. Tez. doc. at the sessions and plenums of the OIN and İA of the Academy of Sciences
of the USSR, dedicated to the results of field research in 1971 M., 1972 , pp. 56-58; N. Ya.
Mepnepr, E. N. Chernykh. Bulgarian-Soviet expedition in 1971 AO-1971, M., 1972; E. N.
Chernykh. Metal is human - time. M., 1972, pp. 132-134; his. Ai bunar is the oldest mine in
Europe. "Science and Life," 4974, No. 3.
oh, Konyarov. Bringing kum historiata to rudarstvoto and metalurgiyata in Bulgaria.
Sofia, 1953, p. 16.
1 E. Chernikh, A. Raduncheva. Uk. Op., p. 64, arr. 5, 6.

433
 Form of Average Maximal- Degree and nature

the northern
developments slope
Excavation ofits
4, in
boots Mount
shapeChairlyshkata
resembles
Length, m usoina.
a small
width, m "naya
mine Below
4depth (Table
m long, 1)modern
2 wide,are3.3
details of
• deep.
the shape and dimensions
The most interesting of the workings.
here, undoubtedly, is production 4, 6. İt differed from
Almost
others all ancient
not only developments
in its large haveinthe
size, but also theappearance
arrangement of),of
(not less than narrow, slit-shaped
a dwelling
damages of the Late
quarries
Bronze Age.. Below the dwelling, in the layer of eneolptic m dumps, the burial of two
Their
people
1
appearance
is open.
Quarry or
was primarily
25-30
due to the
5-6
shape of 4-5 the ore body. With lenticular
Medium; mine
extensions,
The stratigraphy of notch 4, 6 is as follows (Figure 2): 0-20 cmvein
quarries could reach 10 mi more wide, but in low-power - abranches
soil dark
they narrowed to 0.5-0.7 m.
brown or brownish layer, completely permeated with the roots of trees and shrubs;
Excavations
strong impurity mineand trencheslimestone
of crushed reached the bottom only
- discharge frominthe thegeological
shallowest parts 20-220
ditch;
Azmanova of the
2
quarries Pitlevel of 2 - maximum
- atorthe - 80 5-10
4 m. According 18-20
to geologists, llpartmental;
the depth of the
cm - black dark brown layer, Azmanov
southwestern
3 part of quarry50-80
) No. 3 reached at least 1513-15
3-10 m. İn ancient timesmine
-
İnsignificant;
Table 1
geological
Shape and dimensions of ancient workings of Ai buvara ditches
4 The mine is small 20-25 1-2 =6
And ?
Same
,
pit ))
5 Pit 40-50? 3-5
6 >)
25-30 3-8 4-5 ))
))
At
7 18-20 3-5 2-4
with
)1
8 at 15-20 3 1-2
>) )1
9 ~110 4-6 3-3,5
40
11
\))
))
20-30?
10-15
4-in
2-3
?
2
)1

))

s
0 50 00
b L--·-•

"" Fig. 1. Location of main workings at Ai bunar mine

'

work No. 2 of the Azmanov mine went deep at 18-20 m, but the bottom of the
quarry, as in the previous case, was not reached.
İn October-November 1972, a detachment of the Bulgarian-Soviet expedition
excavated at mining passages No. 2-4 of the Ai Bunar.
Mine No. 4 is located near the very top of Malka Tumba Hill.
During exploration, the largest amount of Eneolithic and Late Bronze ceramics
was collected here1. The nature of 3filling the upper part of the mine (dark brown or black
cultural layer) and the finds of clay coating suggested that an ancient dwelling was
built in the quarry. İn this regard, a excavation with a total area of 225 m * was
laid here, covering the traces of the mine and the adjacent surface of the hill (Fig.
2).
Development No. 4 is one of the smallest on Ai Bunar. The excavated part is
represented by a chain of two quarry-like and one mine-like excavations * "*,
indicated by us 4, a, 4, b and 4, in (Figures 2 and 3). The recesses came from small
lenses of copper mineralization, alternating with areas enriched with iron oxides
(limonitized veins). Ancient miners left the annealed areas intact (Figures 3 and 4 ).
Notch 4, a is the smallest in this chain. Excavation affected the northeast end of
the notch. Maximum dimensions of the penetrated part: length 2.5 m, width 0.6 m,
depth 1 m .
Excavation 4, b - the most significant (Fig. 2-4). Maximum dimensions at the
top: length 12 m, width 2.5 m, depth at least 6 m. The notch was cleared to a depth
of 5 m. The steel probe, clogged for another 1 m, also did not reach the bottom .
12
İnitially, the numbering of the developments reflected the order in which they were
discovered and described; as a result of the 1974 works, the numbering changed somewhat due
to the1 clarification of the mutual location of individual quarries .
z E. Chernikh, A. Raduncheva. Uk. Op., pp. 64, 65, arr. 4-6.
1
'That figure is not final. New notches may probably be opened when the excavation
expands in a northeastward direction.
434
A, D, E, f,
t with in,
i
with,
t + +
11(-/J•
I 1(-/5

/
/(-// K-12 /(-/4
11
1 1
1 1
1 1
1 A128)
2s9 < -M %
1 1
1 1

xx x x

, tp

,t
L-15
t t t t t
4, S 1 Ez fi
m above ur. g
seas Jll r;,

JJIJ

J51

356

355 ,

JJ!i

sufficiently strongly riddled with the roots of trees and shrubs; noticeable impurity
of crushed limestone of ancient dumps; at the level of 50-60 cm it is crossed by a
stone pavement of the intermediate floor of a late-bronze dwelling ; 220-260 cm -
dark gray or brownish layer, heavily saturated with limestone rubble; 260-315 cm -
masonry above the paired burial, the burial itself and the stone pavement of the
bottom of the grave; 315-500 cm - light gray or light brown layer of dumps made of
limestone crushed stone with an admixture of copper minerals .
The cultural layer of the dwelling has a thickness of at least 2 m (depth 20-220
cm). İt is heavily saturated with Late Bronaean pottery and pieces of clay burnt coat
with clear traces of wooden bars on them. The layer is clearly delineated by the
almost vertical rock walls of the workpiece 4, 6. As ceramic is removed from
development, it is less and less common and is practically limited to a strip of 2- 2.5
m. The general color and character of the layer outside the production is also very
different: on the surface of the rocks lies a brownish thin soil with a thickness of
about 5-15 cm, actually devoid of finds
The layer of the dwelling is clearly divided into two horizons by stone laying::
in: of the floor (Fig. 2). This pavement is made rather carelessly from stones of
various sizes at the level of 60-120 cm from the day surface (its level decreases in
the southwestern part ).
The most saturated find is a layer at a level of 20-40 cm deep. Below (down to
the intermediate floor) there are slightly fewer finds. A half of a round drilled stone
was also found here.
13

5
 new mace (Figures 5, 18) ~ 1 ----.----,
insignificant quantity a
)(

)(

stvo fragments ceramics

eneolytic age.
Below intermediate
floo : AND res-
,
rvettle, generationdwelling sa- 9u

markedly decrease as in 's:1-

longitudinal, so and pope

river sections. lowe
i w
on the horizon of the dwelling 7

to former ofte meets

ceramics late bron-
of the call Howev SHARE cm

fragments vessels eneoli- witISI

i::i..
tic time increas ~
'-3- C1:1

becomes as deepening 4G t:11

s--:, ::ii
layers. u Fig. 2. Floating: excavation
and stratigraphy of deposits
Approxima on level · = in excavations No. 4 a, 6
1
220 cm layer and in: 1- limestones and
fillings t:11
dolomites1 · 2 - soil
layer; 3 - cultural
U
Q)

:::::i'- layer of dwelling; 4 - dark

developments ....... * gray or brownish layer,
becomes sa- 1 C1:1 Vasychev: crushed stone; 5 -
t:11 dump of "empty" rock; 6 -
metpo lighter and sharply me- limovitised (ozh -
"' bladed) core
<:::::, abo
'\O
flowed ratio inter abo
do eneolitic and late - ut
f

not bronze D ceramics.

1 z J 4 \ :a
m 1 t:11
1Zh1
Layer 220-260 cm soder- abo
ut
J::

sting only single ob- ER

$>
LOMISH OF LATE-ERA VESSELS .;
drink bronze at noticeable 1
prevalence Neramikp 5s 'O

İV millennia. Therefore '-:1-

it is count, that floor at

lower horizon of the 2

e
on
shc all probabilities, abo
ut
E
ha,
arrang abo
was approximate ut
ed '\O

2 C1:1
fully on to depth m
, i::i..

fro top edges 2vyra- : 0a

m
boots. :a 1O

Form a it F
dwellings n
-- i::i..

with
design, apparently, pre- ~ sa
on It is
suffered changes scarlet
w
level top horizon )(
s5
Originally it xx )< q
)<~ )< )( 11.
was entirely in depth
*
into the production of dwelling )(

type 3,

dugouts. It rocky ""

walls, probably for
lazines were are laid
rods a are covered t:::I
clay, which then ob- 7
burned. Howe it os-
it is only support- 2
niem, since on the scal- %
groi walls developme S
traces of coating not conservi ~
№
it was happening. Over time -
6 he An ~ 8 An 8 A6 88 8e 8
nor dwelling
deposits, a
was filled
it obi-
0.5 05 05
d
05 ""5
d ""' 0.5 "'"5 0.5 65
e5 ""5

n 137
 the tators probably had to erect some
kind of ground wall, built either from
wood or from limestone slabs placed on
the rib. The reconstruction of the
dwelling should be associated with the
upper horizon when the stone floor
washing was built. No traces of foci or
other heating structures were noticed
inside the dwelling.
The shape of the vessels and the
ornament especially covering them
(Figures 5, 1-17) leave no doubt about
the dating and cultural affiliation of the
dwelling in the development of 4, B.
Such ceramics are very common for
late-bronze ("Hallstatt") monuments of
southern Bulgaria such as the
settlements of Pmenichevo ',
Excavation-Manole +, "etc. Dating
them, apparently, can fluctuate within
the last quarter of the İİ millennium BC.
e. (according to some analogies from
Troy VII2) - the first quarter of the İ
millennium BC. 7e.
Under dwelling remained
upper layer of humusated ore dumps of eneolytic Fig. 4. Production No. 4. View from the
north-east
drain of time. A few late bron-
the call shards found in this layer came here, probably from the dwelling. Millennial İV
ceramics prevailed markedly here. A rather indiscriminate masonry of various sizes of
stones was found under a layer of humusated dumps.
Masonry overlapped the remains of two dead. The bottom of the grave turned out
to be inclined: the heads of the dead lay at a level of 260 cm from the upper edge of the
working, and the legs at a level of 300 cm. The development itself at the level of burials
narrows quite much to a width of 1-1.5 m.
The masonry almost completely overlapped the dead; only their heads and feet
were not laid by Rampi. The bottom of the grave was paved with stones also quite
randomly .
The dead lay in this working-grave with their heads to the west-yugozapad (Fig. 6).
The northern backbone belonged to a very large middle-aged man (about 40 years old).
The corpse was placed on the back, but at the same time it seemed to face the next one.
The right hand is unnaturally strongly arched in the elbow and turned up in the
shoulder, so that the hand of his hand turned out to be at the neighbor's head. The
deceased's right leg was cut off knee-deep and placed in the grave later on top of the
stone above the femoral parts of the legs of the second deceased (Fig. 6). The second
(southern) backbone probably belonged to a woman, but also quite large. She was put
in the grave
15
М. Citkoca. Nouvelles donnees sur la culture Thrace de l'epoque du Hallstatt еп Bulgarie
du Sud. Thracia. Serdicae, 1972, р. 79-100.
in R. Detev. Donnees archeologiques de la continuite de la culture du tel1 Razkopanitza pres du
village Manole, departament de Plovdiv. Studia Balcanica, 5. Sofia, 1971, b. 93-105.
1 D. Р. Ditm itrov. Troia Vllb2 und die thrakischen und mosischen Stimme auf dem Balkan.
Studia Balcanica, 5. Sofia, 1971, S. 75-78.
138
 Fig. 5. Ceramics (1-17) and a piece of stone mace (18) from the dwelling
Late Bronze Age in production 4, b

following the man on his left side facing a neighbor. The arms are slightly bent in
the elbows, the legs are elongated. There were no funeral equipment with the
deceased. Only in the skull area lay several fragments of vessels of the Eneolitic
time .
With a great deal of confidence, these burials can be attributed to the Eneolithic
era. This is determined by the sharp predominance of İV millennium ceramics in the
layer above the grave masonry, the presence of Eneolithic shards under the dead
themselves and the complete absence of Late Bronze ceramics near the buried and
under them. From the grave masonry and below, up to 5 meters deep, only copper
age ceramics were discovered.
Mine # 3 (Figure 7-11) is located approximately 70-100 m northeast of the
fourth. İt was laid: in ancient times, on the enriched continuation of the ore zone
between mines No. 4 and 2. The form of production is bizarre (Fig. 7), which was
determined by a number of closely approaching ore veins with rich copper
mineralization .
The southwestern end of the mine is marked by the collapse of huge stone
blocks (Fig. 9) that collapsed into an ancient quarry. Under the blocks at a depth of
6-7 m, rubble of the ancient dump filling the development is clearly visible. This is
one of the largest and most powerful workings. İts length is at least 50 m, and if we
take into account the southeastern branch, then 80 m.
Clearing of mine No. 3 was carried out on a section of 18-32 m. " İn this regard,
excavation repeated the shape of the quarry itself (Figures 7 and 10), had a length of
14 m,
18
The start of mining is conventionally assumed to be the extreme southwestern rock
overhanging the quarry (Figs. 7 and 9). However, the continuation of the development in the -
south-west direction in the form of an adit cannot be ruled out.

13
9
 Fig. 6. Paired burial in the mine 4, b

and slightly more than 6 m wide. The daytime surface around the development
was rocky outcrops covered in trenches, a relatively thin layer of soil. The place is
m above ur. sea
denselyA, overgrown with forest and bushes .
Stratigraphy
ZJb, O of sediments (Figures 7 and 8) in the excavated part of the working: 1)
the soil layer of black or dark brown color, slightly saturated with stones,
completely permeated with powerful rhizomes of trees and shrubs; power 10-15
cm;
2) the ground layer is brown or dark brown, completely permeated with
rhizomes Saturation with stones and large stone blocks that collapsed from the
walls: a quarry that is noticeably larger than in the soil layer. The thickness of the
subsoil layer is different: up to 1 m - at the 18th generation; 60-80 cm - on the 25th,
and on the 29th development, the layer is completely wedged out ;
328,0
3) a black layer with a capacity of 20-30 cm (sometimes up to 40-50 cm),
consisting of crushed stone mixed with charcoal and ash ;
325,0
4) a layer of "empty" rock - an ancient dump, gray or brownish-gray in color
with a large admixture of scattered copper minerals - malachite and azurite. İts
capacity is not exactly known, but, apparently, it fills the development to the very
bottom, judging by the fully excavated parts of the quarry in the area of 29-32 m.
Archaeological finds (ceramics and: bone tools) were found only in the lower
two layers - black, coal, and gray dump of "empty" rock. The subsurface and soil
layers formed after the mine was abandoned by ancient miners.
The dump of waste rock filled the quarry, of course, after the mines developed
mineralized veins here. At the same time, the miners either fell off the "empty" rock
on the spent parts of the mine, or the entire development was filled up when the
quarry was fully worked out. The coal-grained layer on top of the dumps is
associated with traces of the habitat of the Ai bunar miners on top of the dumps in
the covered developments. This is unequivocally indicated by traces of fires on top
of dumps and significant
440
 n not1 !/R.
3J5 W 32.3°
JJt, it f, J-il нстр (Н0га-

/
h western wall of excavation)
JJJ
JJ2 Fig. 7. Extract 1 < а No. 3. Plan
(top) and longitudinal,, cut
JJf along line A, A ": 1-boundaries
of excavation; 2 - expected
JJO 336,0
boundaries of work: ki; 3 -
lime: cakes and dolomites; 4 -
Jl9 : Ostotkz - 339,0 soil layer; 5 - ground layer; 6 -
nqtJnotilnshl ash-coal layer with crushed
J2B knotlku
332,0 stone; 7 - dump of "empty"
J27
p. "< rock; 8 - limonitis -
burials naya (iced) silt
zzo,
oh
Jt5
328,0
J25

JJJ
~

JJZ
JJI

JJD '
329

J2B
J2
7
J2
6
12.
f

JJZ

JJI
JJ
--
D
32
9
32
6
32
7
J25
 Z5 meter

Z! J-11
meter

Fig. 8. Production No. 3. Stratigraphy of sediments and sections "See

Figure 7 for legend.

accumulations of eneolytic ceramics in the layer. İt is almost impossible to say whether

any temporary dwellings were built here. İn any case, there are no traces of them.
The period of formation of the coal layer is also associated with the burial at the
19th mine No. 3 (Fig. 11). The backbone lay on the very border between the black, coal,
layer and gray dump (Fig. 8). The deceased was , apparently. placed in a very shallow
pit 20-30 cm deep and overlaid with
f42
 Fig. 9.ofSouthwestern
a number eneolithic necropolises in Bulgaria 2•Fig.
edge of the mine The absence of 0
10. Work:excavations in the
ka No. 3. General viewground
layer above the grave № masonry
3 excavation
also serves as evidence of thefrom the southwest
simultaneous burial and
urlporo layer, flawlessly dated to eneolithic time.
The bottom of the mine was reached only in one section. The smallest - only 2.2 m
- here was the northern branch of the development, ra-: - cleaned on the segment from
diamond
29-ro to 32stone slabs taken
m (Figures 7 andimmediately from the
8). Here the copper walls of the quarry. The burial was
lived
discovered by chance when a supramogile slab fell out of the excavation profile on
the 19th. The collapse broke the bones of the--------with
deceased's legs.
The burial of the man was performed on the back, head to the west. The right
arm is severely bent at the elbow and her hand was near the shoulder. The head was
turned to the right. The leg bones destroyed by the fallen stone slab were probably
slightly bent in the knees and fell to the right. The latter is established in the
footsteps of bone thelin preserved on stones. The large concentration of ore minerals
(malachite) around the backbone and the noticeable color of the backbone
(especially its right half) in green suggest a special filling of crushed malachite into
the grave. From above, the deceased was covered with a thin layer of black, coal,
earth and small pebbles, and then covered with large, heavy slabs of limestone "The
dead man's head is placed in a special niche formed by a number of slabs, which is
why the skull was preserved undivided. Other bones, generally distinguished by poor
preservation, were flattened by the weight of stone supermogile slabs.
No things were found in front of the deceased. However, one can hardly doubt
the Eneolithic age of burial. The burial rite in the mine No. 3 of Ai Bunar does not
differ from what can be observed in

1
Part of this masonry was preserved in the excavation profile on the 18th pavement (Fig. 8). 143
 * x
x
X
x
/
x Masonr
y

[J 1/7 ZIJ J/lcм

Fig. 11. Production No. 3. Burial at the 19th meter

turned out to be completely developed. When leaving the branch to the central part, the
bottom of working No.3 drops steeply down (Fig. 7). On the 18th section, the excavation
deepened to a minimum of 6 m, and when measuring the depth along the southern
wall of the mine, the bottom of the excavation reaches 7 m (Fig. 8).
From the mine No. Z comes the largest: the number of archaeologists: some finds.
A significant collection of vascular fragments of eneolytic age has been collected here.
From the same development, extract: clays about 15 fragments of ~ horn tools of
miners of the İV millennium BC. All finds are made in coal: layer, pen: cover dumps,
and in the dumps themselves. Ceramics and other finds of the Late Bronze Age are
absent here .
Mine No. 2 is the lowest of the developments explored on the southern slope of
Mount Khasanov Ramp. İt is located northeast of the third by about 150 m and is
separated from it by a bed of a dry stream.
According to our previous ideas that developed as a result of exploration in 1971,
mine No. 2 was a mine. Workers who cleared it with İ. Azmanov in 1934-1935 showed
that it was passed to a depth of 18-20 m, after which work was suspended due to fear
of collapses and flooding.
By the time of excavation, mine 2 was characterized by the following external
features: a rounded pit with a diameter of up to 5.5 m and a maximum of

20
For example, burial grounds of the Varna district (si. H. T. Simeonova. The city of Devnya -
Varnenskoye is nekol. News on the Narodvia Museum of Varna, vol. Vİİ (XXİİ), p. 3-40).
444
depth up to 4 m; from the north, rock exits fenced the pit, and from the south side, a
powerful shaft of dumps surrounded it with a half-ring. İn 1972 and 1974 the forest
was cleared around the mine, it became clear that it continues to the northeast and
probably goes under the highway. İts total length reaches approximately 80 m. Along
with mining No. 3, it is one of the longest and deepest quarries of the Ai Bunar. İ.
Azmanov let his exploration mine into an ancient quarry, which was confirmed by
reconnaissance excavations of the dumps of mine No. 2 .
To clarify the nature and statigraphy of the dumps of the second development, a
trench with a size of 10Kh2,5 m was laid, cutting the dumps perpendicularly in the
direction of the SSV-South-South-South-East Branch. The trench reached a
maximum depth of 4.5 m and with its northern edge exposed the border of ancient
development .
Dating it to an eneolithic time is beyond doubt. A significant amount of
ceramics of the İV millennium, originating from an ancient dump, and the absence
of edes of any other archaeological materials exclude the likelihood of the
exploitation of this site of the mine in late times .
The collection of Ay Bunar's Aeneolithic-time finds, collected through
exploration and excavation, consists of pottery, horn and copper tools from miners.
The most numerous of the finds are fragments of ceramic utensils. İts types are
ubiquitous on numerous monuments of the gumelnitsa (Karanovo VI) culture,
widespread throughout Southern and Northern Bulgaria.
İt is known that the ceramics of this culture are divided into two main types:
ceremonial - carefully treated, often thin-walled and paved, as well as rough kitchen
- thick-walled, where mainly the upper parts of the vessels and their inner surfaces
were covered with gloss. Ceremonial utensils were often covered with complex
patterns made with graphite mortar. Kitchen pots and their lids were decorated with
a variety of slanting and vertical pinched and notched rollers. Other types of
ornament are constant: carved, rough "bubbly," nalepas, etc. ° '
All noted types of ceramics and their ornamentation are also found on Ai Bunar
(Fig. 12). There is no doubt that the Aibunar miners belonged to the population of
the Karanovo Vİ culture type .
Statistical processing of vessel shapes and types of ornament has not yet been
possible. But even preliminary observations allow us to come to a number of
interesting conclusions. First, Ai bunar's designs were sharply dominated by kitchen
coarse ceramics. Beautifully decorated vessels of ceremonial forms, decorated with
graphite ornaments, came across here, but much less often than in any other
settlement of the Gumelnitsa culture of this area. Secondly, edes are very small
percentage of bowls. Closed pots with or without a pronounced throat prevail
markedly (Figure 12). İn all likelihood, this ratio is due to the small amount of
ceremonial ceramics, among which, as a rule, bowls or flattened vessels prevail.
Thirdly, on Ai Bunar (in development No. 3) several vessels were found with small
handles along the body (Figures 12, 2-4), which Kh. Simeonova (Vaisova) classifies
as characteristic species of the late stage in the culture of the gumelnitsa °.
Clay dough with a constant admixture of sand and, apparently, finely ground
wood is distinguished by good burning. The surface color is dark gray or gray.
Significant differences in the shape and ornamentation of vessels from excavated
developments No. 2-4 have not yet been noted.

21
Н, Vajsova. Einige Fragen iiber die Chronologie der Gumelnifa-Kultur. Studijne zvesti, 17.
Nitra, 1969, S. 481-494, Abb. 2, 7-42.
22
Н. Vajsova. Ohr. cit., S. 489, 493, Ab. 12.

14

5
 Fig. 12. Eneolitic ceramics from workings No. 2-4

Horn guns are represented by more than 20 debris. Two fragments from the
collection of İ. Azmanov have already been published. These tools are yaw. they
were poured with the main guns of the Ai bunar miners, with the help of which the
development of ore veins was carried out. The broken ends of horn tools (Figures
13, 1-5), which probably served as a kind of wedges for loosening lime plates,
have been preserved in the case hospital.
nyaka who delineated the ore vein. Several body parts of these tools were also
found with the remains of a sleeve for attaching a gun to the
koyat. Two types of bushing are noted: round and tetrahedral, straight-sided, flax
(Figures 13, 6 ).
One of the most interesting guns from this series is a recessed clutch, where in a
special deep one: a nest at the end of the gun,
446
 Fig. 13. Fragments of horn tools (1-6) from workings No. 2-4.
Stone hammer (7), found near mine No. 3

apparently a massive copper wedge was attached, which are often found among the ~
of the Neolithic metal of the Balkans and Carpathians * '
Horn guns were distinguished by ease, great strength and sufficient elasticity.
That is why they enjoyed a clear preference among the oldest miners. The lightness
of the tool was at the same time an obstacle: after all, it was impossible to split or
split powerful stone slabs with such a tool. Probably, the guns had to hit the butt
with something heavier, such as a stone hammer, so that the horn wedge penetrated
deeper into the cracks. However, not a single (!) Fragment of stone tools was found
during excavations of the quarries themselves. Stone tools, due to fragility, were
probably not used for direct mining of rocks.
Tools made of stone were most often used for the so-called dry enrichment of
ores, that is, punching out copper minerals from "empty" rock. İn 1974, a large
hammer (Figures 13, 7) made of metamorphosed brownish sandstone was found in
30 mot of the southern end of the Ai bunar mine No. 3. Hammer dimensions: length
24 cm, width 13 cm, height 17.5 cm. Approximately in the middle of the tool, a small
groove was made by the pinstroke technique to tie the hammer to the handle. The
ends of the hammer (especially its ear part) are badly knocked down as a result of
the work.
Metal guns, of course, were preferable in this kind of work. Apparently, from the
mine number 1 Ai Bunar (according to information

2
z E. Chspnykh. Ai bunar is the oldest mine in Europe, p. 144 .
44
7
::, 1a
.....
< a
Variations
b
in composition over different areas Z. Azmanova) two copper objects
of the ore obody are also significant. The most occur, found here at one time by İ.
enriched impurities a include ores from the most Azmanov and stored in his house.
powerful
wit b
central mines No. 2 and 3. Chemically The first of them - a recessed

-
much cleaner ore samples collected in peripheral
h: ax-hammer (Fig. 14, 2) has the
mines No. 1 6 aand 9 . following dimensions: length 128
The recorded b variations in the composition of mm, height along the sleeve 26
ores
in the Ai Bunar o areas made it possible to come mm, width along the sleeve 49 mm,
to
6

-
some conclusions regarding specific sources ofblade length 38 mm. The body of
acopper minerals
1 1 found in the surrounding the gun and its blade are heavily
beneolithic villages. The chemical characteristicsflattened, of probably as a result of
oore samples from each of the villages in some cases
u
work on heavy rocks. From this, the
quite accurately corresponded to the composition initially rounded shape of the
of ores of 44 only one or two mines. So, for example,
""" sleeve is distorted .
in the development of No. 3, most likely, copper İt is appropriate to call the
%mineralsa a
found during the excavation of Azmashka second tool an axe-pick (Figures
b b
a a
graves (29 b samples), settlements near the District 14, 1a, b), although similar types in
w b

-
Starozagorsk Hospital (30 samples) and from the literature are called cruci-
Chatalkai..... (12 samples) were mined. Ore is directly shaped hoe (axe
associated a
with
wit mining No. 2 from the mi), and tesla axes, and kirk hoes.
.,Bereketskaya
fio, a a grave (33 samples) and pos. At the İts dimensions: length 168 mm,
Fig. 14. Copper
b b axe-pick (1, a and 6) and axe-hammer
Starozagorsky mineral baths (13 samples).
o o (2) of mine No. 4 (?)
height along the bushing
Consequently,a a No. 2 and 3 workings were 43 mm, width along the bushing 49
operated
mm,
during
rl
inner
both
b b
1L
diameter
the Ranovo of the
V bushing
and 2İV •6
on top 30 mm, on the bottom - 29 mm, length of
the vertical
Natural and horizontal
questions arise: for blades 32 and 30
what purposes therespectively. Both axe blades are
didmm,
also blunted 1by
inhabitants C of the the villages
work, though not asminerals
need these much asand on the first .
-<is itJudging
possibleby
']
to the
regardremains
theseof the as
finds casting
evidence seams of preserved on the sides of the axe-
metallurgy
pickaxe, AND in theonsettlements?
its upper surface,
The last itquestion,
can be assumed that the gun was cast.
apparently,
However, a theshould casting bemethod
given a isnegative
difficultanswer,
to establish by visual observation.
although
The
. C1
b1 earlier
chemical some researchers
composition assumed
of the copper this objects is given in Table 2. The
of both
1
option. Ceramic
hammer ax refers mortars, sometimestype
to the widespread filledofwith
guns in the Balkan-Carpathian region.
purebecoming
Wu selected his bluetypeazurite crushed
is more into the
definitely smallest
difficult due to the deformity of the skin.
t'll
powder, were
However, for someslight
the apparent reasonbevelregardedof theas melting
upper surface of the ear part seems to
crucibles
make * 'A visual
it possible
C examinationbring
to conditionally of these the and
gun many
closer to the Vidra type, which is
other eneolithic
widespread ']
mainly "crucibles"
in Northern led Bulgaria,
the authorastowell the as in Southern Romania and partly
conclusion
in 6o
Transylvania
a 1. that *they could
*. The onlyofbethe
shape used
casttopickaxe
rub also certainly indicates its
<belonging
minerals
a a
and
to dilute
the red
products in them.
of the The mortars
Eneolithic were
foci of the Balkano-Carpathian region.
b b
distinguished
However, o the o type by extremely
of gun is very thickpeculiar,
bottom parts and he of does not know the exact
the walls
analogies. a and Theaagreatest
very small capacity (several
morphological proximitycubicto the Aibunar find is found by
axe-pickaxesb
centimeters). b They
of the never had tracestype,
Targu-Window of theintended
high- by A. Wolpe '. They are
8effectsinand

-
temperaturemainly
distributed associated and
Transylvania slinging
have notof the
yet been found in Bulgaria .
a6surface Theacommon
chemicaltocompositionceramics used of Aiin bunar ores has been studied in some detail in
a a
pyrometallurgical
the Laboratory
b b
ofoperations.
Spectral İt can be assumed
Analysis of the USSR Academy of Sciences. 300
a blue

-
that
samplesgreenwere and analyzed stones (malachite
from all mineand azurite) Histograms of the distribution of
workings.
were used
concentrations
with: 1 in n 1 theofsurrounding
major impurities villageto-ore are shown in Figure 15. Analyses make it
N
possible to categorize the deposit as polymetallic, enriched in addition to copper
with zinc (mainly in whole fractions of a percent) and lead (mainly in tenths and
whole fractions of a percent). They rise to the level of significant in many samples
C ']

of arsenic, silver, bismuth, nickel and some other elements .

C ']
ab

.
R; ab a
ou b
t o
< a
[ b
8

-
with:
C/J a
28ab a
abo Ai bupar - the oldest mine in Europe, p.
4 E. Chernykh.

-
2
4. Vulpe. Inceputurile metalurgiei aramei in Spatiul Carpato-Dunarean. SCIV, 24, 2, 1973,
ut · be used to change the numbering of
144;
s. 225.Adss
figsa 3.should
quarries
2 .
2• id., fig. 2, 48, S. 228.
::, 1 [, ~
Konyarov.
ab : Uk. Op., pp. 9-1.2, Figs. 3, 4.
u148 3
p

a
' b ,-
0, t - <
C 00
--O:::
=85 <
C
< O

"'C
C ']
']
>
....
-
1; ...

... 6. abo
.
"'
;;: ;2 ut
-%
''o

-
F
about. sa A.
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E E-t
 5.B As Fe With Mn
14
.9 10
1U 8 J
zi
7/ 27 IU
8 40
JU l::j
f 44 zi
lfJ
i::;
JIJ
ZIJ <:::,
z 45
!IJ
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J 44 zi
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4/J
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4 45 zi
!IJ ~

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5 JIJ
40
JIJ
6 43 lU
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-
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14
9
Fig. 15. Histograms of distribution of concentrations of certain impurities in Ai bunar ore (%): O -
not found; 6 - 0,0001-0,001; 5 - 0,001-0,01; 4 - 0,01-0,1; 3 - 0,1-1; 2 - 1-10; 1 -10-30

cabbage soup mainly for preparing mineral paints. Probably, it could be used to
stain the body, tissues, wood or other organic materials that have not survived to
this day. No traces of such paints were found on ceramics and clay-coated walls or
floors of houses.
The remains, which certainly document metallurgical production in villages -
slags or traces of smelting furnaces - have not yet been found during excavation: -x
or exploration .
150
 This article is of a publishing nature, and raising excuses of questions cannot be
included in its task, especially since the study of Ap Bunar and the associated mining
and metallurgical problems of the Chalcolithic of Balkano-Carpathia has just begun. İt is
unlikely that even preliminary conclusions on these problems will be able to argue
sufficiently. However, we will prolute some of the aspects of future research here at
least briefly .
İt is already clear that the opening of the Aibunar mine can completely change the
previous views on the ancient history of mining and copper metallurgy in the Balkan-
Carpathian region. İndeed, until very recently, opinions actually prevailed that in this
area copper guns were produced mainly from native copper by novelty. " Thus, the
presence of its own metallurgy in fact was questioned or even excluded altogether. Very
typical in this regard are the reflections • Renfrew in his last, very interesting article on
the autonomy of the Balkan Copper Age *. " Even for him, who defends the independent
nature of European metallurgy, the fact of the predominance of pure native copper tools
in the Balkano-Carpathian region seemed indisputable. True, op does not reject the
likelihood of the İV mines of the millennium and the Balkans' own metallurgy. But
referring at the same time only to a private message and opinion of G. Koglen, "he, as it
were, emphasizes the amazing scarcity or complete absence of sources on this problem .
Perhaps even more revealing are the views of A. Hartman and E. Zangmeister -
(Stuttgart Historical and Metallurgical Group), expressed by them in 1972 • 'The first
copper, according to the authors, was imported to the Balkans from the Anterior part of
Asia Minor in the form of ready-made tools and was remade here in accordance with
the tastes of local residents. İt also does not exclude its own mining operations on the
basis of mines near Nis () and in the Carpathians .
Pa Ai bunare's workings are truly enormous. The total length of all 11: quarries
reaches almost half a kilometer. Similar or zhke mines close in capacity were found in
Bulgaria, but dated back to ancient or medieval times. Consequently, mining existed in
the Eneolithic cultures of the Balkans (at least in the population of the Karanovo VI -
Gumelnitsa type) and it was, even according to the most modest estimates, at a
surprisingly high technical and organizational level.
There is some reason to believe that already in the İV millennium, MountainNAKi
could represent a professionally distinguished group. İts members worked as Pa Ai
Bunare, lived in a village built on the site of the littered developed, buried their dead and
dead here; İt is unlikely that the miners were residents of the surrounding villages:
otherwise, they would not leave such obvious and sufficiently powerful traces of habitat
in the mine. The village "graves" and "open" villages were nearby - 2-5 km from the
developments. There were hardly any obstacles to daily visits to the ore peak from these
habitats.
İt is impossible to exclude the fact that already in the aeneolite of the Balkans
mining was separated from metallurgy. The probability of such a hypothesis is
determined by two circumstances. First, the expedition's careful search for smelters in
the vicinity of the mine with a radius of several

2
in E. Sangmeister. The Copper of the Cemetery. Results of spectroanalytical investigations (I.
Bognar-Kutzian. The Copper Age Cemetery of Tiszapolgar-Basatanya. Budapest, 1963), р. 559; В.
Jovanovit. Ohr. cit., S. 22.
29
С. Renjrew. The Antonomy of the South-East European Copper Age. PPS for 1969
XXXV (1970). '
about İid., p. 30.
31
А. Hartmann, Е. Sangmeister. The Study of Prehistoric Metallurgy. Angewandte Chemie, vol.
14, 1972, No. 7, p. 624 .
45

1
 kilometers still did not lead to finds. Apparently, the ore from Ai Bunar was
transported from here to a rather distant distance, where copper was smelted from it
(these hypothetical smelters have yet to be found). Secondly, many copper tools are
now known from the surrounding villages, the chemical composition of the metal of
which in a significant majority of cases definitely did not correspond to the
geochemistry of Aibunar ores. The latter fact is in stark contrast to the fact that
virtually all ore specimens found in these same townships originate exclusively
from Ai Bunara. Ore was delivered to local residents by Aibunar miners. The
inhabitants of these villages received metal: they probably came from those
metallurgical foci where copper was smelted not only from Ai bunar ores, but also
from other mines of the İV millennium, so far unknown to you .
Tools cast or forged from Aibunar copper are distributed in both Southern and
Northern Bulgaria; they reach the south-west of the USSR (tripole A-B, Narbuna).
An explanation of the latitude of this Aibunar metal range should also apparently be
sought in the system of organization of mining, metallurgical and metalworking
industries of the IV millennium and in their so far hypothetical isolation from each
other.
İt also attracts close attention that Ai Bunar found on the southeastern
periphery of the Balkan-Carpathian metallurgical province of the Chalcolithic era
(as İ tend to call the group of related metallurgical foci of the İV millennium in this
region). The center of the province, lying on the Middle Danube, Tisza and in
Transylvania, and its peripheral parts are perfectly delineated on the sledges of the
distribution of submerged hammer axes and cruciform quirk axes, composed by J.
Driehaus "and especially F. Schubert." So another interesting question arises: about
the relationship and connection of the Gumelnitsky metallurgical hearth with the
central hearths of the province.
İt should also be taken into account that Ai bunar, although the central, but far from
the only ancient copper mine of the so-called Thracian group of deposits in southern
Bulgaria. There is every reason to believe that the mine developments of the İV
millennium BC. e. were at deposits and ore shows on Khrishten near the Azmashka
grave itself, on Rakitnitsa (Alamur bair) 20 km west of Ai Bunar, on Tymnyanke -
about 3-4 km west of the mine. The remains of the burial of two people
accompanied by a clay jug of the early or Middle Bronze Age were opened by
explorations in 1974 in the dump that filled the ancient mine No. 1 of Tymnyanka.
Consequently, at least from this time copper: the mine near Tymnyanka was no
longer operated. The preferred date for these developments is also eneolite. 60-70
km east of Ai bunar near s. Prokhorovo Slivensky district, the expedition also
discovered a large copper mine with ceramics of the time Naranovo V-VI.
Thus, in this part of Thrace, there was undoubtedly a powerful mining and
metallurgical center - the oldest known now in Europe - whose metal diverged
mainly in the southeastern regions of the Balkan-Carpathian methadlurgics: which
province of the Chalcolithic era (Karanovo VI - Gumelnitsa - Tripolye A-V ).

2з J. Driehaus.
Zur Datierung und Herkunft donaulandischer Axttypen der friihen Kupferzeit. A G, 1952 ,/%,
8. 1-7.
з F. Schubert. Zu den siidosteuropaischen Kupferixten. Germania, 43, Hft 2, 1965.
 Е. N. Tchernykh

AI-BOUNAR, UNE MINE DE CUIVRE DU IVe MILLENAIRE А V

ANT NOTRE ERE DANS LES BALКANS
(fouilles de 1974, 1972 et 1974)

R6sume

Ai:-bounar et d'autres mines de cuivre eneolithiques de Bulgarie ont ete decouvertes en 1971, а
la suite des prospections effectuees par la mission arch@ologique bolgaro-sovietique. En 1972 on а
procede а des fouilles dans la mine d'Ai-bounar. Celle-ci est remarquahle par les enormes dimensions
des exploitations du IVe mill@naire av. п. ёre. Toutes les tailles peuvent tre datees par la grande
quantite des poteries raassees dans les deblais, attribuees а la culture de Karanovo VI-Goumelnitza. Ep
tout op a rørögö 11 exploitations, constituees de galeries longues de 20 a 100 m, profondes de 10 a 20
m, et larges de İ a 10 m. La longueur totale des galeries atteint 400 500 m. Toutes les galeries
d'exploitation sont remplies de deblais anciens contenant des poteries et des fragments des outils des
mineurs de l'antiquite. Аи-dessus des deblais оп remarque une couche doree assez epaisse, trace
d'haЬitation des ouvriers. Dans les galeries N°N°З et 4 on а decouvert les inhumations de trois
hommes, pratiqu@es dans les deblais et recouvertes d'un lit de pierres. La mine d'Ai'-bounar а fourni
deux outils de cuivre: une hachemarteau et une hache-pic.
Dans la galerie N"4, а la surface des deblais @neolithiques, avait @te install@е ипе haЬitation а
la fin de l'Age du Bronze (fin du Пе mill. av. p. O.). Mais ses occupants ne se livraient pasa
I'exploitation de la mine.
La mine d'Ai:-bounar est un monument unique de la plus ancienne industrie miniдre еп Europe.
 A.D. PRYAKHIN
ABOUT ABASHEVS SETTLEMENTS: CO: COMMUNITY
IN THE SOUTH-WESTERN DISTRICTS OF THE CENTRAL
VOLGA REGION
The identification and study in the Middle Volga region of a large group of burial
mounds that served as the basis for the isolation of Abashev culture raises the question
of the settlements of this culture in this area. The first to raise this issue back in the 40s
was P.N. Tretyakov. But the shady collections from the Late Bronze settlements he
possessed prevented him from fully identifying them with the Abashev culture '. P.N.
Tretyakov suggested that further study of settlements of the Bronze Age in the territory
of Chuvashia should resolve the issue of settlements of the Abashev culture in this area.
But the results of excavations of subsequent time did not allow to resolve this issue in
the affirmative. N.F. Kalinin tried to connect with the population of the Abashev culture
gem villages on the territory of Tataria *. Additional field work. A. H. Khalikova did not
confirm such an assumption. ' Large excavations studied late bronze settlements in the
area where the "classical" burial grounds of the Abashev culture were located in the late
50s and early 60s by the Chuvash archaeological expedition. Some of them A.P.
Smirnov and V.F. Kakhovsky attributed to the Abashev culture: Kriushi, Yandashevo,
Shorkino, Yanymovo, Yanmurzino '. İn addition to them, A.P. Smirnov attributed the
settlements of the Hula-Such type to the Abashev culture. Less definitely, N.V.
Trubnikova and L.P. Matveeva * speak of the possibility of identifying settlements in
the Chuvash Volga region with the population of Abashev culture. A. Kh. Khalikov
considered the possibility of identifying the settlements of the Chuvash Volga region
with the Abapshev culture and expressed quite reasonable objections to this matter 6• He
singled out settlements of the Hula-Such type as a separate stage of Balan culture, the
settlements of Tokhmeevo and Shorkino attributed to the transition period from Atli-
Kasin -

1
P.N. Tretyakov. Monuments of the ancient history of the Chuvash Volga region. Cheboksary,
1948, p. 38 .
No. N.F. Kalinin. Expedition to the western regions of the Tatar Autonomous Soviet Socialist
Republic. KSIIMK, XLIV , 1952.
• A. Kh. Khalikov, G.V. Lebedinskaya, M. M. Gerasimova. Pepkin mound. "The Works of the Mari
Archaeological Expedition," İİ, Yoshkar-Ola, 1966, p. 33.
İ.P. Smirnov. İron Age of the Chuvash Volga region. MIA, 95, 1961, pp. 49-66; his.
Archaeological research in Chuvashia in 1958-1961. "Archaeological work in the Chuvash
Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic in 1958-1961." Uch. zap. Chuv. Research İnstitute, XXV,
Cheboksary, 1964, pp. 12-17; V.F. Kakhovsky. Settlements of the Bronze Age in Chuvashia. SA, 1962,
1; his. The results of the work of the İV (İII) detachment of the Chuvash Archaeological ~ of Xpedia
for 1958 and 1959. "Archaeological work in the Chuvash Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic in
1958-1961." Uch. zap. Chuv.NII, XXV, Cheboksary, 1964 .
5
N.V. Trubnikova. Report on the work of the 2nd detachment of the Chuvash archaeological
expedition for 1957. "Questions of archeology and history of Chuvashia." Uch. zap. Chuv .
RESEARCH İNSTİTUTE. XIX, Cheboksary, 1960, p. 48; L.P. Matveeva. Bronze Age settlement in
Chuvashpi. SA, 1962 , 4, p. 218.
• İ. Kh. Khalikov and E. A. Khalikova. Vasilsursky settlement of the Bronze Age. MIA, 110, 1963,
pp. 262, 264; A. Kh. Khalikov, G. E. Lebedinskaya, M. M. Gerasimova. Pepkin mound, p. 33.
154
to the Osh-Pandinsky stage of the same culture, settlements on the Nriush dune and
Yandashevo - to the ordered culture, and the settlement near the village of
Yanmurzino - to the log culture. A. Kh. Khalikov's objections seem even more
convincing now that undisputed settlements of the Abashev culture have become
known in the southern regions of the forest Volga region. Note that against
attribution to the Abashev culture of ceramics from the settlements of Yandashevo,
Tokhmeevo, Shor Kino objected to K.V. Salnikov 7• On the basis of the find on a multi-layer
settlement on the Kriushskaya dune of a fragment of ceramics with grooved and
wavy ornaments and a spiral silver ring of the Abashev type, he considered it
possible to talk about the isolation of a layer of Abashev 8culture there • We will immediately
indicate that there is no need to talk about the layer of Abapshev culture on this
dune. We got acquainted with the excavation collections of the settlements of
Tokhmeevo, Shorkino İ, Yandashevo, Kriushinskoye, Yanymovo and also do not
consider it possible to attribute ceramics from these settlements to undoubtedly
Abashevskaya. Only single fragments of ceramics from these monuments can be
presumably considered Abashev with some reservations, for example, on the
Kriushinsky dune .
İn the area of the location of the main group of studied Abashev burial grounds
of the Volga forest region, therefore, the villages of this population are practically
unknown, except for isolated finds from the Kriushinsky dune. But it does not
follow from what has been said that in the Middle Volga region the Abashev
settlements sing completely. They are known in the southern, especially
southwestern, part of the forest zone of the Middle Volga region, where the
simultaneous burial grounds have not yet been studied. A. Kh. Khalikov on the map
of the location of Abashev monuments in the Middle Volga region gives two
settlements (Red East and Bosizkovskoye) 9• İn addition, under paragraph 48, which is
not deciphered, another location of Abashev ceramics is given .
Of these settlements, the settlement of Krasny Vostok is better studied, from where
A. Kh. Khalikov published four fragments from the vessels of the Abashev culture '.
The settlement is located on the cape of the right bank of Moksha near the village.
Red East near the city of Narovchat, Penza region. The settlement was investigated
by the Anthropological Complex Expedition (AKE) of Moscow State University,
then under the leadership of M. E. Foss, A. E. Alikhanova, M. F. Zhiganov, M. R.
Polesskikh. " We got acquainted with the collection of materials from the settlement
in the Penza Regional and Mordovian Republican Local History Museums. Among
the materials from the settlement of different cultures of the Bronze Age and the
period of the early İron Age there is a collection of Abashev ceramics. There is no
clear information about the conditions of its occurrence in the settlement. Perhaps
not can be attributed to the Abashevsky village here: which are flint tools. But it is
not possible to reliably single them out. Fragments from about 30 vessels date back
to Abashev time. The most numerous are bell-shaped pots (Figures 4, 1-3). Among
them are large-diameter pots. The collection contains pots with a bent round corolla
(Figures 1, 4) and pots with a straight corolla (Figures 1, 5, 6). Only one fragment
of the corolla represents a jar with a massive top (Figures 4, 7). Bell-shaped banks
were encountered in two copies (Figures 1, 8). There are cans with a bent whisk
(Figures 1, 9) and taper cans (Figures 1, 10). İn two copies, large bells are presented
here -

7
K.V. Salnikov. Essays on the ancient history of the Southern Urals. M., 1967, p. 18.
8
He is. Abashevskaya culture in the Southern Urals. CA, XXİ, 1954, p. 86; his .
Essays on ancient history..., p. 18.
A. Kh. Khalikov, G.V. Lebedinskaya, M. M. Gerasimova. Pepkinsky mound, p. 32, Fig. 10.
About İbid., p. 29, Fig. 9.
11
M.R. Polesskikh. Archaeological sites of the Penza region. Tr. Penza Museum of Local
Lore, VIİ, Penza, 1970, p. 93.

455
 1E
•
3

B
(~! 9

Oh

2 0 2
cm

Fig. 1. Pottery from the settlement of Red East

prominent bowls (Figures 1, 11) and bowls (Figures 1, 12); there are cups (Fig. 1,
13). The bottoms of vessels of different types: only one rounded, significantly more
flattened bottoms, most of all flat.
The decoration of vessels is most often dominated by horizontal drawn lines,
which are sometimes combined with lateral rows of depressions of a coarse-toothed
stamp or notches (characteristic of the Abashev Don) or with horizontal rows of
rounded pits (characteristic of the Abashev forest Volga region). Sometimes horizontal
drawn lines are combined with a drawn zigzag. Other vessel decorations are much less
common. İn just one case, the upper section of the corolla is decorated, and in one case,
the inner side of the corolla is also decorated. On Abashev ceramics from the
settlement there are combs or hairiness of surfaces. More than half of it in the test has a
shell impurity. Speaking about the ceramics of the Abashevsky village of Krasny
Vostok, it must be emphasized that there is a significant group of ceramics in the
settlement, which is widely represented in the complexes of the log cultural and
historical community. İt is not taken into account in the analysis.
İf we compare ceramics with the settlements of the Red East and the Abashev
burial grounds of the Middle Volga region, "then along with many common features, a
difference is undoubtedly observed. But a detailed comparison of ceramics

12
O.N. Evtyukhova. Ceramics of Abashev culture in the Middle Volga region. Sat. "Monuments
of the Stone and Bronze Ages." M., 4964.
156
 5
$69 7

Aboutİ Zcm

Fig. 2. Materials from the Barkovsky settlement

1, 8 - building 1 of excavation 1; 2 - presentation, fees, M. R. Polesskikh ;
3-7, 9 - cultural layer

from settlements and from burial mounds of the Middle Volga region will be more ·
appropriate only after receiving large ceramic series from settlements .
Another Abashev settlement is known from excavations of the Barkovsky
settlement near Penza, which occupies the highest of a series of dunes in the
floodplain on the right bank of the Sura. The area of the dune is disturbed by a
quarry, a roadbed and numerous pits of late structures. İn the 60s, in the exposure of
the dunes of M. R. Polesskikh, he collected a collection of ceramics of log and
Abashev cultures and a bronze sickle · (Figures 2, 2). İn 1971, B. G. Tikhonov, M.
R. Polesskikh and the author of the article inspected the dune and cleaned the
outcrop in the quarry area. İn 1972, an expedition of the Voronezh University in the
settlement laid three excavations and two pits with a total area of 736 m. The
material of the Abashev and log time and isolated finds of the previous one were
obtained. The cultural layer on the settlement area has a thickness of up to 80 cm. İt
lies under significant late layers and redepositions. İn the layer itself, a light sandy
loam lower and darker humusified upper layer stands out. Abashevsky material as a
whole lies below the materials of logging culture, which indicates a general
chronological trace
457
: vania of the village of log culture behind the village of Abashev culture. A clear layer
of Abashev time was identified in the highest areas of the dune (excavations 1 and 3).
İn the lower sections of the dune there is only a layer of the felling camp (excavation 2).
Abashevsky material there is found mainly during the cleaning of the mainland base. To
clarify stratigraphic observations, the presence of one main, and in some places other
interrupted layers of fire in the cultural layer is of certain importance. The main rarely
interrupted layer of coal and ash separated, as a rule, the lower layer of sandy loam
from the darker upper layer. İn addition, in some areas, interrupted coal layers were
distinguished, lying in the layer of sandy loam at different depths, including over the
pits of the structures of the Abashevsky and log villages. İn general, there is an
impression of several fires at the Barkovsky settlement. Small local fires in the
settlement were noted both during the existence of the Abashevsky village and in the
subsequent time. But the main general fire in the settlement dates back to the time of
the functioning of the logging village. İt is important to note that in the layer related to
this fire, fragments of Abashev ceramics were encountered. Therefore, we can talk not
only about changing the Abashevsky village of the log house, but also about the
possible subsequent return of the Abapshevites here already during the existence of the
village of the log house community here (the last fire). But even after this fire, the
logging village did not completely cease to exist .
During the excavations of the Barkovsky settlement, buildings, utility pits and
separately located pillar pits with traces of burned pillars inside some of them,
belonging to the Abashevsky and logging villages, were discovered. Next, we briefly
characterize only the construction complexes of the Abashevsky village. İn excavation
1, the most interesting are two buildings deepened into the mainland. One of them
(building 1) is residential. İt fell into the excavation area partially, the rest of the pit was
destroyed by a quarry and a late pit. İts dimensions are slightly more than 9 m across, it
is deepened into the mainland by 20-30 cm. On the excavated square, Jd buildings there
is one hearth, six economic pits and one pillar pit with the remains of a burnt pillar in it.
Another building approaches rectangular in shape. The dimensions of the pit are 6Kh7
m, the depth in the mainland is 15-30 cm. On its area there are five utility pits and one
pillar pit of significant diameter. A feature of the pit filling is the presence of a large
number of whole and fragments of burnt clay clumps and pieces of clay. On the
excavation area 4 there are also separately located economic pits of the Abashevsky
village .
İn excavation 2, a complex of premises was opened, most likely located under a
single canopy, from which pillar pits were preserved. The complex included an
elongated pit (3,2Kh6,5 m in size, its deepening into the mainland 20-30 cm) and two
utility pits, in one of which there was a cluster of whole and fragments of almost square
"bricks" made of burnt clay. There are no foci in the area bounded by the canopy. İn
addition to the described complex, individual fragments of Abashev ceramics were
found in the pit of the log-time building 5 and in one of the utility pits on the area of
construction 1 of the excavation 2, also related to the log-time. As for excavation 3,
only individual economic pits and pillar pits can be assigned to the Abashevsky village
on its area .
All excavated buildings of the Abashevsky village under consideration are
relatively small in area and slightly deepened into the mainland. According to these
signs, they are more close to the premises on the territory of the Abashev villages of the
Southern Urals "and differ from the majority of

1
z ~, V. Salnikov. Essays on the ancient history of the Southern Urals, pp. 19-22 .
458
 ?
estates on the Abashev settlements of the Don, where larger buildings are more
common. "
İn the layer of Abashevsky time and filling the pits of the Abashevsky
•

Barkovsky village, products from bronze, stone, flint, quartzite, clay were found.
There are two bronze finds. One of them is a single-blade cutter from the floor of
building 1 of excavation 1 (Fig. 2, 1). The closest analogies are in the burial of 3
.

mounds 1 near Molchanovka "and a knife from the Ternovsky settlement in the
Lower Volga region." Most likely, a bronze sickle made of a slightly curved bronze
•

plate without a separated cuttings, discovered by M. R. Polesskikh in the outcrop of

the settlement, should be associated with the Abashevsky village (Figures 2, 2). " İt
.

has a somewhat convex back, a relatively slightly bent blade part. The petiole end is
pointed for attachment to the handle. K.V. Salnikov, citing a selection of similar
products from the territory of the Southern Urals, includes them in a type of plate
•

h culture. " And as an exception, he notes the discovery

tools characteristic of Abashev
of one plate tool in the mound of the log crop near the city of Atkarsk in the Saratov
.

region. Meanwhile, it is impossible not to notice that this product in mound 27 near
Atkarsk was found in mound 91, and thereby it is definitely impossible to associate
•

it with some kind of burial. E. N. Chernykh distinguishes these tools as slug sickles
with a weak bend and refers to the Upper Kizil group "To the indicated K. V.
Salnikov and E. N. Chernykh finds of this type, you can add a sickle from the
•

Novolipovsky mounds, which was found in the burial along with the Abashevsky
vessel * ', and an accidental find of a bronze sickle from the territory of the Voronezh
•

region * °
Among the flint products, attention is drawn to the finding of a knife (Figures 2,
•
3), punctures-reaming (Figures 2, 6) and a combined tool on the chip, which has
earned faces and scraping retouching at the top (Figures 2, 7). Of the quartzite
products, the most interesting are the diamond-shaped dart tip (Figures 2, 4) and
the knife, which could also serve as a tip (Figures 2, 5). But the most interesting are
two crafts made of clay. One of them - a rather realistic horse head (Figures 2, 8) -
.

was found on the floor of building 1 of excavation 1. Another is a fragment of a

stylized image of an animal (Figures 2, 9).
But the largest group of finds is ceramics. İn total, from the settlement, including
.

the fees of M.R. Polesskikh, it was possible to separate parts from about 70
·
Abashev-type vessels, one of which was glued together, and 10 of them could not
determine the shape due to fragmentation. The rest are distributed according to the
forms as follows. Sharp-rib vessels with a rib in· the lower part of the body were
found in 2 copies (Fig. 3, 1), large bell-shaped pots - 2 (Fig. 3, 2), smaller in size
·

1 '
4 İ. D. Pryakhin. Abashevskaya culture in Podonya. Voronezh, 1971, pp. 52, 53, 69, 70.
1
s İ.V. Sinitsyn. Ancient monuments in the lower reaches of Eruslan. MIA, 78, 1960, p. 93, Fig.
35, 5 . .
6 4. Spitsyn. Some new acquisitions of the Saratov Museum. İAC, no. 53, 1914, p. 101, fig. 14.
1 M.R. Polesskikh. Archaeological sites of the Penza region, p. 76, Fig. 2, 10.
1
in K, V. Salnikov. To the history of ancient metallurgy in the Southern Urals. Archaeology and
ethnography of Bashkiria, vol. 1. Ufa, 1962, pp.. 67-69;
• ..
, his. Essays on the ancient history of the
Southern Urals, pp. 57-59. •- .. /··

19
N. Areyutov. Excavation of mounds near 2the city of Atkarsk. Report for 1930. Archive of the
LONA of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR, arch. No. 787, f. 2.
20
E. N. Chernykh. The oldest metallurgy of the Urals and the Volga region. M., 1970, pp. 63, 64,
Fig. 55, 1-9.
21
Yu. V. Derevyagin. Research in Saratovs: which area. AO-1968, M., 1969, p. 130 .
22 P. D. Liberov. Monuments of Scythian time on the Middle Don. SAİ, issue Dt-31, 1965, p. 63,
tables 12, 6.
15

9
 •
7

3 19 -€
Z 0 2cm

Fig. 3. Ceramics from the Barkovsky settlement

1-6, 11-16, 19-20 - cultural layer; 7, 10, 17 - building 1 of
excavation 1; 8-9 - building 2 of excavation 1; 18 - outcrop, fees of M.
R. Polessky

. Locoloid pots - 8 (Fig. 3, 3-6), pots with bent corolla - 12 (Fig. 3, 7-9), pots with a
straight corolla - 7 (Fig. 3, 10-12), pots with a pinned top and a pulled edge - 2, large
jars with a massive top - 3 (Figures 3, 13), cans with pinned top and roundness on the
inside of the corolla - 2 (Fig. 3, 14), bell-shaped cans - 10 (Fig. 3, 15, 16), cans with
bent top 4
(pnc. 3, 17), jars tapering upwards - 6 (Fig. 3, 18, 19), pans - 1 (Fig. 3, 20). The
collection failed to reliably highlight vessels with ribbing in the upper part, bowls and
cups. 21 vessels are ornamented. The ornament, as a rule, is located only in the upper
part of the vessels along their outer surface. İn just three cases, the upper one is
ornamented
160
a section of the wedding and in four ornament is on the inner surface of the
wedding. İn ornamentation, horizontally drawn lines most often prevail. Sometimes
they are combined with side depressions and indentations of the serrated stamp. On
the raft of vessels there are depressions. Coarse-toothed, and on four more - fine-
toothed dies. Only three vessels have one row of lateral depressions and another has
two horizontal rows of finger depressions. More complex ornamentation is only on
sharp-ribbed vessels .
The bottoms are usually flattened, less often flat bottoms are represented.
Rounded bottoms are fixed only in three cases. The vast majority of vessels have a
shell impurity in the test. The surfaces of vessels, as a rule, are covered with rather
wide, more often ordered, combs. Sometimes surfaces are absorbed .
İf we compare the Bar.kovs settlement with the previously considered Red East
settlement, it is possible to conclude that the first of them appeared earlier. This is
evidenced primarily by the presence at the Barkovsky settlement of a significant
number of vessels with a massive top and a sharply separated transition to thinner
walls, which is almost absent at the Krasny Vostok settlement. İn the Bar.Kovsko
settlement, a significantly larger percentage of flattened bottoms. We also note that
this ceramic occupies an intermediate position between the ceramics of the early
Abamev settlements of the Don basin (Levoberezhnoye at the dam, the lower part of
the cultural layer of the Shilovsky settlement ") and the ceramics of the Abashev
burial grounds of the right bank of the Middle Volga region. Thus, the path of
movement of the population from the south is planned, which played a significant
role in the composition of the Abamev of the Middle Volga region. Then the
ceramics of the Barkovsky settlement, as well as flint and quartzite, allows you to
again raise the question of their relationship with Volosov antiquities. İn this regard,
it is impossible not to recall O. N. Bader's fad about the certain role of the Volosov
tribes in the formation of the forest Abamev 2'.
İnformation on other settlements of the Abashev community in the Middle Volga
region is less numerous. With the abashev material of the Barkovsky settlement, the
material of the settlement of Bessonovka 1 along the river. Vyadya in the Penza
region, which was discovered by M.R. Polesskiy *, "and then examined by us in
1972. When viewing collections from the intelligence of M.R. Polesskikh in the
Penza region, we managed to single out several other settlements with Abashev
ceramics - Ust-Uza Por. Uza, Trashkin Bugor and Matcherka 1 on the river. Vysha,
Tezikovo-Mikhailovskoye on the river. Moksha. " A small collection of Abashev
ceramics is on one of the settlements near with. Kurakino at the confluence of the
river. Serdobs in the river. Hoper '. Abashevsky material is presented in the late
Nyakov settlements of the Oka basin *. " A small collection of Abashev ceramics is
available from the settlements of the log culture of Torphobolot 2 ° 'and Russian
Bektyashka "in the Ulyanovsk region. There are isolated fragments of abamevsk
vessels at several more settlements of the logging community in the Middle Volga
region .

2
h 4. D. Pryakhin. Abashevskaya culture in Podnya..., pp. 441-67. 24 O. N.
Bader. Pool They in the Bronze Age. M., 1970, pp. 70, 71 .
25
M.R. Polesskikh. Archaeological sites of the Penza region, p. 2113. Materials 6are stored in the Penza
Regional Museum of Local Lore.
2
1 Fees of M. R. Polesskiy of different years. Materials are stored in the Psnzens.iom Regional
Museum of Local Lore .
in İ, K. Tsvetkova. Parking lot Podboritsa-Shcherbininskaya. SA, 1961, 2; her. A new monument
of Volosov culture near the city of Pereslavl-Zalessky. Tr. GIM, issue 37, M., 1960; O.N. Bader. Pool
They in the Bronze Age, p. 67.
29
G. M. Burov. Archaeological sites of Upper Sviyaga. Ulyanovsk, 1972, p. 12, Fig. 4, 11; The
fees of G. M. Burov and the author of 1972. The materials were transferred to the Ulyanovsk -
Regional Museum of Local Lore.
zo A.E. Alikhova. Settlement near the village of Russian Bektyashka, Ulyanovsk region .
MIA, 80, 1960.
6 Soviet archaeology, 461
4
 All the settlements considered do not allow them to see long-term Abashev
settlements, as, for example, this is recorded in the areas of the forest-steppe Don and
to a lesser extent the Southern Urals. The long-term nature of the habitat is discovered
only by a few settlements of the Abashev community in the Tambov River. Tsny (Oka
basin), which are geographically close to the Don basin (especially the settlements of
Periksa and Shlikhtinskoye ").
Further study of the settlements of the region under consideration will not only
make it possible to identify the nature of the Abamev monuments -::: the territory
between the Don Abashev and Abamev forest Volga region, but will also make it
possible to resolve the issue of the origin of the Abashev culture of the forest Volga
region and its relationship with the massif of log and late Nak tribes.

А. D. Priakhine
LES ETABLISSEMENTS DE LA COMMUNAUTE ABACHEVIENNE DANS
LES REGIONS SUD-OUEST DE LA MOYENNE VOLGA
R•sume

Pour les principales regions de diffusion de la culture d'Abachevo sur le cours тоуen de la
Volga, on ne connait jusqu'а present que des sepultures, et с'est seulement dans des etablissements а
plusieurs niveaux (Kriouchinskoie, Krasny Vostok) qu'on а ри decouvrir ипе petite quantite de
сёramique du type abachevien. Quant аих regions plu№ meridionales et occidentales du cours шоуеn
de la Volga, la situation est diff@rente. Ici. aux environs de la ville de Penza, dans I'@tablissement
de Borkovskoie, еп 1972, la missiоп de I'Universite de Voronej а procede а des fouilles dans la
localite d'Abachevo. Оп а etudie les secteurs conserves d'habitations un реи creusees dans le sol, et
des ensemЫes de dependances. Оп а recueilli des fragments d'environ 60 poteries abacheviennes,
des objets d'argile, parmi lesquels se irouvent ипе t@te de cheval, des outils de etal, de silex et de
quartz. Ces @tablissement se situent entre la region bien etudiec ой sont сопcentrees les
agglomerations abacheviennes de la zone steppe-for@t du Don et le territoire des sepultures
abacheviennes en Tchouvachie volgienne. Leur etude а une importance primordiale pour decouvrir le
caractere des rapports existant entre ces deux groupes de monuments abacheviens.

31
T. B. Popova. Bronze Age in the Tambov region. SA, 1961, 3; A. D. Pryakhin. Report of the
archaeological expedition of Voronezh University for 1969. Archive of İA Academy of Sciences of
the USSR, r-1.
Pit 1 has a diameter of 1.2 m, a depth V.V. EVDOISHMOV
of 0.45 m; pits 2, 3 - oval in size 0,3-
0,7Kh0,7-1,2 m, depth 0.2-0.3 m .
NEW EXCAVATIONS OF ALEKSEEVSKY SETTLEMENT ON
Of the three ash traps, the most powerful was located at the entrance in a round pit
with a diameter of 2.1 m and a depth THE TOBOL
of 0.9 m, RIVER
in filling with ash. animal bones. Two
other ash traps have been found near the western wall. Their dimensions are 0,6-
Alekseevsky
1,8Kh1,4-2,4 m,settlement in theof30s
the thickness ashwas investigated
poured by O.the
directly onto A. floor
Krivtsova-Grakova
is 0.4-0.3 m.
'.On
İn the
connection with the destruction of the monument, the expedition
floor there are 308 pits from pillars with a diameter of 4 to 30 cm of the
andKustanai
a depth
Pedagogical
of İnstitutethe
3-46 cm. Outside in 1969 conducted
pit, the new excavations.
pits are concentrated at the *south-western
The sand pit corner
destroyed
(21
the western,
pits) northern
and at the andcorner
northeast eastern(16parts
pits).ofNear
the site
theofnortheast
the monument
corner, and the dwelling
a groove up to 3
onlong
m the eastern
and wideoutskirts
is fixed(Fig.
on the1).
outside
The first excavation, with an area of 420 m *, was laid on a dilapidated dwelling,
fixed along the profile in the quarry wall. The surviving part of the chamber pit in
the plan of a sub-rectangular (?) Shape with a length of 15 m, with a maximum width
of 10 m, was deepened 1.2 m into the mainland sand layer (Fig. 2). Two sub-
rectangular protrusions - exits 3 m long, 1.5 m wide are fixed at the southern end of
the pit from the river side. İn the central part, two stone hearths in the form of oval
platforms with a size of 0,18-0,21Kh0,48-0,51 m were preserved on the floor of the
chamber. An economic pit 1 with a size of 0,6Kh0,3 m and a depth of 0.08 m was
found 0.5 m from hearth 1 (Fig. 2). Pits 2-5 oval in terms of shape with a size of
0,4-1,35Kh0,15-0,6 m, a depth of 0.08-0.3 m were located against the western wall.
İn the southeastern part of the dwelling there was a horseshoe-shaped groove with a
size of 2,1KhO,2- 0.4 m, a depth of 0.07-0.15 m. 337 pits from pillars and 21 pits
outside the dwelling along the western wall and at the entrances were recorded on
the floor of the dwelling .
The second excavation, with an area of 665 m *, opened the pit of the
dwelling, located 5 m west of the first (Fig. 1). The pit is almost oval in size 26.6 >
15 m (Fig. 3). The floor of the dwelling is deepened by 1.2 mw of mainland sand.
The corridor-shaped exit at the southern end protruded outside 4.5 m and had a
width of 1.8 m. The exit is directed towards the river. Nine stone foci of three
varieties were found on the floor of the dwelling: in pits (4), on filling (3), directly
on the floor (2). The largest central focus of the VIİ was located on the floor in the
front half of the chamber opposite the entrance and was a collapse of stones on a site
3Kh3,8 m in size. The remaining foci are located in the second half of the dwelling
mainly near the walls. İİ, İX lesions similar in device to the VIİ lesion have
dimensions 0,6-0,8Kh1-1,2 m. An oval İV hearth with a size of 0,5Kh1,2 m is laid
on an earthen "pillow" 0.6 m high. A hearth V with a diameter of 0 is laid on a filling 0.3
m high.6 m. At foci i İ, İII, VIII-1,2 of a row of stones are laid out on the bottom of
oval pits of size 0,25-0,SX Kh0,55-1,22 m and 0.1 m deep. The pit of the focus of
the horseshoe-shaped VI with a length of 1,5 m, 0.4 m wide, 0.11 m deep. Two utility
pits are located on both sides at the western and eastern walls and one at focus V
(Fig . 3).

'O. A. Krivtsova-Grakova. Alekseevsky settlement and burial ground. Proceedings of GIM, vol.
17, 1948, pp. 56-172 .
V.V. Evdokimov. To the question of dating and settlement of the Alekseevsky settlement on the
Tobol River. Materials of the IX scientific and methodological conference of KSPİ teachers.
Kustanay, 1971, pp. 38-40.
6* 163
 l
..
.\ .• ·. (J: ;···: •••
,!J • •: ocha • L ~ • · •.
o L., •• • ••%•• • ••,• • • ••
id0
[ ••• • oo • • · · · • · о. •
••
•..

.. .. ....:··. ....
....... "d . ·... ·..
..... .
1

... : ..... .: ... .. .:. . .. .. . . . ...

..... .. •. o.r)·. . . • . ·:
· · -: • • • •: зv-::...
.-:. ·:._..• :•:. ...
2
· •.
.... .. . .. . -ch

. ....
•
.: f\ •• •
o
·· · · h · •5
•w°0

.. ..
. 1
G
1

-
Fig. 2. Plan and sections of dwelling 1
1 - sod layer; 2 - light gray sandy loam layer; 3 - mainland pe juice; 4 - pillar pits
Contours
Through 1m
River Tobol
•
· • ••1. Plan of Alekseevsky settlement
Fig.

~-··· . 0.1. m deep. There were also two more ash ash ash ash (Fig. 3).
.0.1-0.15 ____
m and
№v0I
& _ •:, 'Yam
0 %.• • •• •••• •• •••• ••
.•: • • ••
The collection of ceramics from 8 8 the
focusSh-.. has more than 2,000 fragments .
excavations
y v\ __ • • •••• ..... •■•■ •·•
8•: 888
%v • •••
0 dag.
The necks of 140 pot-shaped
Zolniky and"g • • ._.-.t;'itz•".
three jar vessels• are • • •highlighted.
• Of the city-shaped -
vessels, 129 are 0chag%
assigned de to the main •.. a F; ° • which
complex, • • • •includes pottery of dwellings.
••
shells, occasionallyоtalc
·
The vessels are made manually, in the test "<
• • •(Table
0h02 •1). . • °. · · Kommersant
• оThe
% eo outer
"(1
there
1c • •• •is•:• an•• admixture of sand, chamotte,
o09surface
• •was smoothed quite carefully, but
7T "В • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
not always. Traces ofOpt. smoothing
••••••••••• are often visible on the inside. The surface color is
gray or brown. The• A00 •1uchag
. . ~ . . . . ......
~• ••••••
necks
•
<,""~, •• •are
•
• : straight,
•
••
••
•vertically
••••
• ••
standing or bent outward with a
smooth transition to the convex body (Figures 4, 2 , 13). Corollas of three varieties:
rounded (Fig. 4, 7, 3, 6,3ee5.i9, 11), flattened __ •(Fig. 4, 2, 4, 5, 2), pointed (Fig. 4, 12, 5, 6).
More than half of the• nnecks• chag• have9 •• a-.rounded
• iq.!.. • - ~,;.,. Q2J • Jr/i/i,
8i *
corolla, about one third are flattened and
small: the number isnuk pointed
mm.0chag (Tableİ 1). -60 Some of the flattened corollas are tapered
outward (Fig. 4, 2, 5, 8 3,· dchavch0
9). Some specimens have a small influx - a rim on the inside
I outer diameter of the mouth of the vessels is 10-31 cm. The most
(Figures 5, 2). The
numerous group with a diameter of 16-25 cm (Table 1). The diameter of the bottoms
is within 6-25 cm. Half of the bottoms had a diameter of 16-20 cm and several
vessels of the bottom floor with a diameter of 21-25 cm (Table 1) • 3The bottoms along
the outer line · the transition to the body are divided into three varieties :

3
The ceramics were processed according to an abbreviated program. See V.F. Gening. Program
of statistical processing of ceramics from archaeological excavations. SA, 1973, 1. pp. 114-136.
164
 1 dwelling 2 dwellings In total

: in the
Key form
of a blunt angle (Fig. 14, 8), a right angle (Fig.
indicators 1 4, 7), with a rim (Fig. 4, 10)
and make up 58, 28, 14%, Quantity
Vessels were ornamented
1. Clay impurities
respectively.
38along the
% quantity
100 corolla, 86
neck and100
% quantity
shoulders 124
(Table 1).
100
%
l
There is not a single vessel ornamented in the bottom part. The corolla was decorated
with a number of short sections
sand or a26,3
broken line (Figures 4, 7, 5,363). The 29
necks are
chamotte 10 26 30,
ornamented
sink with various patterns
6 made
15,8 by various
16 technical
18, techniques
22 (Table
17,7 2). The
most common 6
1 Corolla shape 86 69,4
1. roundish 27 71,0 59 68, Table 1
flattened 6 15,8 20 23, 26 21,0
pointed Summary5 of vessel43,2
necks 7 8,1 12 9,6
(no ornamentation)
111. Corolla diameter, cm 3 3,4 5 4,3
up to 10 2 6,7
14-15 8 26,7 17 19, 25 21,2
16-25 17 56,6 55 62, 72 61,0
26-35 3 10 13 14, 16 13,5
Arithmetic-mean 18.3 19.7 cm 19.5
cm cm
IV. Degree of ornament.ntiro-
infusion
nimbus ( 2,5 5 5,7
. 6 4,6
necks 44 36,8 30 34. 44 35,4
walls - - 116 6,3
Absolute ornamenty- - - -- -
infusion
- 15,3

V. Pattern saturation as per 4,35 4,6 1,52

neck,%
V.İ. Bottom diameter, cm
6-10 2 6,9 6 10 8 9
11-15 12 44,4 16 26,6 28 34,5
16-20 12 41,4 21 35 39 3
21-25 3 10,3 17 28, 20 22,
w unarithmetic 15.1 13.4 cm 13.9

a' ü

,, ,., ' ,,,v.. "'" r' .,, ~\ //

[~
96+890.738[24@ 1*

Fig. 3. Plan and sections of dwelling 2

About
~'
1 - sod layer; 2 - light gray sandy loam layer; 3 - mainland sand; 4 - pillar pits; 5 - ash filling; 6 -
accumulation of animal bones 2ChOsm
 a
b
o
u
t

there were horizontal rows of "Christmas tree" (Fig. 4, 3, 5), seed-shaped and
triangular depressions (Fig. 4, 1, 5, 1, 2).
Of the technical techniques for applying pattern elements, the most common was
carved, which applied horizontal lines and rows of sections (Table 2). Various
depressions were widely used (Figures 5, 2, 6, 13-15).
There are patterns made with a comb stamp with large or medium-sized teeth
(Figures 5, 2), pearls (Figures 4, 2, 5, 9).
The technique of making pattern elements is characterized by carelessness and
coarseness of application. Patterns along the neck were located in three zones: in the
upper third, in the middle and in the lower third (Table 3). Part of the necks is
ornamented only in the upper third (Fig. 4, 1, 6), part in the middle (Fig. 4, 2, 9, 5,
1) and part in the lower third (Fig. 4, 4). There is not a single neck, ornament -
466
 ,5
/ :

81 010
-5

/
~
.i ~.. ?

" -
----------
8
f

D
z

1
lJ /~,
11
3

% • l/
anL.L...J.......Jh
!
~

A
'')

ff

0
nd
Fig. 4. Ceramics of the Alekseevsky settlement

3
12
13
the pattern is aligned over the entire surfaceL....L...L...J
and occupies either the upper and lower
zones (Fig. 4, 3) or the middle and lower zones (Fig. 4, 5, 5, 4 ).
On 11 vessels (8.5%) there is a wide flattened roller (Fig. 4, 4 , 5), but only one had a
clearly defined triangular section (Fig. 4, 3 ). İn nine cases, the rollers are ornamented
with a Christmas tree, next to 1 shon or intersecting segments (Fig. 4,. 3, 4, 5, 5, 1). On
the two vessels, the valine had descending ends (Fig. 4, 4). Two vessels had a sticky
handle: one in the form of a straight roller-shaped stick, flowing down from the corolla
(Figures 5, 7), the second - loop-shaped, located under the corolla (Figures 5 , 9).
An idea of the shape and ornamentation of large vessels is given by a completely
restored pot 32.5 cm high (Figures 5, 16), with a straight short neck smoothly turning
into the body. Under the corolla there are a number of short segments, on the shoulders
there are two broken lines made by a carved element and triangular depressions.
Fragmentation of walls, the degree of ornamentation of which is only 6.3%, does not
allow restoring patterns and compositional scheme. The ornament was applied on top of
the tu-
467
 Technique for applying ornamentation
Pattern elements 1 vdavle- 1 grab extract- In total %
Table 2
quick nia vania
İnteroperability of pattern elements and their execution technique
A series of inclined segments 22 h 25 41,7

(Figure 4, 1)
Horizontal Christmas tree 7 1 8 13,3
(Fig. 4, 4.5)
Row triangular, seeds - 9 9 45
prominent depressions
Horizontal lines 9 9 15
Grid (Fig. 5, 4) 3 3 5
İntersecting lines 2 2 3,3
(Figures 4, 6)
Rhombus 1 1 1,7
Broken line (Fig. 6, 15) 1 i 1,7
Pearls (Fig. 4, 2) 2 2 3,3
In total 44 9 5 2 60 100
% 73,4 15 8,3 3,3 100
Of these in combination
8 V
Lower
7
.. In total
..
..
Zones Top Average .,

4:
upper - 1 medium - vessels
lower lower

meander-shaped figures and broken3 lines made by comb (Figures 5, 12, 13). Seven
similar necks and 11 walls were found outside the dwelling .
The clothing material is represented by crafts made of bone, clay, stone. İn the
first dwelling, the following were found: pebble flap with a polished side face (Fig.
6, 1), one ceramic spindle - a circle with a hole in the middle (Fig. 6, 4), three
punctures from the slate bones of the site, a stone chime (Fig. 6, 6) truncated-
spherical shape with a rounded working wall a platform
The findings from the second dwelling are largely similar: eight loshilts (Figures
6, 2), six blanks of spinning wheels-circles, two punctures. Here zhke nai-
1
5 Table 3
Arrangement of ornament
Fig. 5. Ceramics by Alekseevsky
of the zones on vessel necks
settlement

fishing and is represented by the same pattern elements as on the neck. Single 11
vertical zigzag, shaded broken stripes, shaded large triangles are drawn. Fragments
of three jars of 11YKh, unorned vessels were found (Fig. 5, 4, 15).
The necks of four vessels from dwellings (one of the first and three from the
second) have analogies with the vessels of the burial ground located near the
settlement ', and are sharply different from the main complex. One vessel had in: a
eornamented straight neck with a characteristic Alakul concession (Figures 5, 10).
The remaining necks and five walls, having found: new in dwellings, are
distinguished by the presence of talc in the dough, good obzh: irom: rich in
ornamentation and continuous filling of the neck with patterns in the form of:
cannelures, broken stripes, different triangles (Figures 5, 12). On the walls were
applied

4 O. A. Krivtsova-Grakova. Alekseevskoe settlement..., Fig. 54.

468
 1

Quantity 1 16 14 14 6 5 4
% 36,6 31. 31, 1 11,3 4
8 8 3 10
0
Deno 49 playing bones from astragalus sheep lying in two piles, Part of the bones
has the refinement of one or two side faces (Fig. 6, 3). The bone hollow tube is 5.3
cm long and 1.5 cm in diameter and has a carefully ground, shiny surface (Fig. 6, 5).
A pomegranate-shaped stone pest 23.5 cm long with a massive working part with
traces of chips (Figures 6, 9).
416%
 (f) z

f
a 3
b
o
u
t

5
b
€
about J
1 1 1 1
"0 3 LL..J....J

)1
1
/
1
1
1
1
1
1
1 \\:;[:.·. 1
.

in •

Fig. 6. Clothing material. 1, 2, 6, 7, 8, 9 - stone; 4 - clay; 3, 5 - bone

A mold was found at the entrance to the first dwelling. The bar-shaped stone 23.5
cm long, 6 cm wide, 5 cm thick had a shape for casting tesla and pins on wide faces
(Figures 6, 8). The tesla is wedge-shaped, with a knee bend of one side, with a blade
3.5 cm wide. A pin with a straight pointed rod 9 cm long, 0.4 cm in diameter had a
cruciform four-lobed tip. At the ends of the petals - along a point recess, in the center -
a cross-shaped slot, which gave the corresponding convexities during casting. Both
shapes were double-leaf - TO fix the second leaf on the plane with a pin, two grooves
were made for pins and two side grooves for tying the flaps, ~ ditches were made from
the end part in the shapes and for pouring metal. Found a tube 2 cm long, about 1 cm in
diameter, rolled up from a thin sheet of bronze .
Analyzing the complex of ceramics from the settlement, O. A. Nrivtsova-Grakova
identified two groups that have certain distinctive features 5•

5
O. A. Krivtsova-Grakova. Alekseevskoe settlement..., pp. 432, 161.

f70
 The joint occurrence of ceramic groups served as the basis for their
synchronization, which in turn gave the basis for the synchronization of the burial
ground and the sacrificial place with the settlement. The entire Alekseevsky complex
of O. A. Krivtsov-Grakov dated the X-VIII centuries. additional e., referring it to
the late period of Andronovo culture '. The researcher saw the rationale for
synchronizing heterogeneous complexes as a tradition during the funeral rite, "due
to which funerary dishes continued to preserve old, long-established forms." İn this
regard, the author's statement is interesting: "İf the excavation material near the
village. Alekseevsky was limited to one burial ground and a sacrificial hill, these
monuments would have to be taken to the middle period of the development of
Andronovo culture... >) • Thus, the possibility of classifying the pottery of the burial
8

ground and the sacrificial place, and with it a similar group to it in: eramic from the
settlement to an earlier period, was not excluded .
The main complex of ceramics obtained by us has no analogy with the ceramics
of the burial ground and the sacrificial place. The complexes differ in the shape of
the vessels, the composition of the clay dough and the degree of firing, the quality of
surface treatment, the pattern and compositional placement of the pattern, as well as
the technique of its execution. " This is quite well recorded in those insignificant
fragments from our collection (Figures 5, 10-12), which differ sharply in a series
of signs: clay composition, shape and ornament (see above). İt is distinguished:
complex and planigraphically: dwellings are located not on the main settlement site,
but on the southeastern outskirts (Fig. 1). The homogeneity of ceramics, the
characteristic set of clothing material, the planigraphy of the location of dwellings
indicate the second period of functioning of the settlement. By the time of the
second settlement, we attribute part of the ceramics from the excavations of O. A.
Nrivtsova-Grakova, which "has significant differences from the ceramics of the
burial ground and the sacrificial place" * "and finds complete analogies with our
complex .
The dating proposed by O. A. NKrivtsova-Grakova of the settlement XVIII
centuries. don. e. in the light of the new data, can be considered reasonable only for
the second period of settlement. The two-sided casting of the tesla and pins from
our excavations does not contradict this dating (Figures 6, 8). S. S. Chernikov
considers the yielding tesla to be characteristic of Eastern Kazakhstan and attributes
it to the Alakul and Zamaraev stages "Yu. S. Grishin dates them to Karasuk time."
We do not find direct analogous pins. The pin from the Peter and Paul burial ground
differs in the shape of the top ° Various types of pins from Central Asia in the North
Caucasus are not similar to Alekseevskaya. " The absence of this type of pins and
molds for their manufacture on Alakul monuments indicates a later time of their
existence, and the absence of analogies about local, Kazakhstani origin .
The first, early settlement of the monument corresponds to the pottery of the
settlement, which resembles the pottery of the burial ground and the sacrificial
place,

in İbid., p. 4617. İbid., p.

161.8 İbid., p. 132.
9
O. A. Krivtsova-Grakova. Alekseevskoe settlement..., pp. 126-132, Fig. 51-54. about 1İbid., p. 461.
1 S. S. Chernikov. East Kazakhstan in the era of brozna. MIA, 88, 1960, p. 82, Table XXXVI, 7.
1
G. Yu. S. Grishin. Metal products of Siberia of the Chalcolithic and Bronze Age. SAİ, V3-12,
M., 1971, p. 23, Table 11-13 .
13
4. M. Orazbaev. Northern Kazakhstan in the era of brozna. TIİAE AN NazSSR, vol. 5.
Alma-Ata, 1958, p. 263, Fig. 30, 1.
4 A.M. Mandelstam. Monuments of the Brozna era in southern Tajikistan. MIA, 145, 1968, pp.
82-85, Fig. 8, 2-4; E.İ. Krupnov. Ancient history of the North Caucasus. M., 1960, Fig. 9; V.İ.
Markovin. North Caucasus tribal culture during the Bronze Age. MIA, 93, 1960, Fig. 43.
171
and, respectively, the burial ground and the sacrificial site. New excavations
confirmed the point of view of a number of archaeologists about the double
settlement of the Alekseevsky settlement, and the dwellings we studied date back
to the late, second period.

7. V. Evdokimov
NOUVELLES FOUILLES DANS L'ETABLISSEMENT D'ALEXEIEVO SUR
LA RIVIERE TOBOL

Rbsume

Lensemble de la localite d'Alexei@vo а @te etudie par О. А. Krivtsova-Grakova dans les

annees 30. Apres avoir isole dans cet etablissement ип lot de poteries, analogues а celles de la
sepulture, et en se fondant sur l'unite stratigraphique de cet ensemЫe, l'auteur а бtabli la
classificiation synchronique des monuments, les faisant dater du Хе s. au Vllle s. av. p. Er. Еп 1969,
l'auteur а degage deux habitations semi-souterraines а la limite sud-est de l'etablissement. Dans
ces habltations on а distingue trois types de foyers de pierre, des fosses-depotoirs et des trous de
pieux. On а recueilli des pilons de рiепе, des racloirs, des lissoirs, des osselets pour jouer, un moule
douЫe pour fondre des gouges plates coudees, et des epingles а tete quadrilobees. On а trouve ип
ensemЫe homogene de ceramiques, sans analogie avec les poteries de la sepulture, et se
distinguant par la planigrapble. Les habltations datent de la seconde periode de peuplement, с.а.d.
du He s. ou du Vllle s. Les pieces recueillies confirment le point de vue de plusieurs archeologues sur
l'existence de deux niveaux dans cet etablissement.

15
İ.M. Orazbaev. Uk. Op., p. 278; M.N. Komarova. Relative chronology. monuments of
Andronovo culture. ASb. 5. L., 1962, pp. 70, 71; K.V. Salnikov. Essays on the ancient history of the
South: oro of the Urals. M., 1967, pp. 348-351 .
 M.F. KOSAREV, T. M. POTEMKINA
SETTLEMENT IPKUL İ
İn 1972, the West Siberian expedition of the İnstitute of Archeology of the Academy
of Sciences of the USSR excavated several ancient settlements on the lake. İpkul in the
Lower Tavdinsky district of the Tyumen region, The lake enters the basin of the river.
İski and is connected with it by a channel. The İska, a comparatively small river, is a
right tributary of the Tobol; it flows into the river. Tobol somewhat north of Tura and a
little south of Tavda.
The published settlement is located half a kilometer from the village. İpkul, on the
first of six dunes running in a ridge along the shore of the lake towards the channel. The
dunes are separated from one another by narrow shallow spoons. All of them, during the
rustling, gave archaeological material and were conditionally accepted by us for
independent settlements (İpkul 1-VI). As far as the findings allow us to judge, each
of the dunes is dominated by ceramics of some certain period - or predominantly
developed Neolithic, or late Neolithic, or early bronze. Unfortunately, excavations are
possible on only the first two dunes (İpkul İ-İİ), since the other four are occupied by der
houses. İkkul and gardens .
The section of the coast on which the settlement of İpkul İ is located reaches a
height of 2-2.5 m. Once a dense pine forest grew here, but later it was destroyed and put
under arable land. Another 30-40 years ago, the dune swung open, and therefore the
upper layer of the settlement to a depth of 25-30 cm is mixed. A total of 412 m * of the
monument area was uncovered (Fig. 1). Leveling the surface of the settlement pe
showed any specific depressions that could be mistaken for the remains of ancient
dwellings. They were not found in the excavation process either - in the profiles and
when cleaning the bottom of the squares. Only a few small oval depressions slightly cut
into the mainland have been traced. These, apparently, are economic pits and traces of
ancient turnarounds. Near some of them, emissions were recorded. The presence of
these small depressions and the possibility of fixing them once again convinces in the
absence of housing pits on the excavated area: if there were any, they would be as
detectable in the excavation process as detectable, say, household pits and other
violations of ancient soil traced in horizontal sweeps and profiles. Apparently, the
ancient inhabitants of the settlement of İpkul İ lived in light land dwellings such as
chums .
The bulk of the finds were found at a depth of 15-35 cm - in the lower part of the
plowed layer and in the upper part of the light sandy soil, below which, at a depth of 45-
50 cm, there was a mainland loam that did not contain finds. When clearing "household"
pits (usually they crash into the mainland by no more than 20 cm), finds or were not
found at all or were represented by single shards .
Attempts to trace the vertical stratigraphy did not lead to anything, since the
material remains of different eras lay together, in the same horizons. However, there are
signs of horizontal stratigraphy. So, the ceramics of the bronze vein were almost all
found in quad-
173
 %

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Fig. 1. Settlement İpkul İ. Plan. 1 - border of forest areas, 2 - country road

rats adjacent to the edge of the coast, while the earliest ( eneolithic) dishes lay mostly
farther from the coast and higher along the slope. İn this regard, the data provided by
V.F. Gening on the topography of lake settlements of the İshim forest-steppe are
interesting. At 0z. The cultural layer of the Neolithic era parking lot (Pakhomovskaya
pier 111) is located at an altitude of 8.5 to 4 m above the level of the lake, the Eneolithic
(Pakhomovskaya pier İİ) is at an altitude of 3 to 2 m, and the Bronze Age settlements
(Pakhomovskaya pier İ) are at an altitude of 1.5-2 m from the modern water level in the
lake '. Referring to paleo-soil analyses, V.F. Gening suggests that the difference in
elevation in the location of settlements was associated with a progressive drying of the
climate in the Bronze Age and a decrease in the level of lakes. Apparently, a similar
picture took place on oz. İpkul .
The lack of a clear vertical stratigraphy is the trouble of most taiga West Siberian
settlements. The fact is that for thousands of years. separating the ancient inhabitants of
these places from the present, many generations of trees have changed here. Their
powerful root systems, growing in different directions, pulled away the contents of
the cultural

1
V.F. Gening. Report on research in the Kurgan region in 1962. Archive of the Academy of
Sciences of the USSR, No. 2480, pp. 154, 155 .
174
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([ (i (]({({(l(l({({({(l(l(J({(!(l(J({(!(l(J(J(l(f(l({(! 0=..
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Fig. 2. Eneolithic neramics of the larval type
(l(I([(!([(](!<HI<I. C!.<I(l<l<!.<IClC!. t)))))))))))
([([ ([ ({(f(f(f(J(l(J, 17 VARRVV
layers - raised up and pressed DOWN fragmentse7 of pottery and chalk dumplings.
Old trees, falling to the ground, turned out large portions of the cultural layer with
norns, which then crumbled in an arbitrary order, exacerbating the permeation of the
layers.
The typogychesny neramic material of the İpnul İ settlement can be divided into
several groups.
175
 Fig. 3. Pit and pit-combed dishes of the early metal era

1. Pottery of the Lipchinsky type (Fig. 2), which V.N. Chernetsov rightly attributed
to the Eneolithic era 2• The vessels have a slightly bent corolla and a rounded bottom.
The ornament covers the entire outer surface. The ornament was applied with a
retreating wand in the manner of a < < false > > cord. The main ornamental motifs are
pseudonet, wave, zigzags, treurolniks, etc. Characteristic of both vertical and mountain
2
V.N. Ch. Ancient history of Nizhvero Priobye. MIA, 35, 1953, pp. 36-38.

176
umbrella
€ 4Sh Fdivision tg of the ornamental field. Vertical division was usually carried out
sdT coyv
using straight lines, wave or zigzags (Figures 2, 26, 5-7), horizontal - by zigzags,
st0 by opit "U1T,gopevuttp
wave
sShR" PA orRrows at > of oval pits (Figures 2, 2a, 46, 10). The corolla section was often
decorated
weight withOSnail
o7 and @ 1i0Ub indentations (Figures 2, 1, 2a, 5a), sometimes interpenetrating
aİ с0 < ору0 "
finger pinches 11Sh walked
> along the upper part of the vessels (Figures 2, 9, 10). A
characteristic feature of Litschinsky dishes is the revival in its ornamentation of
1 '' ~

archaic retreating techniques for applying patterns, as well as many early Neolithic
decorative
! motifs (pseudo-braids, waves, continuous interpenetrating triangular
zones),a to which V.N. Chernetsov * drew attention at one time. 2
İn terms of shape (roundness, light profiling of the upper part), the presence of
some geometric elements in the ornament (triangles, zigzags, etc.) and the
characteristic vertical layout of the ornamental field, the described ceramics
resemble the eneolithic ware of the Surtandine type in the Southern Urals * and,
apparently, are simultaneous with it. However, patterns on Surtandine vessels were
not applied with a retreating stick, but with prints of a small-toothed comb stamp .
2. Pit and pit-comb ceramics (Fig. 3). İn shape, it resembles Lipchinskaya
(rounded bottom, very slightly pronounced neck). The ornament covers the entire
surface of the vessels, including the bottom, and consists usually of monotonously
alternating pit belts and comb prints. İn some cases, the vessels were decorated
mainly with pit depressions; comb belts were either absent at all or occupied a very
modest place in the ornamental composition (Figures 3, 1, 2, 6, 11, 12). Pits are
round (Figures 3, 4, 5, 7-9), teardrop-shaped (Figures 3, 1), semicircular (Figures 3,
2, 6), in the form of a crescent moon (Figures 3, 11, 12), etc. Some vessels were
decorated throughout the surface with horizontal rows of a double-toothed stamp
("double-toothed") interspersed with belts of deep round pits (Figures 3, 4, 5, 8, 9).
On the corolla section, as in Lipchinsky dishes, there are often nail dents (Fig. 3,
3a, 4, 5, 11). Sometimes the surface of the vessels was processed according to even
raw dough with a small knock-out, which resulted in a kind of roughness,
reminiscent of a textile ornament. A similar pseudo-textilpike knock-out is
especially common on ceramics decorated with double-toothed prints. Note, by the
way, that such a technique for treating the surface of vessels is quite typical for
Lipchinsky-type ceramics found on this monument.
İn the excavation area, the ceramics of the considered group were
stratigraphically and planigraphically distributed approximately the same as the
Lipchin-type dishes. İt seems that these two groups of ceramics may belong to the
same historical-chronological complex. This opinion seemed to be adhered to by
V.N. Chernetsov. Publishing the ceramics of the Lipchinsky site, he placed in one
table dishes of both groups: pit-comb and actually "Lipchinsky." İn favor of their
chronological proximity, they speak of a similar shape of vessels, the commonality
for both groups of pseudotextile surface treatment, the characteristic of nail
depressions along the corolla section. However, in general, the ornamental complex
of Lipchin and pit-comb dishes is fundamentally different, and the presence of both
ceramic groups on the same monument possibly reflects the process of interaction in
this area of two different

3
V.N. Chernetsov. Experience in identifying ethnocultural areas in Northeast Europe and North
Asia. Sat. "Origin of the natives of Siberia." Tomsk, 1969, p. 116 .
• G. N. Matyushin. To the problem of the Chalcolithic of the Southern Urals. Sat. "Problems of
chronology and cultural affiliation of archaeological sites of Western Siberia." Tomsk, 1970, Fig. 1.
• V.N. Chernetsov. Ancient history of the Lower Priobye, table. XIV.

47

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Fig. 4. Comb and rowing: chato-yam: fresh dishes. Bronze Age. First complex

ethnic groups. İt is noteworthy that for the settlement of İpkul VIII (excavations of the -
West Siberian expedition, 1972), where pit-comb dishes were found in significant
quantities, ceramics of the Lipchino type are not characteristic .
3. Flat-bottomed ceramics with comb and comb-pit ornaments (Fig. 4). The vessels
have an open can shape, the ornament is dominated by a comb stamp. The ornamental
field was shared in rows
178
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Fig. 5. Comb and comb pits: full-time dishes. Bronze Age. Second complex

pits. According to the main set of decorative features (the characteristic of comb
ornamentation, the division of the ornamented surface by rows of pits), this
tableware continues the tradition of pit-comb and comb-pit ceramics of the
Epeolithic era, but at the same time contains in its decorative scheme some lipchins:
some features, R of which include, in particular, the retreating technique of
applying patterns (Figures 4, 16, 3, 6) and the presence of wavy lines (Figures 4, 3,
5). This tableware dates back to the Bronze Age, as evidenced by the well-expressed
17

9
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Fig. 6. Late materials Hof İpkul İ settlement. 7-5 - Hamayunskokamenogorsk era; 6-12 - İron Age;
12 - stone; the rest is clay

flatness, as well as the presence in ornamentation of some motifs comparable to

Andronians (Figures 4, 6). The preservation of certain Lipchin signs, apparently,
suggests that the ceramics of the characterized group belong to the relatively early
stages of the Bronze Age.
4. Comb and comb-pit dishes, resembling in a number of ways the ceramics of
the Yelovsky culture (Fig. 5). Essence of ornamental-
480
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Fig. 7. Guns. 8, 9, 20 - stone; 19 - bronze; the rest is clay

sing composition →: it is filled in a monotonous filling of the surface of the vessel

with the same belts from inclined prints of the comb, sometimes forming horizontal
Christmas trees: new patterns. İn some cases, there is an alternation of straight and
zigzag comb lines (Figures 5, 4, 10). The ornamental field is almost always divided
by horizontal rows of pitted depressions. Completely absent decorative relics
observed
181
n ornaments of the 3rd group of dishes (retreating technique for making patterns, wavy
lines; see Figure 4 ).
5. Neramika of the Gamayun-Kamenogorsk appearance (Figures 6 , 1-5).
Researchers attribute such dishes to the very end of the Bronze Age, or, much more
often, to the transition time from the Bronze Age to the İron Age. " Dishes of this type
are distinguished by a bloated body and a corolla strongly bent outside. Judging by the
nature of the curvature of the lower part of the body, the bottoms were rounded.
The ornament was filled mainly with prints of a comb stamp.
İt is mandatory to emphasize the border of the neck and trunk with rows of rhombic or
oval dimple depressions. The upper part of the body was usually decorated with a belt
of continuous interpenetrating triangles (Figures 6, 1, 2, 5). This is a very
archaic ornament that was characteristic of the area in the Neolithic and the Aeneolithic.
İts revival at such a late time was perhaps the result of the return to these places of
ancient groups of the population - carriers of autochthonous de-corporate traditions. As
the material of this time, found on the other side of the lake (the settlement of İpkul Vİ
İİ - 5 km from the monument in question), other archaic elements become
characteristic of the ornamentation of local dishes - a wavy pattern, a retreating spatula,
etc., that is, essentially the entire autochthonous ornamental complex. Of the Bronze
Age ornaments on pottery of the Gamayun-Kamenogorsk era, some, occasionally
found, android geometric elements can be noted (Fig. ). 4
6. Glassware of the İron Age (Figures 6, 6-11). İt is represented by a relatively small
number of fragments. The vessels have a well-defined neck and a fairly distinct
transition from the neck to the shoulders. The ornament was applied only in the upper
part of the vessels and usually consisted of several rows of inclined impressions of
comb or smooth stamps. Similar ceramics have been repeatedly found on the İron Age
monuments of the forest-steppe and southern taiga Tobolo - İrtyshya '. A vessel found
with a stone pestle in a shallow pit stands somewhat apart (Figures 6, 9, 2). Next to
them, in the same pit, there was an unornamented spindle made of clay. Apparently,
these three finds belong to a single ritual (funeral or sacrificial) complex .
The overwhelming mass of guns found on İpkul İ is made of gli na. Stone products
are few and far between. Let's list the main categories of inventory .
1. A fragment of a knife made of light brown rock (Fig. 7, 8). İt has a slightly
asymmetric shape, processed over the entire surface with a rather neat retouching .
2. Two knife-shaped plates with retouching at the edges; one of them is made of
light translucent rock, reminiscent of chalcedon (Fig. 7, 9).
3. A fragment of sandstone tile with a longitudinal groove, on the bottom of which
there are frequent inclined notches (Figures 7 , 20).
4. Clay gingerbread: one flat, unorned; the other is a small, convex-concave shape,
with an ornament of six points located around the hole on the concave part of the gun
(Figures 7, 18). Po-

6
E. M. Behrs. Monuments and ceramics of Hamayun culture. Sat. "From the History of the
Urals." Sverdlovsk, 1960; K.V. Salnikov. Experience in classifying ceramics of the forest-steppe
Trans-Urals. SA, 1961, 2, p. 46 .
1
V. E. Stoyanov, A. G. Shiryaev. Selishche Rechkino İ. WOW, 6. Sverdlovsk, 1964, Table 111; V.
A. Mogilnikov. To the question of ethnocultural areas of the Middle İrtysh and Priobye in the era of
early iron. Sat. "Problems of chronology and cultural affiliation of archaeological sites of Western
Siberia." Tomsk, 1970. Figure 1.
182
good gingerbread is known on the İron Age monuments of the İrtysh region (an early
stage of Sargat culture, İV İII centuries. BC e.) ".
5. Clay mold fragments (Figures 7, 14-16). Judging by the width of the flaps,
guns with a relatively narrow blade were cast into them - most likely knives .
6. Three-first bronze arrowhead with open bushing (Fig. 7, 19). Such tips existed in
the Middle Tobolo-İrtysh in the early stages of the iron era •
7. Elongated clay products with "horns" at the ends (Fig. 7, 1-3). Four specimens
were encountered, all in the wreckage. Find at the settlement of Bayryk İB (20 km from
the lake. İpkul; excavations of the West Siberian Expedition, 1973) a cluster of more
than 20 such items confirms the opinion of P. A. Dmitriev that these were sinkers for
nets or seines
8. Biconic clay products (Figures 7, 4 7). Their appointment is unclear. The fact
that they are usually found together with fishing tools makes it possible to consider
them a constructive part of canises of fishing gear. P. A. Dmitriev interpreted these
finds as a sinker. "
9. Fragments of ceramic rods (Figures 7, 12, 13). Four instances found. The shape
of these products is very standard, and in the settlements of the study area they are
sometimes found in significant numbers. So, on İpkul VIII, where the excavation area
was almost half as much, 30 ceramic rods were collected (17 whole, the rest in the
wreckage). P. A. Dmitriev considered these clay crafts to be sinkers. " Characterized
products are perhaps one of the earliest types of clay sinkers. They sometimes have
traces of pseudotextile knocking on the surface - the same as on the eneolitic ceramics
found here. A similar knock-out is also found on elongated clay sinkers with "horns." İt
seems that the range of existence of the sinkers described above covered mainly the
Eneolithic era and the early stages of the Bronze Age.
10. Round-shaped clay sinkers with tethering grooves (Figures 7, 10, 17, 21).
Found three whole instances and one fragment. Such sinkers in the West Siberian taiga
were especially common in the second half of the Bronze Age. So, in the Tomsk-
Narymsky Priobye, they are characteristic of the settlements of the Yelovsky and
Molchanovsky cultures
İt should be noted that on İpkul 1, unlike some other lake settlements of taiga
Pritobolye (İpkul VIII, Bayryk İB, etc.), there are no clusters of the same type of series
of sinkers, which may indicate a relatively small role of net fishing. The close proximity
of the İpkulsky İ settlement from the channel connecting the lake with the river. İska
(and through it with Tobol), suggest that here fishing was mainly associated with
shutoff and cottages.

• 3. A. Mogilnikov. Uk. Op., Fig. 2.9 V. A.

Mogilnikov. Uk. Op., rps. 2.
0 P. A. Dmitriev. Culture of the population of the Middle Trans-Urals in the Bronze Age. MIA,
21, 1951, Fig. 2, 9; p. 19 .
11
P, A. Dmitriev. Shigir culture on the eastern slope of the Urals. MIA, 21, 1951, Fig. 7, 2.
and P. A. Dmitriev. Uk. Op., Fig. 7, 1.
1
z M.F. Kosarev. Some issues of ethnic history of Western Siberia during the Bronze Age. CA,
4972, 2, Fig. 2, 15 .

18
3
 М. F. Kossarev, Т. М. Potemkina

L'ETAВLISSEMENT D'IPKOUL 1 R es ите

L'etaЫissement d'Ipkoul I est situe а environ 50 km au nord de Tioumen, sur le lac d'Ipkoul,
pres du village du тёте пош. Le lac est relie par un cours d'eau а la riviere Iska, affluent de gauche
de la Tobol. Get etablissement comprenait des restes de differentes epoques: еп@olithique, des
Ages du Bronze et du Fer. La couche culturelle п'est pas stratigraphiee; cependant le releve sur la
carte des pieces trouvees sur le champ de fouilles а montre que leur repartition etait soumise а
certaines lois: si la роterie de l'Age du Bronze @tait principalement concentree sur le territoire
de I'etablissement, contigu au bord meme de la rive, en revanche les plus anciennes trouvailles
(eneolithique) gisaient assez loin de Ia berge et un peu sur la ha uteur. Cela est du sans doute aux
variations du niveau des eaux du lac. Outre de nombreuses poteries richement ornees, оп а
recueilli un grand nombre de lests de filet en argile. Parmi еих il s'еп trouve de longs avec des
«cornets», d'autres en forme de cigare (du debut de l'Age des metaux), de biconiques (debut de
l'Age du Bronze), d'arrondis portant desrainures d'attache (Age du Bronze), etc. А en juger par le
caractere du mobllier et d'autres signes (tels que l'absence d'habltations hivernales, souterraines
ou semisouterraines), I'etaЬlissement etait hablte seulement dans la belle saison. La principale
occupation de ses habitants @tait la р@che.
 B. YU. MIKHLIN
SARMATIE BURIAL IN THE SOUTHERN DONBASS

During security excavations of Kurg. 1 near with. Vasilyevka of the Starobeshevsky

district of Donetsk region, carried out by the Azov detachment of the Severskodonets
expedition of the İA AS of the Ukrainian SSR, Sarmatian pogrom was discovered. 3, of
significant interest '*.
Mound 1 (height 7.4 m, diameter 55 m) is poured over the burials of the pit culture
and the burial in question was allowed into the embankment. to a depth of 1, 7 m and at
a distance of 2.5 m southeast of the center. The absolute depth from the surface to the
bottom of the grave is small - 0.85 m. The contours of the grave were not traced, there
was no backbone in it, and a predatory mine was noticeable in the edge. Part of the
funeral equipment was preserved in the grave itself, within the stain of vegetable
smolen stretched along the east-west line: an iron knife, several iron plates with rivets,
a gray-wedged jug and a bottle, a billon mirror, gold pendants and a brooch. Here are
also collected uncertain iron fragments, flint flint, beads. İn the pit dug by the robbers
were individual human bones, beads, a bronze fibula .
Consider these findings. The jug (Fig. 1, 7) with a height of 23.5 cm is made on a
pottery wheel of well-washed clay, has a flat bottom and an oval-biconic body. İt has a
low, tapering throat to the shoulders, a bent edge and a weakly defined corolla. The front
of the throat was not preserved, and it is possible that there was a drain. The pitcher
handle, almost square in section, starts just below the base of the throat and was stuck to
the corolla. Serogline pottery jars of very similar forms are known in Sarmatian
monuments. İn the Ustye-Labinsky burial ground, such vessels without an annular pallet
appear no earlier than the second half of the İ century. BC ° One such jug is known on
the Don in the burial of İİİ- İİ centuries. BC e. ° There are close, but polished vessels
in the late Sarmatian burials near the village. Novo-Filippovka and the state farm
"Akkermen" '. M. İ. Vyazmitina, who published these vessels, considers some of them to
date back to ancient samples'. The nature of the clay of the Vasilievsky jug also allows it
to be considered a product of some Greek workshop .
The vial (Figures 1, 2) is made of gray clay and has a spindle shape. The stand of
the leg is knocked down at the very base, and the edge of the throat is obliquely cut and
smoothed. The preserved height of the bottle is 12.2 cm. The absence of a corolla and
stand makes it difficult to date, but the shape of the case, rather coarse texture and some
carelessness of molding speak of

'See B. Yu Michlin for preliminary communication. Burial with gold jewelry in a mound near the
village. Vasilyevka. AO-1972, M., 1973, pp. 310-312.
N.V. Anfimov. Meoto-Sarmatian burial ground near the village of Ust-Labinskaya. MIA, 23, 1951,
p. 191 .
• M. G. Moshkova. Monuments of Prokhorov culture. SAİ, D1-10, 1963, p. 30, Tables 12, 11.
M. İ. Vyazmitina. Sarmatian burials near the village. Novo-Filippovka. BSA. M., 4952. pages 230,
Tables 111, 6, 7 .
5
İbid., p. 230.
185
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Fig. 1. 1 - jug, 2 - bottle, 3 - bronze fibula, 4 - mirror, 5 - beads, 6-9 - box upholstery (?), 10 -
yaozh

its proximity to the vials of the second half of the İİ century. BC e. From the
closed complexes of the Athenian agora • Close in shape and clay to the flannons of
the İİ century. BC e. From the fortified settlements, some researchers
convincingly refer to the products of local craftsmen 7• Most likely, the Vasiliev bottle came
out of the Nanoi Bospors: some workshop .
To the objects of the toilet in pogrom. 3 also refers to a small billon mirror
(diameter 7, 7 cm). İts diene was inserted into a wooden: body (Figures 1, 4), which
could not be preserved. İn: two pairs of holes 2-4 mm in diameter were visible under
the diene body. İt is possible that two of them were intended for: fastening a wooden
creek: ki, and two - for hanging a mirror from the belt .
Small (no more than 10 cm) flat mirrors made of bronze, etc., are found in the
burials of Prokhorov: which: cultures and belong to the İİİII centuries. BC e. 8, but the
most characteristic of such a form is the Suslovskozhnev. The closest analogy to the
mirror from Vasplievur is zer-

8
Н. Thompson. Тwо Centuries of Hellenistic Pottery. "Hesperia," 1934, v. 111, N 4, pp. 418,
472-474.
7
İ.T. Kruglikova. Craft production of simple Panticapeia ceramics.
MIA, 56, 1957, p. 125, Fig. 7, 1, 2; İ.D. Marchenko. Excavations of the Eastern Necropolis of
Fanagoria in 1950-1951 rr. MIA, 57, 1956, p. 114.
8
M. G. Moshkova. Uk. Op., p. 41.
186
 0 1
cm

Fig. 2. Gold jewelry from burial 3: 1-brooch, 2 - lunar, 3-4 - medallions

Kahlo from Kurg. 12 at. İlovatka, inserted into a similar wooden case of good
preservation with two small holes under: the edge of the disk. Complex of: Kurg. 12
dates from black: a forged bottle of the İİ century. BC e. 9İt is interesting to note
that the mirror in question was deliberately broken during burial. This: the cult
custom is well known among the Sarmatians of the Prokhorov and Suslov times,
"and as a sign of Sarmatization, it is also noted among the late Crimean Scythians '.
Three golden pendants from the pogroms. Z obviously included a significant set
of jewelry, similar to that found by N. İ. Veselovsky in the urn of Z of the Tanais
necropolis, where there were 40 gold sewn plaques with chest images of Zeus,
Aphrodite with erots, Athens, Artemis, Demeter, five medallions with similar
images, a golden lunar, etc. "
As in Tanaisi, the center place in the Vasilievsky set is occupied by the lunar
(Fig. 2, 2). This gold plate (width up to 2 cm) is surrounded along the contour by a
very small punson, its middle part is filled with idu -

• Excavations of K.F. Smirnov, who kindly drew our attention to this complex (see K.F. Smirnov.
Mounds near the villages of İlovatka and Politotdelskoye, Stalingrad region. MIA, 60, 1959, pp. 269-271,
Fig. 24, a-v, 25, 4).
1
about B. N. Grakov. HYNAIKOKPATOYMENOI. WDI, 1947, 3, pp. 104, 105.
1 D. N. Schultz. Mausoleum of Naples Scythian. M. - L., 1953, p. 45; N. N. Pogrebova. Burials
in the mausoleum of Naples Scythian. MIA, 96, 1961, p. 108.
2 KLA 1908, pp. 124, 125, Fig. 178-179; N.İ. Veselovsky. Tanais Jr. Hermes, 1909, No. 6, pp. 250,
251, Fig. 4-6; T. N. Knipovich. Tanais. M.-L., 1949, pp. 60-63, Fig. 20.
t87
arcuate and alternating large and small bulges, and medium-sized bulges adorn its ends.
The moon has an eye for suspension made of a plate with two vertical grooves and
soldered to the outside. On both sides of the tab there is a hole with a diameter of 2
mm.
Lunar pendants are quite often found among decorations of various eras until the
Middle Ages inclusive "İn Scythian-Sarmatian times, such decorations were widespread
in the Northern Black Sea region almost everywhere." The closest suspension from the
sarcophagus of the mausoleum of Naples (İ century BC) + * İt also has a small punson
ornament along the edge and larger bulges at the ends. The design of the middle part,
where there is only one bulge, as well as its extreme miniature, diverges it from the
lunar from Vasilyevka. Very close to Vasilyevskaya and the golden lunar, adorning the
horse headband from the Kurg. 63 at with. Bobritsy. Their dimensions are almost the
same, and the Bobritsky plaque is also decorated with punson ornaments along the
edge, but is much coarser and dates from the İII century. Don. e. 16
The lunar from Vasilyevka was undoubtedly redone and was previously a plaque -
the ear was soldered to it later. Perhaps it was sewn on clothes or also served as a
decoration of the headband and was attached with holes in the upper part. Since such
durable gold objects could last quite a long time, both the Neapolitan and Vasiliev
moons could be made much earlier than the burial. 'Given the undoubted genetic
connection of the lunnettes from Bobritsa, Vasilyevka and Naples, the time of
production of Vasilyevskaya should obviously be determined within the İII - the first
half of the İİ century. Don. e .
İncluded in the necklace pogr. 3 included and two gold medallions (Figures 2, 3, 4),
made with one stamp in high relief. The goddess depicted on them, probably Aphrodite,
is dressed in Greek clothes - chiton, peplos. The details of the image are well worked
out: you can see a hymatium or calypter thrown over your head, hair curls, a necklace,
the goddess's head is decorated with a tiara or stefan. The ear of the medallions is
similar to the ear of the moon, but soldered from the inside. One of the medallions in
ancient times was broken and repaired with wire, as evidenced by a number of holes in
its upper part and in the ear, found separately. Similar stamped medallions and sewn
plaques with chest images of deities are found among jewelry of late Hellenism. İn
addition to the already mentioned gold jewelry from Tanais, dated T. N. Knipovich İİ
century. BC e., "you can name the plaques depicting Aphrodite in the pephai from
norp. XİII Mausoleum of Naples (boundary İİ - İ centuries BC) "and a silver medallion
from the grave 43/6 of the necropolis of Panticapaeus, which depicts Aphrodite
with two erots"

1
z B. A. Rybakov. Antiquities of Chernigov. MIA, 11, 1949, pp. 20, 21, Fig. 4; M.P. Artamonov.
Sarkel - White Vezha. MIA, 62, 1958, Fig. 47; V.V. Kropotkin. Chufut-Kale burial ground in Crimea.
KSIA AN USSR, 100, 1965, pp. 44, 2 .
14
V. A. İlyinskaya. Scythians of the Dnieper forest-steppe Left Bank . Kyiv, 1968, p. 77, Tabl.
XLI; P.S. Rykov. Excavation of mounds in the tract "Three Brothers." CA, İ, 1936, pp. 145, 146; P.N.
Schulz. Uk. Op., color tab İİ, 8; N.V. Pyatysheva. Jewelry of Chersonesos. M.,1956, p. 55, Fig. 16; •
P. Babenchikov. Chornopİchensky burial ground. AP, XİII. 4963, p. 111; E. İ. Diamant. Roses on
Necol! Kosharsky settlement. ROV (İV), Kn ~ c, 1972, fig. 6 on page 192 .
5 N. İ. Pogrebova. Uk. Op., p. 178.

in V. G. Petrenko. The right bank of the Middle Prpdneprovye in the V-İII centuries. up to 8.
e.
SAİ, D 1-4, M., 1967, pp. 39, 96, Table 28, 4, pp. 163. 1 T. N.
Knipovich. Uk. Op., p. 63.
in P. N. Schulz. Uk. Op., Tables ХХХ, 9, 13 and pp. 36, 37, 85; N. N. Pogrebova .
Uk. Op., pp. 148, Figs. 23, 1, 2.
19
V, V. Shkorpul. Excavation report in r. Kerch in 1908 İAC, 40, 494, pp. 87, 88, Fig. 30.
188
The last medallion, judging by the "watercolor" pelica mentioned in the report, dates no
later than İİ in BC. e. °
İt should be noted that T. N. Knipovich, dating the Nedvigov complex, largely
proceeded from the proximity of the earring with a pendant in the form of a Niki figure
with a similar, but somewhat earlier earring from the A Otyukhovsky Kurgan,
considering the second half of the 111th century BC. e. its date '. Currently, M.İ.
Maksimova convincingly attributed the burial of the 11th of this mound to the middle of
the third quarter of the İİ century. BC e. ° ° Now, obviously, the date of the urn complex
of Z Tanais, as well as things close to him, and in particular medallions with chest
images of deities, should be shifted by the time not earlier than the end of the İİ -
beginning of the İ century. BC e.
Medallions from Vasilyevka are close to the famous Tiritak stamp, attributed by V.F.
Gaidukevich to the end of the İII - the beginning of the İİ century. BC e., "and
probably made on Bosporus'. Along the way, note that by shifting the date of the
Nedvigian plaques and comparing it with the date of the plaques from Naples, the
Tiritak stamp should also be transmitted, also taking it to at least the 11-1 century
boundary of the don. e.
The technology of stamping plaques has been thoroughly restored by V. •
Heidukevich. Let's add only an interesting detail, noticeable on both published -
medallions and supplementing the picture of the jeweler's work. Due to the height of the
image, the gold leaf after hitting the stamp was torn in the highest part to the top line of
the bogsh-sh hairstyle. After that, the lap master joined the ends so that the seam was on
the left side of the head, and the corner formed in front deviated backwards. Further,
judging by the good smoothing of the seam, the plaque was again put on the stamp and
the image was modified with small tools .
The relatively massive brooch fibula (Fig. 2, 1) from the burial in question has a
round (diameter 2.2 cm) and a slightly curved shield. İt is decorated with images of three
heads of a snarling cat predator (panther?), Made in flat relief. İn the center of the shield
was a hollow circle. The ears of the animals are prohibitively large, horseshoe-shaped,
and the ends of them are brought almost to the central circle. The images are
distinguished by primitivism: a darkened skin is transferred with dashes, two dots are
red, and teeth are coarsely cut. Perhaps the brooch was inlaid and therefore the circle
and ear holes were so buried. İn the center of the inner side of the shield there is a loop
of flat wire attached to it (Fig. 2, 1b), which allows us to consider that this thing was
originally not a brooch, but a button (?). During the alteration, the loop was pressed
against the shield, and a gold receiver made of flat wire with curved ends and a "hinge"
made of wire loop were soldered to its edges. A bent one was inserted into the loop

20
V. D. Blavatsky. History of ancient painted ceramics. M., 1953, p. 275.2 1T. N. Knipovich, Uk.
Op. p. 63, note 1.
22
M.İ. Maksimova. About the date of the Artyukhov Kurgan. CA, 1960, 3, p. 57; her.
Наг а l d К6t h m а n п. Beitrage zur hellenistisch-rmischen Toreutik. I. Jahrbuch des romisch-
germanischen Zentralmuseus. Mainz, 1958 (review). SA, 1962, 4, p. 252; her. Once again about the
date of the Artyukhov Kurgan. SA, 1967, 2, pp. 240-242 .
g3 V, F. Gaidukevich. The discovery of an ancient bronze stamp in Tiritak. CA. VI, 1940, p. 298
fir.; his. Bosporus Kingdom. M. - L., 1949, p. 119, Fig. 14; his. Excavations of Tiritaki in 1935-1940
MIA, 25, 1952, pp. 44, 45, Fig. 43, 44; T. N. Kiipovich. Uk. Op. p. 63, Fig. 21a.
2
4 Wed. L.P. Harko. On the issue of the production of gold plaques in the Black Sea region.
MIL, 96, 1961, pp. 223, 224; T. N. Knipovich. Uk. Op., p. 62. The widespread prevalence of the cult
of Aphrodite on Bosporus may explain the significance of the number of bales and medallions of
Bosporus production with images of this goddess (see L. P. Harko. Nult Aphrodites on Bosporus of
Cimmeria. KSIIM ~, XİII, 1946. p. 137 p.; A.P. İvanova. To the question of the cult of Aphrodite on
Bosporus. WDI, 1950. 3, page 104 ).
18

9
iron wire, and thus: thus the fibula had two needles (a small part was burned).
İn the Northern Black Sea Region, the earliest brooch with two needles and a
similar receiver is a brooch from the Zelensky mound, dating from the İII century. BC
e. ° ° The bulk of such brooches belongs to A.K. Ambrose to the İİ-İ centuries. BC e. * *
The conversion of the button into a fibula should also be attributed to this time. The
style of images on the shield, already quite schematic, with decorative elements
beginning to develop, confirms such a date. "We must think that relatively little time
has passed between the manufacture of a thing, subsequent alteration and its placement
in the grave, and all three moments are unlikely to go beyond the İİ-İ centuries.
BC. e.
Another fibula, bronze, as noted above, was found in a predatory mine. The fibula
(Fig. 1, 3) 5.7 cm long has a poorly profiled plate body and a slightly bent head
with a six-turn spring and an external string. The needle and the edge of the receiver
are broken off, the bottom of the leg is also slightly damaged, but its extreme subtlety
does not allow us to assume the presence of a button or curl here. At the base of the leg,
three parallel lines are drawn perpendicular to it and three more lines are drawn along
the body.
The finding of this fibula is of significant interest, and we do not know analogies to
it. The character of the string and back brings it closer to some groups of fibules, and
especially to fibules having a bent back and a short receiver. Known proximity gives
smooth-body and button fibules and curl-end fibules. All three groups are distributed
exclusively in the Northern Black Sea region, and the first A.K. Ambrose dates from
the İ century. AD e.2 8However, part of the fibules he cited convincingly dates from
their publishers of the İ century. BC e. Or its end (fibules from Cossack, Petukhovka,
Naples "), and, obviously, limit the dating of this group to the İ century. N. e. can't. İt is
impossible to identify the fibula from Vasilyevka with two other groups of A.K.
Ambroz, since their development goes from small specimens to large İİ-İII
centuries. n e., and the last dates clearly do not suit our fibula. İn order to find its place
among other Black Sea fibules, mention should be made of a fibula from the grave of
the 15 necropolis of Tanais, accompanied by a black-lacquer cup of the İİ century. BC
e. Eo. This fibula was soldered to a shield depicting an outlet, and A. K. Ambrose
classifies it as a group of fibules with a bent back and a short receiver (fibulae with a
smooth wire back without a shield and with an unadorned plate receiver). " At the same
time, he notes that the spring apparatus of the Tanais brooch is not associated with
Laten traditions and it belongs to some little-studied version of the fibula with a shield
(Greek brooches?). Perhaps fibulae ascend to it

5 V, V. Shkorpil. Report on excavations in the city of Kerch, on the Taman Peninsula and in
Alushta in 1912 İAR, 60, pp. 25, 26, Fig. 8; K.F. Smirnov. Seversky mound. M., 1953.
26
A. K. Ambrose. Fibules of the south of the European part of the USSR. SAİ, D1-30, M., 1966, p.
30.
2
1 A.P. İvanova. Art of ancient cities of the Northern Black Sea region. L., 1953, p. 118; M.İ.
Artamonov. Scythian-Siberian Pskusism of animal style (main stages and directions). PSA. M.,
1971, p. 33. Let us mention stylistically earlier, but undoubtedly close to the considered images of the
heads of predators on plaques from the Alexandropol mound of the İII century. BC e. (see Antiquities
of Herodotus Scpphia. Atlas, İssue 1, Table VIİ, 13; XII, 4, 5).
28
4. C. Ambrose. The fibules of the south... pp. 25, 43, 45 .
No. N, N. Pogrebova. Uk. Op. p. 176, Tables 8, 4 and p. 177, Table 26, 3.
• 0 D. B. Shelov. Tanais Necropolis. MIA, 98, 1961, Table XXXIV 7 and pp. 13, 44, 73, 74 .
1 4. C. Ambrose. Fpbuls from Tanais excavations. "Ancient antiquities of the Podon - Azov
region." MIA, 154, 1966, p. 249, Table VI, 7, 8; his. The fibules of the south... Tables IV, 6, 7.
190
both with a smooth wire back and with an unadorned plate receiver, and since, as noted
above, they should be dated to the 1st century. BC e. - 1 V.N.E., there is no lacuna in the
development of these fibules from the early Thanaisi brooch (spring apparatus) to later
samples. Obviously, the Vasilievskaya fibula also dates back to the needle apparatus of
poorly known Greek brooches and, as it seems to us, its unusually wide leaf-like back
seems to mimic the missing scutellum. İn general, fibules with wire and plate arches,
going back to one sample, one must think, develop in parallel. Vasilievskaya fibula
should belong to early samples and date back to the end of the 11- 1st centuries. BC e.
95 different beads were collected in the burial and predatory mine (Figures 1, 5).
The bulk of them were small gilded and silver-plated glass beads, among which
several larger (3.5-4 mm) stand out. 10 beads are made of carnelian and one of
transparent glass. Green, blue and brown paste beads decorated with inset eyes are also
encountered, with two having prominent nalep eyes. A small amount of chopped gilded
tubular beads was also found. All these beads find wide analogies in the Scythian-
Sarmatian world in the range of 111-1 centuries. BC e. So, a significant number of
gilded beads in Prokhorov monuments are characteristic of the İİ-İİ century. BC
e. "A close set of beads was found in the mentioned grave of the İİ century. BC e.
Necropolis of Tanais." A green paste bead with protruding eyes finds a complete
analogy in the Belyaussky burial ground "and in the mausoleum of Naples, where it
dates from the end of the İİ-İ centuries. BC." Therefore, the necklace from
Vasilyevka cannot contradict the dating of the burial to the end of the 11th-1st centuries
before and . e.
The purpose of the four iron plates with two rivets each is unclear (Figures 1, 6-9).
The two plates coincide in size (3Kh1,5 c.1t), the third is slightly longer and already the
previous ones (4Kh1,3 cm), the fourth has reached you in the wreckage. Traces of
decayed wood are visible on the inner surface of the plates, and can presumably be
considered upholstery of the box. " Perhaps the iron fragments mentioned above also
come from it - two of them have a concave triangular shape and could serve as
upholstery of corners .
Among the well-known samples is the iron knife (Figures 1, 10) from the pogroms.
3, having a humpback, a straight blade and a short petiole, where traces of a decayed
wooden handle are visible. The latter was attached to the knife with the help of a
preserved rivet. The length of the knife is 9.2 cm, and the width of the blade is 1.5 cm.
İt is necessary to stop at a small flint chip, possibly dating back to the Paleolithic.
The detachment is covered with a shallow patina, has a pronounced impact tubercle, and
one of its edges is roughly retouched. There are no traces of treatment after patinization.
The custom of the position in the grave of pieces of flint, chalcedon, pebbles was
repeatedly traced in Sarmatian burials. " According to ethnographic data, one can see
here faith in the magical properties of these breeds. " Obviously, during the burial in
question, the flint disappeared as such an amulet .

G. '. Moshkova. Monuments of Prokhorov culture, p. 45. 1Z D. B.

2z M.

Shelov. Uk. Op., p. 79 .

3
• Courtesy of O. D. Dashevskaya.
• s P, N. Schultz. Uk. Op., p. 80, Table XXII, 15; N. N. Pogrebova. Uk. Op. p. 169, Fig. 37, 7;
23, 6.
sv B.N. Grakov mentions nine copper clip plates from a box of kurg. 2 of the Bashkir stall
(see V.N. Grakov. Uk. Op., p. 413).
z1 M. G. Moshkova. Uk. Op., p. 38.
sv [, "F. Chursin. Amulets and mascots of Caucasian peoples. Mahach-Kala, 1929, p. 222 fir .

19

1
 An analysis of the burial inventory at the village of Vasilyevka shows that in
general it can be dated to the end of the 11 - beginning of the İ century. BC. İt is
interesting to note the elements of Hellenization of the buried (): a brooch, a bottle, and
medallions with the image of Aphrodite remade according to the Greek model. At the
same time, a number of things can be attributed to the products of Bosporus workshops.
We must think that the influence of Bospor on this part of the Azov steppes was quite
large. The fact that the closest analogies to the medallions and the lunar from
Vasilyevka are in Tanais allows once again to highlight the role of this center in the
trade of Bosporus "with the Sarmatian tribes and believe that Bosporus imports to the
Azov region came precisely through Tanais .

W. Woey. Mikhline
UNE SEPULTURE SARМATE DANS LE DONBASS MERIDIONAL Resume

Lors de fouilles de conservation du kourgane I, pres du village de Vassilevka (district de

Starobechevskoie, region du Donetz), а &te decouverte ипе sepulture sarmate introduite, pillee dans
l'antiquite. Une partie du mobilier funeraire s'est conserve dans Ia tombe elle-meme: un pot et un
flacon, une glace de billon dans ип ёtui de bois, quelques perles de vепе, un couteau de fer, des
plaques de fer avec des agrafes du revetement d'un coffret (?), un eclat de silex, des Ьijoux d'or (ill. 1,
1, 2, 4-10, 2). Dans la fosse pillee оп а trouve les restes d'ип squelette, des perles de verre et ипе
fibule de bronze (ill. 1, 3). Les bijoux dor sont particuli@rement dignes d'inter@t. Des medaillons а
l'effi gie d'Aphrodite (ill. 2, 3, 4) ressemblent а ceux de Tanais, de Neapolis de Scythie, et sont tres
proches de l'etampe bien connue de Tiritaka. Une lunule (ill. 2, 2), qui porte un ornement trace qu
poingon, ®tait auparavant ипе plaque ои Ьien garnissait le frontail d'un cheval, comme la lunule du
kourgane 63, pres du village de Bobritza. De meme on а transforme ипе broche, qui avait servi
auparavant de bouton. Cette broche, decoree de trois t@tes de pantheres, possedait deux epingles et
portait peut-@tre des incrustations. L'examen du moЬilier permet de faire dater cette sepulture de Ia
fin du II-I s. av. n. ere.

$9 D. B. Shelov. Tanais and Lower Doi in 111-1 centuries before and. z. M., 1970, p. 153 fir.
 V.A. LEKVINADZE
GOD AND THAT BURIAL OF THE LATE İV CENTURY FROM
UREKA (Georgia )
İn Georgia, one of the most interesting archaeological finds is the inventory of a late
antique burial, discovered by chance in 1942 in the village. Ureki, located in the
southern part of the Eastern Black Sea region at the mouth of the river. Supsa '. As
established by N.V. Khoshtaria, the territory where the specified burial was discovered,
is a rich burial ground, from where other random finds come 2,and • Things from the burial -
revealed here in 1942 are of particular importance, since they are so far both for Ureka
and for all of late antique Colchis the most complete and indisputable complex of one
rich burial, the inventory of which is almost completely preserved for science. (İt is
stored mainly in the State Museum of Georgia and in the ~ Kutaisi Museum.)
İnformation about the circumstances of the discovery of things from this burial and their
inventory belong to the late D. G. Kapanadze .
Between the Cypcoii and Kuchhis Abano rivers, in a low ridge stretching along the
sea coast at a distance of 200-300 m from the sea coast, in 1942, during earthworks, a
vertically located amphora was discovered at a depth of 1.30 m, under which there was
a folding iron chair. A clay vessel without a handle and broken glassware were also
found here. 70 cm to the west and 20 cm deeper, gold and silver products were found.
All these things occupied an area of about 2 m. " After expanding and deepening the
pit, another clay pot was discovered. Despite the fact that no bones were found, D. G.
Kapanadze immediately identified the finds as an inventory of burial, which he dated to
the latest: a coin from this complex at the end of the 111-IV centuries.
Things from this burial have already been published, * but their degree of study, as
well as their meaning and character, allow them to be considered more than once.
Roman coins were found in the burial in question, the oldest of which were issued by
Hadrian (121-122 gr.), And the latest by Tacitus (275-276) 5• However, the dating of the
burial in question and most of the things originating from it have not yet been
substantiated. A. M. Apakidze dates the end of İII - the beginning of İV century. only
"the main part of the Urek monuments" "Vague dates -
Photos of the things depicted in Figure 4-8 are taken by V. E. Savin, to whom we are deeply
grateful.
No. N.V. Khoshtaria. Archaeological investigation of Ureka. MAGN:, İ, 1955, p. 51 fir.

• D. G. Kapanadze. Memorandum on business trip to Nutapsi and Supsu, 1942 (manuscript in the
archive of the numismatics department of the HMG, for cargo. language).
A.M. Apakidze. Archaeological sites of the Late Antique period from Ureka, Westn. HMG, XIV-
B, 1947; N.V. Khoshtaria. Uk. Op., p. 51 p.; her. Tsihisjiri. Tbilisi, 1962, p. 19 fir. (per load.
language); R. V. Puturidae. Late ancient archaeological sites of Western Georgia. MAGK, İİ, 1959,
p. 63 p. (per load. language).
5
The burial in question contained the following coins: four Caesarean didrachms of Hadrian,
Caesarean drachma of Narakalla, denarius Septimius Severus, aureus Tacitus, golden imitation of the
Roman aureus İII century. (K. V. Golenko. Monetary conversion of Colchis in Roman time. L., 1964,
31, 76, pp. 71, 85, 105).
6
A. M. Apakizde. Uk. Op., pp. 110, 124.

7 Soviet Archaeology,% 4 19
3
 a İn North Pricherno- 30 a 1 a 5
maurier
b amphoracm of the specified
b cm b cm
type Fig. 1. Amphora, date IV- and silverware (Ureki, 1942)
gemmas
o centuries. N.V. 10Khoshtaria,
VIİ o o
the roving of this burial and
upublishing u y. N.V. Khoshtaria. İn R. V. Puturidze,
u on the other hand,
the Urek amphora, dates
regarding his daters: ki, we find only an indication that the inventory of this burial
t "generally
it as İİ all burial, then İV century,
looks simultaneous t and should refer precisely tot the end of the İII in '.'.
then "not earlier than İII-İV
Starting to describe things from this burial, we need to make a reservation that we
centuries. > >, coming in the first
were already able to find some of them in 1973 r. (for example, a pot without a handle
case from the North Black Sea -
and fragments of glassware).
parallels, and in the second - from
1. Amphora (Fig. 1, a), stored in the Kutaisi Museum. İt belongs to the type of red-
considerations unknown to us tt.
brown coarse-wedged amphorae, which is distinguished by a very elongated shape,
Referring to 11a N.V. Khoshtaria,
light horizontal ribbing of the surface, a low neck, small flat handles and, most
some researchers have determined
importantly, the presence of interception in the middle of the case. Among the
that these amphorae in the Eastern -
amphorae of this type in the Eastern Black Sea region, its varieties are also planned,
Black Sea Region are exclusively
"possibly due not only to the manufacture of these amphorae in various centers and
related to the İII-İV centuries.
areas, but also to the different times of their origin within the framework of the
However, the dating of the
extensive period that dates from the entire type. Characteristic features of the variety to
amphorae of this tppa İV and later
which the Urek amphora belongs are the absence of shoulders in amphorae (the cone-
centuries has been argued;
shaped throat is a direct continuation of the Fig. upper part of the body), the presence of a
2. Folding iron chair
therefore, the Urek amphora pe
small cone at the bottom and the upper part of the neck bent outward with an
could be a product of the İII century,
unprofiled or weakly profiled corolla in the form of a slight flat external thickening.
which is significant, since among all
The Urek amphora, in addition, is characterized by a method of attaching handles to
the things considered here it should -
the neck. The ends of the handles have "rivets" here, which pass through the wall of the
be close as a household, the most
neck and end from the inside with hats .
low-value and short-lived object,
according1 R, V.
toPuturidee.
the burialUk.time
Op.,.p. 64.
8
For example, a variety
2. Folding iron of such amphorae characteristic only of Tsebelda is known -
(mountainous Abkhazia - see M. M. Trapsh. Proceedings, 3. Tbilisi, 1971, Table Vİ, 4, VI1, 16, XX, 4,
aXXİ,
chair2, (Fig.
XXİİ,2)J).stored
Anotherin the Kutaisi
species of the same type is not yet published amphorae with interception
Museum. This chair
from Archaeopolis was of
(village previously
Nokalakevi in Western Georgia).
9
Amphorae
mistakenly of thisasvariety
defined were found in the Eastern Black Sea region in Bamboras and during
a "folding
excavations
bed," < < partof Roman fortresses>in>,
of the furniture Sevastopol
< (Yu. N. Voronov. Archaeolo -
<194
stand. "
The inclusion of sunken metal
chairs in funerary equipment is a
common occurrence in the late
antique era. The most thosis! lnii 11:: 1
- the folding chair known to us for
the burial dates from nonp: om [V -
beginning of the V century 12 .

a gic map of Abkhazia. Sukhumi, 1969,

Table XXIX, 12, XXXI, 22. 21) 11 in
Ziganis. Among the wreckage of such
amphorae in Ziganis, there were also
handles with "rivets."
1
about İ. B. Zeest. Bosporus ceramic
containers. M., 1960, p. 121,. No. 103.
1 N, V. Khoshtaria. Archaeology -
chesky research Urekp,
Page 59.
12
• Matzulewitsch. Byzanti- 11ische
Antike. Berlin und Leipzig, 1929, AI. 50,
S. 123 ff.
 Jsm

Fig. 3. Beads and suspensions

7*
195
 Such chairs consist of two
rectangular metal frames (in the
Urek chair their
dimensions are 5441
cm), connected in the middle by
two hinges, allowing these frames
to fold and expand. İn some chairs
of this kind, one of the two
crossbars at the top is sometimes
open, in connection with which
the upper corners of such a frame
were strengthened
full details,
giving corner of the sign
bone. The Urek chair has both an
unopened frame and angular
mounts at the upper corners,
which is a kind of feature of its
design.
3. Various beads * ": agate
multifaceted and oval (potres: bent
n in debris); amber (cracked and
in debris); Carnal norl - 10 of
them have been preserved (Fig. 3);
crystal multifaceted - 1; 24 round
and rounded glass polychrome
beads, in which all are blue and
brown semi-
Fig. 4. Golden brooch wounds, and dark, black, be-
red, yellow and marginal deaf (8
with eyes - beads and pupils are the same blue, kayaks in pupils are white; 2 soldered
from blue eyes - each pupil has a multi-layer bordering of three-fold alternating white
and cinnamon rings; 2 blue translucent with eyes - pupil blue, bordering white, blue,
white; 2 dark with eyes - pupil sivpi, bordering white, sivee, yellow; 1 with a marble-
shaped pattern of white, brown and red; 1 red with partially preserved intersecting
stripes, blue in the middle and white at the edges, and fallen eyes; 1 dark with red eyes
and dark cilia on white border; 1 white with blue eyes bordered by white and dark; 1
soldered of blue eyes bordered by white, brown, white; 1 blue with irregular and
tripartite eyes - brown pupils, white border; 1 yellow with blue eyes - bordering white;
1 dark with white, yellow and red speckles; 1 deaf blue with eyes - pupil black,
bordering yellow, black, yellow; 1 blue with blue eyes - bordering white, blue, white).
Of particular note is one large blue and white cylindrical glass bead, which has a
caricature of four bearded human faces (four noses and four eyes in total). As you
know, the appearance of such beads is firmly recorded already in the burials of the late
Ralmtat era (700-600 BC). They continue to meet such

1
z Beads and all other decorations of the buried burial are stored in gm.
196
beads also in burials of the
Fig. 5. Gold Roman Empire era, and most often they are found in the late
jewelry
Roman burials of Egypt, where such beads are believed to have been produced for a
very long time. The place of production of late beads of this genus was Alexandria '. "
4. A large oval brooch with pendants (Fig. 4) is the most spectacular thing in the
described inventory. İts central part is a large three-layer agate insert in a gold frame.
The insert has a profile of a truncated cone, due to which a white intermediate layer
located between dark brown layers is clearly visible from the front at its high and
sloping edges. The frame of the insert is surrounded by an openwork frame, which is
the most characteristic part of the entire decoration. This framing has an incised relief
"radiant" ornament, as if radiance, emanating from the center of the decoration and
giving apparent weightlessness to the framing, actually carved from a rather massive
gold plate. On the inside of the brooch there is a needle and a receiver located along the
brooch.
Decorations of various purposes (brooches, pectoral parts, medallions, pendants,
earrings) with similar framing was very common in the Roman Empire since İİ V.N.E.
One ofa nthe best examples of jewelry of this kind - a brooch with an insert depicting
Lucius d Vera - was found near Ureka (25 km to gu from him) in the village. Tsihisjiri,
"however, with inserts in such decorations (with the exception of earrings) there were
usually gold Roman coins with images of emperors. The decoration of frames in jewelry
of this kind is usually limited only to incised (or, possibly, stamped) ornaments of
various types. There is also a large grain on the framing of the Urek brooch, and this is
already a rare phenomenon. We know, in particular, so far only one brooch with a grain
on the frame, which comes from Syria and dates from the "second half of the İII century
or later," therefore, the Urek brooch, apparently, also needs to be dated to the same time
and considered a Syrian product. İt should be mentioned here and a brooch with a
similar frame (on the notor instead of grains there are inserts of stones), found in Karm
al-Sheikh (near Jerusalem) in burial with a coin of Emperor Constantine (307-337),
"which also indicates the use of brooches of the specified series in İV.
An unusual feature of the Urek brooch is its 16 pendants, which are unknown to us
in the decorations with the frames of the described type (with the exception of
earrings). However, in jewelry it is different: rо of the kind of pendants are common. İt
is especially interesting in this case to indicate the presence of suspensions in fibules. "
Fibules with pendants are mentioned in written sources as inscriptions distributed
"according to the old custom" by emperors to the rulers of vassal regions, including the
kings of the Laz kingdom (Procopius. About buildings. III - 1; Agathius. On the reign of
Justinian. 111-15), which existed on the territory of Colchis. The presence of pendants
in the Urek brooch allows us to believe that it could also be an insight fibula, possibly
even "homemade," in favor of which the following circumstance says: usually pendants
at fibules and other jewelry (for example, earrings) are attached to special loops, holes
are drilled in the Urek brooch for pendants framed in a "barbaric" way, from which it is
framed

1
~ A. Kisa. Das Glas in Alterlum. Bd 1. Erster Teil, Leipzig, 1908, Abb. 20, S. 93, 94, 425, • 126.
• В Pharmakowsky. Archaologische Funde im Jahre 1907, Siidrulland, АА, 1908 (1909), II, Abb.
7, Col. 161 ff; M.İ. Maksimova. Antique carved stones of the Hermitage. L., 1926, p. 100.
1
in 4. Grefenhagen. Schmuckarbeiten in Edelmetall. Betlin, 1970, S. 74; Taf. 54-6. 11 D. S. V. Note op
a cemetery at Kagt al-Sha: ikh, QDAP, 1. 1932, p. 7, Pl. XIV, № 2.
18
N.V. Belyaev. Essays on Byzantine archeology. SK, İII, 1929, Table Xİ, 1, 2, 4.
49

7
 5 cm

Fig. 6. Golden Ornament (Ureki: a -1948; b, c, d - 194.2, ·.)

 a suffered. İt seems that initially the brooch did not have pendants. The
the laziness
.
brooch differs in the number of pendants (16 pieces), other decorations of such pendants
have much less.
The suspensions are the products of an experienced foreman. They are common
chains in jewelry, in which "folded popods" links allow you to form a chain without
blurring the link itself. İn the middle, each chain has a blue bead with white-blue eyes.
At the end of each chain hangs an openwork ball, inside which a grenade pebble rolls.
Large grain pyramids are soldered to the bottom of the balls.
8 5, a), the central part of which is a grenade in the frame.
5. Two gold earrings (Fig.
20030300000000
Frames of exactly the same type as we described in the brooch are soldered to the
frames. Earrings have three wire suspensions, which hang already on special loops. At
Course
the ends of the pendants there should have been unsaved pearls. These earrings,
together with the above brooch, make up undoubtedly one jewelry set. A similar set of
brooches and a pair of earrings was found in the aforementioned burial of İV century.
in Karm al-Sheikh.
6. Four identical pendants (Fig. 6, d), which are shapeless pieces of marquesite
turned into lemonite, which was originally golden in color. " Pendants: These are
equipped with gold loops attached to the intersection of two gold strips, with which
pieces of marquesite were meridian "tied." These charms were, apparently, an:
epigraphic amulets-charms of that kind, for the central part of which minerals of
various origins were taken; the design of the frames remained usually the same *
"There are known necklaces, of which the suspensions of the described type were part '
7. Fragments of silver fibules, depicted here in folded form (Fig. 1, g.). The two
most recovering single-membered arc-shaped fibules with a round back section and a
flat leg section (Fig. 1, d, d) are characteristic of Western Georgia, in particular
Abkhazia "*. Fragments (Fig. 1, e, h) come from two more single-membered fibules,
but with a rectangular section at the back and at the remains of the tie. The fifth fibula
belongs to a square fragment of the back in the section, wrapped in a rod; > Fiber with
decorative spirals (Fig. 1, g). Such fibules, but with a round backrest section, were
known only in Abkhazia, where they are dated İII-V centuries. °
8. 22 massive multifaceted gold beads (Fig. 7, c). Exactly the same beads were
part of the three necklaces found in Archar and Nikolaevo (Thrace), where: these
necklaces date back to the İII c. ° 'The Urek beads should note the presence of wide
holes indicating, perhaps, that: these beads were strung initially not on a thread, but on
pieces of wire, as this is observed in necklaces made of necklaces Thrace
9. Gold hollow amulet storage case (Fig. 7, b). Such cases were widespread in the
late ancient era. A similar case was suspended from one and; J necklaces from Nikolaev,
which included, as already mentioned, the same gold beads as were available in the
complex in question. İt is possible that here, too, such beads with a case (and possibly
with the described marquesite pendants) could also belong to the same decoration .

No. A. M. Apakidzs. Uk. Op., pp. 97, 117.

20
M.İ. Maksimova. An amulet from Gorgippia and so the tearing "suspension balls." SA, 1962, 2,
p. 226 el .
21
М. S. Ruxer, J. Kubczak. Naszyjnik grecki w okresie hellenistycznym i rzymskim.
Warszawa - Poznan, 1972, tabl. IX, XXII.
2 4. C. Ambrose. Fibules of the south of the European part of the USSR. M., 1966, p. 54; M. M.
Trapsh. Uk. Op., table. XVII, 6 (Abgydzrahu, grave 37 ).
2
z M. M. Trapsh. Proceedings, tables. XIV, 4, XV, 16, XVI, 11.
% B. Filov. Roman shelter from Nikolaevo. IBAD, İV. 1913 (1915), Table İİİ, 3, arr. 13, p. 25 fir.

199
 10
cm

Fig. 7. Gold jewelry

10. Three rings - two gold and one silver. The inserts of the two rings are
gemmas. İn a massive golden ring (Fig. 6, c), an oval gemma made of wax jasper
depicts Hermes crowning Fortune with a wreath. Fortuna has a cornucopia in one
hand; the second she rests on a stern oar. The Greek letter "fi" is also carved into
gemma. The images are made in a very careless and free manner (Fig. 1, b),
apparently testifying to the mass production of products of this kind. This gemma,
which has analogies (both in the plot and, most importantly, in the manner of
execution)2, M.N. 5Lordkipanidze dates it to the Nonce of the İII century and now
considers it a local product *, "but earlier she considered this gemma Greco-
Roman * ', which seems to us more justified .
Gemma in a silver ring (Fig. 1, c) is a carved nicolo with a carefully executed
image of the head of Serapis (Fig. 1, c). M.N. Lordkipanidze believes: this gemma
is Asia Minor and dates in shape the ring of the İII-İV centuries *, "however,
similar gemmas could have been made, apparently, at the beginning of the İİ
century. *," which does not exclude, of course, their use in later rings .
Urek rings with gemmas bear great similarity in their general forms. They
consist of a simple smooth massive open splint, between the ends of which a
simple, oval, large zhukina is soldered, having the shape of a truncated cone facing
the finger with a narrow side. Fr. Henkel dates such rings not to the İII-İV
centuries, but to the İV century and later *, "which is confirmed in relation to the
silver ring of

25
Е. Brandt, А. Krug, W. Gercke, Е. Schmidt. Antike Gemmen in Deutschen Sammlungen. Bd
İ, T. 3. Miinchen, 1972, S. 81, Taf. 243, № 2623.
26
M.N. Lordkipanidee. Building of glyptic monuments of ancient Georgia. İ. Tbi-
fox, 1969, table. X, 129, p. 139 (ya rruz . language).
1 M.N. Lordkipanidze. Hemma HMG. İİİ. Tbilisi, 1961, No. 32, p. 71. in İbid., No. 3,
2

p. 61.
29
Е. Brandt, А. Krug, W. Gercke, Е. Schmidt. Ohr. cit., S. 86, Taf. 248, № 2666.
zo Fr. Henkel. Die romischen Fingerringe der Rheinlande. Berlin, 1913, № 263, 272,
274, 275, 1366, s. 38 ff.
200
Oreki and such a part, nude, the
presence of only one soldered ball near
the zhukovina (on the other side of the
zhukiya, the ring had a partially worn
spiral winding made of wire). Similar
rings, but with one ball near the zhukina,
are known to us only in the Samtavr
burial ground (Eastern Georgia), where
they date in most cases even to the end
of the 5th - Vİ centuries, although the
possibility of such rings appearing here
at the end of the İV century is allowed. '.
İt should be noted that rings of a
different shape, but also with only one
ball near the insert, were found in the
Armaz burial ground (Eastern Georgia),
where they also date from the İV century. No. i
At the third ring from Ureka, a }

4
massive gold (Fig. 6, b), a three-layer
agate without images was used as an

-1
insert. The shape of the ring is a unique m% in

combination of the features of Roman

samoro rings of various types. The usual 6
for Roman rings are also planned 8 -.......,____ ..
1

two shoulders, of which two volutes are extended 11 l

to the shield in an already "unusual"
way, creating, however, characteristic contours of splines with two external thickenings
on the sides of the shield. Finally, this ring between the shield and the tire has rows of
soldered balls (four in ryaqy), which are usually found Fig.
in Roman rings İV in 3.3
8. Silver pzdelii
11. A silver object, which is a thin rod, at one end of which there was an openwork
leaf-shaped non-stuck blade with a curved (in the plane of the blade itself) point (Fig. 8,
a). This item was previously considered either an earpiece or a style, but the presence of
such "blades" at the ends of some spoons 3 4clearly indicates the purpose of the subject in
question. İt is believed, in particular, that similar "knives" were used when eating
oysters, crabs and crayfish. The most important thing in this case is that the rods and
spoons with leaf-shaped ends are known only in the composition of archaeological
complexes dating from the second half of the İV and the beginning of the 5th century.
Exact analogies of the thing in question were found in a clade from Riiseraugst (near
Basel), which was buried between 350 and 360 G,
12. A fragment (tip) of a silver rod, which was considered a fragment of an earpiece
and which may indeed be such (Fig. 1, and).

z1 M. İ. İvashchenko. Georgian analogies of the Pereshchepinsky treasure. KSIIMK, XVIII, 1947,

Fig. 21, p. 58 fir.
z2 A. M. Apakidze, G. F. Gobedzhishvili, A. N. Kalandadze, G. A. Lomtatidee .
Mtskheta. 1. Tbilisi, 1958, pp. 119-121, Fig. 13, 16, 20; Table XCVII, 4.5. z Fr. Henkel.
Ohr. cit., № 272-274, 277, 461, S. 38 ff.
z% D. A. Matsulevich. Silver Bowl from Kerch. L., 1926, p. 17, Fig. 4; В. Pharmakowsky. Ohr. cit.,
AY. H, Col. 174 ff.
h5 D. E. Strong. Greek and Roan Gold and Silver Plate. London, 196G, PI. 67, p. 182, 206.
20
1
 13. Two gold massive open bracelets (Fig. 7, a), which make up undoubtedly one
headset, because both of them are made of the same drot, having a cross-section of a
square with rounded corners. Bracelets, however, differ from each other in that both
ends of one of them are decorated on three sides (sides and top) with 12 slightly convex
ruby inserts, while the other bracelet does not have such inserts. The bracelet with
inserts (Fig. 5, b) is more expressive, İ, as it is very characteristic of the manner of the
insert device itself, correctly described by A.M. Apakidze. The nests of the inserts did
not solder onto the bracelet, but were knocked out in the form of recesses in the
bracelet itself, as a result of which metal displaced from the middle gathered around the
recess, forming a clear, convex frame of the nest. After the insert was nested in the
socket, this displaced metal gripped its edges, so that the insert was fixed. A. M.
Apakidze believes that Urek bracelets can be products of the "local (Colchis) jewelry
school," but such things have not yet been found in Colchis. But the described device
of inserts was very characteristic, as L. A. Matsulevich noted, for neck hryvnia and
numerous bracelets of Northern Black Sea origin dating from the end of the İV to the
beginning of the 5th century. 'The named Northern Black Sea jewelry differs from the
Urek bracelet with inserts only in that their open ends are decorated in the form of
animal heads, and the inserts play the role of eyes, eyebrows, ears and nostrils of the
belly -
. pyh. These inserts are also surrounded by a convex frame 3• The absence of 8heads at the Urek
bracelet can hardly be considered a significant difference in this case, since in the
Northern Black Sea region at the same time open bracelets without heads, but also
without inserts are known, "which is of interest - exactly the same thing is the second
Urek bracelet. Thus, the Urek bracelet with inserts turns out to be the link between the
listed bracelets without heads and inserts and bracelets with inserts and zoomorphic
heads .
The given comparisons indicate that Urek bracelets are also of Northern Black Sea
origin and date from the end of İV - the beginning of the V century.
Bracelets with inserts in depressions surrounded by a convex frame are found in the
Northern Black Sea region along with inlaid partition products. Thus, both of these
methods of application of inserts are characteristic of the same region and time. Things
are known, simultaneously decorated with both inserts in recesses with a frame and a
partition inlay. " We are talking about this here because in the complex under
consideration, a bracelet with inserts is met with a thing decorated with a partition
inlay.
14. Gold hexagonal plaques of the same size (d = 1.8-2.0 cm). There are 50 of
them preserved (Fig. 7, d). They made up one unique decoration of an unclear purpose.
Two parallel tubes are soldered to the inside of each plaque, through which two threads
were passed. İn its shape, the decoration of these plaques resembles a Roman bracelet
stored in the Cologne Museum and consisting of six identical agate openwork
octagonal plaques * '. Urekskpe plaques have
sv A.M. Apakidze. Uk. Op., p. 95 p. and 116 sl.
z1 D. A. Matsulevich. Burial of the barbarian prince in Eastern Europe. Ed .
GAIMK, 112, 1934, p. 73.
sv İbid., Fig. 12; A. L. Jacobson. Medieval Crimea. M. - L., 1964, Table İ, b, c.
z9 İ. A. von Jenny, W. F. Volbach. Germanischer Schmuck des friihen Mittelalters.
Berlin, 1933, Taf. 3, 9, 10; J. Werner. Beitrage zur Archiologie des Attila-Reiches. Miinchen, 1956,
Taf. 15, 2.
40
G. Meszaros. А. regoly korai nepvindorlaskori fejedelmi sir. AE, 97, 1970, 10, 11 ker.; G.
Laszlo. Lart des nomades. Budapest, 1972, pl. 22, 23.
1 Geschichte der Kunstgewerbes, herausgegeben von Н. Th. Bossert. Bd IV. Berlin, 1930, S.
318 ff.
202
two kinds of decor. İn 17 plaques decorated with flat ruby inserts, a typical technique of
septal inlay is used (Fig. 5, d), unusual, as far as we know, in ancient jewelry in Greece
and Rome. However, baffle inlaid products were made, as is known, in ancient Egypt,
and then in Ahmepid İran and, possibly, in some countries under the cultural influence
of Achaemenid İran • İt is interesting to note that on some of these İranian inlaid baffle
decorations there were at the same time and the same in principle inserts in separate
depressions surrounded by convex frames as we described in Urek bracelet. Such
jewelry was found, in particular, in the regions of Central Asia and Western Siberia
under the influence of İran, where, as you know, local products were widespread,
decorated only with inserts in depressions surrounded by convex frames. "
İn Central Asia, inlaid septal products were also found, dating back to about the İ
century. BC. e."İn İberia, near Colchis, inlaid septum products and similar things are
already known in the burials of the late 11-111 centuries. C.E. 5'But a particularly large number
of inlaid septum products appear from the end of the İV C.E. in the Northern Black Sea
region *", from where these products and the fashion for them are distributed by the
Goths, Huns and Alans to the entire vast territory captured by the "great migration of
peoples," which, however, did not include Transcaucasia, where Ureki is located.
Nevertheless, it is with the Northern Black Sea things of this genus that it is necessary
to compare first of all (and in accordance with this date) the indicated Urek plaques,
which is due to the following circumstances: a) the absence of partitioned inlaid
products in Colchis in burials of 11-111 centuries AD (Tsikhisjiri, Bori, Cldeeti); b)
the already planned dating of the Urek burial by the end of İV - the beginning of the 5th
century; c) a combination of Urek plaques with Northern Black Sea bracelets; d)
extensive use of the technique of septal inlay in Urek finds - in Ureki (not in the burial
under consideration) two more inlaid septal decorations were found "of which one
stored in the HMG is a very developed form of products of this kind (Fig. 6, a).
To determine the circle to which the considered Urek decoration should be
attributed, it is necessary to take into account the "pretzel" ornamentation (Pelten
Ornament, glothing ornament) of its remaining 33 plaques (Fig. 5, c). This ornament
was still known in the jewelry of archaic Greece, " but especially it spread in the late
Roman jewelry *" and, most importantly -

42 See G. A. Tiratsyan for a list of Achaemenpd inlaid partition products and literature about them.
Golden Pectoral from Armavir (Armenia). SA, 1968, 4, p. 193 fir. 11 note 18-25.
4 M.İ. Artamonov. Treasures of the Saks. M., 1973, Figs. 6, 221, 241 (İranian embellishments),
3

174, 180, 183, etc. (Scytho-Saka jewelry ).

% İ. M. Mandelstam. Nomads on their way to İndia. M.-L., 1966, Table LVX, 6, 9; LX, 1, p. 126
el.
45 A. M. Apakidze, G. F. Gobedzhishvili, A. N. Kalandadze, G. A. Lomtatidze .
Mtskheta, Table İİ, 2, Vİ, 4, X, 4; G. Nemsadee. Results of the work of the Zguder archaeological
expedition. Archaeological expeditions of the HMG. Tbilisi, 1969, table. VIİ ,/( for cargo. language).
A.M. Apakidze compares Urek plaques with a dagger handle from Armazi (A.M. Apakidze.
Archaeological sites..., p. 120), in which, odpako, there are no partitions.
A. Spitsyn. Things with inlay from the Kerch catacombs of 1904 İAC, 17,
64 4.

1905.
and N.V. Khoshtaria. Archaeological research of Ureka, p. 55 fir. 4v P. A. Higgins.
Greek and Roman Jewellery. London, 1961, pl. 21.
Pollak. Klassisch-antike Goldschmiedearbeiten. Leipzig, 1903, № 394; B. Filov.
94 /.

Uk. Op., arr. 8, Table V, 1; u. 1; М. S. Ruzer, J. Kubczak. Ohr. cit., ryc. 28, e, f, g, h.
20

3
woe, continued to be used in products found along with inlaid partition products in the
territory captured by the "great migration of peoples" The greatest similarity is found in
the described plaques with late antique earrings from the Northern Black Sea region:
both there and here "pretzels" surround one central convex insert. "
"Pretzel" ornament, as a rule, was always used in openwork decorations. And in
Urek plaques, this ornament was also openwork, but it was "inserted" into the same
trays in which flat inserts and partitions of ordinary inlaid decorations were fixed.
"Pretzels," in addition, are made of narrow strips of metal here, which differ from the
usual partitions of inlaid products only in that they do not reach the bottom of the tray.
These features of plaques with "pretzels," connecting them with ordinary inlaid septum
products, are due to the fact that these plaques were included in the decoration, which
also consists of septal inlaid plaques, which prompted the foreman who made this
decoration to maintain the general shape and general appearance of parts having
different decor.
The "pretzel" ornament, characteristic, as it was said, for openwork jewelry,
apparently influenced one kind of arrangement of partitions in inlaid jewelry.
"Pretzels" in such jewelry turn, it seems to us, into a very similar "pretzel" figure of
"bob," requiring large and compact inserts. Such "beans" are, for example, on the
shields of well-known Kerch bracelets, also dating from the border of the İV and V
centuries. İt is characteristic that here, too, "beans" with flat inserts also surround one
central convex insert. "
Ending the consideration of the Urek plaque decoration, it should be emphasized
again that in its shape it resembles a Roman bracelet from the Cologne Museum; the
ornament of this decoration, as it was said, is of Greco-Roman origin. Thus, a feature of
this decoration is the combination of elements of "barbaric" jewelry and Greco-Roman.
15. A group of almost whole and highly fragmented silver jewelry, distinguished
by a common character. These are large rectangular carnelians in frames. Three such
carnelians from the burial did not preserve the frames .
İn two very convex carnelians having a profile of a truncated pyramid, a
rectangular plate shield is soldered to the frames - "boxes" from the outside, in the
center of which a hole for the carnelian insert is cut out (Fig. 8, 6). On the other hand,
on the inside, both bases of frames used to have parts with which jewelry was attached
to clothes. Now only traces of solder in the form of one longitudinal strip that does not
reach the edges of the base have been preserved from these parts .
From the third decoration, three decorated carnelians, fragments of another frame,
as well as fragments of chains (of links folded in half) with beads included in them (12
carnelian multifaceted flattened and 1 round amber) were preserved. İn this decoration,
only the edges of thin, polished on both sides of the carnelian plates are set. Thus, the
decoration was two-sided. The frames of carnelians, in turn, are bordered by chopped
wire. On the two opposite sides of the frames there were loops on which there are
fragments of the cent-

50
İ. Ya. Samokvasov. Basis of chronological classification. Warsaw, 1892, Table İX, 13; W. А. von
Jenny, W. F. Volbach. Ohr. cit., Taf. 43.
5
4 K. K. Kostsyushko-Valyuzhinich. Extraction from excavation report in Chersonesos .
İAC, 9, 1904, p. 3, Fig. 2; R. H. Leper. Diary of excavations of the Kherson necropolis. he, İİ, 1927,
Fig. 19.
$2 A. A. Spitsyn. Uk. Op., Fig. 28, p. 123.
204
kidneys with beads (Fig. 8, c). This decoration is
badly damaged and his appointment is difficult to
judge.
Separate independent decorations are three
more very convex carnelians with a profile of a
truncated pyramid. Their frames - "boxes" are also
framed by chopped wire, which is soldered here
from the outside to the protruding edges of the
frame base. Scraps of four chains hang from the
frames of these carnelians, for which, as well as in
the above-described golden brooches, were drilled
in the lower: the edge of the base of the frame of
the hole (Fig. 8, e). On the inside of the base of the
frames of these jewelry, exactly the same traces of
solder as those of carnelians in shields have been
preserved .
Apparently, fragments of these three
decorations are fragments of chains found in the
same burial, ending in flat leaf suspensions with
balls at the ends. Five such pendants have been
preserved (Fig. 8, d). Two chains with very similar
pendants are known to us only from the funeral
equipment of the 44th burial in Abgydzrah
(Abkhazia), where these chains hang from a
simple ring, so it is difficult to judge what we are
dealing with there - with a whole decoration or
with its fragment. İt is very important in this case
that the burial in Abgydzrah dates from the second
53 Rps. 9. Ste ~ - thin bottle (Ure -
swarm half i -start 'c. ki, 1948)
Thus, in the burial discovered in Ureki in
1942, it turned out to be significant -
the number of things dating from the end of İV - the beginning of the V century. On
the other hand,Ivthere are, apparently,
V things of an older origin in addition to coins,
allowing us to prefer the end of the İV century as a dating of the burial, than the
beginning of the 5th century. The whole Urek burial ground should date back to the
same time, as confirmed, in particular, by two more or less dated finds, originating
from the funeral equipment discovered here also by chance in 1948, of which only a
small part has been preserved for science. These two finds are a glass bottle (h =
33.5 cm) stored in the Maharadze Museum, decorated with engraved belts (Fig. 9),
and a silver dish with an unusual openwork and figuratively cut edge *. Most of
these bottles were found precisely in the burials of the end of the İV century. * The
time of the manufacture of the Urek dish (d = -42 cm) can be judged by its central
medallion, which depicts two intertwining quadrangles with "pressed" sides -

z M. M. Trapsh. Proceedings, p. 219, Table G, 3, XXII, 8.

$4 N.V. Khoshtaria. Uk. Op., p. 53 fir.; Tables XVI, 1 and XVII, 1; for the dish, see C.
Machabeli. Silver dish from Ureka, "Dzeglis Megobari," 29. Tbilisi, 1972, p. 11 p. (pa load.
language).
ss С. Isings. Roman Glass from Dated Finds. Groningen - Djakarta. 1957, fig. 127, p. 157, 158.
205
 Fig. 10. Silver dish (Ureki, 1948)

mi (Fig. 10) ®. The second dish with the same medallion dates from İV B, 7 However, it
should be noted that all other dishes with apa., oric in nature medallions (depicting
two inverses, rushing triangles, two intertwining "pointed" ovals, a quadrangle with
"pressed" sides) were found in richer archaeological complexes of the second half of
İV - early V century 58 .
As already mentioned, the Urek momla:: ik is located in the Eastern Black Sea
region, the tribes of which, judging by the information of Arrian (Perip.1, 15), have
become vassals of the Roman Empire since the beginning of the İİ century. e. İt is
significant in this regard that the location of Ureka on the very shore of the sea,
controlled, and in places occupied by the Roman Empire, "which forced, first of all, the
inhabitants of the coast when: to make themselves vassals of the Romans, but, of
course, in those periods when the latter could carry out political expansion here. At the
end of the İV century. the positions of the Romans here, judging by the "Notitia
dignitatum," "were even stronger than under

s By the nature of the design of its side, the Urek dish reminds us of a copper Roman bowl
stored in the Neimevrem Museum (A. Mutz. Die Kunst des Metalldrehens bei den Romern.
Basel und Stuttgart, 1972, S. 149, Abb. 426. 428) p dated İX- Xİ centuries. bronze plate from the
Armenian city of Ani (V. Arakelyan. Cities 11 crafts of Armenia in İX-XİII centuries, 1. Yerevan,
1958, p. 158, table XV, a (in Armenian ).
1 M. S. Ross. А Silver Treasure from Daphne-Harble. Archaeology, vol. 6, 1, Missouri, 1953, р.
40.
58
4. O. Curle, F. S. A. Scot. The Treasure of Traprain. Glasgow, 1923, fig. 27, p. 5, 107; J. W.
Brailsford. The Mildenhall Treasure. London, 1955, pl. 6, p. 22, 23; D. Е. Strong. Ohr. cit., fig. 65,
4, B, p. 182.
s9 V. A. Lekvinadze. Pontic limes. WDI, 1969. 2.
во Notitia dignitatum. Edidit О. Seek, Berolini, MDCCCLXXVl,Ord. XXXVIII.
206
Arriane. Judging by Procopius (War with the Persians , İİ, 75), Lazik, that is, the former
Colchis, at the beginning of the Vİ century was only obliged to prevent the penetration
of barbarians from the Ciscaucasia through its territory into the Roman possessions,
without paying the Romans any tribute, which seems to indicate the existence of similar
relations between the Kolch tribes with the Romans and before. İt is the political
influence of the Romans in Nolchis, its trade relations with the Romans, also
specifically mentioned by Procopius (War with the Persians, İİ, 15, 28, 29), that
Colchis's proximity to the Romans reflects most of the burial equipment considered,
which is of interest and in connection with the presence of North Black Sea products in
it. İt is believed that the spread of such products and fashions on them came from the
Northern Black Sea region in the process of resettlement, invasions and nomadic
movements of tribes in the territory captured by the "great resettlement of peoples."
However, no one moved to Colchis in the IVV centuries. no one moved. Thus, the
significance of the finds here of the Northern Black Sea products lies, apparently, only
in the fact that they are found outside the territory in which the great migrations took
place. The connections of Colchis with the Northern Black Sea region were, it seems ,
quite enough for the jewelry made there in large quantities to be used here.
The Urek burial ground arose at a time when the process of subordination to the
lakes of all other tribes and regions of this country was completed in Colchis. Judging by
the Nameless Author (Periplus, 48) and Procopius (War with the Persians, İİ, 29), the
area of Ureka appears in the V-VI centuries. as the territory of the manholes,
nevertheless, there is no reason to connect the Urek burial ground directly with the
manholes yet, or we are dealing here with a monument of the end of the İV century., that
is, the time when another tribe could live here, subordinate, assimilated or defeated by
manholes in the 5th century. One should take into account the lack of population of this
area at the beginning of the Vİ century, noted by Procopius (War with the Persians, İİ,
29; War with the Goths, VIII, 13). The Urek burial ground may be unconditionally
associated with the manholes, since undoubtedly the Laz burials have not yet been
identified.
İn its location, the Urek burial ground does not correspond to the tendency to
consolidate not on the seashore, as it was in the İİ century. (Claudius Ptolomeus,
Geographical Guide, V, 94), and in the depths of the country, as evidenced, for example,
by the construction by the manholes of its capital - Archaeopolis - far from the coast, in
the very center of Nolhida 6• Thus, 1if the Urek burial ground n is Laz, then it is not
connected with the kings and the nobility grouping around them, whose graves should
be searched near Archaeopolis .
Rather, in its location, the Urek burial ground, as it were, retains the character of an
older burial site, mentioned here and dating from the 11th-111th centuries, discovered
near Ureka in Tsihisjiri also on the seashore. İn any case, the very location of the burial
ground on the shore. the sea also suggests that the inhabitants of this area of the İV
century may well have come from the North Caucasian coast of the Black Sea, from
where, as M. Kissling convincingly showed, in the İ century BC. e. (including the
lakes) to the south, "in connection with which the Greek colonial cities were liquidated
on the coast of Colchis, and Colchis herself came to a" great impoverishment, "noted by
Destunis when comparing data on this country, which were created, on the one hand, at
Strabo, and on the other, at Procopius." It

61 V, A. Lekvinadze. About the oldest defensive structures of Archaeopolis .

SA, 1959, 3.
2 Kissling. 'Hvo~о RE, Bd VI1, 1913, Col, 259 •
63
Procopius of Caesarea history of the war with the Rpmlians and Persians (Perev. Sp. Destunis). St.
Petersburg, 1876, note 14 on page 150 .
207
thus, it is impossible to say that the considered inventory reflects "excess gold" "* in
late antique Colchis.
The considered funeral equipment reflects the social differentiation of the
population of the Eastern Black Sea region, about which no specific data are given in
written sources.

V. А. Lekvinadze

UNE RICHE SEPULTURE DE LA FIN DU IVe SIECLE А

OUREКI (GEORGIE)

Resume
Еп 1942, sur le littoral oriental de la mer Noire, а lembouchure de la Soupsa, sur un
terrain d'inhumation оп а decouvert fortuitement une riche sepulture. Dans son mohilier se
trouvaient des monnaies romaines (d'Hadrien, de Caracalla, de Septime Severe et de Tacite) et une
imitation d'aureus; une amphore (ill. 1-a), ipe chaise pliante ep fer (ill. 2), des perles de verre (ill. 3),
des Ьijoux d'or et d'argent (ill. 5-8). La plupart de ces objets sont de provenance romaine. Les
bracelets (ill. 5- Ь, 7 - а) et un ornement, dont il reste 50 plaquettes (ill. 5 - Y, g; 7 - g), proviennent
vraisemblablement du littoral nord de la mer Noire. Les plus recents objets de la sepulture datent de
la fin du IVe s., debut du Ve s. С'est а la тёте epoque qu'арpartient le tombeau lui - тёте, се qui est
atteste par d'autres objets, egalement decouverts par hasard dans cette sepulure (ill. 6 - a, 9, 10). Cette
tombe appartient а un personnage important d'ипе tribu qui se trouvait dans la dependance de
l'Empirc romain.

6
% 4. M. Apakidze. Uk. Op., p. 123.
 YU. L. SHCHAPOVA

NEW MATERIALS FOR THE HISTORY OF MOSAICS

OF THE ASSUMPTION CATHEDRAL IN KYIV
The history of mosaics in ancient Russia is devoted to significant literature 1• Mosaics of
the Assumption Cathedral of the Kyiv Pechersk Lavra are close in time to the creation
of mosaics of Sofia of Kyiv and Mikhailovsky (Dmitrovsky) Cathedral. Mosaics of the
Siena Cathedral were not destined to take an honorable place in the history of Russian
art. They suffered from the earthquake of 1230, after 10 years the Tatars partially
destroyed the cathedral, after which the restoration of the XVII-XVIII centuries. all
mosaics were hidden, striking before with their greatness and beauty. To top it off, in
1941 the cathedral was blown up by Nazi invaders, and now only a pile of ruins rises
on the site of the cathedral. *
Despite its poor knowledge, the Siena Cathedral and its entire history became the
subject of acute controversy.
The chronicle code of 1073 and 1095 and the "Life of Theodosius" seemingly
impartially tell the story of the relationship between the monastery and the prince,
which preceded the construction of the cathedral. The history of the construction and
consecration of the cathedral is also very sparingly stated: "quickness is honored,"
"quickness is over" •
Other sources, especially the tales of Paterica, the history of the laying of the
cathedral, its construction and decoration tell colorfully, with everyday details,
interspersing the narrative with stories of "miracles" and "phenomena." "Pateric" * and
other sources' attribute an important role to the Greeks in all works; they tell about the
death of Greek masters "in manhood ."
M.K. Karger categorically disputes the active participation of the Byzantines in the
construction of the Siena Cathedral. İt is based on the text of the annalistic Code of
Nikon and "F {itia Theodosius," in which there is no mention of the invitation of foreign
masters, and considers other sources tendentious, which contain information about the
arrival of Greek masters, and equally considers the scientific positions of a number of
historians of ancient Russian art to be tendentious, "based on the analysis of these
sources .
1
V.N. Lazarev. Mosaics of Sofia of Kyiv. M., 1960. This book provides and analyzes in detail all
the literature devoted to mosaics and the ancient history of Russian art. İn connection with this topic,
many works by D.V. Ainalov and the main one among them - D. Ainalov deserve attention. Geschichte
der russischen Monumentalkunst der vormoskovitischen Zeit. Berlin - Leipzig, 1932; his. History of
Russian art, vol. İ. M., 1953, pp. 155-232; M. K. Karger. On the issue of interior decoration in Russian
architecture of the pre-Mongol period. "Proceedings of the All-Russian Academy of Arts," M.-L.,
1947, pp. 15-50; M. D. Priselkov. Essays on the church-political history of Kievan Rus of the X-Xİ
centuries. St. Petersburg , 1913.
2
The history of the Assumption Cathedral is described in detail by M.K. Karger (Ancient Kyiv,
11. M. - L., 1961, pp. 337-374). Here is the literature of the question, critically considered by the author
.
s The Tale of Bygone Years. Preparation of the text by D. S. Likhachev. M. - L., 4950, p. 131 .
Paterik of the Kyiv Pechersk Monastery. Ed. D.İ. Abramovich. С1Пб., 191.5 A. A.
Shakhmatov. Life of Anthony and the Pechersk Chronicle. LMNP, part
CCCXVI .
St. Petersburg, 1898, March, pp. 105-149. • M. Karger. Ancient Kyiv,
vol. İİ, pp. 344, 345 .
209
 İt is appropriate to recall that the chronicle does not report anything about the
invitation of foreign masters by Yaroslav (for Sofia), and there is a mention of the
masters invited to erect and decorate the Tithe Church. So the lack of information does
not prove anything yet. '
At the same time, there are also little studied materials that can help solve the
long-standing dispute over the origin of the decorators of the Assumption Cathedral.
We are talking about workshops for the manufacture of glass and smalt, opened and
studied by V. A. Bogusevich .
İn 1951, the Lavra expedition detachment < < Big NieV, "led by V. A. Bogusevich,
investigated a randomly opened complex of a glassmaking workshop. Excavations
revealed the remains of two glypobite structures, conventionally called mountains
(mountains No. 1 and 2). The mountains were accompanied by the finds of several
thousand pieces of unused glass mass, cut slabs, smalt blanks with the remains of
gilding, deformed fragments of vessels, pieces of hot glass (protective layer of gilded
smalt), fragments of finished vessels, glass stuck to clay, metal ingots, etc. *
The conditions for the occurrence of the complex, its stratigraphy, the mutual
location of the parts, the analysis of the accompanying material and the argument in
favor of assigning the remains of the workshop to the end of the Xİ century. detailed by
V. A. Bogusevich in a special article. M. N. Narger 9 agreed with this date, having
critically considered all the evidence. Later, V. A. Bogusevich supplemented the study
of the workshop in the Lavra with a comparison with the well-known glassmaking
workshops of pre-Mongol time *, "
The large production complex in Lavra cannot be compared either with the remains
of the production opened by V. A. Bogusevich on Podil, or with the remains of the
workshop in the Mikhailovsky Golden-Domed Monastery ', or even more so with the
materials from the excavations of Khvoyko that disappeared for science • Glass-
making workshop opened in Krushvitsa (Poland, XİIXİII centuries) °, is
also inferior to the Lavra (recently E. Olczak refused to consider these remnants of the
glassmaking workshop *).
According to V. A. Bogusevich, in the workshop in the Lavra, the stoves were two-
tier. " The glass in them was cooked at a temperature of 1250 ° in plows with a cut
whisk. İn similar pots, glass was cooked in a workshop on the estate of the former
Mikhailovsky Golden-Domed Monastery '"and in other workshops in the Middle
Ages."

7
A Tale of Bygone Years, p. 83.
8
V. A. Bogusevich. Workshops Xİ century. on the manufacture of glass İİ smalt in Kyiv.
KSIA AN OF THE UKRAİNİAN SSR, 3, 1954. All materials are stored in the funds of the İnstitute
of Archeology of the Academy of Sciences of the Ukrainian SSR (f. Exp., No. 1184). İ am very
grateful to the management and employees of the İnstitute of Archaeologists of the Academy of
Sciences of the Ukrainian SSR for the assistance of mopms to work, assistance and participation .
9
M. K. Karger. Ancient Kyiv, vol. İ, p. 405.
10
V. A. Bogusevich. Before icmopi ~ the sclerobic vyrobpitztva in Knivsky Pyci. Narisi z
iucmopi ~ technikp, vip. 4. Ki ~ in, 1957, pp. 134-144.
1 M.K. Karger. Ancient Kpev, vol. İ, p. 304.
12
V.V. Khvoyko. Ancient inhabitants of the Middle Dnieper region and their culture in
prehistoric times. Kyiv, 1913; G.F. Korzukhina. New evidence about the excavations of V.V.
Khvoyko on the Petrovsky estate in Kyiv. SA, XXV, 1956.
13
W. Hensel, А. Cofta. Badania archeo]ogiczne w kruszwicy w roku 1952. Przeglad Zachodni,
№ 4/5. Poznan, 1953; A. Cofta. Badania archeologiczne w Kruszwicy w roku 1953. Przeglad
Zachodni, № 1/2. Poznan, 1954; L. Leciejewicz. Odkrycie wczesnosredniowiecznej huty szklanej w
Kruszwicy. «Dawna Kultura», № 1, 1954; A. Cofta. Sprawozdanie z prac wykopaliskowych w
Kruszwicy w latach 1953-1954. Sprawozdania archeologiczne, t. I. Wroclaw, 1955; J. Olczak. Z
dziejow szklarstwa па ziemiach polskich. «Szklo i ceramika», 1957, 5; E. Olchak. Production of
glass rings in the Slavic territory in the Middle Ages. SA, 1959. 3.
1
4 J. Olczak. Wytworczosc szklarska na terenie Polski we wczesnvm sredniowieczu.
Wroclaw - Warszawa - Krakow, 1969, str. 95-106. •
15
V. A. Bogusevich. Workshops Xİ century, p. 19.
in M. K. Karger. Uk. Op. p. 404, Fig. 93.
17
R. Chambon. Esquisse de l'@volution morphologique des creusets de verrerie, de
210
 '

..
:,:;
'
s3 F
M. A. t::Bezborodov carried outsubject
a chemical and technological
Passport • Quality study of glasses found
results

--
---- o; Description of the
t:: abo
% in 2the mountains.
2& The glass from which the window and vessels were .... made
s3
was
assigned to the group of sodium-calcium-krempesem. M. A. Bezborodov About had s9 a chance
to observe a fragment of a pot in which the glass of two different compositions was
1 321 22 Piece of glass
sequentially cooked. unfortunately, this Horn author'sNo. 1
observation 507
is not4 confirmed 4
by
2 reference
321 to
23 assayBase numbers.
of the smaltFrom cube the description [Go given in the 512book, it -6 follows7 that a
3 321of dark-green
24 Protective coating layer At 512 7time the
layer glass was adjacent to the walls
)
of the pot, while the second
4 pot322
was used 1 toSmalt
cookgilded glass that was chemically» less stable: the424 upper layer - was-unbaked
5 322 2 Zeleporo Vessel Fragment 429 - -
6 and322cracked. 3 "Shard of glass
))
34 4 5
7 Old Russian
322 4 Smalt glassmakers
colorless brewed lead-silica
))
glass with or 34 without - alkali-- 19• This
)
8 322 that5 sodium-calcium-krempesem
means blue glassq was not used33in the practice
))
4 4 of Old
9 322 6 A piece of greenish stack- 429 - 7
Russian glassmakers. la
Having established that ash-lime-sand glass was brewed in the
10 workshop,
322 M.
7 A. Bezborodov,
"colorless vessel unfortunately, ))
did not draw the
429 necessary
- conclusions
7
11 about
322 the origin
8 Shard of glassmakers.
of clear glass On the contrary, 3B-HZ
he claims that: 856 this is 4an Old4Russian
12 322
workshop 9 Glass
This statement alloy is used to prove the B NO.essentially
-C 856-857
erroneous idea 5 of 5 Russian
13 322 10 Smalt colorless Horn No. 1 763 21 - 7
44 production
322 11of glasswaregreenish
)) from such glass painted Same with: enamels 30 • İn-reality, 7 all this
15 glassware
322 comes
12 from
Shard of flat East or from Byzantium 22•
the glass ))
193 5 7
16 İn this13regard,
322 Glassthe ingottasks of the work were
))
at
determined: it 32 was required - by
-7 a large
17 322 of14studies
number Smalttocolorless
establish the connection of open compositions
))
429 with- already known
18 322 15 Glass shard transparent 31 4 5
19 ones322 (in finished
16 Smalt colorless products and semi-finished
Horn No. 2products); determine,
87 4 based 5 on the
20 chemical
322 composition
24 Shard of flat glass of the glass, the origin
Horn No. 1of the craftsmen;32 establish
6 a
- mutual
21 323
relationship 3 of Yellowish
features; vessel try tofragment Same
present the relationship between 459masters7and piti7 a place
22 323open workshop
4 Same in the history of ancient Russian at 430 7 7
23
of an
323 5 Vessel debris ) glassmaking.
507 7 7
24 İn the archaeological
323 6 Shard of glasslaboratory of Moscow )) University, fragments
31 5 of glasses,
5 five
25 vitreous
323 coatings7 on crucibles, bricks and clay)) coating were examined
Same 36 (see
4 Appendix).6
26 323 8 Vessel
The chemical debris
composition of the examined glasses is far89from homogeneous. 4 4 11
))
27 323 9 greenish 39 were-established. 7
28
29
different
323
times
variants
10
323glass11of type
Same of
Fragment
the
K - Na
two main
of a-vessel
Ca - Mg
formulations' (on
.
89
with - Si, 25 times - K - PA - Si,
samples)
567
57016 times -
7 7
- K - 7Na - PA
26

30 - Si, 8 times1 - K
329 - Na -kaMg
Zarotov: - Ca - Si. 4 times
smalt - KNo.
Horn -Na1 - Mg 432 - Ca PY - Si, 6 5 times PB -
31 Si, 329
once glass 2 types
Same)) Na - Ca - Mg- Si, K - Ca - Mg - Si, K - b/%
Ca
)) - Mg -5PB-Si,-7 K-Mg -
32 329 3 4 6
33 Ca 329
- PB-Si,4PB-Ca-Mg-Si >) at
5 7
34 İt was experimentally
329 5 ))
established, and then theoretically justified, that ))
4 in the 5 middle
vein329the composition of the glass and the place of its manufacture were in a 7known
)) ))
35 6
))
5
at
36 329 7
connection. For example, glass of the Na - K - Ca - Si type in all versions
)) ))
7 7 can be
37 329 8 5 7
38 associated
329 with
9
))the activities of Byzantine, Middle Eastern, Bulgarian,
At 5 Central6 Asian
39 workshops.
329 10 Glass of
Smalt debris type K - R - Si distinguishes
Horn No. 2 the products
b ,/\% of ancient
4 6Russian
)
40 workshops.
329 11TheSame basic
)
composition of the K-Sa-Si type was used
At
in the4 workshops
5 of
41 329 Europe
Western 12
from the Xİ century. 7 -
42 329 13 )) ))
4 8
43 329 14 ) y
)) •At 4 6
44 329 15 4 5
45 329 16 ))

))
))
4 5
))
46 329 17 ) ))
4 4
47 329 18 7
48 329 19 Piece of slag № 511 4 5 -
49 329 20 Same No 511 4 5
50 I'antiquite
330 а 24 la Henaissance.
Alloy ste: kla«Annales du Ier Congres des Journbes Intenationales
№ 507 du4Verre».5Liege,
51 1958,
330р. 115-118, fig. 24.of smalt
1 Pieces Horn No. 1 507 4 -
1
52 330 in M. A.2Bezborodov.
Same Glassmaking in ancient Russia. Minsk, 1956, pp. 122-1244 . -
19
53 330M. A. Bezborodov.
3 At Chemistry and technology of ancient and medieval glass . 4 5
54 Minsk,
330 1969;4Yu. L. Shchapova. Glass of Kievan Rus. M., 1972
))
4 5
55 20
330 M. A. Bezborodov.
5 ))
Glassmaking.., Table 16, a. 75, 88, p. 155. 4 6
21 ))
56 330B. A. Shelkovnikov.
6 ))
Russian glass of pre-Mongol time, painted with enamels.4 SA, 1965, 5 1, pp.
57 208,330
216-217;7 his. Russian art glass. L., 4969. pp. 20-40; В. А. Shelkovnikov. Russian
4 Glass 6from 11th
))
58 to 17th
330 centнry. 8 Joнrnal 7 by B.
of Glass Studies, vol. 8, 1966 (see also rec. M. Dekuvny on this article
59 A. Shelnovpnkov
330 9 in the ))
journal Archeolopia Polski, t. XVI, 1969, str. 504-514). - 7 -
60 22
10
330F. D. Gurevich,
))

)
R. M. Dzhanpoladyan, M. V. Malevskaya. Eastern glass in ancient 4 5
Russia. L.,
61 1968330. 11 4 5
62 330
23
İn the12future,))))such conditionally abbreviated naming of glass classes will often 4 occur:5 Na-Ca-
63 Si, K-RI-Si,
330 13
which corresponds to the chemical formula t Na "O • p Ca0 p Si0, or t K" 4 0 • p RIE
5 p Si0.
results 14
))
64 " The
330 of the analyses are shown in Tables 4 5

211
 1
1
spectral analysis Application
s3 b60 1 ::,
with: abo
2 E with: with ab ::, 5[8

--
f
H :> <4

-
u 4 ab ab ab p,
z. < u 2 2 9 s2 s2 Sh
ou
5 3 3 2 4 7 5 4 -- 2 6 5 5 7 5 - - 3 5
5 2 6 5 5 7 5 -- 4 5 5 6 7 5 5 3
5 2 4 5 5
- 6 5 - 3 5 4 6 5 5
-- - 4 3 4
2 4 4 5
- 6 5 - 4 4 5 5 6 4
about - 4 3
-7 4 6 5 5
- 5 4 7 4 4 3 5 4 6
-7 - 4 2
5 2 3 3 4
-7 5 4 2 4 4 4 5 5
- 3 4 4
5 2 5 5 5 - 7 4
- 4 5 5 5 6 4
-- with - 4 3
5 4 3 3 4 4 5 4
--
- 2 5 4 5 6 5
-- 3 5
-
5 4 6 5 5 - 5 4 6 4 4 3 5 4 6 6 - 5 2
5 2 7 5 5 - 7 5 - 5 5 5 6 - 6 - N - 5 3
5 2 3 3 4 7 6 4 - 4 7 5 6 7 4 - 3 6
6 6 5 3 4 - 6 4 - 6 5 5 6 7 5 - - 4 3
5 5 7 5 5 6 4 - 5 4 4 6 5 6 - About 5 2
5 4 4 5 5
-7 5 4 6 4 4 3 5 4 5 7
-- 4 2
5 2 3 4 4 6 5 5 63 5 4 5 5 5 - - 4 3
5 2 7 5 6 7 6 - 5 5 5 6 7 5 -- 5 3
6 4 6 5 5
-- 6 4 7 4 4 3 6 4 6 6 In
- 5 2
5 3 3 4 4 - 6 5 - 2 7 5 5 7 5 -
-- 3 5
5 3 3 4 4 6 6 5 - 2 7 5 5 6 5 - - 3 4 4
5 2 4 5 5 - 6 6 5 3 5 3 6 4 5 7 - 4 3
5 2 6 5 5 - 7 4 4 5 5 6 5 5 - And 4 2
5 2 7 5 5 - 7 5
--5 5 5 6 5 -
-
-- 5 2
5 2 7 5 5 - 7 5 - 5 4 5 6 -7 5 - - 4 2
5 2 5 4 4 - 7 4 - 5 5 5 5 -- 4 -- 7 4 3
5 3 3 4 4 7 5 4 - 62 7 5 5 7 5 - -- 3 5
6 3 5 3 4 - 6 4 5 5 4 7 5 -- 4 3
5 3 4 5 5 5 4
- 6 4 4 3 5 4 5 5 7 4 2
5 2 5 5 5 -
- 7 4 - 4 5 5 5 6 5 -- 7 4 2
5 2 6 5 5 7 4 5 5 5 6 7 6 5 3
5 2 3 4 5 - b 5
-7 3 4 4 5 4 4 - - 4 2
5 2 3 4 5
- 6 b 7 3 4 4 5 4 4
- - 4 2
5 2 3 4 4
- 6 5 7 2 4 4 5 5 5
- - 4 2
5 2 3 4 4
- 6 5 7 3 4 4 5 5 5 -- - 4 2
5 3 3 3 4 -6 5 5 - 2 7 5 5 7 5
-5- 3 5
5 2 3 5 5 7 6 7 3 5 4 5 5 4
-. 6- 4 2
6 2 5 5 5
- 6 6 6 4 4 4 6 5 4 7 4 3 7
5 2 3 5 5
- 6 6 6 3 4 4 6 5 4 -
- 4 2
5 2 3 5 5
- 5 4 6 4 4 3 5 5 4 7 - 4 3
5 3 3 4 4
-75 4 2 6 5 5 7 5 -
- 3 5
5 3 3 3 4 7 5 4 - - 6
5 2 4 5 5 -- 6 5
-5 32 4
4
5 5
5
5
4
5
5
-
6
- 3
4
4
2 4
5 3 3 4 4 7 5 5
h5 7 --
- 3
5 3 3 4 4 7 5 5
- 2 2
4
6 5
5
5 7
5
5 -
-
5- 3
5
5
5 3 3 4 4 7 5 5
- 2 6 5 5 7 5 - - 3 5
5 3 3 3 4 7 5 5
- 2 6 5 5 7 5 - - 3 5
5 3 3 3 4 7 5 4 -
- 2 6 5 5 7 5 -- -- 3 5
5 2 6 5 5 5 7 4 5 5 5 5 -- 4 -- 4 2
4 4 3 3 3 7 _5 4
- 5 7 5 4 -- 6 -- - 3 5
5 2 3 4 4 4 6
-6 4 4 4 5 5 5 -- 4 3
5 3 3 3 4 7
-6 4 2 7 5 5 7 5 -
-
3 5
5 2 3 3 4 7 5 -
4 -- 2 7 5 5 7 5 _____-
-
_____-
3 5 4
5 2 3 3 4 7 5 5 - 2 4 5 5 7 5 - - 3 5
5 2 3 3 4 7 5 4 2 7 5 5 7 5 - 3 5
5 3 3 3 4 7 5 5 -2 7 5 5 7 5 -
-
-- 3 5
5 3 3 4 4 7 5 5 -2 7 5 5 7 5 - - 3 5
5 3 3 4 4 6 5 -
5 - 2 7 5 5 7 5 - -- 3 5
5 3 3 4 4 7 5 5 2 6 5 5 7 5 5 5
5 3 5 5 5 5 5 -
5 4 4 3 5 4 5
-6 4 2
5 2 5 5 5 - 5 5 6 4 4 3 5 4 4
- 3 3
3 3 3 -77 6
-- -
5 4 5 5 - 22 5 5 7 5 - 3 5
5 3 3 3 4 5 5 - 5 5 5 7 5 - - 3 5
5 3 3 3 4 7 5 5 - 2 5 5 5 -7 5 - - 3 5
5 3 3 3 4 7 5 5 - 2 6 5 5 5 - - 3 5
5 3 3 3 4 7 5 5
- 2 6 5 5 7 5 - - 3 5

21
2
 '
' ,

- - 28--
s3
t;
----s- ;:; Description of the subject Passport

..
s5

% % joint A9
venture
1
65 330 15 Pieces of smalt 1 4 4
66 330 16 ,)
4 5
67 330 17 )
-4 7
68 330 18 )
6
69 331 1 Pieces of glass № 431 7 -
70 331 2 Same 6 -
71 331 3 ►)
7 -
72 331 4 )
5 -
73 331 5 )
- -
74 331 6 ))
7 -
75 331 7 1►
4 6
76 331 8 )
- 7
77 331 9 )
4 5
78 331 10 )
- 7
79 331 11 ) 6 -
80 331 13 1)
5 7
81 331 14 1)
- -7
82 331 15 )
-
83 331 16 )
-5 -
84 331 17 1)
7
85 331 18 ►)
-425 4 6
86 331 19 )
4 6
87 331 20 )
4 5
88 331 21 )
4 5
89 331 1 22 >) 4 5

213
 s1 cd abo sd b. 2 86o 2
from wit abo .a a
abo
ut . h ut
ut bContinuation
o
With
a E < a $-> Abo 5 fro
4 3 • z '2 :E E

-
2 0 Rh And < f
p ut
m.
~
5 3 3 3 4 7 5 4 - 2 6 5 5 7 5 - - h 6
5 3 3 4 4 7 5 5 - 2 6 5 5 5 8 5
5 3 5 5 5 5 4 5 5 4 3 6
-·
4 5 -6 - 5 2
5 3 3 4 4 -7 5 5 -5 2 6 5 5 - 5 - 3 5
5 2 3 4 5 -- 6 6 3 5 3 5 4 4 -6 -- 4 2
5 2 3 4 5 6 6 6 3 5 3 5 4 4 - - 4 2
5 2 4 4 5 - 6 6 7 3 5 4 5 4 4 -, - 4 2
5 2 4 4 5 - 5 5 5 3 4 3 5 4 4 6 - 4 2
5 2 7 5 5 - 7 5 4 4 5 5 6 4 - 4 2
-
-

6 2 6 5 5 -4 7 5 - 4 4 5 5 5 5 4 -- 4 2
5 3 3 4 4 4 4 6 2 4 3 4 4 4 6 3 3 6
6 2 7 5 5 -5 7 4 -6 5 5 5 5 6 4 - 4 3
5 2 3 4 4 5 4 3 5 4 4 4 4 -
- - 3 3
5 2 6 5 5 -6 7 4 - 4 5 5 6 6 4 - about -- 4 2
5 2 4 5 5 6 5 7 3 5 4 5 4 4 - 4 2
4 2 3 4 4 5 5 5 6 3 4 3 5 4 5 -- with -- 3 2 5
5 2 7 5 6 - 7 6 - 4 5 5 5 6 5 5 2
5 2 5 5 6 -- 7 5 5 6 5 6 6 5
6 2 7 5 6 -- 7 6
- 4 5 5 6 5 5
- II -
-
4
5
3
2
5 2 4 4 5 - 5 6
-6 3 4 3 5 4 5
-6
5 3 3 3 4 7 5 5 - 2 7 5 5 7 5
about - 4
3
3
5
- in -
-

5 3 3 3 4 7 5 5 - 2 6 5 5 7 5 3 5
5 3 3 3 4 7 5 5 -- 2 7 5 5 7 5 -
- And - 3 5
5 3 3 3 4 7 5 5 - 2 6 5 5 7 5 - - 3 5
5 3 3 3 4 6 5 5 - 2 7 5 5 7 5 -- -- 3 5

\
1

İn the Lavra, all the1 compositions, the origin of which seemed so certain, were met
together, in one master, and accompany the collapse of both horns. Consequently, it is
necessary to solve a difficult 1 problem, from the conditions of which it is known that
the workshop
glass was createdofon
is a combination the alkaline
both territoryelements
of the Kyiv Pechersky
- sodium and Monastery
potassium. in
İt the
acts80s
as a
ofconsequence
the Xİ century, of thethatuse the remains of
of solonchak ashthe'. production of smalt
The considered andofglassware
feature were
the composition
metwasinnoted
the collapse
earlier forofdishes,
i the workshop,
bracelets that glass of
and beads, thevarious compositions
production of which iswent to the
presumably
manufacture
related to of all products - during the study: only a small part of the material
registered
elk at the11 compositions
expense of Greek. craftsmen
Consider in
who settled in Kyiv detail each
/ of the 11 formulations .
Glass of type 1 *a-Ca-Mg-Si
K-N
"
is more common than others. Smalt was made from
\ this
glass
Materials from the glassmaking
workshop confirm- I the initial hypothesisutensils (an. 331 : : 22; 330:3, 5, 13), thin flat
glass (an.
protective
in terms of
0
322 : 3,8; 329
coating (an. the
determining
: 5; 330:2),
329:place: 11; of
330:4), many fragments, trimmings, shapeless
alloys (an. 331:

, glass of
workshops.
2
20, 21;
this 7
production. İndeed, K-Na-Ca-MgSi
: glass
18, 19,was made
group
The
330:in 1,one
is 7
6, 7,of10,the
colorless
3 craftsmen
with
11,Kyiv
who worked a
12, 14, 15, 16, 24; 329: 17; 321: 22). Almost all
bluish, yellowish or greenish tint. All glasses in
their
in this workshop used imported raw which should discolor the glass. İn most
composition have manganese oxide,
l\/
-
cases, contaminants
materials and couldare be very
Greeks,small in this glass. Good glass: quality, no bubbles, poor
however,
quality.
for the final solution of the issue, in the production of ste: kla and products
All this testifies to good traditions
from
and
it .
additional materials must be
considered.are careful. 'İpo prepare raw materials, know the technique of discoloration
Masters

7 of glass,
in321:23;
many techniques
25 samples
the manufacture
7(out of 88)
of
of its- processing:
gilded
322:1, 4; 329:7, 9), so-
pieces of utensils are
smalt (p. casting, gilding, blowing, which were used
resin protective layer and utensils. Unfortunately, the
! 2very unspeakable. 11 and 1. only the walls. Nevertheless, it is
obvious l. a
that the fragments of vessels of the forms already known to us, brought by V.
A. Bogusevich •.bİnterterranean peculiarity of zto -
2

8 and
2
4 V. A. Bogusevich. Uk. Op., pp. 18, Fig. 3, 2-6.

\ !\]
b
Fig. 1. Fragments
 glassware from excavations in a workshop in the
Kyiv Pechersk Lavra

5 J L. Szczapowa. Zasady interpretacji analiz sk adu szkie' zabytkowych. Archeologia Polski, t.

XVIII, 2z. 1,
str. 22-28.
6 Yu. L. Shchapova. Old Russian glass products as a source on the history of Russian-Byzantine
relations of the Xİ- Xİİ centuries. BB, XİX, p. 65-75 .

21

5
 courts (an. 322:7; 323:3, 4, 5, 8, 10, 11), glass fragments and ingots (an. 322:13; 323:6;
329:18, 20; 330:8, 17; 331:6, 8, 10, 11, 14, 15, 16) - had a completely different
composition: this is potassium-lead-silica glass, the same one that distinguishes the
products of ancient Russian, mainly Kyiv, workshops of pre-Mongolian time '
Fragments of glass vessels, despite the fact that these are only walls, are quite
expressive. İn all likelihood, these vessels were in the form of wide-open cups. The
corollas of these cups have a sharp profile inside and outside (Fig. 1, 1), the walls
are decorated with false threads, sometimes purple Yush turquoise, and sometimes
monochromatic with the body of the vessel (Fig. 1, 2).
The fragment of one potassium-lead-silica glass vessel deserves special attention
(Fig. 1, 3 - No. 39, An. 323 : 9). This is a corolla of a semi-closed vessel with a
yellow roller. The green glass of the Lavra vessel is painted with copper oxide, the
roller is made of yellow opaque glass. A similar vessel in shape was found in Novgorod
*. " The absolute typological similarity of both vessels gave rise to the assumption that
they were made in a workshop in the Lavra. However, the chronological break of the
finds in half a century, noted earlier, was unexpectedly supplemented by a difference in
the composition of the glass. " The statement that both grades of glass were made in a
workshop in the Lavra must be removed, leaving the assumption of the Kyiv origin of
the entire group of vessels of the Kyiv-Greek production conditionally named by us .
Russian-made potassium-lead-silica glass, even unpainted, has a yellowish tint,
sometimes very bright. No discolourants were ever introduced into these glasses that
could neutralize the coloring properties of lead oxide. The whole mass of glasses of
this composition from the Lavra workshop obeys the general rule, only in two glasses
of this group (an. 329:9, 48) manganese oxide is present. Perhaps this is an attempt to
use manganese oxide as a bleach or a defect in the production of purple glass. Now
these fragments have a greenish tint. The raw materials used to make the K-PE-Si
glass are always well purified, as evidenced by the low content of microimpurities.
So, if we recognize the mutual connection between the compositions of glass and
the origin of the masters, then the above leads to the conclusion that the Gorns
discovered in the Lavra had different masters. Odpi masters were Russian and others
foreign .
Since such a decision has been made, it is appropriate to compare and identify the
features of both compositions .
"Greek" glass (Na-K-Ca-Mg-Si) refers to a group of glasses from a triple charge,
the production of which is based on the scheme: ash - lime - sand. Manganese oxide is
constantly present in this glass (in all tested samples without exception), which plays
the role of a physical bleach. By introducing manganese oxide, the craftsmen sought to
neutralize the coloring properties of chromium, iron, titanium present in the raw
material in the oxide state.
Old Russian potassium-lead-silica glass also belongs to the group of glasses from a
triple charge, this glass belongs to the type of crystal. İn ancient Russian unpainted
glasses, bleaching agents are practically never found that could neutralize the coloring
properties of lead, iron, chromium, titanium.

2
1 M.A. Bezborodov. Glassmaking...; his. Chemistry and technology of ancient and medieval
glass; Yu. L. Shchapova. Glass of Kievan Rus.
2
in Yu. L. Shchapova. Glass products of ancient Novgorod..., p. 124, Fig. 8, 9; her. Old Russian
glass products..., pp. 62, 63, Fig. 1, 2,
29
The Novgorod vessel is made of sodium-potassium-calcium-magnesium-silica glass (an. 102;
5, 15).
216
 İf we compare the properties of the main chemical composition of the glasses
under consideration, it turns out that there are not so many similarities between them:
Element Group
N a K Ca Mg Si Mn One
To Si RH Second

There are only two common features in both cases, the relationship coefficient
between the groups is 0.22. İf the origin of Si is associated with the use of sand, which
can be obtained unrestricted in place, in the immediate vicinity of Kyiv, then the origin
of potassium is different. İ {alium in some glasses is genetically associated with ash of
continental plants, and in others - salt marshes, which was a source of alkaline raw
materials for glasses of the first group. This raw material had to be taken to Kyiv.
Despite the formal similarity of some of the features, the main compositions are
essentially fundamentally different, and this is very significant .
We are faced with the task of dividing into the same groups all other glasses, the
compositions of which do not occupy extreme positions and in which the production
traditions are not so pronounced.
16 times there was a glass, the composition of which should be assigned to the
group of sodium-potassium-lead-silica glasses -Na-K-P Si (an. 321 : 24; 322:
12,24; 329:1-4, 6, 8, 12; 331:1-5, 17).
Part of the glasses (an. 321 : 24; 322: 24; 329: 12; 331: 3-5, 17) differs from the
main composition of Russian glasses only in that instead of one calyl in them a
combination of alkalis - Na and K, imported ash was used instead of potash. There is no
manganese in any such glass, this circumstance increases the similarity of the glasses
under consideration with the Russians. The use of Na-K-P-Si glass without manganese
in the manufacture of gilded smalt (İnventory No. 512): the bulk of the smalt cube is
made of typically Russian glass (K - R - Si, an. 321:23), and the layer of glass that
covered the gold foil was made of Na-K-Pb-Si glass .
As part of nine other glasses (an. 322: 12; 329:1-4, 6, 8; 331: 1.2) manganese oxide
is present, which acts as a bleach in flat glass (an. 322:12), smalt blanks (329: 1-4, 6, 8),
glass pieces (331:1, 2). The considered ones differ from the compositions of Russian
glasses by the presence of sodium and manganese oxides, it is they that strengthen the
connection of this part of the glasses with Greek glasses.
Thus, a group of glasses of the same basic composition can be dismembered taking
into account additional features. This fact can no longer confirm the necessity and
significance of information about the chemical composition of ancient glasses. İt is
remarkable that glass of this composition (in both versions) occurs not only in the form
of products or production waste, but also in the form of large blocks of glass that make
up the scrap of the glass mass itself. The volume of such blocks is often more than 500
cm ', more often 300-200 cm * and less. The glass is brown, gray-brown, dirty-gray in
small fragments surprisingly resembles flint chips. İt is possible that due to violations of
the technological regime, a large portion of glass went into marriage. Judging by the
number of marriages, such violations were not uncommon; unfortunately, the nature of
the violations themselves: it is quite difficult to determine .
Quite often (7 times on 88 observations) glass of the K- Na - Mg - Ca - Si type is
found, which distinguishes a different ratio of Md and Ca from the most common glass
of the "Greek type." The new ratio may be due to the use of a different grade of alkaline
earth (lime) raw materials. The investigated debris belongs to smalt cubes (an. 322:15,
16), thin sheets of protective glass (an. 323:7), sometimes gilded (an. 329:13), and glass
trimmings (an. 329 : 10, 14, 45; 330 : 18). The use of new glass did not entail in this
case, as in a number of similar, noticeable changes in the decorative properties of glass.
It
21
7
still clear, pure, at the expense of manganese oxide, and shiny. On the surface of some
samples traces of rainbow running.
Five times there was lead-silica glass. The collection contains quite a lot of
fragments of open funnel-shaped green vessels (Fig. 1.4-6) and vessels with a flat
bottom (Fig. 1.7-8). The composition of only a smaller part of the finds (an. 322 2, 6,
10, 11, 14). These are very small fragments of corollas with a roller sharply bent
outwards and a slight swelling of the edge on the inside. Sometimes on the walls there
are rollers that are the same in color with the vessel itself. Vessels in shape and
decoration are very close to Old Russian dishes of potassium-lead-silica glass. İt should
be remembered that lead-silica glass was very rarely used for the manufacture of
dishes, one vessel was found in Kyiv, "the other in Novgorod in the 20th tier, dating
from the beginning of the XII century. (1116-1134). İn other cities, dishes of this type
are practically not found .
İt is wonderful that unused pieces of green and yellow smalt in the workshop
complex are much less common than pieces and trimmings of castings for gilded smalt.
İn all likelihood, most of the waste from the production of deaf colored smalt was
disposed of in the manufacture of small jewelry: inserts in rings, beads, rings
themselves.
Lead-silica glass was the first that Old Russian craftsmen mastered in production at
the beginning of the Xİ century. Small jewelry was made from this glass, then it began
to be used as glazes on ceramics, irrigation tiles, even later the glassmakers of
Novgorod, Polotsk and Smolensk began to make bracelets from them.
Four times there was glass, the composition of which combines the signs of both
main groups. This is Na-K-M g Ca-PE-Si glass containing manganese (an. 322: 3; 331:
7, 9, 13). The latter circumstance allows us to classify these glasses as a group of Greek
rather than Old Russian.
İn addition, five more glasses of five different compositions were met.
1. Glass Na - Ca - Mg - Si (an. 322:5) is a classic example of glass welded from a
mixture of soda, lime and sand. The glass is painted blue with cobalt oxide and pre-
bleached with manganese oxide. Smalts similar in composition were used in Sofia of
Kyiv and Constantinople, "the same smalt composition was found during the analysis
of ruip U speps: who is the cathedral. This glass in the form of ready-made mosaic
cubes could be brought from Byzantium, just as the mosaic was transported to Russia
and to other straps. "
2. Glass K-Ca-Mg- Si (an. 322:8) is a transparent fragment containing manganese
oxide. A similar class of glass was made at the same time in Western European
glassmaking workshops with the Xİ century. However, there is no reason to bring the
Kyiv and Western European glass closer together, especially since the latter are
characterized by stable phosphorus oxide, which is not in the glass of Kyiv.
3. Glass K - Mg - Ca - PE - Si (an. 330:9) differs in composition from the typical Old
Russian by the presence of alkaline lands. As usual in Old Russian glass, this also does
not contain decolorizing manganese oxide. 4. Glass of type K - Ca -Mg - PB-Si (329:5)
differs from the above-mentioned by another type of lime raw material.
5. PE-Ca-Mg-Si type glass (an. 322:9) differs from conventional lead-crescent glass
by the presence of alkaline earth compounds.

zo, '1 '/. A. Bezborodov. Glassmaking..., Table 34, an. 155, p. 223.
z1 Yu. L. Shchapova. Glass products of ancient Novgorod..., p. 131, Fig. U; Appendix 2, an. 97 :
9.
w. 2Neumann. AntikeGliser. Zeitschrift fiir angewante Chemie, 1925, ап. № 68. for J, Philippe. Le monde
byzantin dans l'histoire de la verrerie. Bologna, 1970. p. 26-28.
218
 An arbitrarily taken sample can be considered as part of a general population, the
latter needs to s·chitat the entire complex of finds. İt is quite obvious that the sample is
very small and the possible fluctuations (confidence intervals) of the results obtained are
quite wide. Nevertheless, this volume of research can be limited by establishing the
most general characteristic of the complex .
İt follows from the above analyzes that all chemical compositions of glasses can be
divided into two groups, in each of which the samples have a certain set of features that
allow separating Old Russian glass from glasses that are not similar to them .
The group of Old Russian glasses is composed of the following types of glasses :
К - РУ - Si - 25 copies, К - Na - PP - Si -7, K- Mg- Ca - PP - Si - 1, K - Ca - Mg - PP -
Si - 1 copy, total 34 samples, which is 38.5% of the total, and in confidence intervals it
is 27-48, that is, a quarter, no more than half of all products in the Jiauri workshop were
made of glasses of Russian compositions and, therefore, Russian craftsmen.
This, apparently, should include six more lead-silica glasses, which themselves
make up about 7%, and in confidence intervals 3-14, that is, lead-silica smalt made up a
noticeable part of the total composition.
Almost 53% of the material studied is glass, the production of which is based on the
so-called antique recipe: these are glasses Na-Ca-MgSi-1, K-Na-Ca- Mg-Si-26, K-Na-
Mg Ca-8i-8; K-Na-R-Si-9, K-Ca-Mg-Si-1 copies, total 45 samples (range of fluctuations
in the proportion of these glasses 43-63). İn other words, from half to two-thirds of all
glasses in the workshop are made according to the "ancient" recipe by Greek masters.
Now it is appropriate to check whether this is true, since the glasses of this
composition were made not only by the Greeks, but also by the Bulgarians, as well as
other parodies that inhabited the Muslim East and Central Asia .
The last two areas must be excluded, since the masters must be Orthodox Christians.
The search path, taking into account this condition, narrows. We can name only two
countries that were quite close to Russia and where the temples were decorated with
mosaics. These are Byzantium and Bulgaria. The connection of the Pechersk Monastery
with Constantinople, Athos and Bulgaria closely connected with it is undoubted,. _ As
for glass, the main composition of Byzantine and Bulgarian glasses is almost the same.
At the same time, the latter have a known specificity - an increased content of
manganese oxide • There is no such feature in Lavra glasses. True, this specificity is not
always expressed, and among the Bulgarian glasses there are samples in which there is
little manganese. However, the high manganese content of the Lavra glasses studied has
never been seen. İt is this circumstance that allows them to be brought closer together
more with Byzantine than Bulgarian glasses .
İt turns out that the production of mosaics for the Assumption Cathedral in the Lavra
was carried out by different masters: the Greeks and the Russians themselves. What
connection existed between the masters is difficult to say. The remains of the crucible, in
which the unbaked glass makes up the upper layer, could indicate a consistent change
of Greek masters by the Russians. This is a very eloquent testimony, but it is the only
one, and this is his

z%History of Russian art, vol. 1. M., 1953, p. 202.

z5M. A. Bezbaradau and M. R. Marynau. Ximika-tehnalagichnae daslavavannya scale with the effort of
nabalgarskix stalits Pliski and Preslav (İX-XİII art.). Veszi Akademii navuk Belaruskai SSR. Gray fizika-
tehnichniki navuk. Minsk, 1958, 4, p. 79; M. Bezborodov and M. Marinov. Vyrhu is removed to the ancient
Bulgarian building from Plyaska and Preslav (İX-XİII centuries). News at the Chemical İnstitute, vol. VIİ. Sofia,
1959, pp. 15-18; M. A. Bezborodov. Chemistry and Technology of Ancient and Medieval Glass, Appendix, an. №
473, 474, 478, 495, 503, 591.
21

9
a significant drawback. Due to this, it is impossible to talk about the consistent change
of some masters by others.
İt has been shown above that a whole series of glasses, so-called antique, contain
lead oxide in their composition. Lead oxide is found as an integral part in many glasses
of the İ millennium. These are usually Middle Eastern colored (yellow, red, green)
translucent or opaque glasses and enamels. Here, unpainted and transparent glass is
two deviations from the rule at once, since lead is never found in transparent glasses of
this recipe. The introduction of lead has changed some of the decorative and
technological properties. The glass has become brighter, shiny, more fusible and "long"
(retains plasticity for longer, that is, it can be treated for longer). The last two qualities
of pe were of serious importance in the presence of good pitches and qualified
craftsmen. İmproving the decorative qualities of the smalt could undoubtedly attract
the attention of the main decoramosaichist. Otherwise, it is difficult to explain the huge
amounts of such glass that has gone into marriage. İt is possible that the Greek masters
stubbornly achieved the best results .
The idea of introducing lead oxide into the main composition could be suggested
to the Greek master by the master Russian, since it was with alkaline lead glass that the
latter constantly dealt with.
By the 80s of the Xİ century. ancient Russian glassmaking developed so much that
it became an independent and noticeable phenomenon in the life of the Kyiv state. The
products of Kyiv glassmakers - beads, dishes, window glass - had become well known
in Russia by this time. And the Greeks, which seems natural, turned to the help of
Kyiv glassmakers. The contact was quite close and mutual. Famous Greek borrowings
from the technology of ancient Russian glassmakers are noted above .
Old Russian masters conducted multiple experiments on the use of the Greek
glassmaking formulation, it is more correct to say, the use of raw materials on which the
Greeks worked: lime, ash. Only as a result of those experiments could glass types
appear
K - N a - PP - Si, K - Mg Ca - Si, K - Mg - Ca - PP - Si, K - Ca - Mg- PP -
Si.
The introduction of alkaline lands into the K-RH-Si glass did not improve it in any
way and only constituted additional difficulties. Apparently, this is why K-P-Si type
glasses containing alkaline earths (calcium and magnesium oxides) are so rare.
The use of "Greek" ash turned out to be equally insignificant: there were a lot of
experiments on its use, and the practical result is small.
Greek glassmakers, without hiding the main technological techniques of glass
making, moreover, have long been known, kept a significant part of their knowledge
secret. This is particularly true of the glass discoloration technique. There is not a
single K-P-Si glass pzdelium in which manganese oxide is used as a bleach. The above
mentioned experiments (an. 329:9, 18) were unsuccessful: instead of colorless and
transparent, it turned out to be a cloudy gray glass, little suitable for business. Another
example characterizing Greek-Russian contacts is the history of blue glass production.
Russian glassmakers remained almost unknown cobalt oxide, which the Greeks
constantly used as a dye.
Thus, despite close contacts, the glassmakers of Russia and Byzantium remain
independent, faithful to their production traditions.
The materials cited above speak volumes. First of all, that the Assumption
Cathedral was decorated with mosaics made in the workshop
220
located nearby, where Greeks and Old Russian masters worked simultaneously or
sequentially. The participation of the latter was noticeable, significant and important. İf
during the decoration of Sofia of Kyiv, Old Russian masters performed insignificant or
unimportant areas of the general mosaic composition (Sevastian martyrs, ornaments ) * *,
then after 30 years, during the decoration of the Assumption Cathedral, they already
played a different role: Old Russian masters brewed not only the simplest, lead-silica
glass, but also more complex, potassium-lead-silica, and they made gilded smalt out of
it. The fact is eloquent and testifies to the fact that by this time Kyiv glassmakers had
become experienced craftsmen, their products had gained sufficient fame, popularity
and distribution. Among ancient Russian glassmakers, Greek craftsmen found
themselves the necessary and quite qualified help .
İt seems indisputable that the Greeks acted as the main master decorators in the
Assumption Cathedral, as well as in Sofia *. " They brought with them not only high
skill, skill and ready-made smalt, but also the necessary raw materials (ash, dyes, mainly
cobalt oxide), which could not be found in Kyiv. İn this regard, the legend of "Pateric"
"about the decoration of the Holy Virgin" looks quite plausible, however, only in the
part that tells about the arrival of the masters .
"Pateric" tells that four craftsmen arrived, and one merchant brought a mosaic.
Perhaps that was the case. On the spot, very close to the Assumption Cathedral,
mountains were built. You can think that first one, and then the second at a time when
the work was in full swing .
Four masters3, among 8whom was the main artist, mosaicist and smaltovar, "invited
themselves to help Kyiv glassmakers. At first, the latter, apparently, only helped, and
then they were entrusted with independent work. Under such conditions, fluctuations in
the ratios of the main components in the glass were allowed (within the limits of the
possible). Similar facts were observed earlier in the study of the mosaics of Sofia
Nievskaya "; the same facts opened the study of mosaics of St. Michael's Cathedral in
Kyiv.
İt is interesting to note that the variation of the main composition was stable
throughout the Xİ century. (Sofia, Uspensky and Mikhailovsky cathedrals). All this mass
of material is used by craftsmen who perform even a huge, but one set of works. All the
necessary smalt mass is made within one workshop, this is important to remember,
since all this characterizes the organization of smalt production in a certain way. İt is
likely that all this together directly depends on the glass production technology. The
glass was cooked in small pots in the turnings, and several pots were placed at the same
time. Already at the stage of preparation of the charge, the possibility of various
inaccuracies, experiments, often bold and often unsuccessful, arose. This follows one,
but very significant conclusion for a modern researcher of ancient glassmaking: the
absolute similarity of the chemical compositions of glass products can be a pure
accident, and the conclusion about the same origin of such products is a mistake. Such a
conclusion must be supported by other evidence.
The materials of the glassmaking workshop in Lavra characterize mainly the
production of gilded smalt. Colored smalt (or rather,
z6 V.N. Lazarev. Mosaics of Sofia of Kyiv, p. 153; V.İ. Levitskaya. On some issues of the production
of a set of mosaics of Kyiv Sofia. BB, XV, 170-184 .
z1 V.N. Lazarev. Mosaics of Sofia of Kyiv.
sv Paterik..., p. 5. İt was for four operations, according to Diocletian's Edict, that the entire
production process for making mosaics fell apart. Such a reasonable specialization was maintained in
the Middle Ages, but there is no direct evidence of this (V.N. Lazarev. Mosaics of Sofia Kyiv: new, pp.
152, 153 ).
· z9 We need to add a primer to our list. about M. A. Bezborodov.
Glassmaking..., Table 16.
22

1
painted) was produced here, apparently in small quantities (there is very little waste of
colored smalt). Maybe blue, gray, pink smalt could be brought from Byzantium. The
need for this smalt is not as great as in gilded, with which the entire background is laid
out.
Smalt red, yellow, green could successfully be prepared by Kyiv glassmakers in
their own workshops. The activities of Russian masters were limited mainly to the field
of preparation of decorative material, but this does not exclude the share of
participation in the withdrawal of the set. This is exactly what happened in Sofia * "a
few decades earlier, it was so, but on a much larger scale it was in the Mikhailovsky
(Dmitrovsky) Cathedral decades later .
İt turns out that in the history of the creation of mosaics of three Kyiv cathedrals -
Sofia. Uspensky, Mikhailovsky (Dmitrovsky) - a lot in common. And at the same time,
only the mosaics of Assumption were hidden by a later painting. What's the reason?
What happened to the mosaics? İt is possible that part of the mosaic painting was lost,
and in the surviving part, apparently, there was an unrecoverable defect. Recall that part
of the gilded smalt is potassium-lead-silica glass, with ~ a ton to de-vitrification. İt is
possible that the K-P-Si glass cubes lay in admixture with those made of Na-K-Ca Mg-
Si glass, the latter being unbaked. Over the past 600 years since the construction of the
cathedral, K-RI-Si glass cubes have disfigured, cracked, in some places lost their
texture and the entire mosaic painting has lost its previous appearance. Maybe that is
why the restorers in the XVII century. decided to plaster all the walls and re-paint them
.
So in general terms you can imagine the nature and outcome of the Greek-Kyiv
cooperation and the fate of the mosaics of the Siena Cathedral.

/ oi. L. Chtchapova

DE NOUVEAUX DETAILS POUR CONTRIBUER А L'HISTOIRE

DES MOSAIQUES DE LA CATHEDRALE OUSPENSКI А КIEV
Resumo

А Kiev, sur le territoire de la Lavra, поп Ioin de la cathedrale de la Dormition de la Vierge

(Ouspenski), on а degage les restes d'un atelier pour la fabrication du verre et du smalt. V. А.
Bogousevitch, qui а fouille еп premier cet atelier, rapporte ses vestiges а l'epoque des travaux
de decoration interieure de la cathedrale. Nous avons analysc la composition du verre de produits
finis et de dechets de fabrication. Les differences dans la composition du verre sont tellement
grandes qu'on peut les comprendre seulement si on admet que les memes fours etaient utilises
par des artisans appartenant а differentes ecoles de verrerie. Certains artisans observaient les
principes byzantins, et d'autres les traditions anciennes russes. La mosaique d'or constituait une
grande partie de la decoration de la cathedrale. Cette mosaique avait @te faite par des verriers
russes avec du verre а Ьаsе de potasse, de plomb et de silice, susceptible de craquelures et qui а terni
avec le temps. А la fin du XVIIe siecle, la vieille mosaique russe fut recouverte d'ип enduit et de
peintures.

1 V.N. Lazarev. Uk. Op., pp. 156, 157.

222
 Fig. 1. Plates from Pskov:
İ.K. LABUTINA, O. A. KONDRATYEVA
a - with the image of a centaur; b - with the image of a fantastic beast
"PLASTINİ WITH THE IMAGE OF CENTAUR
AND FANTASTIC ANIMAL FROM EXCAVATIONS IN PSKOV
During excavations in Pskov in 1972, two horn plates with images on the faces
were found within the wall of 1309 .
The stratigraphic date of the find is the XII century. The plates are the same in shape
and size. The outline of the plates resembles a pitcher with round twos and a trunk and a
narrow, expanding throat. Flat lugs with round holes complement this impression by
resembling vessel handles (Fig. 1, 2). The color of the plates is average between
reddish-yellow and light brown .
The inner sides of the plates retained traces of initial alignment with the knife and
post-treatment leaving stealthy parallel strips in the transverse fiber direction. These
traces did not survive on the outer sides of the plates, as they were filled . The plates
have cracks and are somewhat deformed, which is especially noticeable in the
interception of the "neck," where both of them are slightly curved outward (Fig. 2, c).
On the front sides of the plates, the contour of the seam located along the edge
0.25-0.45 cm from it is clearly distinguished. Along the upper cut of both seam plates,
the pe was. The seam holes were drilled in a beveled, shallow channel pre-cut to define
the seam line and serve to bury the thread between the holes (Figure 1). As the holes are
recessed, they narrow and pierce the plates obliquely, with the exit to the side face
(wheelbarrow seam). Only near the ears is the seam straight. The seam holes in the end
edge of the plates pass through the same channel as on the front side.
The presence of a seam makes it possible to consider the plates as component parts
of the combined article. Given the complex profiling of the plates, it can be assumed
that the horn in this product was combined with a soft material: skin or fabric. On the
inner sides of the Pdastip, reddish-brown spots are traced, resembling the remains of
the skin .
The ears served to hang and possibly tighten. Most likely, the unsaved product was a
case or wallet with two faces. There are no exact analogies to him. Pear-shaped purses -
with drawstrings are close in shape to the product in question. * Somewhat resembles
in shape our find

Excavation in the courtyard of house number 6 on the Embankment of the river. Great; Zone 18,
Block 26. See
İ.K. Labutina. Security excavations in Pskov. AO-1972. M., 1973. Currently stored in the PIKHAMZ
funds (8251/1334).
2
S. A. İzyumova. To the history of leather and boot crafts of Novgorod the Great. MIA, 65, 1959,
pp. 218, Fig. 11, 10; E.İ. Oyateva. Shoes and other leather products of ancient Pskov. ASbGE, 4, 1962,
p. 92, Fig. 10, 72, p. 93. Some wallets of Mordovian burial grounds resemble the contour of plates
from Pskov (V.P. Levashev. Treatment of leather, fur and other animal raw materials. Tr. GIM, 33, 1959,
p. 44, Fig. 3). We are grateful to S. A. İzyumova for the consultation .
223
 ·000

a
n 6
d About 1 Z
Rps. 2. Plasticians from Pskov :
a - with the image of a centaur; b - with the image of a fantastic beast; in - joint slit plates (side
view). Fig. S.P. Mikhailova
 Fig. 3. Options for the reconstruction of the find from Pskov. Diagram of connection of plates with soft
material

flattened silver oiler of the end of XİII century from Novgorod *, but it is much coarser
and simpler in shape. Close in shape to a purse-case from Pskov is a leather purse in the
form of a narrow-throated purse from the burial of the beginning of the XİII century in
the suburbs'. The wheelbarrow seam, traced on plates, was widely used in the
manufacture of medieval Russian leather products, including wallets .
During the reconstruction of the case (or wallet) from Pskov, several options for
connecting skin (tissue) with horn plates are possible. The difference in the color of the
main field of the plates and their edge suggests that the edge was covered with skin
(tissue) lying on it.
Two reconstruction options are offered in Figure 3 5• Any width of the skin strip
(fabric) between the plates (but not less than 1.5-2 cm) allows you to fasten parts of
the case. A leather (?) lace was threaded into the holes of the ears, stitched or tied so that
the case could be worn on the chest or belt. İt is possible that the plates could have a
leather gasket on the inside, which was attached with the same seam along the edge of
the plates.
Of greatest interest are the images on the front sides of the plates. They are made in
the technique of engraving and flat relief thread on the filled surface. The compositions
on the plates have common features: the combination of the image of a fantastic creature
with an ornament - a wicker and circular circles; the location of the main image - a
fantastic creature - in the circle formed by the contours of the "body" plate; staging of
figures - from left to right; placing circles of circulatory ornament on free areas of the
field, placing a wicker motif in the upper part of the plate, on the same axis with the
central image .

3
V. L. Yanin. İ sent you birch bark. M., 1965, p. 160.
R, D. Rosenfeldt. Excavations of mounds near Moscow. JSC -14974. M., 1972, pp. 90, 91 .
• We thank E.İ. Oyateva for consulting and participating in the discussion of reconstruction options .

8 Soviet archaeology, 4 225

 The difference is that the image on one of the plates (Fig. 1, b, 2, b) is engraved
carelessly. The same plate also has a large surface abrasion, which is probably caused
by the constant friction that this part of the product experienced. Perhaps it was this side
that was the inside, facing the clothes.
Centaur plate (Fig. 1, a, 2, a). The central part of the plate is occupied by the figure
of a centaur moving to the right. The lower half of the centaur's body is shown in
profile, the upper, human, - chest, shoulders, arms - ep face, with a slight turn towards
movement, to the right; person in */.. İn the left hand of the centaur is an almond-
shaped shield decorated with zigzag lines and crossing them in the middle with a
vertical strip of two lines. İn the right hand of the centaur is a mace raised above the
head. İts handle is slightly curved - the result of the carver's desire to place the image in
a confined space .
The centaur's face is beless, hair (only the contour of the hairstyle is transmitted),
not reaching the shoulders, forms a curl. The mouth is narrow, marked by one line,
with slightly raised ends and the middle, the nose with a relief notch of the nostrils, the
eyes are facing in the direction of movement, the eyebrows are marked with arcs. The
volume in the transmission of the oblong oval of the face is achieved by several strokes
at the eyes. An oblique crack runs along the border of the neck and chin.
The centaur has a shirt with a quadrangular notch and two transverse stripes on the
shoulders. The lower edge of the shirt is not marked. On the equestrian part of the body
there is a girdle in the form of a transverse strip with a border on both sides and with an
S-visible curl of a twig pattern in the middle. The lower limbs end with hooves, over
which a bandage in the form of narrow stripes can be traced. The front pair of legs is
raised in the movement of the gallop, the hind legs are placed one near the other. The
end of the tail is not shown, it "goes" beyond the seam line.
Ornamental motifs are compositionally subordinate to the main image. This is,
firstly, a circular ornament made by a double-toothed. The diameter of the circles is
0.36-0.38 cm. Five of them form a row parallel to the upper edge of the plastpna, the
rest are scattered between the parts of the body of the centaur. The wicker is isolated
from the main image and: occupies a small area of the upper part of the plate.
Engraving of the flat relief thread was made by a cutter (in places, possibly a knife
and a needle) in such a way that the lines and selected places turned out to be shallow.
Traces of secondary cutter work can hardly be traced.
A plate depicting a fantastic beast (Figures 1, 6, 2, b). The image of the fantastic
beast is placed in a round medallion in the central part of the plate. The outlines of the
medallion were supposed to repeat the contour of the wide part of the plate, but carried
out by hand, they turned out to be uneven. The movement of the medallion to the right
was apparently caused by the desire to place the central image symmetrically to the
vertical axis of the plastip. Medallion circumference is made in the form of two strips.
The outer strip is without ornament, the inner one is filled with "eyes" of the circular
ornament, arranged in a row at a distance of 0.3 cm or less from each other. The
ornament is made with the same double-toothed compass that was used in the
ornamentation of the first plate .
A profile image of an animal facing to the right is placed in the medallion. The
front of the animal's snout is elongated, the nose is especially elongated, somewhat
pointed at the end. Under the nose are splashes, underlined by two vertical strokes. The
mouth is open, a wide tongue bending to the neck protrudes from it. The oscars are
emphasized by a vertical snobby at the mouth. The eye is shown by a recessed point,
from which the line of the eye socket continued in the form of an arc for a curvature.
There are small standing ears on the back of the head.
226
 The head of the animal is raised, on the neck - a collar in the form of a narrow
strip decorated with a "runner."
The back of the animal is curved, the body is intercepted by a belt in the form of
a vertical strip with a border on one side and an ornamental S-visible curl. The legs,
especially the hind legs, are shown in general, without transferring details. All four
paws end with claws. The front legs are raised, the rear legs serve as a support. The
long tail, bending over the back, "goes away" behind the frame of the image. At the
end, it bifurcates. The image of the beast is accompanied by five eyes of the circular
ornament, located on both sides of the tail, between the front legs and the head,
between the front and hind limbs. Under the upper section of the plate - five eyes
placed in a row, below - a wicker framed by a circular ornament. Single-tape
weaving can be traced here; there is no division of loops into integers. The weaver
of the second plate is also distinguished by the fact that at turns the weave here does
not round over a large part, but breaks down, forming a straight or obtuse angle.
Comparing the centaur of the Pskov plate with close-to-time images of Xİ - the
first half of XİII century. Allows us to expand our ideas about the iconography of
this fantastic creature.
İmages of centaurs in Old Russian art until the middle of XİII Centaurs. Few.
They are made of various materials and come from different regions of Russia. This
is a wooden carved column from Novgorod with a centaur in a circle (Xİ century,
40-80s), "two centaurs - white stone reliefs of Dmitrievsky Cathedral in Vladimir
(1194-1197) 7, centaur on a silver wrist bracelet from the Tver treasure of 1906.
(70s XII century - 1240) 8, centaurs - white stone reliefs of St. George Cathedral in
Yuryev-Polsky (1230-1234) 9• İn total, seven images of the centaur (except Pskov)
are known from these calculations. "
The main difference in the iconography of this small group with a common plot
is in the image of the "animal" part of the body. Known depictions of centaurs * 'can
be subdivided by pa ungulates and centaurs, soft-tailed, badger-like (or lion-like)' *,
sometimes horse-tailed. " Nentaurs ungulates are represented by two reliefs of
Dmitrievs: whose cathedral, the relief of St. George Cathedral and the centaur on a
plate from Pskov. The remaining centaurs are soft-taped, with claws.
6
A.V. Artsikhovsky. Nolonna from Novgorod excavations of VMSU, 1954, 4; B. A. Kolchin. Novgorod
antiquities. Carved tree. SAİ, Ye1-55. M., 1974, p. 24.7 G. K. Wagner. Sculpture of Ancient Russia. XII
century M., 4969, p. 10, ill. 3, p. 315, ill. 194.
• B. A. Rybakov. Applied art and sculpture. ICDR, İİ. M.-L., 1951, p. 432, Fig. 215, 1; G.F.
Korzukhina. Russian treasures. M.-L., 1954, pp. 27-29, 147, 148.
9
G. K. Wagner. Sculpture of Vladimir-Suzdal Rus. Yuryev-Polsky. M., 1964, pp. XXVIII, a, b,
fig. 6, 9.
10
Another image of the centaur - a bronze plate figure from Staraya Ladoga (GE, OIPK, Staraya
Ladoga 2081/33) - is similar in many ways to Vladimir-Suzdal reliefs, but is not involved here, since
it is not dated (from random finds in 1911). We bring gratitude to O. İ. David, who pointed to an
analogy.
11
A similar unit can be traced for the period under consideration in both Byzantine and Western
European art, where centaurs with a horse body are common, but centaurs with clawed paws are also
found (V.N. Lazarev. History of Byzantine painting, 11. M., 1947, Tables 144, 207; J. Weitzmann-
Fiedler. Romanische Bronzeschalen mit mythologischen Darstellungen. Ihre Beziehungen zur
mittelalterlichen Schullileratur und ihre Zweckbestimmung. ZfK, Bd XI, Heft 1-2, Berlin, 1957, Abb.
7, S. 7, 8; Z. Kaddr. Linfluence des peuples cavaliers nomades sur la formation des representations
medievales de centaures. AAN, T. 11. Budapest, 1952, fig. 1; V.P. Darkevich. Works of Western art
craft in Eastern Europe (X-XIV centuries). SAİ, Ye1-57. M., 1966, Table 25, 2).
2 A.V. Artsikhovsky. Uk. Op.; G. K. Wagner. Sculpture of Vladimir-Suzdal Rus, p. 114.
h, K. Wagner. Sculpture of Vladimir-Suzdal Rus, table. XXVIII, b, pps. 6.

8* 227
 Comparison of the rest of the details of the images according to: shows that < <:
ungulates "and" soft-lipped, "with a difference in the interpretation of the limbs, have
common features (location in the profile of the animal part of the body, similarity in the
details of the shirt with cuffs and stripes on the shoulders, beless, with the exception of:
centaur from the southern portal Georgievs: who cathedral, face). Along with them,
there are repeated details found in the images only not: of which: keptavers of different
groups (hare in hand, mace, headdress, certain placement of limbs and turning of the
head ).
The difference in the visual interpretation of the centaur in the Old Russian art of
the pre-Mongol period is explained, apparently, by the unformed and: conography of
the image, which caused the appearance of different images that depended on the
horizons and imagination of masters and customers. And yet it is in Xİİ - Xİİİ vn.
image: the centaur acquires some stable features inherited by the Russian fine art of the
subsequent period .
There is no headdress on the centaur from Pskov. His pe clothes have detailed
details. Also without headdress and details: a centaur is depicted on the wrist from the
Tver treasure. The Pskov image has the following features: 1) turning the head from the
direction of movement to */to the "viewer"; 2) the presence of a shield in the left
hand; 3) a girdle (belt) on the equestrian part of the body, decorated with an S-shaped
curl of stylized plant ornament; 4) bandage in the form of stripes above the hooves.
Compositionally, the figure is solved very similar to the figures of horsemen known
in painting, sculpture, torevti: ke and sphragistics of the Xİ-XİII centuries. This
observation concerns primarily the turn of the human part of the figure and face: the
centaur .
As for the pose of the equestrian part of the body, there are not so many close
analogies to it for the time in question in compositions with horsemen. They are mainly
found in images inscribed in: circle n. But unlike the image of the centaur, the hooves
of the front raised legs of these horses are always lowered (on the plate from Pskov they
are facing forward); there is no bandage of horse legs .
Centaur face modeling has similarities to face modeling on a number of other
applied arts objects'.
Attributes accompanying the image: the centaur on the Pskov plate find analogies
in fine art and archaeological finds of the Xİ-XİII centuries.
The mace as an attribute of the centaur is not called pi in ancient or medieval
literature, although a number of plots do not exclude the possibility of such an artistic
embodiment. " Centaurs with clubs are known in addition to Russian monuments on
playing drafts XII centaurs of Western European origin "
The tops of the club are y: the centaur on the Pskov plate is three-part, through (the
upper end of the handle goes out), and the middle part of the top protrudes significantly
relative to the other two, forming the entrance and exit from the through sleeve and
tightly adjacent to the shaft. The projections of the middle part are rounded, forming an
oval, somewhat pointed on the left side. There is no similar image of clubs in the
monuments of the Xİİ - Xİİİ centuries. no. Tops of clubs with boss of bushing near
inlet (lower -

% G. K. Wagner. Sculpture of Ancient Russia, p. 249, ill. 152; V. L. Yanin. Assembly seals of
Ancient Russia of the X-XV centuries, vols. İ. M., 1970, Table 19, 62-212; V.P. Darkevich. Ways of
medieval masters. M., 1972, p. 61.
1
s For example, on the Novgorod ridge XII v. - B. A. Kolchin. Uk. Op., Table 36, 3. in 1G, K.
Wagner. Sculpture of Vladimir-Suzdal Rus, p. 114.
1 V. İ. Darkevich. Works of Western art craft in Eastern Europe, p. 16, Table 25, 2.

228
 it) and outlet openings and a central part equipped with spikes, especially
characteristic of the Xİİ- Xİİİ centuries. '"
The club on the plate is closest to those of the varieties of clubs of types 1, 111
and İV (according to A. N. Kirpichnikov), which had the ends of the sleeve
protruding noticeably along the length of the handle. " The dating of archaeological
finds of such clubs does not contradict the stratigraphic date of the plate (XII
century). Simultaneous AND somewhat earlier real clubs could serve as a model for
the image on the plate.
The shield of the centaur is almond-shaped and has many analogies in
simultaneous monuments. Such shields have been widely used in Europe since the
Xİ century and prevail in images of the pre-Mongol period. * The lack of umbon on
the shield seems to speak for classifying it as an almond-like shield without
umbones that have spread since the end of the XII century, "but the proportions of
the shield are rather for earlier dating. İn the sphragistic monuments of the middle of
XII century. almond-shaped shields were also depicted without umbones °. The
outer finish of the centaur shield does not find an exact analogy. The division of the
shield by a vertical stripe is also found in miniatures of the Radziwill Chronicle. " İf
in our case this detail of decoration does not carry a purely decorative load, then,
obviously, it can depict a lobe that served to bend the shield and was a container for
the hand of a warrior in order to maneuver the shield more quickly. This kind of
trough is characteristic of the so-called Pavez - shields belonging to the second half
of the XIV-XV centuries. İn this case, the appearance of a shared trough can be
attributed 150 years earlier than is customary in the literature '
The combination of such types of weapons (mace and shield) in the monuments
of art and burials of pre-Mongol Russia has not yet been found .
The centaur hem is a peculiar feature of the Pskov image, unknown in the
iconography of the centaur of the pre-Mongol monuments. S-shaped
the curl of the ornament on the ridge has additional "cutting" in the upper part and
transverse strokes in the middle. Analogies to this type of stylized plant ornament
are found in pre-Mongol monuments of applied art *, "book ornamentation *," fresco
painting (including ornament from the composition "Assumption of Our Lady" in
the painting of the Transfiguration Cathedral of the Mirozhsky Monastery in Pskov
1138-1156) °, "sculpture." A similar motif of the plant ornament is also known in a
number of later monuments of the Xİİİ- XİV centuries, but it has not been found in
pre-Mongol monuments before the Xİİ century .
Comparison of the iconography of the centaur, attributes, setting of the figure,
ornament of the saddle on the plate with other monuments allows you to make

18
İ.N. Kirpichnikov. Old Russian weapons. No. 2, SAİ, Ye1-36. M. - L., 1966, p. 49, Fig. 10,
111, İV; Table XXIV, 1-3, Table XXVII, 1-5, XXIX, 2, 3 .
19
İbid., pp. 130, 131, Tables XXVI, 5, XXIX, 1, XXVIİ, 6, 7.
20
4. N. Kirpichnikov. Old Russian weapons, issue 3, SAİ, YeM-36. L., 4974 ,
pages 37, 38.
21
İbid.
22
V. L. Yanin. Uk. Op., vols. İ, Tables 49, 144, 145, 152, 157.
23
A.N. Kirpichnikov. Old Russian weapons, issue 3, figure 33 .
2
4 V. Denkstein. Pavezy eskeho typu III. Sbornik Narodniho muzea v Praze, fada А - historie
- svazek XIX, 1965, cislo 1-5. We thank A.N. Kirpichnikov for the consultation.
5 B. A. Rybakov. Russian applied art of the X-XİII centuries. L., 1974, p. 42, ill. 45; G.N.
Bocharov. Applied art of Novgorod the Great. M., 1969, ill. 4, 22, 28; G.F. Koraukhina. Russian
treasures in foreign collections. KSIA AN USSR, 129, 1972, p. 29, Fig. 10; her. Russian treasures of
the İX- Xİİİ centuries, Table XXİX, 15 .
2
in M. K. Karger. Painting. ICDR, İİ, p. 384, Fig. 180; V.N. Shchepkin. Bologna psalter. İRI,
İssue 4. St. Petersburg, 1906, p. 32, zincogr. V, 4, 7, 11.
1 V.N. Lazarev. Old Russian mosaics and frescoes Xİ-XV centuries. M., 4973, ill. 191.
202, 253; İRI, 11. M., 1954, p. 89. •
28
G. K. Wagner. Sculpture of Vladimir-Suzdal Rus, tabl. ha.
229
conclusion that the image could have been created in the middle or second half of the
XII century, which does not contradict the stratigraphic date.
Many details in the image on the second plate find analogies in images of fantastic
animals in ancient Russian art of the Xİİ- Xİİİ centuries. İn the book miniature of this
time, dogs or fantastic animals with heads similar to dogs were often depicted. ( for
example, in the St. George's Gospel of 1120-1123, "the Bulgarian Oktoikha Xİİİ c.,"
Museum Gospel of the Xİİ- Xİİİ centuries. 'And especially the Gospel of Lotysh,
dated 1270, but with archaic features in the decoration of the manuscript "). Gospel
researcher Lotysh O.S. Popova believes that the figure of a dog is a purely Novgorod
element of teratology. " İt is in book miniature that we find a combination of such
attributes accompanying the image of animals as a collar and a girdle 3(belt). " Even the
ornament and the "cut" of the "dogs" in the initials of the Gospel of Lotysh and the
animal of the Pskov plate coincide
A similar modeling of the muzzle is in a lion in one of the drawings on the fields of
the Typographic Headquarters dating from the XII century. 36İt is possible that this
manuscript, received in the XVII century. to Moscow from Pskov, could be written in
Pskov. "
Among the sculptural reliefs of ancient Russian time there are some that approach
the Pskov fantastic animal in terms of figure modeling and pose. These are primarily
reliefs from the Church of the İntercession on Nerli and the Dmitrievsky Cathedral in
Vladimir. "But Vladimir reliefs with images of wolves (leopards) do not give such a
close coincidence of iconography as is observed when compared with book miniature .
As for the attributes of the animal, its subarray, similar to that of the centaur, as
noted, finds analogies in book miniature, and the collar is often found in ancient
Russian images of both real and fantastic animals * There are examples of decorating it
with a runner •
The use of circular ornament in the design of the background of the central image
of the plate is one of the early examples of the artistic technique known from a number
of other objects of applied art of Ancient Russia and Western Europe. On overlay plates
from Novgorod XİİIXIV centuries. the same role is played by round through holes -
as, for example, in plates depicting dragons. " On a stone mold for casting a leaf
bracelet, found during excavations in Pskov in 1969, the image of a cat beast is also
accompanied by "eyes,"
29
V.V. Stasov. Slavic and oriental ornament. St. Petersburg, 1884, Table. IV, 19. zo İbid., Table
VIII, 8.
z1 G, N. Bocharov. Uk. Op., ill. 80.
2 O. S. Popova. Novgorod manuscript of 1270. ZOR GBIL, 25. M., 1962, Fig. 2, 8, 12, 14, 16-
18.
zz O. S. Popova. Uk. Op. p. 208, 24I
z4 Oktoph XİII v. - V. V. Stasov. Uk. Op., Table VIII, 8; Gospel of Lotysh - O.S. Popov. Uk. Op.,
Figs. 8, 16.
35
O.S. Popova. Uk. Op., Figs. 14, 16.
z6 G.İ. Voshornov. Drawings on the margins of the Printing Charter. DRI. Manuscript book. M.,
1972, p. 99.
z1 G.İ. Voshornov's objections to the possibility of creating a manuscript in Pskov (UK. Op., p.
92) do not seem convincing. The increase in the number of monasteries and derkways, the finds of
birch bark letters of the XII century. make this opportunity quite real .
:: G.K. Wagner. Sculpture of Ancient Russia, p. 157, ill. 100, 101, pp. 274-276.
M. K. Karger. Painting, ICDR, vol. İİ, p. 360, Fig. 161; V. Butovsky. The history of Russian
ornament from X to XV Art., İ. M., 1970, Table XXİ; M.V. Alpatov. Universal Art History. M., 1955,
p. 59. İt is also found in the reliefs of the Church of the İntercession on Nerli, Dmitrievsky Cathedral
in Vladimir, St. George Cathedral in Yuryev-Polsky, works of applied art .
4 İ.M. Bibikova. Monumental decorative wood carving. RDI, İ, 1962, Fig. 31.
0

1, "N. Bocharov. Uk. Op., ill. 92, 93.

230
separating individual parts of the animal's body
(Fig. 4) °. A similar technique is found in
Limoges products of the 20s and 30s XİII c. * °
The wicker on the plates gives the product
elegance. İn combination of weaving with the
main image, there are similarities with some
silver bracelets * *. True, in your case, the
wicker is located above the main image, and
the bracelets show an inverse relationship .
The wicker on the plate with the image of
the ~ Eutaur has no exact analogies, although it
is close to the wicker pattern of two ovals -
arranged with an oblique cross, found in the
monuments of applied art '5, and a detail of the
initial XIV century. with a peculiar bend of the
loop 6"•
The wicker on another plate resembles the
density and nature of weaving

_
ornament of some eastern verbs - j
manuscripts of the Xİ century. * "However, in hand-to-hand .
is. ragment of stone litheinoi
4. Fr "a Ocala

it is two-tape in the sieves, the protrusions of the molds for casting a leaf bracelet.
loops are rounded. Examples of single-tape Excavations in Pskov
weaving are given by Novgorod manuscripts
and objects of applied art Xİİ -
XII İ centuries. * "But in them weaving is not so dense and more often with released
ends *." Breaks of wicker loops in book miniature are considered a feature of
Novgorod rather than Bulgarian "
The disunity of weaving and the image of fantastic animals indicates the creation
of plates until the period of addition of Novgorod teratology, the beginning of which
dates back to the third quarter of the Xİİİ century, and the heyday - to the XİV -XV
centuries, "
The placement of the main images of the plates in a circular frame echoes
numerous examples of the image of a bird and a beast in a circle in Russian art of the
pre-Mongol period. "
The carver of the XII century, who made the plates, was well acquainted with the
artistic achievements of his time, and in particular with the Novgorod and, possibly,
South Slavic book miniature.
The combination of images of two fantastic creatures in one subject was
probably random. İn Russian applied art of a later period, the centaur sometimes
appears accompanied by fantastic birds and animals, including animals with clawed
paws,
PIHAMZ-5952
2 224 , the find dates from the late XIV-XV centuries.

4z V. İ. Darkevich. Works of Western art craft in Eastern Europe, p. 12, Table 22, 3.
44
B. A. Rybakov. Rusalia and the god Simargl-Pereput. SA, 1967, 2, p. 108, Fig. 10; page
111, Fig. 14; page 116, Fig. 18.
4 A, S. Spitsyn. Mounds of the St. Petersburg province in the excavations of L.K. İva-
Novsky, MAP, 20. St. Petersburg, 1896, table. XİII, 13.
' A.V. Artsikhovsky. Clothing. ICDR, 1. M. - L., 1948, p. 247, Fig. 157. 1 V.V.
6

Stasov. Uk. Op., Table CVII, 3, 12; CVIII, 2.

48
G.N. Bocharov. Uk. Op., ill. 6, 8, 75.
4 O. S. Popova. Uk. Op., Fig. 12 et al.
9

0
s İbid., pp. 206, 207.
and 1İbid., pp. 196, 497, 297.
$ AND, Pleshanova. About the animal ornament of Pskov bells and ceramids. DRI, Artistic
2

culture of Pskov. M., 1968, p. 216.

23
1
as, for example, on the tiles of the church of George with Vzvoz in Pskov (1494)
this regard, it is interesting to indicate the "Parables of King Solomon about King
İn °
Kitovras," which says that the latter "reigns over people in the days, and turning the
beast Nitovras and reigns over animals." * Perhaps the beast with a dog's face from the
Pskov plate was a representative of this fabulous animal kingdom of Kitovras .
All literary works in which Kitovras appears have reached us in the lists of XIV-
XVII-XVIII centuries, "that is, much later than pre-Mongol art monuments depicting
the same hero. The presence of images of Kitovras in pre-Mongol monuments, as well
as the considered find, support the assumption of acquaintance of Kievan Rus with the
apocrypha about Solomon and Kitovras 56 •
As for the external characteristics of the image, the named apocrypha are extremely
stingy on details and are limited only by the mention that Kitovras was a wing "and
turned into a beast with the onset of night." A more certain characteristic of the centaur
(onokentaur) is given in the "Physiologist" (according to the list of the XIV century):...
"its gender is human, and the sex is donkey" "A similar definition, dating back to the
ancient tradition, is given in the collection of the last quarter of the XV - beginning of
XVI V.:..." to him from the navel the man was, more than a horse... " "As you can see,
the literary basis of the external characteristic of Kitovras makes it possible to judge
him as a fabulous creature - from a number of monuments, half a man, half a horse.
This op is also presented on the Pskov plate.
As for the attributes of the centaur, they are not determined by literary monuments
and are different in different images of the Xİİ- Xİİİ centuries .
Centaur - Kitovras of the Pskov plate is a warrior, strong and decisive. The mace in
his right hand is not only a weapon, but perhaps a symbol of power.
Of undoubted interest is the question of the connection of the Pskov find with later
images of centaurs in the monuments of medieval Russia. For the period after the Xİİİ
century. (XİV- XVİH centuries) much more images of the centaur are known than in
pre-Mongol time .
The earliest of them is the centaur on one of the plates of the Vasilievsky gates of
the Novgorod St. Sophia Cathedral (1336). " These are also centaurs on coins of the
Tver prince İvan Mikhailovich (1357-4425), "on the" Felix seal "from excavations in
Novgorod6, on the green 3tiles of the church of George from Vzvoz (1494)," on Novgorod and
Pskov choirs of the XV-XVI centuries., "

53
Monuments of ancient Russian architecture. Pskov - L., 1968, Table 17 .
5
4 Monuments of ancient Russian literature, published by Count Grigory Kushelev-Bezborodko,
vol. 3. False and renounced books of Russian antiquity, collected by A.N. Pypin. St. Petersburg,
1862, pp. 59-61 .
55
One of the oldest lists of The Tale of Kitovras is of Pskov origin - A. N. Veselovsky. Slavic
tales of Solomon and Kitovras and Western legends of Morolf and Merliv. St. Petersburg, 1872, p.
212.
s6 History of Russian literature, vol. İ, M. - L,, 1941, p. 75; G. K. Wagner. Literature -
ra, apo: krpfs and folklore in the work of the masters of Vsevolod 111. TODRL, XXIV, p. 77. 51
Monuments of ancient Russian literature, issue 3, p. 52 .
5
in İbid., pp. 59-61.
9 4. Karneev. Materials and notes on the literary history of Physiologist. St. Petersburg, 1890,
pp. 242, 143.
in İ.M. Kudryavtsev. Collection of the last quarter of the XV - the beginning of the XVI century.
from Museum -
of the meeting. Materials for the study. ZOR GBIL, no. 25. M., 1962, p. 273. in 1V, N. Lazarev.
Vasilievsky gates 1336 SA, XVIII, 1953, p. 426, Fig. 27.6 And2, G. Spassky. Russian coin
system. L., 1970, p. 91.
vz V. L. Yanin. Assembly seals of ancient Russia X- XV centuries, vol. 11. M., 1970, p. 219, Table
35-701 .
v4 İ, İ. Pleshanova. Pskov architectural ceramic belts. SA, 1963, 2, pp. 211, 212, Fig. 2 (more
precisely, the image is transmitted by photography - Monuments of ancient Russian architecture.
Pskov, Table 17).
in 54, P. Okladnikov. A bronze mirror depicting a centaur found on Thaddeus İsland. CA, XİII,
1950, Fig. 11, 12.
232
on the Pskov bells of the XVI century, "on the red frame tiles of the XVII century. from
Moscow," as well as on the stamps of potters. " Two rings with the image of a centaur
come from Pskov 6• Centaurs 9are depicted on a whole series of bronze mirrors of the XVII-
XIX centaurs. from Siberia •
A completely new, although not universal, feature in the iconography of the centaur
in late monuments is the supply of its wings, which indicates a connection with the
literary basis of the image .
Most of the late images of the centaur represent half a horse, although there are also
"soft-faced" centaurs (tiles of the church of George with Vzvoz). Some features of the
later images go back only to the centaur of the Pskov plate (the shape and
ornamentation of the centaur's girth on the Vasilievsky gates, the dressing of the
centaur's legs above the hooves and the introduction of rosettes into the field around the
image and between body parts on the mirrors of the XVII century from Thaddeus İsland
and from the lower Obi7). 1The mace and shield as attributes of centaurs on some
Novgorod and Pskov choruses and mirrors from Siberia also go back to the tradition
represented by the centaur of the Pskov plate. İt is natural to believe that a centaur
captured on a horn plate from Pskov is one of many similar images of this fantastic
creature common in the XII century. in Novgorod land. The iconography of centaurs,
known from the monuments of the XIV - XVII centuries. Novgorod and Pskov origin,
therefore dates back to the pre-Mongol period and took shape in the same territory.
A fantastic beast of the type depicted on the second horn plate does not find an exact
repetition in later monuments, although the teratological ornament of Novgorod
manuscripts and many objects of applied art of Novgorod and Pskov give close
examples. " Some similar image elements are found in Russian embroidery XIX
century. *
The plot and details of the images on the plates (paraphernalia, clothing, body
modeling, ornament, composition) so actively echo different areas of ancient Russian
art (applied art, snulpture, fresco, book miniature) that the find is not in doubt.
İt also follows from the above that there is every reason to believe that the product
could be created, if not in Pskov, then somewhere within the Novgorod land. The image
of the centaur on the plate is one of the oldest in Russian art, preceding during the time
or simultaneous reliefs of Dmitrievsky Cathedral in Vladimir .
The find in Pskov expands our ideas about the circle of fantastic images of ancient
Russian art and literature and allows us to more clearly represent the spiritual world of
the artist and city dweller XII century .

6% İ, İ. Pleshanova. About the animal ornament of Pskov bells and ceramids, p. 210 .
v1 R, L. Rosenfeldt. Moscow ceramic production XII-XVIII centuries SAİ, Ye1-39, Table 20
(9), 21 (19) - on the last table - Polkan .
88
G.P. Latysheva, M, G. Rabinovich. Moscow and Moscow Territory in the past. M., 1973, p.
165.
vz F. Ushakov. Regarding the Pskov ancient seals. Tr. ORSA, Prince V. SP6., 1904 ,
p. 3t3, Fig. 5, 7.
t0 A.P. Okladnikov, Uk. Op. 1 İbid., Figs.
1, 4.
1 [, "P. Grozdilov. Excavations of ancient Pskov (1954-1956). ASb. GE, 4, p. 68, Fig. 54 (17);
2

İ.K. Labutina. Excavations at the Pedagogical İnstitute in Pskov. JSC - 1973, M., 4974, p. 16;
İ.G. Spassky. Uk. Op., p. 94; İ.İ. Pleshanova. About the animal ornament of Pskov bells and
ceramids, pp. 209, 211, 213, 215 .
1e N. N. İvanova, T. B. Mitlyanskaya, 1. K. Rozova. Museum of Folk Art M., 1972, p. 59.
 /. K. Laboutina, O. А. Kondratieva

PLAQUES REPRESENTANT LE CENTAURE ЕТ UN ANIMAL FABULEUX

TROUVEES DANS LES FOUILLES DE PSKOV

Res ite
Оп а decouvert pres de Pskov, en 1972, deux plaques de corne, sur lesquelles etaient representes
des tres fantastiques (ill. 1, 2); elles constituaient la face d'un etui (ои d'une bourse) (ill. 3). La
date stratigraphique de la trouvaille (le Xlle s.) est confirmee par l'@tude des figures representees sur
ces plaques, еп particulier la representation d'ип centaure et des attributs qui l'accompagnent, ainsi
que de l'ornement. L'objet а ри @tre fait au milieu ou dans ]а seconde moitie du ХПе s. Le centaure
de cette plaque est la huitieme representation exactement datee de cet @tre fantastique dans
l'art russe de l'ёроque premongole. L'animal fabuleux figure sur l'autre plaque presente des
analogies avec les miniatures des manuscrits et la sculpture de la Russie ancienne. Оп peut
confronter la figure du centaure avec le personnage de Кitovras, се qui est ип argument de plus
en faveur de l'opinion suivant laquelle la Russie de Кiev aurait connu les apocryphes sur
l'histoire de Salomon et de Кitovras. Cette representation de centaure sur la plaque est l'une des
premieres dans l'art russe ancien. Il у а lieu de croire que l'objet etudie а ete fait а Pskov ou en un
autre lieu des possessions de Novgorod.
 P. A. R APPOPORT

CATHEDRAL OF THE TRINITY MONASTERY ON THE

CLAN VSMOLENS: KE

The earliest information about the existence of the Trinity Monastery in

Smolensk is contained in a document of 1506, where it is mentioned among the -
"communal" monasteries 1• Later, the Trinity Monastery turned out to be closely
connected with the turbulent events of the Polish-Russian struggle for Smolensk in
the first half of the XVII century. İn 1609, the Russian governors M. Shein and P.
Gorchakov informed the tsar, that the Polish troops, "came to Smolensk, became in
Troetsky and in Spasky... and in the Spiritual Monastery 2> • İt is known about the
Trinity Monastery and from Polish sources of this time. So, it is mentioned as a
suburban monastery in the "diary of Samuel Belsky" (1609) 3• Apparently, the
monastery was badly damaged during the siege, since the Jesuit record made in 1617
states:... " four monasteries are located outside the walls of the fortress: only the
walls of temples remain of them. The first is the Savior on the mountain. The second
is St. Trinity.. "*. During the siege of Smolensk by Russian troops in 1633, a -
"Prozorovsky convoy" was located around the monastery, that is, the base of the part
of the Russian army that besieged Smolensk from the west *. When the voivode
Prozorovsky lifted the failed siege and withdrew to join the main forces of the
Russian army, he "lit and blew up the gunpowder" of the church of St. Trinity 6• On the
engraving of V. Gopdius, executed according to drawings from the nature of John
Pleitner, made in 1634, the cathedral of the Trinity Monastery at the mouth of the
Klavka River is already depicted in the form of a building, devoid of arches 7• After this
disaster, the buildings of the monastery, apparently, were no longer restored, and the
territory was transferred to the Trinity Monastery, which settled in a new place, in
the central part of the city. İn a document of 1680, this land is already called
"Klovka wasteland." "
By the beginning of the XIX century. at the mouth of Klovka, only "traces of the
foundation" of the Trinity 9Monastery were preserved • M. Polesskiy-Schepillo, the first historian
who began archaeological excavations of monuments of Smolensk architecture ,

1
Acts relating to the history of Western Russia, vol. 1. St. Petersburg, 1846, p. 370, No.
224.2 Acts historical, vol. 2. St. Petersburg, 1841, p. 348, No. 266.
3
Foreign works and acts relating to Russia, collected by K. M. Obolensky, vol. 3. M., 1848,
pp. 6 and 18.
4 Weather notes of the Smolensk Jesuits. Smolensk antiquity. No. 3, part 2. Smolensk, 1916,
p. 27.
• See the drawing of the siege of Smolensk, executed in 1633 r. Drawing attached to the
book - Biblioteka ordynacyi Krasiskich, t. 13, Warszawa, 1895.
6
For example, in a letter to his brother, a war participant Jan Moskorzhevsky wrote about
this in September 1633 (ibid., P. 42 ).
7
Materials of the Military Scientific Archive. Cartographic materials. No. 2. St. Petersburg,
1904, p. 48. Under number 67, the "Russian Church of the Holy Trinity," depicted in the fence of
the Prozorovsky camp.
8
Smolensk antiquity. No. 1, part 2. Smolensk, 1911, p. 43.
9
A look at the landmark buildings in the city of Smolensk and the tracts located in the -
Smolensk province. "Domestic Notes," September 1826 No. 77, p. 315.
23
5
 noted that "to the important historical remains of the Trinity Monastery... the hand of
the archaeologist has not yet touched "•
On the question of what time the church of the Trinity Monastery belongs to, the
opinions of historians diverged. S.P. Pisarev believed that the church was built in the
XV-XVI centuries, and at the same time referred to the fact that it was made of late,
cobblestone brick. " İn contrast, İ.İ. Orlovsky noted that by the type of brick the church
undoubtedly belongs to the Xİİ - Xİİİ 1centuries. Both historians 1called the ancient Smolensk
monuments quite well so as not to confuse the brickwork of the Xİİ - Xİİİ centuries.
With the masonry of the XV - XVİ centuries. Obviously, S.P. Pisarev saw the wrong
building, which was considered., İ.İ. Orlovsky. İt should be noted that İ.İ. Orlovsky was
in a more advantageous position, as he was present at some small amateur excavations.
He wrote that the ruins of the monastery "have not yet been explored scientifically,
but only amateurishly and then a little recently (1907-1908)" °. The church building
was nevertheless opened so much that İ.İ. Orlovsky was able to note the presence of
pillars and three altar apses. İn front of the church, to the west and "a little to the right
to the bank of the Dnieper," he saw the construction of the Lithuanian time. However,
the issue of the date of the ancient temple was never finally resolved. Therefore, P.
Tsvetkov rightly wrote: "Only a scientifically staged study of the remains could show
what antiquity the main part of the monastery is and what is the later extension in it."
Until the beginning of the twentieth century. on the site of the ancient monastery there
was a house belonging to the city Trinity Monastery *. After the destruction of this
house, nothing else was built here. Currently, three hills rise on the territory of the
monastery: the western and eastern adjoins the edge of the coastal floodplain terrace
of the Dnieper, and the middle hill, the largest in area, is located south a little further
from the coast .
İn 1964, archaeological exploration was carried out on the western hillock, and in
1972 - on the eastern. The hills were cut into trenches. İt turned out that both hills are
the remains of buildings dating back to the XV-XVI centuries. Probably, these were the
outbuildings of the Trinity Monastery. At the same time, finds in trenches of plinth
pieces and interlayers of plinth rubble testified to the presence of nearby ruins of an
older building. İt became clear that under the middle, largest sedition are the remains of
the Cathedral of the Trinity Monastery - the buildings of the pre-Mongol time.
Excavations of the cathedral began in 1972. The temple building was preserved to a
height of about 1 m, and its walls were almost not damaged by pits or burials. Profiling
of beam pilasters was very well identified (Fig. 1). Given the relatively good safety of
the monument, it was decided to open it not entirely, but only half, north of the
longitudinal axis, in order to destroy the ancient masonry less. This provided the
opportunity in the future to re-open the entire temple again and completely for its
conservation and exposure. İn 1973, excavations of the northern half of the temple were
completed and the ruins were again thoroughly filled in.
The Cathedral of the Trinity Monastery was a large church, very b. '! İzky in its
compositional scheme of the Smolensk Church of the Archangel

10
M. Polessky-Schepillo. Excavations destroying the ancient church of St. Great Martyr .
Catherine and the eastern suburbs of Smolensk. Memorial book of the Smolensk province for
1870. Smolensk, p. 37.
11
S. D. Pisarev. Princely area and temple of princes in Smolensk. Smolensk, 1894, p. 25.
2 And, Orlovsky. Borisoglebsky monastery in Smolensk in Smyadyn and excavations
its ruins. Smolensk antiquity. No. 1. Smolensk, 1909, p. 237, approx. 4. 1 İbid., p.
237.
1
4 İndex of church antiquities of Smolensk. Smolensk, 1912, p. 88.
15
The house and barn here stood back in 19ft Xi. Archive Leningr. dev. İA Academy of
Sciences of the USSR, f. 1, d. 18th in 1888, l. 60.
236
Michael (the so-called Svir Church). Despite ------------

____
the fact that the temple was only half j
excavated, the obvious symmetry of its i
planned scheme is not in doubt (Fig. 2).
During excavations, both arms of the central
apse were opened, which makes it possible
to accurately determine the width of the
bribolic space, and therefore completely
IJO
reconstruct the entire plan of ••the
L; - building
(Fig. 3, A).
The plan breakdown of the excavated
building is not entirely geometrically correct

e
and has some inaccuracies and curvatures.
The skew of the western narthex and the
turn of the bundle pilaster of the northeast
corner of the building are especially
noticeable. İn the reconstruction scheme,
some of these deformations are omitted. The
cathedral is four-pillar, with a large
semicircular central apse and side apses with
rectangular outlines
-
on the outside. To the Fig. 1. Cathedral of the Trinity Monastery
main\ volume,,-----
from three sides, shims are
-
on Klovka. Excavation of the northern
attached,
) !J!9 1 narthex
fully open inside the temple. The northern narthex (and, obviously, also the
southern) has an independent small apse. The main building of the temple (without
narrows) has a length of 20.0 m, a width of 15.25 m. Together with the narrows, the
length of the temple is 25.5 m, the width is 26.7 m. The length of the bribery space is
5.54 m, the width is 4.75 m. The northern narthex of the temple is almost square; its
internal dimensions are about 4.2 m. The thickness of the walls of the building
ranges mainly from 4.5 to 1.6 m, but in some areas it is only 1.4 m (the northern
wall of the narthex) and even 1.36 m (the northern wall of the temple in the area east
of the narthex). The wall thickness of the central apse is 1.20-1.35 m, and the walls
of the apse of the northern narthex are 0.92 m. The pillars of the temple are square,
with sides of 1.75-1.85 m, with very small recesses-crosses (only 48-20 cm in size),
giving the pillars a cruciform shape. The orientation of the longitudinal axis of the
temple is in azimuth 78 °.
The walls are made of plinth bricks. Bricks of good molding and normal firing.
İn the fracture, they are slightly layered, brick-red in color, without foreign
inclusions. The thickness of the bricks is from 3.5 to 4.5 cm, the width is from 19.0
to 20.5 cm (occasionally less, up to 18 cm), the length is 26.5-27.0 cm. İn addition to
ordinary bricks, there are three types of lethal bricks: 1) ordinary bricks with one
rounded angle (i.e. quarter circle); 2) narrower bricks, about 15 cm wide, with a flat-
rounded end, used for laying out half-columns; 3) trapezoidal. The mortar in the
masonry is calcareous, durable, pinkish. The op includes rather coarse sand (such as
fine gravel), large and small pieces of broken brick. There are inclusions of pieces of
grey slag and a small one: the number of embers .
The masonry is decent. The horizontal seams are approximately equal to the
thickness of the bricks. The outer and inner surfaces of the walls are made of solid
bricks, and the thickness of the walls between them is made of broken bricks, but in
compliance with horizontal seams. As a rule, short ends of bricks, that is, pokes,
appear on the surface of the walls, although there are areas where a series of bricks
for a rather significant length overlooks the facade with long sides, that is, spoons. İn
general, the masonry is neat, although in the upper parts of the walls it is sometimes
somewhat less correct. Solution on
237
 • • 1/5-a
s0

!
7

I
/
/
/
;
1

Fig. 2. Cathedral of the Trinity Monastery on Klovka. Plan (according to the results of excavations
1972- 1973 rr.). The numbers are the height in cm from the level of the ancient surface of the earth in
the area of the northwest url of the building. a is the level of the ancient sex; b - floor level after re -
designs
Fig. 3. A - plan of the Cathedral of the Trinity Monastery (reconstruction); B - plan of the church
Archangel Michael

the outer surface of the walls is slightly overwrought, but, as a rule, does not have
special clipping of welds. However, there are areas where the seams are cut obliquely
upward, that is, the mortar slightly recedes deep from the surface of each upper brick.
There are also seams having a round-concave shape. At the ends of the bricks there are
convex signs, and it can be noted that the same signs are mostly used in the masonry of
the same section of the building. Thus, in the masonry of the northern narthex, the
"princely sign" in the form of a double-tooth is repeatedly repeated (Fig. 4).
The entire scheme of the plan of the excavated building leaves no doubt about the
complete coincidence of its plan and implementation. Nevertheless, in several places
between different sections of masonry there are seams. İt is noted that the central apse of
the temple in the lower 10 rows of masonry was built without dressing with the main
volume of the building. The dressing of brickwork begins here only from the 11th row.
At the base of the walls, approximately at the level of the ancient surface of the
earth, there is a brick pavement . The lower row of this pavement, lying directly on the
foundation, is composed mostly of pieces of bricks without mortar, and above there are
several rows of brickwork on mortar. The thickness of the pavement in different areas of
the building is not the same. So, at the northwestern and northeastern corners of the
temple, the pavement has three rows of brickwork, and under the northwestern, bribery
pillar - six rows. The pavement under the apse of the northern narthex consists of four
rows, and under the second pilastroy from the east of the northern wall of the temple -
from just one row of masonry. İn most cases, the pavement is somewhat wider than the
walls and therefore protrudes outward by about 30-50 cm. However, in some areas the
pavement inaccurately coincides with the position and shape of the overlying walls and
pilasters. So, for example, the pavement at the northwestern angle of the temple has a
rectangular expansion that does not correspond to the shape of complex pilasters, and at
the northeastern angle not only repeats the entire profile of the pilasters, but has an even
more complex pattern than the pilasters themselves (Figures 5 and 6). İn addition, the
pavement under the bases of the pilasters is often not quite accurately located under the
pilasters. Obviously, after the pavement was completed, a new breakdown of the
building plan was made, sometimes in some details did not coincide with the original
plan.
239
 The foundations of the cathedral cut through the
humus layer of the ancient surface with a thickness of
15-20 cm, in places up to 40 cm. Rare fragments of
ceramics of the XII century are found in it. Below lies
mainland sand.
Foundations consist of cobblestones lying without
binder mortar. The size of the stones is about 10 cm,
occasionally larger. The foundations of the walls and -
pillars have a depth of about 1 m, but under the apse of
the northern narthex the foundation depth is only 0.4 m.
İn terms of width, the foundations are mostly
approximately equal to the width of the overlying walls,
although in some places both the width and the position
of the foundation -
f . cops do not accurately respond to the parts standing on them
buildings. İn addition to the foundations lying under the
walls and pillars, tape foundations were found in several
places, passing under the floor of the temple. Such
foundations are marked across the apse of the northern
narthex (along the line of the eastern wall of the
narthex), across the opening leading from the temple to
the northern narthex (along the line of the northern wall
of the smallpox volume of the temple), as well as from
the northeastern bribolic pillar to the northern wall and
from the northwestern pillar to the western wall of the
temple. On top of these ribbon foundations lay brick -
pavements, which had different thicknesses - from one
to eight rows of brickwork on
Fig. 4. Sign on the brick solution.
İnside the building on top of the ancient level of the
earth
everywhere there is a powerful layer of sand filling,
reaching in places a thickness of more than 1 m. İn this layer of filling there are
irregular layers of clay and humus, and in the upper part there is a thin layer of
lighter sand. Even higher, in some places, a thin layer of plastic red clay has
survived, apparently marking the level of the ancient floor of the temple. As it
turned out, this floor level was not strictly horizontal; to the north, it dropped
slightly, with the difference in marks in the middle and northern parts reaching
almost 30 cm. The floor was about 1.0-1.1, m above the ground surface outside the
building. This explains the lack of a portal base in the excavated northern wall of
the northern narthex. The brickwork of this wall was preserved to a height of 1.1 m
from the ancient level of the earth, and the base of the portal, apparently, began
higher. Undoubtedly, stairs were to lead to the temple portals, the remains of which,
unfortunately, were not preserved. The fact that the walls of the temple outside were
initially not sprinkled with earth is evidenced by the presence on some sections of
the very bottom of the walls of the remains of external lime coating, as well as
potholes available on the lower parts of the walls; such surface damage could not
have occurred if the walls from the beginning were covered with earthen filling.
The covering of the ancient floor has not survived anywhere. Only pieces of
irrigation floor tiles belonging to two different sets were found in the excavations.
Tiles of the first type (square -14Kh14 cm, about 3 cm thick) were found mainly
during excavations of the northern narthex. The dough of the tiles is dense, pink-red
at the surface and dark gray inside. The edges of the tiles are vertical or slightly
beveled. triangular tiles (triangle base 16 cm, height about 7 cm) belong to the same
set. All tiles, both square and triangular, are covered with single-color watering -
green, yellow or olive-black. Only a few fragments were found for a different type
of tile. That's 240
there were corners, that is, narrow tiles (3.2-3.3 cm wide), having a right angle rotation.
Their thickness is 2.0-2.4 cm. The dough of tiles is exactly the same as the tiles of the
first set, the edges are also vertical or slightly beveled. Watering is green or black, in
both cases, yellow circles with a diameter of 1.5-1.8 cm are placed on a smooth field.
There is a fragment with yellow watering and green circles. From two such corners, a
square frame was assembled, having outer sides somewhat smaller than 12 cm, with a
square hole 5,6Kh5,6 cm in size. This hole was filled with square tiles. One such tile
was found covered with yellow DOLIVA .
İn the central apse, the base of the clergy pews has been preserved.
The bench has a width of 0.5 to 0.7 m, and in the middle part it expands, forming a
platform - apparently, the base of the hegumen's chair. The bench is composed of bricks
on a mortar. Excavations uncovered four rows of bench brickwork, but initially it was
somewhat taller. The floor of the central apse was paved with two rows of bricks on the
mortar, and under the floor lies a layer of mortar up to 8 cm thick. This brick floor of the
apse was located at the level of the floor of the rest of the temple.
The cathedral building was originally built without arcosolic niches .
However, soon after construction, niches for burials were cut down in the walls. So, in
the western wall of the northern narthex, a long niche was cut down, then blocked by a
wall in two. The wall is folded into one row of bricks on clay. The width of the niche is
about 50 cm, and the length of each of the thus formed two niches is 1.9 m. Next to the
niches in the floor of the narthex, two tombs were made with wall walls made of bricks
on clay. The size of each tomb is 0.61.9 m. The earthen bottom of these tombs lies 12
cm below the floor of niches cut into the wall, and about 70 cm below the level of the
ancient floor. By the time of excavation, the brick walls of the tombs rose to a height of
85 cm, that is, slightly higher than the ancient floor. The bricks from which the walls of
the tombs are folded and the wall between the niches cut into the wall of the narthex are
3,2-3,5Kh18,5Kh26 cm in size. Judging by these brick sizes, the burials were made a
little later than the construction of the temple. İn brick tombs during excavations,
skeletons with no belongings were found badly disturbed by the male .
Another niche for burials was cut down in the northern wall of the western narthex.
The niche was built up with a wall of one brick, and on the outside of this wall there
were the remains of another burial made below the floor level. These burials were
severely destroyed .
İt should be noted that during excavations, almost no remains of plaster with
frescoes were found, but when clearing funeral niches in the northern and western
narrows, many fragments of plaster with fresco painting were found. There was also
found one nail with a wide hat, apparently for attaching plaster with painting.
Obviously, the temple as a whole was not painted, but the burials in its porches were
decorated with fresco paintings. Fresco painting is made of two types of plaster: 1) gray
rough plaster with sand and inclusions of pieces of stone and brick (the thickness of the
plaster layer is different - from 1 to 7 cm); 2) white uniform plaster without sand
inclusions (thickness not more than 5 cm). There are fragments where the painting is
executed on a thin layer of white Turkish thing lying on top of a layer of gray plaster.
The contents of the painting are mainly backgrounds and fragments of ornament,
although parts of the figures were found (for example, the fingers of a small figure). The
paints are covered with an even thin layer, apparently on raw plaster, but there are also
registration, made -
dry soil.
Outside on the lower part of the temple in several places, the remains of cream-
colored plastering were found .
24
 During excavations, very few fragments of the upper parts of the building were
found .
A small piece of sheet lead was found near the northern wall of the northern narthex,
apparently from the roof. The sheet thickness is about 0.5 cm. A fragment of a black
dough vessel with an uneven inner surface, apparently a voice, was found.
Excavations of the Cathedral of the Trinity Monastery showed that this temple in
ancient times experienced some kind of catastrophe in which its upper parts collapsed.
After that, the temple was restored. During recovery

a 1
b m
o
u corner
Fig. 5. Northwest of the temple
t
the buildings were completely shifted by bribery pillars. The northeast pillar retained
only a few lower rows of ancient masonry, and the northwest pillar was shifted to the
base, although it stands on an ancient brick pavement. The format of bricks, of which
pillars 7, O-8, ОХ12.5- '13.9Х27, O-28.5 cm are folded during reconstruction. The
solution is lime, light gray. During the reconstruction, the western narthex was almost
completely shifted, the walls of which preserved the ancient masonry to a height of no
more than 1 m, and above it was made of cobblestone brick. At the corner of the
western narthex, some kind of round structure was erected, maybe a pillar with a
diameter of about 1.5 m.
İn addition to these capital buildings, additional walls were erected inside the
cathedral: 1) separating the northern narthex from the main room and 2) connecting the
northeastern pillar with the northern wall and thereby separating the northern apse into
a separate room. These walls are composed of bricks having a size of 7 ,5-8,OKh 12,O-
13,OKh28,O-30,O cm, that is, inaccurately coinciding with the bricks used in the
reconstruction of the pillars. Thus, the construction of the inner walls, apparently, does
not coincide in time with the major reconstruction of the entire building .
During the reconstruction of the pillars and the construction of new walls in the
filling of the ancient floor, trenches were opened, which is clearly visible in the
sections. After that, a sand filling was made on top of the ancient floor, raising the floor
level about 30 cm higher than the original one. İn the area of North
242
in this layer of filling, two small blocks of ancient masonry were discovered, apparently
falling from above when the building collapsed and pushing through the ancient floor.
During the reconstruction of the temple, these blocks were not removed, but only
covered with a layer of a new floor. A new floor surface level everywhere bears traces
of fire - a coal interlayer, obviously associated with the explosion and fire of the
building in 1633.
The coating of the new floor has not survived anywhere, but in the excavations,
irrigation tiles are found, probably covering this floor. The tiles are large, on
commemorating square bricks
covered in watering. Their size is
20Kh20 cm with a thickness of about
4 cm. The dough is red through and
slightly shell in the fracture. The
edges of the tiles are vertical, very +2
clearly molded. Watering is bright 6
green or yellow, and yellow is
unmistakable. The dating of these
tiles is unclear, but it is more likely
that they date back to the time of the
reconstruction of the temple, and not
to the initial stage of construction.
During the reconstruction of the
temple, very significant work was
carried out outside the building, as a
result of which the level of the
ground around it significantly
increased. On top of the mainland soil
around the cathedral everywhere lies
a dark humus layer of the ancient soil
surface. İn some places, thin layers
(no more than 4 cm) of pure sand
discarded when the foundation is
torn off are visible near the walls of
the building. Above these layers, a
thin layer of gray humus is visible,
formed during the existence of the
cathedral before its reconstruction.
During the reconstruction, a
powerful layer of finely broken
ancient brick and mortar was poured
around the cathedral. Obviously, for
0 1
this purpose, it is broken m

Fig. 6. Northeast corner of the temple

whether and crushed the collapsed parts of the ancient temple. The ground level around
the temple was raised by almost 1 m, and the total volume of the embankment made -
about 1 thousand 3m • Taking into account that this crushed stone embankment 0.6 is a pure brick
battle, we get the volume of brick used for this purpose - about 600 m ', or about 300
thousand pieces of ancient bricks. For all the inaccuracy and convention of such a
calculation, it is clear that during the reconstruction a very significant part of the
building was replaced with new masonry. Apparently, when in 1633 the governor
Prozorovsky blew up the Trinity Cathedral, the entire upper part of this cathedral was no
longer original, but built during the reconstruction .
İt should be noted that during the reconstruction, the builders tried to preserve the
architectural forms of the ancient temple, for which they made lectured bricks of the
same profile as the Kprpichi for ancient thin semi-
243
columns. These bricks differ from the ancient ones in their dough and thickness (8 cm).
On the outer walls of the temple above the level of crushed stone filling there are
numerous pieces of gray plastering. The fact that this coating was performed after
reconstruction is evidenced by the thickening of the coating layer just to the border of
the crushed stone layer, that is, to the ground level after reconstruction. İn one case, the
coating even entered the crushed stone layer, forming a fill on it. During excavations,
two pieces of lead sticks were found with a profile reminiscent of modern İ-beams - the
remains of binding window stained glass windows. Probably, the stained glass windows
date back to the reconstruction of the temple or to some earlier stage of its conversion,
but they can hardly be considered modern to the original construction .
What time can the construction of the Cathedral of the Trinity Monastery and its
reconstruction be attributed to? The construction of the building can be dated with
quite high accuracy: the temple was built in years very close to the time of the
construction of the church of the Archangel Michael. The connection between these two
buildings is not IE. Here, both the general composition scheme and many dimensions,
architectural forms, and details of construction equipment almost completely coincide.
The architects of the Trotsky Cathedral clearly tried to somewhat modify the scheme of
the Mikhailovsky Church, giving it even greater sharpness of composition and going,
at the same time, even to a partial violation of the logic of the constructor. The
classically clear and logical scheme of the Smolensk church of the Archangel Michael
was conceived by Smolensk architects from the architecture of the neighboring Polotsk
land. The closest example here was, apparently, a temple on a detinets in Polotsk,
excavated in 1966-1967. "İn the architecture of Smolensk, this type of temple appeared
suddenly, having no preparatory forms and tradition. İn Polotsk architecture, the origins
of this composition can be traced back to the first half of the Xİİ century. So, for
example, the prototype of such a scheme can be seen in the Cathedral of the Belchitsky
Monastery, where, as İİ in the Smolensk Mikhailovsky Church, there are three narrows, and
the bribe square is transferred to one division to the west "
Obviously, in this way, the architects of the Cathedral of the Trinity Monastery on
Klovka repelled in their searches from the already created monument - the
Mikhailovsky Church, complicating and developing its structure. Therefore, the Trinity
Cathedral in terms of its construction should be erected immediately after the St.
Michael's Church, that is, in the 90s of the XII century.
The reconstruction of the temple, judging by the format of the brick and the nature
of the masonry laid under: domed pillars, was carried out in the XV or XVI century. On
top of the crushed stone layer created during the reconstruction around the temple, a
rather thick (15-20 cm) layer of humus, covered by the collapse of the building
associated with the events of 1633. Therefore, before these events the building
functioned for a long time. Therefore, it is hardly possible to attribute the reconstruction
to the end of the XVI century, to the time of the construction of the Smolensk fortress
walls. İn addition, the formats of the bricks of the Smolensk fortress and the shifted
pillars of the cathedral on Klovka do not coincide. İt is much more likely that the upper
part of the cathedral collapsed earlier, back in the 15th century, and the reconstruction -
was carried out after Smolensk passed into the hands of the Moscow government, that
is, at the beginning of the XVI century. İt must be assumed that Smolensk, returned to
the Russian state, should have been given special attention at that time and , of course,
first of all uprising the "ideological supports" of the Moscow authorities - Orthodox
monasteries .
Excavations of the Cathedral of the Trinity Monastery made it possible to
determine not only
in M. K. Karger. To the history of Polotsk architecture XII century. Sat. "New in

Archaeology ."
M., 1972, p. 202.
1 N. N, Voronin. Belchitsky ruins. Architectural inheritance, 6. M., 1956, p. 15.

244
 Fig. 7. Profile the east corner. northern narthex

Fig. 8. Building North West Corner Profiling

but the plan of the building, but also many features of its decorative decoration. One
of the most characteristic features of the temple is the profiling of its pilasters, which
gives the building a special sharpness and expressiveness. İntricately profiled tuft
pilasters are laid with the use of lectured bricks (Figures 7 and 8). Narrow bricks
with a flattened-semicircular end were used to lay out thin half-columns in the
middle of each tuft pilaster. The next ledge - a rounded blade - was laid out using
quarter-round bricks. The rest of the ledges are rectangular, composed of ordinary
bricks. Such a profiling system almost completely coincides with the profiling of the
Mikhailovsky Church, but somewhat more complicated. Tai, in the St. Michael's
Church in the corner pilasters of the western corners (both in the main building and
in the porches) between two adjacent pilasters, another ledge was introduced, and in
the Trinity Cathedral - two ledges. İn the eastern corner of the northern narthex of St.
Michael's Church there is no additional ledge between the pilasters, and in the
Trinity Cathedral there is such a ledge. The second pilaster from the east of the
northern wall in St. Michael's Church has only one rectangular division, and in
Trinity Cathedral - two. Thus, in the cathedral of the Trinity Monastery, almost all
bundle pilasters per division are more difficult than in the church of the Archangel
Michael. İn this regard, the profiling of the Trinity Cathedral is approaching,
although not quite exactly coinciding, with the profiling of the Novgorod
Pyatnitskaya Church. There is no doubt that this is not an accidental similarity. The
fact that the Novgorod Pyatnitskaya Church was erected under the leadership of
Smolensk
24

5
 Fig. 9. The second pilaster of the north wall from the east

The architect is not in doubt '* "The proximity of the planned scheme and the general
composition of the Novgorod Pyatnitskaya and Smolensk Mikhailovsky churches was
noted by many researchers. Excavations of the Trinity Monastery Cathedral on Klovka
give, however, reason to argue that during the construction of the Pyatnitsky Church in
Novgorod they focused not only on the Mikhailovsky Church, but also on a wider
range of Smolensk monuments, an important place among which was occupied by the
Trinity Monastery Cathedral .
İt remains not entirely clear what the original texture was: the facades of the Trinity
Cathedral. Excavations showed that the remains of a coat made before the
reconstruction of the building were preserved in the lower part of the walls. Meanwhile,
in the Mikhailovsky Church, the decorative development of the facades, which includes
a wide strip that imitates masonry "with a hidden row," certainly indicates that the
surface of the walls was originally. pe was designed for coating with a coat. The
stylistic and nomopoeptic proximity of the Mikhailovsky and Trinity churches gives
reason to believe that the nature of the development of the facades in them was the
same. Probably, the coat on the walls of the Trinity Cathedral dates back to the time of
one of the repairs, and initially the facades of the cathedral, as well as the St. Michael's
Church, were not covered with a coat .
The main difference between the Trinity Cathedral and the St. Michael's Church is
the abbreviation of the eastern part (Fig. 3). This reduction is so significant that it was
necessary to completely discard the eastern pair of pillars, on which the eastern wall of
the building rests in St. Michael's Church. İn order to give the composition even more
sharpness with such a reduction in the main volume, the architects narrowed the
narthex. This, of course, entailed a general narrowing of the building and a decrease in
the width of the central apse. However, the architects did not dare to reduce the
diameter of the drum and dome, rightly believing that in this case the temple would
become less majestic. Therefore, by reducing the width of the bribery space, they at the
same time kept its length equal to the size of the bribery space of the Mikhailovsky -
Church. The transition from an elongated bribery space to a round drum was probably
carried out with the help of an additional arch, as was done, for example, in the Kyiv
Kirillovsky Church "

18
Architecture of Novgorod in the light of recent research. Sat. "Novgorod. To the 4100th
anniversary of the city. " M., 1964, p. 211 (the author of the section is G. M. Shtender).
19
N.V. Kholostenko. New data on the Kirillov Church in Kyiv. Cultural monuments, 2. M., 1960,
p. 16.
246
Fig. 10. Cathedral of the Trinity Monastery, Reconstruction of the author. Drawing by T. E. Troshkina

As a result of combining such conflicting requirements, a monument was obtained

in which internal and external divisions do not coincide: on the northern and southern
facades of the temple, the width of the division determined by the size of the narthex is
much less than the distance between the bribery pillars .
During the construction of the building, the architects, apparently, changed the
construction plan several times. So, laying the foundation and bringing out a brick
pavement over the feast, they outlined in the Jta pavement an extremely complex and
crushed profile of pilasters, which was then, during the construction of walls, somewhat
simplified (although in a simplified version it is more complex than in the Mikhailovsky
church). İn addition, erecting walls, the architects threw back the second pilaster of the
northern wall outlined in the pavement from the east (and, probably, the pilaster of the
southern wall symmetrical to it). Obviously, the architects were embarrassed by the
discrepancy between the outer and inner divisions of the temple and they decided to
combine them, leading the outer pilaster of the northern wall to the corresponding
24

7
 vetie with the eastern pair of pillars. Notesİn this case, it would be necessary to transfer the
eastern wall of the main volume to the eastern wall of the building, that is, to the
shoulders of the side apses, and these apses themselves are completely eliminated from
the outside. The second pilaster from the east really turned out to be superfluous.
During the construction process, S. V. KUZMINYKH,
it obviously V. S. PA TROIPEV
became clear that such a move could not
be carried out, since the pilasters corresponding to the eastern pair of pillars would not
coincide with the corner pilastersAKOZINO of the narthex. MOLD And such a mismatch of the pilasters
of the main volume
İn 1972, studies of and thethe narthex
Mari would violate
archaeological the logic
expedition of building
within the facaderight
the Gornomaria and
would be a much
bank were continued. greater sin than: the invisible to the viewer mismatch of external and
internal divisions.
Significant Therefore,
stationary workthe was intermediate
carried out solution was discarded
at the Akozinsky and the
settlement architects
1, which had already

returned
been to the by
excavated original version. The
R.V. Chubarova z second pilaster from the east was erected (not
exactlyA.on the
and Kh.base, but moving
Khalikov 3• it 20 cm to the east) without dressing with a wall. Of
Previous
course, at somedid
excavations height,
not the pilaster
reveal any should
objectshave been bandaged, otherwise it would have
laggedthan
other behind
spotsthe
of wall
calcined altogether.
earth. İn When1972,the wall swelled and tilted somewhat during
the destruction of
the settlement revealed the building, the gap between the wall and the pilastra was revealed
especially clearly (Fig.
remains of a wooden dwelling on the 9). Of course, it is very possible that architects in the
construction
ground *. process did not experience such fluctuations, and the temporary absence
of one of the pilasters is explained
A significant ceramic complex of the by a simple error corrected during the work. And

t
yet, the likelihood
dwelling of such changes
does not significantly changein thethedesign of the composition is very high.
The fact thatofthethe
characteristics lowerceramic
part of the of Trinity
the Cathedral 1 was2 completely preserved with
all the profiling, as well
settlement given by A. Kh. Khalikov •as the presence of such a close analogy as the Church of the
Archangel 5 Michael, allow
Dating of the Akozinsky settlement was an attempt to graphically reconstruct the original appearance
of the Trinity Church (Figure
proposed by the researcher within the Xİİİ- 10) ~ The width of the Trinity and Mikhailovsky
churches, as well as the length
Xİİ centuries. BC: e. İt is based on the of their main volume (not taking into account the apse),
differs byofonly
presence 0.5 m. With
expressive featuressuch ofaceramics
slight difference in size and with the same diameter
ofthe
of theKhvalynsky
drum of the period
dome, the heights
of log cultureof the
andmain volume of the building and the temple
as a whole should almost
monuments of the Pozdnyakovskaya site completely coincide in these monuments. At the same time,
the narthex of
type in the ceramic the Trinity Cathedral
complex of the should have been lower than the narthex of the
Mikhailovsky Church, since
settlement • This date, obviously, does not otherwise, with different widths, they would have had
completely different proportions.
contradict a large fragment of a gray clay The production of the head
\
of the Trinity Church
shouldfor
mold notcasting
have coincided
spear tips with the divisions
(Figures 1, 1). of the northern\and southern facades, as it
was due
He's to the arrangement of bribery pillars. The placement'of window openings and
nude--
elements of decorative decoration can be conditionally taken by
Fig. 1. Mold fragments withanalogy with the
wives in the filling
Mikhailovsky of the
Church . southwest corner Akozinsky settlement
dwellings, in a layer of variegated loam with
The Cathedral
abundant inclusionofofthefragments
Trinity Monastery
of ceramics, on Klovka
bones isand certainly
stones.one
Onofthe
the preserved
most
outstanding monuments of ancient Smolensk architecture.
working surface of the form, part of the feather is visible (length 5 cm, maximum The discovery and studywidth
of
this monument provides extremely valuable information for the
1.7 cm) and part of the feather rod of a rounded shape (restored diameter 1.5 cm). Patina characterization of the
Smolensk architectural
greenish-grayish school, its development and the role that this school played in
shade testimony
the history of architecture of other Russian lands.

R. A. Rappoport

LA CATHEDRALE DU MONASTERE DE LA TRINITE А КLОVКА

(Smolensk)
Resume

Еп 1972-1973, а Smolensk, des fouilles ont @te effectuees dans les ruines de la cathedrale du
onastere de la Trinite. Cet @difice avait @te construit dans les annees 90 du XIIe siecle, et etait ип
des plus remarquables monuments de l'ancienne architecture locale. L'etude des restes de la cathedrale
fournit des renseignements importants permettant de degager les traits caracteristiques de
l'architecture de l'@cole de Smolensk а la fin du XIIe s. et dans le premier tiers du Xllle s., ainsi que
le role joue par cette @cole dans le developpement de l'architecture russe ancienne.
 1
1

\
\

'V. S. Patrushev, S. V. Kuzminykh. Mari expedition. JSC - 1972, M., 1973, pp. 183, 184.
2
R.V. Chubarova. Archaeological expedition MarNII, 1952 Uch. zap. MarNII, vol. V. Yoshkar-
Ola, 1953, pp. 286, 287.
A. Kh. Khalikov. Materials for the study of the history of the population of the Middle Volga
region and the Lower Kama region in the Neolithic and Bros era: call. Works of MAE, İoshkar-Ola,
1960, pp. 167-173 .
V. S. Patrushev, S. V. Kuzminykh. Uk. Op.
· A. Kh. Khalikov. Uk. Op., pp. 167-172. in
İbid., pp. 169, 171.
24

9
uses a mold for bronze casting. The shaped spear tip obviously belongs to the type of
recessed with a round or rounded rod within the Seimin chronological horizon (XIV-
XII centuries. BC e.) '. Unfortunately, the length of the sleeve and feather is difficult to
restore, the width of the feather is 5.5-5.7 cm. But after forging it could become
somewhat larger. There are no traces of the gate on the mold. He was obviously in the
back of it. The semicircular section of one leaf of the form (round in both) does not find
a complete analogy. The most close section of some stone moulds for casting dart tips
and spears from the Rostovkinsky burial ground 8• İn addition to the described fragment,
another expressionless fragment of a clay mold was found in the layer of the settlement
(Figures 1, 2).

7
E. N. Chernykh. The oldest metallurgy of the Urals and the Volga region. MIA, 172, 1970, tabl.
G.
8
V.İ. Matyushenko, G.V. Lozhnikova. Excavations of the burial ground near the village of
Rostovka near Omsk in 1966-1969 (Preliminary report). Sat. "From the History of Sibirp," vol. 11.
Field work 1969 Tomsk, 1969, Table 9, I-2; 10, 1.

İ.B.VASİLYEV
DUVANEISK SETTLEMENT OF THE LATE BRONZE AGE IN BASHKIRIA

Monuments of the late Bronze Age of Prikamye in general and Bashkiria, in

particular, are devoted to quite a lot of literature 1• However, there are different and
sometimes opposite points of view on the history, origin, cultural affiliation of their
carriers. The creation of a single view of the history of Prikamye in pre-Panhinian times
is hindered by the insufficient number of fully published monuments. From the entire
territory of the Middle and Lower Prikamye, the adjacent regions of the Middle Volga
region and the Southern Urals, only Lugovskoye İİ °, Ananyinsky *, Gulkinskoye ',
Kurgan *, Kumyskoye "*, Kasyanovskoye," Erzovskoye 9* Fighting İİ settlements were
monographically published. The remaining monuments are published in works of a
consolidated nature, which do not give a complete idea of the material culture of the
population that left them .

1
A.V. Zbrueva. Late bronze culture in the Kama region in connection with the question of the
composition of the Ananyin culture. SA, 1957, 2; K.V. Salnikov. Essays on the ancient history of the
Southern Urals. M., 1967; A. Kh. Khalikov. Ancient history of the Middle Volga region. M., 1969 ; O.
N. Bader, B. Kh. Kadikov Settlements of the Bronze Age on the Kama between the city of OhanSKO ) İ
İİ Sarapul. SA, 1957, 3; V.P. Denisov. Late Bronze Age cultures in the Upper and Middle Kama region
and their role in the formation of Ananyin culture. UZ PSU, 148. Perm, 1968; V.F. Gening and N.İ.
Sovtsova. About the West Siberian component in the composition of the Ananyin community. UZ
PSU, 148. Perm, 1968 .
2
A.V. Zbrueva. Monuments of the Late Bronze Age in the Prikazansky Volga region and the
Lower Kama region. MIA, 80, 1960, pp. 22-29.
• A.V. Zbrueva. The history of the resettlement of Prikamye in the Anapn era. MIA, 30, 1952, pp.
193-198.
· She is. Monuments of the Late Bronze Age..., pp. 45-67.
· G.R. İshmuratova. Zakoranskaya and Ananyin ceramics of the Kurgan settlement; UZ PSU,
148. Perm, 1967; • N. Starostin. Dwellings of the settlement of Kurgan . İbid.
6
V.F. Gening, P.N. Starostin, Kumysky parking lot and burial ground NKAE Reports, İssue 1. m.,
1972.
7
A.V. Zbrueva. Parking lot named after M.İ. Kasyanov. ALS, Ufa, 1959; A. V. Zbrueva, V. G.
Tikhonov. Monuments of the Bronze Age in Bashkiria. İn Sat. "Antiquities of Bashkiria." M., 1970,
pp. 103-112.
8
V.P. Denisov. To the history of the population of the Middle Kama region in the Late Bronze
Age. İn Sat. "From the History of the Urals." Sverdlovsk, 1960, pp. 29-34 .
9
O.N. Bader. Settlements at Boytsov and issues of periodization of Middle Kama bronze.
Reports K (B) AE, you, 2. M., 1961, pp. 436-164.
250
 f- •••••••••••••• -·············-··1 )

-.>
---,
1

y:)
A
(n
d
7!

Fig. 1. Ceramics from the Duvanean settlement

This work publishes one of the monuments of the late Bronze Age, studied in recent
years in Bam: Kirii .
The settlement is located on the right bank of the river. Belaya 1.5 km south of the
village. Udelno-Duvaniy and 1 km north of the village. İlyinsky Blagoveshchensk
district of the BASSR. İt is located on a flat area convenient for settlement of 200Kh30
m, protected from eastern and northern winds by high hills of the indigenous bank of
the river. Belaya. The territory of the settlement is well ground, does not open and only
in the southern part is cut by a small stream .
The monument is partially destroyed, as the river bank is actively washed in high
water. When examining it in the spring of 1970 r. large pieces of the recently collapsed
cultural layer with finds were found on the scourge.
The settlement was discovered in 1958 by A.P. Shokurov. " İn 1965, on the
instructions of K. V. Salnikov, A. Kh. Pshenichnyuk visited and surfed him. İn 1966 r.
G.İ. Matveeva laid a excavation with an area of 70 m on the monument. " İn 1970 r.
the author and members of the school archaeological circle at Bashkir University
uncovered an area of 80 2m •
The stratigraphy of the settlement is very simple: 0-20 cm - a sod layer with
almost no finds, 20-70 - a dark gray humus saturated with cultural remains, below -
brown clay. No residential or economic facilities were found, only in the northern part
of the excavation a small circular hole with a diameter of 0.8 m, a depth of 0.25 m from
the mainland level was opened. Four fragments of the vessel, three flint debris were
found in it

0 İ.P. Shakurov. Report for 1958 r. Archive of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR, R-1, No.
1724, p. 65; his. Materials for the archaeological map of the lower reaches of the river. White and
middle reaches of the river. İk. İn Sat. "Antiquities of Bashkiria." M., 1970, p. 149, No. 189.
251
 frc
% (o( 10
C22 42d227

\
2 1
3

( m
(
3

~
.. . . .
, Fig. 2. Pottery from the settlement

.. .
pa, several animal bones and embers. İn the cultural layer of the settlement there are
fragments of vessels (Fig. 1-3), flint tools and chips (Fig. 4, 4-13), fragments of
bone objects (Fig. 4, 1-3), two halves of a clay mold (Fig. 5), animal bones, scales and
fish bones. İn total, about 1000 fragments of ceramics, flint and bone products were
collected on the monument.

.. .. -
Ceramics can be divided into several groups. -
-- - -- 1, l-3). These are
,, -- (Fig.
The first includes fragments of 10 vessels of the~log, , -==--==
culture
'
six pot-shaped and four jar thick-walled flat-bottomed vessels of gray and yellow
color, with an admixture of chamotte and sand in the clay. The ceramics are durable,
well burned. One pot on the neck has a roll rounded in section (Fig. 1.3). The ornament
consists of notches and a large-toothed stamp, applied in the form of hatched triangles,
horizontal and inclined lines, Christmas tree .
Fragments of 20 Cherkaskul vessels belong to the second group (Figures 1, 5-11;
Fig. 3, 2). They are gray and yellow, an admixture of crushed shell in clay. The firing is
weak, the ceramics are fragile, and it crumbles easily. The shape of the vessels is pot-
shaped, with a smooth · transition slightly bent
252
 2 <2
~

111,
.jl'

..,,.,,
'
And
/ \
And
/1
/\/\ /1
\ 1'J\
1 1
\
1 '
1
22
FR9 7

5
i
n

)
5

Fig. 3. Reconstruction of the upper part of the

vessels

that outside the corolla into a bloated body. He sings rollers on the necks of pots. One
vessel has a corolla strongly tapered outwards (Fig. 1, 5). Fragments of three or four
bottoms with small edges were found, which, judging by the texture and admixture of
the shell, belong to the vessels of this group. The ornament covers the neck and
shoulders of the pots. İt is made with a small-toothed stamp or thread in the form of a
horizontal herringbone (Fig. 1, 6, 7, 10), inclined or crossing prints divided by
horizontal lines (Fig. 3, 2), rows of notches (Fig. 1, 5, 9), hatched diamonds (Fig. 1, 8),
forest meander (Fig. 1, 11).
The main part of ceramics (about 100 vessels) belongs to the third group (Fig. 2; 3,
5-10). These are pots with a straight or outward bent corolla, a high neck, a sharp
transition to a strongly inflated body. 10 vessels on the neck have Ananyin-type collars
(Fig. 2, 10-12; Fig. 3, 9). The color is gray, yellow, brownish, in clay - an impurity of
the crushed shell. The ceramics are denser and stronger than the vessel fragments of the
previous group. At the transition of the neck to the body or slightly higher, all vessels,
with rare exceptions, have a belt of pits, grouped at 3-4 pcs., Or located triangles: the
top is down. Deep filaments form convexities on the inside of the vessel. Only the neck
of the vessels is ornamented, the ornament does not descend on the shoulders. İt is
applied with a small-toothed or smooth die and the end of a stick. Ornamental motifs
are as follows: notches applied in groups, rows or in disorder - 35 vessels (Figures 2,
11-16; 3, 9), horizontal zigzag of 37 vessels (sometimes combined with notches)
(Figures 2, 5, 8, 10), grid - five vessels (Figures 3, 7), hatched triangles - one vessel
253
 !1

1.%
f ~ #/s - 0 ~): 7
:•
"r4
~ ,~•-
3+
1. • 73730

80.8 00
71 1U 11
8 in
12 ! Z

Fig. 4. Bone (1-3) and flint (4-13) products

{Fig. 2, 9), horizontal stamp prints with notches between them or descending
downwards in the form of triangles - two vessels (Fig. 2, 8; 3, 6).
Six vessels with a small thickened collar on the neck are peculiar (Figures 1, 12-
14; 3, 1, 3, 4). Some elements are pits, located by a triangle (rie. 3, 4), flag ornament
(rie. 1, 12; 3, 4) - they flick it with ceramics of the third group, and smooth profiling,
ornamentation of not only the corolla, but also the shoulders of the vessels are
characteristic of ceramics of the second, Cherkaskul group .
A fragment of one small Abashev vessel is distinguished (Figs. 1, 4). İt has a light
brown color, an admixture of shamot in clay. On the inside of the neck is an edge. The
ornament covers the outer and inner surface of the vessel. İt consists of horizontal
grooves and a finely toothed zigzag on the outside and hatched triangles on the inside.
İn addition to the ceramic described above, the monument contains a small
collection of vascular fragments from the early Middle Ages.
Flint products from the settlement are represented by one rough cutting tool (Figures
4, 4), three arrowheads of elongated triangular shape with broken points (Figures 4, 5-
7), one arrowhead
254
 Fig. 5. Clay mold

rhombic-shaped bars (Fig. 4, 8), four scrapers made on peels (Fig. 4 , 11-13), one
long regular knife-shaped plate (Fig. 4, 9). İn addition, 32 pieces of flint were found
and 70 chipped away without traces of processing. The flint from which dirty gray
objects are made is of poor quality. The technique of making guns is low, retouching is
rough, sloppy.
A fragment of an object with an arcuate working edge (Fig. 4, J) and fragments of
two points or splines (Fig. 4, 2, 3) were found from bone products.
The most interesting find from the monument is two halves of the mold (Fig. 5).
They are made of clay with an admixture of shamot and plant remains, after burning of
which voids are visible on the surface and in the fracture. The color of the form is
brown. İts length is 8.5-9 cm, the sprine is 4.5-5 cm, the thickness of each half is from
0.8 to 1.5 cm. The working part shows traces of exposure to high temperature,
indicating that the shape was used. İt was used to cast an oblong wedge-shaped tool 5.4
cm long, 1.5 cm wide. On the opposite side of the hole, in: which was poured metal,
there is a small groove. İt does not connect to the cavity of the mold and, apparently,
served to disconnect it after casting.
Ceramics of the first group from the settlement are characteristic of monuments of
log culture. İnteresting is the fact of finding it on the right bank of the river. Belaya,
while the main memorials of this culture are located on its left bank '. Apparently, small
groups of the population of the log culture crossed the river. White and settled its right
bank. Several logging settlements on the right bank of the lower reaches of the river.
Belaya were discovered by A. P, Shokurov * °. Unfortunately, they were not excavated,
and it is not clear what they are - small sites or long-term settlements with a rich cultural
layer ?
The second group of ceramics is close to the materials of the Cherkaskul settlements
of Bashkiria "and the Trans-Urals."
The main, third, group of fragments of vessels from the settlement is completely
similar to the ceramics of the monuments of the late Bronze Age of Bashkiria, united by
K.V. Salnikov in culture: Kurmantau. Most of them

11
K.V. Salnikov. Uk. Op. p. 150, Fig. 17.
12
4. P, Shokurov. Materials for the archaeological map..., No. 22, 27, 35, 48, 72, 427, 191.
from K.V. Salnikov. Uk. Op. p. 366, Fig. 59.
n He is. Some issues of the history of the forest Trans-Urals in the Bronze Age. WOW, 6.
Sverdlovsk, 1964, p. 15, Fig. 4; page 16, Fig. 5; V. S. Stokolos. Culture of the Bronze Age population
of the Southern Trans-Urals. M., 1972, p. 61, Fig. 22; p. 62, Fig. 23.
25
5
refers to the final of the Bronze Age and joins the materials of the Early Anyan
settlements. Excavations of the Duvaney settlement due to the small amount of
Cherkaskul ceramics do not say anything about the chronological ratio of the
Cherkaskul and Kurmantau populations. However, a study of the Birsky settlement *
'showed that on this monument the Cherkaskul population preceded Kurmantau.
Perhaps, at the Duvanei settlement, the finds of different groups of ceramics in one
layer are the result of not coexistence, but mechanical mixing of material, although this
issue can be finally resolved only after extensive excavations of the monument. İn 1971
r. in the lower reaches of the river. Belaya V. A. İvanov and the author studied the Old
Yanziritovskaya site, which gave material, on the one hand, close to Cherkaskul
ceramics, on the other, pre-Hanyaninsky Kurmantau ceramics. Apparently, this parking
lot is a link between Cherkaskul and Kurmantau monuments .
The ceramics of the third group of the Duvaney population and the rest of the
monuments of the Kurmantau culture allocated by K.V. Salnikov are close and often
completely similar to the materials of the pre-Hanyan monuments of Prikamye -
Ananyinsky, Atabaevsky *, Gulkinsky, Kazan, "Erzovsky *," Zayurchimsky ° ',
Boytovsky, "etc. A. V. Zbrueva, A. Kh. Khalikov, V. P. Denisov and other researchers
have already written about this. Recognizes the zto and K.V. Salnikov himself,
including in the culture of Kurmantau Maklashevsky burial ground, located far to the
west, on the Volga, "and speaking about the proximity of cultural monuments of
Kurmantau to the materials of Lugovskaya 11,
Gulkinskaya, Ananyinsky sites, settlements of the Erzovsky type ° "*. Some
differences in the Kurmantau, Yerzov, Lugov, late Kazan groups of monuments are not
so large that individual cultures can be distinguished, and, apparently, all of them
belong to a single pre-Panhanian culture with several options .

5 İ, B. Vasiliev, V. S. Gorbunov. Birsk settlement. CA, 1975, 3.

And , V. Zbrueva. The history of the population of Prikamye..., p. 195, table. XXXV .
16
1
1 N. A, Prokoshev. Monuments of the Bronze Age at the mouth of the river. Kama. KSIIMK,
XXV, 1949, Fig. 20.
18
İ.V. Zbrueva. Monuments of the Late Bronze Age..., p. 62, Fig. 24; page 63, Figure 25.
19
N, F. Kalinin. Kazan parking lot. Historical and archaeological collection . M.,
1948, p. 184, Fig. 4.
20
V, P. Denisov. To the history of the population..., p. 33, Fig. 2, 1-3.
He 21is. Late Bronze Culture..., p. 36, Fig. 2, 2-3.
2 O. N. Bader. Settlements at Boytsov and issues of periodization of Middle Kama bronze.
Reports K (B) AE, issue 2. M., 1961, p. 152, Fig. 32; page 161, Figure 33.
2
0 K, V. Salnikov. Uk. Op., p. 383.
2
4 İbid., p. 378.

V. A. PETRENKO
HOARD OF HORSE EQUIPMENT FROM EXCAVATIONS
OF THE SECOND KHANKAL SETTLEMENT (Chechen-
İngushetia )
Excavations of the second Hankal settlement - an interesting monument of
Scythian-Sarmatian time - began in 1968 and continue now. * İn the first (exploratory)
excavation, laid at the edge of the moat that encircles the fortified part of the vast
settlement, at a depth of 0.3 m from the far
'V. B, Vinogradov. New monuments of archeology in Chechen-İngushetia. AO-1968, M., 1969,
p. 86.
• V. D. Baibik, V. B. Vinogradov. Notes on cult ceramics from monuments of archeology of
Chechen-İngusheti, NPP, 111. Grozny, 1969, pp. 82-86; V. B. Vinogradov, V. A. Petrenko. Excavations
of the second Hankal settlement. JSC -1970, M., 1971.
256
 !J

2 3 cm

A complex of finds from excavations of the second Khankalsk settlement

surface, an expressive set of things was discovered (13 items in total) that lay
compactly 3• This complex of finds was determined by the excavation leader V. B.
Vinogradov as a treasure of horse equipment *.
İt consists of four bronze massive bead beads with a through central hole (Fig.
1, 3-6), fragmented iron ring rods (Fig. 1, 2), two drilled astragalas (Fig. 1, 8-9),
cowry shells, two flat-cylindrical drilled in the middle of stone beads, a large barrel-
shaped bead made of white paste with blue "eyes" (Figures 1, 10-13) and two
bronze objects. One of them (Figures 1, 1) has a loop and a hook at the end. The
second (Figures 1, 7) is smoothly curved, thinning to the preserved (one of two) end,
decorated with transverse notches and a biconic "ball." İn section, the object is
segmevtoid, the interior is hollow. External

pp. 113-115; V. B Vinogradov. Across the ridges of the ages. Grozny, 1970, pp. 30-37; V. A.
Petrenko, V. B. Vinogradov. Report on excavations of the 2nd Khankal settlement in 1974. Stored
in the archive of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR .
• V. B. Vinogradov. Report on excavations for 1968 in Chechen-İngushetia, Stored in the
archive of CHINIA İYAL No. 148, p. 146 .
"İ am deeply grateful to V. B. Vinogradov for the opportunity to publish this complex of
things.
9 Soviet Archaeology, M 4 25
7
 the side has a projection in the form of a ball and a trace from the other, obviously
the same, both forming "heads" of pins swimming with iron.
The entire set as a whole, and especially the last two of its described
components, is unusual and even unique to the North Caucasus. The search for
analogies takes them far north and northwest.
İron ringed rods of the type represented in the Khankal complex are widespread
geographically (Dnieper, Podonye, Volga region, North Caucasus, etc.) and
chronologically (5th century BC İİİ century AD). They, like kauri shells,
chronologically neutral stone pendants and drilled astragalas, ocular beads, similar
to the usual in the antiquities of Scythian-Sarmatian times, do not allow any exact
dating of the complex.
Somewhat more definite are the bronze massive ghost beads: specimens
(although non-identical) are known to them in the monuments of the İV-İII
centuries. don. e. the right bank of the Middle Pridneprovye, where they are
interpreted as attractions of the horse's bridle '.
Most important in the treasure are bronze objects. The first of them is compared
with the numerous horse foreheads presented in antiquities on the Middle Don.
Bronze, iron, silver, they date there from the İV- İİ centuries. BC e. ° According to
the typology of P. D. Liberov, the hankal headband, in which the original
zoomorphic design plot (bird figure?) İs only slightly guessed in the contour of the
plate, and the hook (originally the head of the bird) takes the form of a smooth
curved rod, should be dated İİ- İİ centuries BC. e. * Our headband does not have
exact analogies, but it is close to the silver headbands from the so-called clades of
Klimenkovsky and Antipovsky °.
Klimenkovsky and Antipovsky complexes usually dated back to the İİ century.
BC e. Recently, strong evidence was given in favor of the possibility of their
trembling and these treasures are attributed to the time no later than the turn of the
III-11 centuries. BC e. °
İn this regard, the second bronze object from the Khankal treasure, which does
not have direct analogies, is especially interesting. He shows obvious similarity to
those details of the horse bridle, which are defined by V. G. Petrenko as "moon-like
buckle plaques." İn the monuments of the right bank of the Middle Dnieper region,
tak date back to the second half of the V-İII centuries. BC e. (Raigorod,
Berestnyagi, Zhurovka). " These objects come closer to the Khankal sickle shape,
the presence of pins with balls, as well as the fact that they were all attached to
some soft base with the help of two iron rivets. At the same time, the Khankal
object noticeably deviates from the "lunar" forms of Dnieper blies of the second
half of the 5th century AD. The presence of biconic thickenings at its ends is a
common technique for decorating many objects of the bridle set in the İV- İİİ
centuries BC 1e.1
Thus, most of the items of the treasure are dated in a fairly wide range : V-İİ
centuries. BC e. However, the combination of them in one .complex and some of
the details of the design of a number of them noted above ,

5
V. G. Petrenko. The right bank of the Middle Dnieper in the V-111 centuries. BC e. SAİ, D1-4,
M., 1967, Table 27, Fig. 57 .
6
P. D. Liberov. Monuments of Scythian time on the Middle: Don. SAİ, D1-31, M., 1965, Table
22, Fig. 10, 24; Table 23, Fig. 5, 35; Table 26, Figure 3.
7
P. D. Liberov. Are Savromats Sirm: Ata? Sat. "The population of Middle Don in Scythian
times." M., 1969, p. 32.
8
İ.İ. Gushchina. An accidental find in the Voronezh region. SA, 1961, 2, p. 241 p.; İ.V. Yatsenko.
Early Sarmatian burial in the North Donets Basin. KSIA AN USSR, 89, 1962, pp. 42, 43.
• P. D. Liberov. Savrom: Are the Sirmats?, p. 33 .
0 V, G. Petrenko. Uk. Op., Table 25, Figs. 2, 4, 6; Table 29, Figure 15 .
11
P. D. Liberov. Monuments of Scythian time on the Middle: Don, Table 22, Figures 1, 24; Table
23, Fig. 4, 33; Table 24, Figure 63, etc.; V.V. Vinogradov. Central and Northeast Caucasus in Scythian
times. Grozny, 1972, Fig. 2, 12; M. G. Moshkova. Monuments of Prokhorov culture. SAİ, D±-10, M.,
1963, Table 21, 4 .
258
 1/

t
suggest that the treasure in the cultural layer of the second Hankal settlement was 7
buried in the İİ - early İİ century. BC e. This does not contradict the nature of
the ceramics from the find layer: it retains an even Scythoid appearance (stucco,
variegated 2firing, decorated with plucked pluck rollers) * °. İndirect, but, in our
opinion, a significant argument in favor of such a chronological definition is the fact
3 of using theabout
settlement
1 z for3 cm
a burial ground from the İV-İII centuries. BC e, '*
The published materials complement the poorly understood picture 20 ЗОсмof the
relationship between the natives of the North Caucasus - the inhabitants of the
second Khankal settlement and the population of the South Russian steppe I and
forest-steppe on the eve of the establishment of Sarmatian hegemony on the
Ciscaucasian plains. "

12
V.V. Vinogradov. Report on excavations in 1968 in Chechen-İngushetia. Stored in CHINIA
İYAL, No. 148.
1
z V. B. Vinogradov, V. A. Petrenko. Excavations of the second Hankal settlement, p. 114 .
V. B, Vinogradov. Central and Northeast Navkaz, p. 31 sl.

E. P, KAZAKOV
TWO BURIALS OF THE CHISHMINSKY BURIAL GROUND

İn 1973, teacher M. G. Taimasov in Kazan reported destruction during

construction work in the village. Chishme of the Aktanysh district of the T
Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic of an ancient burial and sent things: a
fragment of a stucco vessel (such as Figures 2, 22), bronze pendants (Figures 2, 10,
13), a fragment of a chain and
three silver linings (Fig. 2, 2-4).
We conducted a survey of the monument. İt is located on the cape of the
indigenous terrace, rising 15 m above the floodplain of the left bank of the river.
Xun - the left tributary of the river. White. The area of a monument is built up.
Judging by the lack of burials in the silage trenches dug by the bulldozer, the burial
ground has a small area. We have cleared two burials.
There are no external signs of burials. The stratigraphy recorded in outcrops and
bulldozer trenches is simple: to a depth of 50-60 cm there is a layer of chernozem,
below - a layer of loam and clay.
Burial 1 (Fig. 1, İ). The outlines of the grave in the layer of grayish chernozem are
not traced. Burial at a depth of 50 cm. The western part of it is destroyed by a pillar
pit. Fragments of tubular bones lying in disarray, fragments of a human skull
impregnated with oxide bronze, a broken vessel (Figures 2, 22), glass spherical
beads - two blue and one green (Figures 2, 1), strung onto a cord twisted from two
strands, silver pendants (Figures 2, 6, 7), overlays (Figures 2, 2-3; Fig. 2, 3-2
copies), bronze fragment of temporal suspension (Figs. 2, 9), a tie in the form of a
high narrow trapezoid (Figs. 2, 14), decoration fragment (Fig. 2, 5), broken heart
suspension (Fig. 2, 13), an iron buckle (Fig. 2, 8), fragments of clothes made of
sheepskin and fur beast skin, scraps of cord twisted from two veins, scraps of leather
and canvas from the belt and long black human hair. According to local residents,
the above things sent to Kazan also come from the same pit .
The rest of the burial is not disturbed. Two skeletons were cleared.
Judging by the bones remaining in situ, the skeleton of an adult, oriented head to
west with a slight (14 °) deviation to the south, lay elongated on its back. Hands
slightly bent in elbows and laid with hands on
9* 259
 0@
1

$.68,
10

16

! H oh {'

~ ~1\

% L
[
0 10 20 zo cm

Fig. 1. 1. Plan of pogroms. 1: J - vessel, 2 pieces of fabric, fur, 3 - waistband pads, 4 non-ferrous
jewelry: metal, 5 - remains of bridle set, 6 - rods stirrup, belt tip. 11. Plan uorp. 2:1 ,
,7- 8- ,4 5
-: ring 2 - tweezers, 3- knife - arrowhead, -

, bones of horse legs, 7 - femur: horse bone, 8 - uncertain: animal bone, 9 - ceramic fragment.
crampons 6 - skull and:

İİİ. We-
cabbage soup from pogroms. 2: J - ring, tweezers, knife, 4- arrow
2- 3-
 a
%23

Y=r'
24
b
o
u
t
оt2 3 cm

Fig. 2. Clothing and: e norp. 1: 1- bead, 2-4 - waist set pads ,

decoration fragment, 7 - pendants,
5- 6, 8 ,9
- buckle , hangers, 11,
10 - temporal

12 - chest jewelry, 13, 14 - pendants, 15-21 - objects of the bridle set, 22 - a vessel, 23-25 tips of
/

belts, 26 - rods, 27 - stirrup. 1 - glass, 8, 26,

27 - iron, 22 - ceramics, the rest - non-ferrous metal
pelvis. To the right of the right humerus of the buried was the femur of a horse. On the
left along the left leg, the remains of a belt bridle with silver connecting plaques
(Figures 2, 17-6 copies), overlays (Figures 2, 15-2 copies; Fig. 2, 18 - 15 copies;
Figures 2, 1 - 1 copies; Fig. 2, 20-7 copies; Fig. 2, 21 -3 copies), with belt tips
(Fig. 2, 16 -3 copies; Fig. 2, 23 -2 copies; Fig. 2, 24 -1 copies) and iron rods (Fig. 2,
26). The foot of the right leg has an iron stirrup (Fig. 2, 27) and near its loop a bronze
tip with the remains of a belt (Fig. 2, 25). To the right of the right leg was a poorly
preserved children's skeleton, lying elongated, on the back, with its head to the
southwest.
According to r rebbe ni e 2 (Fig. 1, 11). The outline of the grave pit in the form of a
slightly visible dark spot 190Kh75-68 cm in size, stretched strictly along the east-west
line, appeared at a depth of 40 cm. At the same depth in the central part of the grave, a
fragment of stucco ceramics of dark-red color with an admixture of sand in the dough
was found. İn the layer transitioning from chernozem to loam, burial at a depth of 60
cm. The backbone of an adult, oriented head to west, lay elongated, on its back. The
skull is turned on the left side, the left hand is bent at the elbow at right angles, its
radial bones were on the abdomen. The left leg is somewhat bent in the knee .
Buried, apparently, died a violent death. The lower jaw, vertebrae (except cervical),
ribs, bones of the right hand below the elbow and the hand of the left hand are absent.
The upper part of the skull is cut off, apparently with a sword or saber. To the left of the
legs of the buried is cleared the skull of the horse, laid with the skull lid up, oriented to
the west. East of the skull of the phalanx of the horse's four legs. On the human right
femur was a femoral equine bone. There is also an uncertain bone of the animal and a
bone arrowhead (Figures 1, 111, 4) and flint. The cervical vertebrae have an iron ring
(Fig. 1, 111, 1), and the right clavicle has poorly preserved iron tweezers (Fig. 4, İII, 2)
and flint .
The rite of the Chishminsky burial ground, judging by the two studied burials, is
fixed quite clearly. Buried lie shallow. İt is possible that they were under the mound
mounds, although currently traces of them cannot be traced. The dead bowed elongated,
on their backs, head west, accompanied by the bones of a horse and horse harness. İn
the women's pogrom. 1 decoration, the waist set was placed in the headboard, most
likely to the right of the skull.
N. M. Postnikova was determined by skulls. The skull from burial 1, belonging to a
woman in her 30s, is of the Ural anthropological type. The same type, although with a
greater admixture of Mongoloid, belongs to the male brachycrane skull (age 28-30
years) from pogroms. 2.
Elements of the burial rite of the burial ground find analogies in Bashkiria - the
burial of 1 mound 12 of the Khusainovsky burial ground, where the belt was laid on the
right side of the buried '; in one of the burials of the Mryasimov burial ground of the
10th century, where the skull and bones of the legs of the horse were to the left of the
legs of the deceased 2 •
Such a feature of the rite as the position of the head and bones of the legs of the
horse in the legs of the buried one is recorded in the monuments of the early Volga
Bulgaria of the VIII-X centuries (although metacarpal bones are also present in the
complexes). The greatest coincidence in the arrangement of the bones of the horse with
the Chishminsky burial ground is observed in the Tankeevsky burial ground '.

'N. A. Mazhitov. Report on archaeological research in 1966 Archive of the Academy of Sciences of the
USSR, R-4, No. 3261a, rns. 168, 169.
2
N. A. Mazhitov. Report on archaeological research in 1963 Archive of the Academy of Sciences of
the USSR, R-1, No. 2648a, Fig. 49.
• E. A. Khalikova. Funeral rite of the Tankeevsky burial ground. AET, 1. Nazan, 1971, pp. 82-86.
262
 A significant similarity in the rite of Chishmin burials is found with burials and
funeral rites of Hungarian monuments of the 10th century. There, the head and legs of
the horse were also laid in most cases to the left of the legs of the buried. A large group
of Hungarian burials, as well as the Chishmin pogrom. 1, accompanied only by horse
equipment without horse bones. İn the rich female burial at Koronzo-Babot, for
example, the harness lay on the left at the legs of the backbone, and bronze bells and
necklaces were fixed on the right side of the chest •
The clothing material of the burial ground is quite peculiar. Molded round-
bottomed, black from the soot layer that covered it, a vessel of pogra. 1 (Figures 2, 22)
has a shell impurity in the test. The corolla is rounded, the neck is weakly expressed, the
walls in the upper half are inclined inward. The largest diameter of the vessel is located
in the lower half of the body. Along the upper part of the body, an ornament of three
horizontal rows of short obliquely set prints of a toothed stamp. Analogies of such
dishes are revealed in the Karanaevsky burial ground of the IX-X centuries.'
The silver linings of the waist set are sub-rectangular in shape with the external
surface divided into parts by transverse and longitudinal notched lines (Figures 2, 2-4):
were attached to: leather belt. The latter from the inside was continued with a bent and
stitched along the edges with a ribbon of canvas matter. The width of the belt is 1, 7 cm.
Two silver shaped pendants-pads (Figures 2, 6, 7) are apparently a late version of one
of the types widely used in the VIİ century. Bianchorage pads .
Of interest are the bronze noisy pendants of the burial ground with ridge (Figures 2,
11) and arched (Figures 2, 12) shields. The first of them is close to a similar
suspension from pogroms. 3 Barsova town, dating from L. A. Golubeva İX-X centuries.
"The second has analogies in the monuments of Upper Kama, Mari ASSR, Tatar ASSR,
Bashkiria and also dates from İX-X centuries. The original 7 types of these things should
be found in the Upper Kama regions, from where they spread widely in adjacent
regions.
Bronze temporal pendants of the burial ground with a plate-shaped openwork
bottom (Figures 2, 9, 10) find parallels in the Khusainovsky burial ground, dated by N.
A. Mazhitov VIII-IX centuries. *
Bronze heart-shaped plate pendants with an eye (Figures 2, 13), used as female
jewelry, have analogies in the Old Khalilovsky burial ground 9•
The rest of the things found in the headboard of the backbone in the pogrom. 1 (iron
buckle with round frame (Fig. 2, 8), beads (Fig. 2, 1), bronze chain), are widespread. İn
general, they do not contradict the dating of the IX-X centuries.
Metalists: some crafts of the bridle make up a set characteristic of the nomadic and
semi-nomadic population of this time in a huge territory from Pannonia to Sayano-
Altai. İn the Chishminsky burial ground, they were attached to a leather belt 1.7-2 cm
wide. On the inside, the belt had a birch bark gasket .

4 Chanad Balint. Burials with horses from Hungarians in the IX-X centuries. in Sat.
"Problems of Archaeology and Ancient History of the Eels." M., 1972, pp. 177-179 .
• N. A. Mazhitov. Report on the results of the archaeological expedition for 1964. Archive of the
Academy of Sciences of the USSR, R-1, No. 2889a, Fig. 22, etc.
No. D. A. Golubeva. Skate suspensions of the Upper Kama region. CA, 1966, 3, p. 88, Fig. 7, 14.
7
A. Kh. Khalikov, E. A. Bezukhova. Materials for the ancient history of Povetluzhye. Gorky, 1960,
p. 31, Fig. 24, 2; E.P. Kazakov. Burial inventory of the Tankeevsky burial ground. AET, 1. Kazan,
1971, p. 414, Table XV, 7; V. A. Oborin. Excavations of İron Age monuments in the Upper Kama
region. VAU, 2. Sverdlovsk, 1962, p. 98, Fig. 41, 5; G. A. Arkhipov. Maritsa İX - Xİ century. Yoshkar-
Ola, 1973, p. 66-68.
8
N. A. Mazhitov. Report on Archaeological İnvestigations in 1966, Fig. 171, 1. 9N. A. Mazhitov. New
materials about the early history of the Bashkirs. AEB, 11. Ufa, 1964, p. 455, Fig. 3, 22.
263
 The set includes
in disarray, 3 skulls six silverlow-sided,
(2 very cast bales 3rd
to connect the three
posterior). 1 coinstraps (Figs.ianus
[Maxim] , eight
2, 17)(3885)
stamped
"'. rounded gilded pads with eight hemispheric projections along the edge and the
sameİnprojection
the field in the center
inventory (Fig. 2, from
inventory 19, 20), 15 No.
grave stamped liningsare
133 there with
12 the image of of
arrowheads, a
diamond
which 7 having
are on.rounded
arrowsprotrusions
wide "andon5"allknuckle.
sides (Figures
arrows 2, narrow:
18), threea.stamped beltY.
flat (1);
tips with protrusions
tetrahedral (2); from. along the (1);
Trihedral edged.ofneopr.
the front
(1)»°.surface and with a bronze plate
covering
Onlythe inside
nine of the buckles
arrowheads (Figures
are stored in the2,funds
16), one small
of the (Figures 2,Museum
Chersonesos two
24) and (Fig.
larger (Figures 2, 23) plate-shaped belt tips. The
4, b). All of them are iron, petiole, four of them are flatlatter in place of the pin caps have
bronze plates that press the belts. The embellishments of the bridle also include two
shaped bronze linings made of silver (Fig. 2, 6.7) and three sub-triangular linings made
of silver (Fig. 2, 21).
Plaques for connecting belts, rounded and shaped lining of the bridle (Figures 2,
15, 17, 19.20) are similar to similar products from the Khusainovsky burial ground
"Some lining in shape and ornamentation reveal a certain similarity with plaques of the
bridle set X century from Kyiv '. Rounded overlays with convexes (Figures 2, 19) also
find parallels among finds from Western Ukraine. " Sub-triangular pads (Figures 2, 21)
dating from the İX-X centuries have become widespread.
The fish with eight-shaped receiving rings and with S-visible psalms, which have

24
sub-rectangular plates with holes in the central part (Figures 2, 26), were most
widespread in the VIİ-İX centuries. iz
The high-arch strut with a somewhat rounded wide footplate with a prominent
central bar (Fig. 2, 27) can be dated to the VIII-XI centuries. * The plate tip of the
belt found near the stirrup (Fig. 2, 25), as well as similar tips from the bridle (Fig . 2,
23, 24), due to the wide chronological and territorial distribution dating is difficult
{!
Poor material from pogroms. 2 (Fig. 1, İII) also has a wide, both chronological and
about
territorial range of existence.
İn general, judging by the analogies given, the Chishminsky burial ground can be
dated to the IX-X centuries. İt is left by one of the ethnic groups that have a
number of similar features in culture with the population of Bashkiria and early Volga
Bulgaria .

10
N. A. Mazhitov. Report on archaeological research in 1966..., Fig. 171; Figures 174, 6;
Figures 175, 5.
1 A. N. Kirpichnikov. Equipment of a rider and a horse in Russia İXXİII centuries SAİ, Ye1-36.
L., 1973, p. 27, Fig. 11 .
12
N. Fettich. Die Metallkunst der landnehmenden- Ungarn. Budapest, 1937, Taf. CXXXIV, 46.
13
4. N. Kirpichnikov. Uk. Op., pp. 12, 13; V.F. Gening, A. Kh. Khalikov. Early Bulgarians on the
Volga. M., 1965, Table İX, 7.
4 G. A. Fedorov-Davydov. Nomads of Eastern Europe under the rule of the Golden Horde
khans. M., 4966, p. 14.

L. G. KOLESNIKOVA
BURIAL OF A WARRIOR ON THE NECROPOLIS OF CHERSONESUS

İn 1910, on the necropolis of Chersonesos, located on the western shore of

Quarantine Bay, R. H. Leper opened a grave, described by him in his diary as follows:
"Could. No. 133, the backbone in the upper layer with the head to the east, the left hand
along the body, the right to the pelvis; on the left side is a sword (3876), arrows (3877-
3878), 2 knives (3879); iron and bronze fragments (quiver?); strips, 15 brackets (7 left),
3 rings (3882-3884); iron large fibula (3880), iron fragments (3881). İn the lower layer,
the bones
264
fit the fastener, into the loop of which the ring is threaded (fragmented)., (Fig. 1.0 ).
So, a battle knife, a quiver with 12 arrows and two, probably small, knives (not
preserved8) form part of the battle kit of a lightly armed warrior.
The burial is unusual for medieval Chersonesos. Firstly, there is not a single
medieval burial with weapons on the necropolis of the city (those

Fig. 1. Weapons from the burial of a Russian warrior:

a - combat knife, b - arrowheads, c, g clamps from quiver (sheath), d - clasp

(longest length 8.5 cm), the rest faceted - one trihedral and four tetrahedral (longest
length 11 cm). "Sword," indicated in the diary and inventory 3, is not really a sword,
but a long battle knife (length with a cutout 46.5 cm, the largest blade width 2.1 cm)
(Fig. 1, a). Two surviving brackets * (Fig. 1, c, d) and three lost ones5: the rings are parts
of the quiver and possibly sheath. "Fragments of iron and bronze from the quiver
(?)" Are lost, but, judging by the drawings in the daytime: ke and inventory •, obe
really fragments of the quiver: quiver. İn addition, iron was preserved

1
R. H. Leper. Diary for 1910. Archive of CM, d. 72, l. 29 .
2
He is. İnventory of antiquities of 1910. Archive of CM, d. 103, l. 61, No. 3877-
3878. • İbid., L. 61, No. 3876.
'One of them (Fig. 1, c) is called a fibula in the inventory. R. H. Lener. İnventory of antiquities
1910, d. 103, l. 64, No. 3881.
· İbid., L. 62, No. 3884.
· İbid., L. 62, No. 3882, 3883; R. H. Leper. Diary for 1910 r., d. 72, l. 29.
265
 2

7 1

~~_.__, -------~---~-~.!
Pnc. 2. Russian weapons from Chersonesos :
a is a mace. İnventory. No. 5518, b - knife tip. İnventory. No. 4458/1, c
- knife tip. İnventory. № 4458/3

more with a set of weapons is the only one). Secondly, single antique graves were not
used for burials in medieval times • İn 9this case, the grave of the X-İV centuries 1. 0was
reused. Obviously, the burial was carried out in unfavorable conditions and it had to be
carried out quickly. " Apparently, the buried was from the army fighting with Kherson -
nomadic or Russian. There are no signs characteristic only of nomads in the inventory
of the grave. The set of flat and faceted petiole arrowheads and quiver details are
equally typical of all warriors of the İX-X centuries, both nomads and Russians. " The
only subject that gives us the right to bind
7
İn the inventory and diary it is called a fibula. İbid., L. 29; He is. İnventory of antiquities
1910, d. 103, l. 61, No. 3880 .
in the İnventory it says: "İron knives (2) are narrow." İbid., L. 61, No. 3879.
9
Only in the family crypts of Chersonesos were buried, from late antiquity to the X-Xİ
centuries.
10
İn the lower burial coin Maximian 111.
11
İn the area of Quarantine Bay, the soil is rocky and the grave should not be dug, but cut
down in the rock.
2 M.K. Karger. Ancient Kyiv. İ. M. - L., 1958, p. 153, Fig. 18; pp. 184-185, Fig. 32; pp..
1861 Fig., 34, Table XXV (burials 86, 113, 114). The material from the pogroms is especially
close. 113; A.F. Medvedev. Russian throwing weapons. Bow and arrow, sa -
266
 Letters of the estate B (12th-8th tiers)
atoname
bury actually comparable
this Addressee
burial to the isannals.
with Russia
Name 1 Author's There
a 1long areSummary
combat very fewwhich
knife, such names
has anknown so
absolute
"[from
Name
far. Letters on
resemblance in birch
shape bark found
and size during excavations
to ancient in Novgorod
Russian combat brought to us
knives - scramasaxes, the
which,
autographs
according toofA.N.
representatives ofare
Kirpichnikov, thealready
noble boyar family
archaic in theMishinichi-Ontsiforovich
10th century, and in the Xİ *,

%..]
62 Passage without interpretation
the names
century, of posadnik
obviously Andrei
disappear İvanovich
completely * " 3, priest Ananiy Kuritsky ', possibly
5• R to their big
posadnik Miroshka
Thus, all Nezdinich
analogies do not go beyond thenames we canİs add
X century. another,
not the soldiermore modest,
buried on the
Esif Davydovich
necropolis
63 .
of Chersonesos, who was part of the Russian squad and died near the walls of
Same
12 This
Korsun person
65 during isthe
Esif mentioned
Davydovich in city,
siege of the theMatvei
Novgorod firstsend
Please
Prince Vladimir? chronicle
Hepopons, underarmed,
bags...
was buried 1342: according
"The same to
148summer
the rite "Lord" disappeared
caught
that had already Jew
fire in Novegorod About cash
by transactions
on Davslavli
in Chersonesos thisulitsi,
time. and poror along the
Prokopy
shore toberowing,
İt149should said that andthe
uphill
knifeto with
the saints 40without
aPassage
buried and tointerpretation
warrior theissaints
not theKuzma
only Damian,
find of
and the Russian
characteristic churchesweapons
3 ropema: ofthetheshrines of Nikolaonandthe
10th century. theterritory
shrines of of Jacob the
medieval
51
stone, İn
Chersonesos. that1903and and
the 1905.
guard"*of(Fig. ,Same
the 2fire,b, and
c) inthethe husband
south andgood sgoreh
in 1951 r. inEsif
the
11 northern 67Davydovich".
* 'districts of" the KhersonYaks
"Lord" settlement,About family
three tipsaffairs
of Russian-type knives were
Violence,
found,Back in thewife
attributed last century,
byVasily
G.F. the authors
Korzukhina to theof:end
the of
Cossack
X - thetobeginning
the first eight
of XIvolumes of
in. "İt can
theassumed
be Complete
138 Collection
that these things of Russian
ended upChronicles
Sylvester Usury -note
in Kherson A.F. Bychkovwith
in connection and N.P. Barsukov of
the campaign -
Prince 142Vladimir toOnfim Korsun . Esif Letter about litigation over the village
The48 bronze cast duodenal mace (Fig. 2, Open a) of without
Russianinterpretation
origin, found in 1910 r. in the
northeastern
137 district ,_ of Chersonesos in the house of the
On Callous Literacy Xİİİ- XİV centuries, burned
10 down 140in a fire * " "Lord" Mark Request to witness payment
Since the publication
Semyon of two works "devoted tosilver the problem
Davydu of Russian-Korsun ties
144
established Kosarik
on archaeological Esif
material, theOrder
numberto take
offrom Timothy
things whitefish origin that
of Russian
145
generally do not Matthew
change the conclusions Passage without interpretation
146 Davyd made by G. F. Korzukhina and A. L. Yakobson
Title preserved
has increased in the collection of the Kherson Museum.
31 "Lord" Text of feudal obligation
9 92 List of fishermen
93 Mikula. Scanty Beginning of the order. Not completed
9-8 5 Matthew Davyd, Please stand up for the "orphan"
Esf
8 132 Passage without interpretation
Mostrols VIII-XIV centuries SAİ, Ye1-36. M., 1966, p. 127, Table 7; V.F. Gening, A. Kh. Khalikov.
Early Bulgarians on the Volga. M., 4964, Table XII-XİII; S. A. Pletneva. From nomads to cities.
MIA, 142, 1967, pp. 158, 159 .
1
9 A.N. Kirpichnikov. Old Russian weapons. SAİ, Ye1-36, M.-L., 1966, p. 72 ,
Figure 17 on page 70. .
14 K. K. Kostsyushko-Valyuzhinich. Report on excavations in Tauride Chersonesos in 1903 İAC, no.
16. St. Petersburg, 1905, p. 75 (İnventory № 4458/1); his. Report on excavations in Tauride
Chersonesos in 1905 İAR, no. 25. St. Petersburg, 1907, p. 138 (İnventory № 4458/3). 1s G, D. Belov.
The results of excavations in Chersonesos for 1945-1953. SA, XXIV, 1955, p. 227, Fig. 19 (stored in
the Hermitage). Similar: G.F. Korzukhuna. From the history of ancient Russian weapons Xİ century.
SA, XİII, 1950, p. 67, Tables 1, 44.
in, "F. Koreukhin. Uk. Op., pp. 65, 66, Table İ, 26; pp. 67, 68, Table İ, 48.
17
R. H. Lener. İnventory of antiquities 1910 Archive of CM, d. 103, l. 58, No. 3625 (İnventory L
NO. 5518). Similar: A.N. Kirpichnikov. Uk. Op., p. 52, type. IV, Table XXVII, 4.
in G, F. Korzukhina. About the monuments of the "Korsun business" in Russia. BB, XIV, 1958,
p. 129 el.; A. L. Jacobson. To the history of Russian-Korsun relations (Xİ- XİV centuries). İbid., P.
146 p .

V.A.BUROV
"HUSBAND DOBR ESIF DAVYDOVICH "

The probability of identifying people mentioned in birch bark letters with people
mentioned in annals and archival documents, as A. V. Artsikhovsky notes, is negligible.
Hundreds of thousands of people lived and died in Novgorod for 500 years.
The overwhelming majority of letters, emphasizes A.V. Artsikhovsky, are addressed
to people who have not gone down in history 1. Therefore, it is quite clear the interest that each
new letter provokes, containing

1
A. V. Artsikhovsky, V. İ. Borkovsky. Novgorod letters on birch bark (From excavations in 1955)
M., 1958, p. 8. Further A.V. Artsikhovsky, V.İ. Borkovsky. NGE (1955).
267
 Prime ch an e. The table is compiled on the basis of publications of letters by A. V. Artsikhovsky ("Novgorod letters on
birch bark") and a summary plan of finds of birch bark letters at the Nerevsky excavation, compiled by V. L. Yanin in the
book "İ sent you birch bark."

identified Esif Davydovich with a burnt church watchman. " Subsequently, this
mistake went to the pages of the modern academic
2
V. L. Yanin. Notes about Novgorod birch bark letters. SA, 1965, 4, pp. 104- 123.
3
A. V. Artsikhovsky, V. İ. Borovsky. NGE (1956-1957). M., 1963; Letter No. 310, pp. 142-144.
4 V. L. Yanin. İ sent you birch bark. M., 1965, p. 151.
• V. L. Yanin, B. A. Kolchin, B. D. Ershevsky, A. S. Khoroshev. Novgorod expedition. JSC -
4973, M., 1974, p. 36.
8
Novgorod First Chronicle (hereinafter referred to as the NPL). M. - L., 1950, p. 355.
7
'İndex. to the first eight volumes: A complete collection of Russian annals published by the
Archaeographic Commission. Department One. St. Petersburg, 1898, p. 457.
268
the first edition of the Novgorod Chronicle. " However, the phrase "good husband," -
indicating the high social position of Esif Davydovich, as well as the very structure
of the sentence (... " and the watchman of the burn, and the husband... sgor... ") force
us to come to the conclusion that we are talking about two different people: the
watchman and the noble Novgorodian Esif Davydovich. İt is also important to note
that a detailed description of the 1342 fire area contains data on the residence of
Esif. The fire covered the Nerevsky end from the Ditinets moat ("rowing") to
Danslavley street, which is located north of the Kremlin after Yaneva, Shcherkova,
Rozvazha, Kuzmodemyanskaya, Kholopya, Borkova, Romanova streets 9• İt passed
mainly on the banks of Volkhov, but captured the churches of St. Nicholas and St.
James, 40 saints, Kuzma and Demyana
Thus, the flame of fire in a half-ring delineated the area whose population had a
connection with the named churches. Somewhere between Danslavli Street and
Detinets in the first half of the XIV century and lived "good husband Esif
Davydovich." The Nerevsky excavation (1951-1962), which revealed a significant
part of medieval Novgorod, fell on this territory. This is why archaeologists had a
real chance of discovering the estate of Esif Davydovich. İndeed, on one of the city
plots fenced with a palisade at the intersection of Velikaya and Kholopya streets
(estate B), in the layers of the end of the Xİİİ - first half of the XİV century. letters
related to the name of Esif were met. One of them had the title: "To Esif ko David"
(letter No. 65: 12th tier, 1281-1299). " Three other letters included only the name of
Esif: No. 142 -11th tier (1299-1313); No. 144 -10th tier (1313-1340); No. 5-9th tier
(1340 4369) (table).
As can be seen from the given dendrochronological dates of the tiers, Esif's letters
date back to 1281-1369. Such a large chronological range (88 years) is explained, on
the one hand, by the breadth of dating of letters in tiers, and on the other, by rifts that
violate the stratigraphy of letters on birch bark. Cases of digging in the literature
have been written repeatedly '. Based on the data of the annals and stratigraphy of
birch bark messages of the estate B, we can clarify the dating of the complex of
letters by Esif Davydovich. The upper date of the letters of Esif is determined by
1342 (fire at the Nerevsky end), which does not contradict the date of the last letter
of Esif No. 5 (1340-1369 ch.). İn determining the lower chronological boundary,
letter No. 65 is given an important place. As noted above, the letter dates from 1281-
1299. However, birch bark No. 65 does not have exact confirmation of this date: it
does not have clear paleographic signs, and it can be attributed to both the last
quarter of the Xİİİ century. (12th tier) and the first quarter of the XİV century. (11th
tier). We have no reason to attribute the letter to the time of the 12th tier only
because it was found in its layers, since from the same tier there is a letter addressed
to "Lord Procopius" (No. 148), and in the subsequent 11th tier we met message No.
67 "to Mr. Vasily," a usury note of a certain Sylvester (No. 138) together with birch
bark Esif (No. 142) (Table). The heterogeneity of the letters of the 42nd-11th tiers,
the alternation of letters from Esif with letters from other persons speaks of digging
in these layers. Taking into account this fact, as well as the fact that only Esif's letters
were found in the subsequent 10th-9th tiers, we tend to distinguish the 11th tier
(1299-1313) as a milestone,

No.PNL, p. 587. The index was compiled by İ.P. Doronin .

9
S. N. Orlov. To the topography of Novgorod X-XVI centuries. Sat. "Novgorod. To the 1100th
anniversary
cities. " M., 1964. Pasting, p. 268. Wed. N. N. Muravyov. Description of the ancient Novgorod silver hryvnia and
its rubles. M., 4826. See plan (pasting ).
0 A.V. Artsikhovsky. NGB (1952). M., 4954, pp. 65, 66.
1 V. L, İoannine. İ sent you birch bark, pp. 140-142; A. V. Kuza, A. A. Medyntseva .
Notes on birch bark letters. NE, XI, M., 1974, p. 216.
26

9
since whose time Esif Davydovich lives on estate B, and attribute letter No. 65 to
the time of the 11th tier .
A few words about the whole complex of Esif's letters. We include in it not only
the named four messages, but also all the other eight letters on birch bark from the
10th-9th tiers of the B. estate. The letters are mainly preserved in passages and did
not inform the names of their addressees and authors. However, finding letters in
layers that are reliably connected with the owner of the estate B Esif forces us to
include eight documents in the complex of his letters. İt is also important to note
that in the 8th tier, birch bark letters are not registered on the estate, with the
exception of one illegible passage (table). The presence of a "write-free period" in
the 8th tier thereby excludes the possibility of the letters of the new owner of the
estate B (after the death of Esif) from the layers of the 8th tier to the 9th. This is
another argument for the fact that all letters of the 10th-9th tiers are associated with
Esif Davydovich. İt should also be noted that a similar method was successfully
applied by V. L. Yanin when characterizing the Ontsiforovich correspondence. " İn
total, the complex of letters associated with this name has 12 scrolls: No. 65, 142-
11th tier; No. 48, 137, 140, 144, 145, 146 - 10th tier; No. 5, 34, 92, 93 - 9th tier.
Thus, archaeology provides an opportunity to extend the narrow framework of the
annals and replenish our knowledge of one of the noble Novgorodians of the first
half of the XIV century, the "good husband" Esif Davydovich, mentioned in the
annals .
A review of Esif's letters will begin with one of the earliest (No. 65). Birch bark
No. 65 contains a request from a certain Matvey :
"Bow from Matviy to Esif to David. Take out 2 bears and a spindle, but pop. And
to... " On the back in the same handwriting it is written: "İf you drive 3
rubles, sell it, do not drive it - sell it" *. "
We tend to interpret this birch bark as a request from Matvey to Esif
Davydovich to send bags and popons. Perhaps he also knows Esif's father, so in a
letter he addresses "Esif to David."
L. V. Cherepnin identifies the term "lead" with the word "vault," and he gives
the word "sell" the meaning of "bring to criminal responsibility, make to pay the
sale." Hence, the researcher concludes that the word "take out" does not mean
buying a thing, but returning it at the end of the "vault." As a result, letter No. 65 is
interpreted by him as follows. "Vault" (i.e. a special kind of investigation, in which
each person suspected of theft had to indicate from whom he bought the disputed -
property) went outside the city where Matvey lived. İn this regard, Matvey
instructed the further management of the case to Esif. According to Art. 31 "Russian
Truth," Esif must walk along the "vault" to the third defendant, who must
compensate the plaintiff for the value of the missing property. L. V. Cherepnin
points out that, according to Russkaya Pravda, the "sale" is three hryvnia, and the
author of birch bark letter No. 65 writes: "sell 3 rubles each." The numbers
converge '*. We do not observe semantic contradictions in this interpretation. But its
basis - replacing the meanings of the words "sell," "drive" - raises some doubts and
is alarming. We believe that letter No. 65 nevertheless represents the
correspondence of two familiar (close) people - Matvey and Esif. The term "sell," in
our opinion, does not need to be rethought, but the word "driving," which
researchers tried to translate as "trading" °, "cotton" *, "finally," vault. "
etymologically related

2 V. L. Yanin. İ sent you birch bark. M., 1965.

A.V. Artsikhovsky. NGE (1952). M., 1954, pp. 65, 66.
i0
14 D.V. Cherepnin. Novgorod birch bark letters as a historical source. _
M., 1969, pp. 58-60.
• D. S. Likhachev. Retz.: A.V. Artsikhovsky. NGB (1952), SA, XXVIİ, M957, p. 329. in 1D, P.
Zhukovskaya. Novgorod birch bark letters. M., 1959, p. 71.
1 D.V. Cherepnin. Uk. Op., p. 60.

270
with the verb "to be found" (to be available). Then the whole letter should be
considered as a request from Matvey to send bags, popons and something else
(unfortunately, the end of the letter is torn off). This latter is said on the back: if it is
found, then sell 3 rubles, if not, then no need .
Letter No. 142 gives us an idea of some of the economic concerns of Esif. We
give its text in the translation of A. V. Artsikhovsky: "From Esif to Onfim. İf you
send Olex's people from Mark to you or to my wife, answer him like this: as you,
Mark, agreed with me, İ will go to you on Petrov Day (June 29) and examine my
village, and you will take off your rye, and İ will give you interest, and the fixed
capital is given. And if İ send the ploughshares, then you give them my blue horses,
give them with people without harnessing them in their plows. And if he does not
take, let them into the herd in front of people. Let him start a lawsuit, not me, İ
myself will conspire with him. "
A. V. Artsikhovsky does not comment on the letter. Comments by B. B.
Kafengauz "and L. V. Cherepnin" are similar to each other. Researchers believe that
here we are talking about the struggle for the redistribution of feudal land property,
about the mortgage of the village, about a loan secured by land. İt seems to us that
such an interpretation of letter No. 142 is acceptable. İt is only necessary for me to
make some clarifications regarding the identity of Mark, Oleksa, Onfim, Esif.
Esif is undoubtedly the owner of the estate B. He is located somewhere outside
the city and sends a letter home to Onfim or his wife, who lives in Novgorod on the
estate. Onfim, apparently his son or brother, in any case does not manage, since the
letter begins with the word "order," used to prescribe an official, family, private
economic character. " Before us is the correspondence of equals: "From Esif to
Onfim." The phrase... " if you send from Mark... Olex's men "says in favour of Olex
being subordinated to Mark. Most likely, he is Mark's manager and, fulfilling his
assignment, sends people to Onfim. Mark, like Esif, is a landowner. The conflict
goes along the line of Mark- Esif because of the village. So, from letter No. 142 it
follows that Esif is the owner of one of the villages of Novgorod land, a fairly large
letter. Esif draws the attention of P.İ. Zasurtsev °
feudal lord, who, in addition to the land, owns the herd of horses mentioned in the
Birch bark letter No. 140 again mentions Mark, now as the author of a letter that
he wrote to Semyon with a request to confirm that he, Mark, paid silver to Davydu:
"Mr. Syman Marco beats celomo. Let me mention that İ paid silver to you to
Davydu. And then the streets will remember "• 23L.V. Cherepnin believes that
Semyon needs Mark as a witness to his payment of the debt to Davydov. Obviously,
he initiated or wants to bring a lawsuit against Mark 2•. We add that Davyd is
obviously the father of Esif, and Semyon brought a letter to the estate B, who
decided to fulfill Marne's request. The repeated connections of Manor B with Mark,
recorded by birch bark messages, are apparently explained by the fact that Esif and
Mark are neighbors in the possessions and live on the same street. From here, the
origins of the conflict between Mark and Esif over the village become clear, and it is
also explained what streets are mentioned in birch bark. B. B. Kafengauz
emphasizes that in order to understand the letter No. 140, it is necessary to turn to
the Novgorod judicial certificate, which refers to the rights of the street (as a certain
self-governing

1
in A.V. Artsikhovsky, V.İ. Borkovsky. NGB (1955). M., 1958, p. 21.
and ° B. B. Kafengaue. Notes about Novgorod birch bark letters. History of the USSR,
1960, 1, p. 173.
20
L.V. Cherepnin. Uk. Op., pp. 120, 4212.
1
D.V. Cherepnin. Uk. Op., p. 22.
22
P.İ. Zasurtsev. Novgorod, discovered by archaeologists. M., 4967, p. 167.
and 2A. V. Artsikhovsky and V. İ. Borkovsky. NGE (1955). M., 1958, p. 16. 24 D,
V. Cherepnin. Uk. Op., p. 325 .

271
unit) to protect persons living there and being members of this street organization in
court 25•
Letter No. 31 is again related to the housework of the husband of the good Esif
Davydovich. She reached in an excerpt, only the end survived:... " İ have a lot for my
whole brother about an orphan, tobe, ospodin, and a descendant coming to kunnitsei for
a year "* °
A. V. Artsikhovsky interprets it as a feudal obligation. Following the petition and
the oath of allegiance, he writes, there is an obligation of the vassal to come once a year
and bring with him in the form of a marten. Vassal, apparently, was a poor peasant 2•
7
L.V. Cherepnin sees in this birch bark scroll a petition to the feudal lord "about an
orphan," that is, about a peasant. İt is difficult to say, he notes, what was the reason for
the petition. Maybe. "Sirsta" again settled on a plot of land and at the same time his
duties are determined. But perhaps we are talking about an old-timer peasant who is
dissatisfied with feudal arbitrariness and raised the question of documenting his duties
in relation to the feudal lord (the question of a "gift" levied in excess of the fraud is
specifically raised) * "We do not undertake to comment on the text of the document
itself, as well as agree or reject anyone's opinion .
Birch bark No. 31 is too sketchy for its clear interpretation. Letter No. 137, found in
the 10th tier (1313-4340), contains the earliest mention of a rawless letter on birch
bark:... " (n) but the court and not a hundred Filipets... (pos) lakhom letter besudnu...
(m) İ will reap... "° ,
From this passage it follows that a certain Filipets fought a lawsuit about the reap -
(mowing). Undoubtedly, his opponent could only be Esif. Filipets did not go to court,
which made it possible for Esif to receive a document from the judges. blaming his
opponent. For us, this birch bark is valuable in that it indicates the subject of discord
between a certain Filipets and Esif - İ will reap. From which it becomes known that Esif
owns and mows. Let us recall the herd of horses mentioned in message No. 142 .
Letter No. 92, discovered among other letters of the owner of the estate B, dating
from the first half of the XIV century, sheds light on another feature of the Yessif
farm:... " on Spekhov on Stefan salmon. On shurin eroo elk. On Sidor elk. On brother
egos os. On Flair 28, 12. There are 4 whites on Zayats. There are 2 salmon on the
Laurel. There are 9 salmon on Olferje. There are 9 elk on Suicide. Ou Petra 13 salmon.
There are 2 salmon on Stukovits. Mikita has 4 salmon. There are 2 salmon on Sidor...
"*." Opinions on this letter are diverse. A.V. Artsikhovsky believes that its author is a
merchant-fisherman who traded salmon and bought goods from fishermen. B. B.
Kafengauz "and V. L. Yanin *" tend to see here a record not of the goods, but of the
waste paid by dependent peasants to Mr. fish and partially squirrels. V. L. Yanin
calculates approximately the weight of the fish (about 360 kg) and suggests that the
feudal lord sold part of the salmon on the market. L.V. Cherepnin believes that birch
bark No. 92 has more data in favor of recording fisherman transactions and, regardless
of interpretation, it characterizes developed commodity relations either through the
peasant or through the manor economy • 3_ Joining the conclusion of L.V. Cherepnin, we note
that in any case, Esif was related to the fish trade .

Mr. 5B. B. Kafengauz. Uk. Op., p. 473.

26
A.V. Artsikhovsky. NGB (1952). M., 1954, pp. 32, 33. 21
İbid., p. 33.
2
in D.V. Cherepnin. Uk. Op., pp. 242, 243.
29
A. V. Artsikhovsky and V. İ. Borkovsky. NGB (1955). M., 1958, pp. 40, 11. Wed .
L.V. Cherepnin. Uk. Op., p. 343.
30
A. V. Artsikhovsky and V. İ. Borkovsky. NGE (1953-1954). M., 1958, p. 16. * İbid., pp. 18, 19.
$ B, B. Cafengaue. Uk. Op., pp. 471-173.
2

zz V. L. Yanin. İ sent you birch bark, pp. 148, 149. 3• L.V.

Cherepnin. Uk. Op., p. 276.
272
 Several household orders haveG.N. IVAİOVA
been preserved.
Letter No. 144: "Order Kosaryk from Esif. Enter Timofey 50 cigs about 3 rubles,
and rock forRHINE POTTERY
swarms... FROMby
"• Translated PSKOV EXCAVATION
A. V. Artsikhovsky, the letter reads:" Order
to Kosaryk from Esif. Take 50 rubles for three from Timothy. And the term is before
Christmas.
During "excavations
İn other words, Kosarik
in Pskov should
near take fishoffrom
the building the Timothy on credit
Pedagogical for the
İnstitute in
3holiday • 6
period before the Christmas There are other interpretations
1968 and 1973. two fragments of ceramics of Western European origin were found, of the letter * '.
one Order
of which No.(Fig.
93 1,is a)not added:attention
attracted "Hsieh by
order
the about Mikuli
presence of: a Kutseevi
plot imageabout
. me..."
"However, the manner of writing, the spelling of the letters - everything
The find is a fragment of the vessel wall with a shiny light brown surface (gray speaks of the
absolute identity of the handwriting
clay in the fracture and reminiscent of of both orders. Consequently, Esif also wrote
letter No. 93, and wrote on the estate B itself, but did not finish and threw it away.
Letters No. 146 and No. 5 are addressed to Matthew: one is written by
Davydom, the other by Davydom and Esif. Davydis undoubtedly a father, since his
name stands by seniority before the name of Esif. Let's give the text.
Letter No. 5: "Worship from Davyd and from Esif to Matthew." Stand up for our
orphan, pray to the nobleman Pavel Petrov to give his brother a letter; do not give
him "*." The reading of this letter should be based on the commentary of letter A
No. 5 proposed by L. V. Cherepnin: a peasant ("orphan") Esif or Davyd and Esif is
on trial. He is probably indicted by someone on the outside, so a "shift trial" is
taking place. The owner (Esif) or owners (Esif and Davyd) of the peasant turn to
Matthew (probably the tyun they allocated) with an order to protect the interests of
their "orphan," that is, essentially the interests of their patrimony (for the defender
of the other side is the second tyun participating in the "shift court"). Thus, Matthew,
according to the views of L.V. Cherepnin, is a clerk at the farm of Esif and Davyd.
But then letter No. 146, addressed to Matthew from Davyd, should be considered as
an economic assignment related to the kuma. "From Davyd to Matthew. Kume
nezemm... >> •
42

Acquaintance with the complex of birch bark letters of the "good husband" Esif
Davydovich made it possible to clarify the annalistic news about the rich
Novgorodian of the first half of the XIV century. From the letters it became known
that this is a very wealthy feudal lord who is subordinate to servants; he is the
owner of villages, herds of horses, mowing, pe neglecting and fishing. However, the
value of letters, the addressees of which are known from the annals, is included not
only in: this. They confirm the reliability of the annalistic narrative (in particular, the
Novgorod first annals), and also make it possible to check the accuracy of
archaeological dates .

35
A. V. Artsikhovsky and V. İ. Borkovsky. NGB (1955). M., 1958, pp. 22, 23. for İbid., p. 24.
z1 D, V. Cherepnin. Uk. Op., pp. 273-275; A. V. Kuza, A. A. Medyntseva. Uk. Op., p. 226.
38
A. V. Artsikhovsky and V. İ. Borkovsky. NGB (1953-1954). M., 1958, p. 19. 39. İ. Borkovsky.
Precious monuments of Russian writing. Questions
linguistics, 1952, 3, p. 135.
4 V. Artsikhovsky and M.N. Tikhomirov. NGB (1951). M., 1953, p. 34. 1 D.V.
0

Cherepnin. Uk. Op., pp. 444-146.

42 İ.V. Artsikhovsky and V.İ. Borkovsky. NGB (1955). M., 1958, p. 25.

273
 .
·.~ .

Fig. 1. Fragments of Rhine ceramics from excavations in Pskov :

a - 1968 find; b - find 1973

nourished stone) and a relief image of an architectural arch, under the arch - two
musicians. Under this image, part of the inscription from Latin letters has been
preserved.
Our find is a fragment of the cylindrical part of the body vessel (er. Fig. 1, a and
2) are a German beer mug from the so-called stone mass (Steinzeug). Common signs
of our fragment and German beer mugs from the collection of the State Hermitage
are: a shiny brown surface, the nature of the decoration (relief) and a well-sintered
clay dough resembling a stone. At the place of origin of clay, such ceramics were
called Rhine.
The production of products from the "stone mass" began on the Rhine in the
XİII century. İn the second half of the XV century. they began to be covered with
salt glaze, introduced almost simultaneously in Relva, 3igburg and Reren *.

1
Stored in the Pskov Historical, Art and Architectural Museum-Reserve (find 1968 -
PIKHAMZ 5689/106, 1973 - PIKHAMZ 8567/16).
2
B. A. Shelkovnikov. Rhine pottery from excavations in Dmanisi. VGMG, vol. XVI-B, Tbilisi,
1950.
274
 l
Fig. 2. Beer club from the collection of the Department of Western European Art of the
Sovereign ~ Frame ()

The glaze was covered with ready-made earthenware. Usually, by painting dishes,
you can determine the workshops where the opa is made '. The products of Siegburg
are characterized by a light, almost white shard, for Reren - dark-root, for Cologne
and Frechen - gray '.
3
V. Trummal. Archeologilised kaevamised Tartu linnusel Eesti NSV Ajaloo kiisimusi
111, t. 161, Tartu, 1969.
B. A. Shelkovnikov. Uk. Op.
275
•
nosti,İt kresalo.
is very likely
Here, that nearthethefragment in question
skull, a fragment of abelonged to a vessel
bone lining on the made in Reren
bow was
'.
found.
To addition
İn decorateto the body of
the burial beer mugs,
in question, threeplots
moreborrowed
intake burialsfrom theidentified
were Bible andin
mythologyyears
different wereontaken, but most
Dalverzin: on often
the from the
southern engravings
section of the ofcitadel
"smallin German
the VIİ
masters 6> > and
excavation • The onplot, part of which
the northern is presented
defensive wall in theon our fragment, is probably taken
Xİ excavation.
from one
These bones of the
alsoengravings
lay stretched of onHanstheSebalt
back, head Beham (1500 1550) -" Peasant Wedding
"'. Withbut
north, a similar
withoutimage things,ofandmusicians
thereforestanding
it wasstill, a decorative belt begins on the
impossible to determine their date. AllthetheState Hermitage. The letters that are
body of a beer mug from the collection of
visible onburials
entrance our fragment
of Dalverzin coincideare with
located theon beginning
the of the inscription on the circle
from the collection of the State
ruins of the Bronze Age fortifications, which, Hermitage: DER NO...
The stratigraphic
obviously, date of theatfind
were best preserved the istimeXVİ of -the
the beginning of the XVİİ century. On
the vessel
burial andfrom the collection
at that of the State
time represented the Hermitage
most Museum (Figure 2) is the date
of manufacture-1583. Therefore,
elevated areas on the hill. İn addition, in the the numbers 1 and 5, which are visible in the
upper right corner of the fragment
southern part of the settlement, on the site of a in question (Figure 1, a), should be taken by
analogy as the first two digits
modern cemetery, as early as 1961, local of the date of manufacture of the vessel. Taking into
account the years of life of G.
residents opened an ancient grave, from the 3. Behama, it can be assumed that the manufacture of
the circle,ofwhich
inventory whichbelongedonly to our fragment
iron stirrups and with the above plot, in the first half of
the XVIwere
psalms century. Was unlikely.
preserved. Based onBy analogy
these with a beer mug from the collection of
findings,
it can be believed that there was a burial of second
the State Hermitage, we date this find to the the half of the XVI century .
From the
Turkic time of the Rhine craft centers,
VI-VIII century. these
1 vessels were exported to Northern and -
8•
Eastern Europe
İn a note we published earlier, the eastern
The finds
Dalverzin of Rhine
burial ceramicsalso
is presumably are dated
material evidence of the trade relations of
to the
Pskov. period. * However, the study of the finds
Turkic
after clearing them made it possible to clarify
this dating. İn this regard, the greatest interest is
the iron flat arrowhead with a petiole with a
total length of 10.6 cm, a petiole - 3.8 cm (Fig.
2, b).• Mettlacher
İt belongsMuseum.to typeDeutsches
B-IX, according
Steinzeug to bisthe
zum Ende des 18 Jahrhunderts (beschrieben
von F. Jaennicke),
classification of 1884, S. 29. İ thank
arrowheads of the nomads
late researcherG.of the State Hermitage O. E. Mikhailova
for the consultation.
A. Fedorov-Davydov
6
Ibld., S. 30. *. İron knife (type 1,
according to Fedorov-Davydov)
1 V. M. Nevezhina. Nuremberg engravers with aXVI straight
v. M., 1929, p. 18.
bladein And,
and Trummal.
a ledge at Archeologilised
the transitionkaevamised
of the skin Tartu
to vanalinna territooriumil. Eesti NSV
ajaloo kii simusi, VI, Tartu, 1970.
the petiole and a ledge on the opposite side at
the transition of the blade
to the petiole, 15 cm long (Fig. 2, c). The iron armchair (of the BI type, according to
Fedorov-Davydov) is single-blade, "Kalazhovy" with a triangular protrusion on the
inside. One end is broken off, YU. A.6.8 cm long (Fig. 2, g). A fragment of a bone,
ZADNEPROVSKY
rectangular, slightly tapering up the bow lining, the length of the preserved part is 5
cm, theNOMADIC
width is 2.8 BURIAL
cm (Fig.OF XII-XIV BB. IN FERGHANA
2, a).
All these items, with the exception of the arrowhead, are widespread in time
and At the Dalverzinsky
cannot serve as a basis settlement
for accurateof the dating.
Late Bronze Age near
This type of tipthe
is villages. Aim in
characteristic of
East Ferghana
monuments of in
the1971, Mongolwe opened
period an intake burial.
in Eastern Europe. İt was
İt is discovered
also similarininexcavation
shape and
X during
size to finds theinclearing
the mounds of the defensive wall
of Kazakhstan "and surrounding the eastern
in the Khalchayansky part of the
inlet
Bronze Age settlement. The backbone lay in the cultural layer at a depth of 80 cm
from the surface. The contours of the grave pit could not be traced. Buried laid
stretched on the back, head north with a slight deviation to the west. The right hand
is extended along the body, and the bones of the left hand are disturbed and shifted.
The legs are outstretched. The skull was not in place, but lay along with the lower
jaw and the first vertebrae on the left half of the pelvis, the cranial box up and the
facial part to the northwest (Fig. 1). No traces have been preserved on the vertebrae
and it is not known at what time the head was separated from the body, during
burial or later. On the right side of the shoulder were parts of the carcass of a young
ram - a shoulder blade, bones of the hind leg and ribs. An iron knife lay on the
shoulder blade. Between the bones of the ram and the shoulder was an iron
arrowhead. On the left, a broken petiole of the second tip was found near the
shoulder. Near the pelvis, in the place where the left bone was supposed to be, a
destroyed iron object was found - in all likelihood -
276

•
burials in southern Uzbekistan\which are well dated by coins of the beginning of
XIV c. "(Fig. 3).
Unlike the Kazakh and Uzbek burials, which contained a rich and diverse
inventory, including coins, the Dalverz burial belonged to an ordinary warrior.
Composition of the burial equipment and features of the funeral rite (elongated
position on the back in the soil pit, northern orientation ,
Lt

h
at
r

0 10 20 30 No. on
Fig. 1. Dalverzin. İnlet burial: 1-
knife; 2- arrowhead; 3- arrow tip
petiole; 4 - armchair; 5- bone
lining (1-4 iron); 6 - ram bones; 7
skull

1
Yu. A. Zadneprovsky. Turkic monuments in Ferghana. SA, 1967, 1, p. 270. 2 Yu. A.
Zadneprovsky. Dalverzpn settlement. AO-1971. M., 1972, p. 512.
• • A. Fedorov-Davydov. Nomads of Eastern Europe under the rule of the Golden Horde
khans. M., 1966, p. 27.
• A. H. Margulan. Excavation of the XIV century warrior burial in the Nura river valley.
TIİAE AN KazSSR, 7, 1959, Fig. 5, 3; A. G. Maksimova. Burial of a warrior of the XIV century.
Vesti. Academy of Sciences of the Kazakh SSR, 1965, 5, Table İII, 3, 4; M.K. Kadyrbaev, R.Z.
Burnasheva. Burial of the Kipchak of the first half of XIV ve: ka from the Tasmanian burial
ground. Sat. "İn the footsteps of the ancient cultures of Kazakhstan." Alma-Ata, 1970, Fig. 2, 2.
27
7
case, Mongolized environment. " Similar burials were also found in the Pskent
burial ground in the Tashkent oasis. İn the soil graves, the bones lay stretched on the
back with their heads to the north in coffins-decks. Among the various inventory
accompanying the dead, coins of the beginning of the XIV century were found.
"These Pskent burials, with the exception of the coffin-deck, are very close to
Khalchayan."
Thus, in the territory of lowland Central Asia, burials of late nomads were found
only in the Tashkent oasis and Southern 'Uzbekistan. To them the-

-
feather can be added to Fergana .
İn these three points, single graves
were identified, slightly different in

.
the details of the rite. They are
united primarily by the presence of
funerary equipment. On this basis,
the monuments in question are
sharply different from the
synchronous burials of Central
Asia, performed according to the
Muslim rite. They also differ from
/~ /

the burial of a warrior in the valley \

of the river. Kashka-Daria, the

underestimated dating of which (IX-
X 9centuries) caused a fair objection. " İf
we turn to comparison with the
more studied monuments of Eastern
Europe, then in the typology of the
graves of late nomads developed by
G. A. Fedorov-Davydov, Central
Asian burials find compliance only
with type DI. This type includes
mounds with simple soil graves,
with the northern orientation of the
buried and without horse bones.
Monuments of the Dİ type in
Eastern Europe are mainly
characteristic of the İV period
dating from the Xİİİ- XİV
centuries. "Similar
mounds appear in the eastern regions of Kazakhstan at an earlier time, back in the
X-Xİ centuries, and quite reasonably they are identified tJ with the Kimakokipchak
tribes °. Kazakhstani burials of this type, dating from the coins of the XIV
century, are usually associated with Kipchaks * ° İn literature, the similarity of the
funeral rite ofFig. the2.Khalchayan burialfrom
Dalverzin. Things withtheTasmolinsky in lining;
burial: d - bone Centrala - Kazakhstan (the
position of thearrowhead;
skeleton stretched
b - knife; inon the back, head to the north, with divorced legs,
- kresalo
and the position in the legs of saddle accessories -
the presence of ram bones - remnants of ritual food) still allow us to attribute the
Dalverzin burial to: a circle of monuments of late nomads , widespread in the
steppes of Eastern Europe, northeastern Kazakhstan and also known in Central
Asia. İnterestingly, the Halchayan burial, like the Dalverzin burial described by us,
was carried out on the ruins of ancient settlements and, undoubtedly, was left by
the alien nomadic population. Buried in Khalchayan, according to the conclusion of
the researcher, "belonged to the Mongolian or, in any

s G, A. Pugachenkova. Burial of Mongol time in Khalchayan, SA, 1967, 2, Fig. 1.

• M. E. Masson. To the question of the study of pagan burial mounds. Westn.
Academy of Sciences of the Kazakh SSR, 1965, 1, pp. 82-84.
278
 Fig. 3. The distribution scheme in Central Asia of
burials of the Xİİİ- XİV centuries : İ - Dalverzin; 2
- Halchayan; 3 - ~ yz-tepe in the valley of the river.
Kashka-Daria; 4- Pskent; 5 - Queen in the
Dzhambul region; 6 - Jartas in the Valley
r. Nura; 7 - Tasmania

1 M. E. Mass. Ahangeran. Archeological and topographic essay. Tashkent, 1953 ,

p. 25.
· G. A. Pugachenkova. Uk. Op., p. 257.
· S.K. Kabanov. Burial of a warrior in the valley of the river. Kashka-Daria. SA,
1963, 3. o ', A. Fedorov-Davydov. Uk. Op. p. 15, note 32 .
and 1İbid.
12
F. Kh. Arslanova. Monuments of Pavlodar Priirtyshye (Vİİ- Xİİ centuries) Sat. "New in
archeology, Kazakhstana►> 1968.
1
z M.K. Kadyrbaev, R.Z. Burnasheva. Uk. Op.

27
9
 boron).
in İn these
exploration graves,The
practice. ironfield
stirrups
probewith a wide footboard
described and
in this work a narrow
allows bothhole in the
the search
upper
for thebow and the
cultural sameand
layer large
theflat arrowheads,
study as well as coins
of its stratigraphy of the
without beginningthe
excavating of
the XIV century
monument. were found.
The design Khalchayan
of the probe is derived burial
fromis also similar,practice.
geological with the The
exception
probe
isofaorientation.
1m long, 1.8 withcma Kipchak
diameter burial in a moundrod
steel cylindrical in pointed
the Dzhambul bottom 15end
at the region • İn at
bothan
cases,ofclose
angle 30 °in(Figure
type stirrups, similar
1). At half theinlength
form to of an
theornamented plaque and agroove
probe, a square-section silver
bowl,a as
with sidewell as coins
of 0.8 from the
cm is milled. Thebeginning
upper endofofthe theXIV century
probe has a were
threadfound. Sucha
on which
close similarities
30-cm removable give us reason to express a more definite conclusion about the
ethnicity of the nomad buried in Khalchayan, and attribute it to the Kipchaks. İt is
likely that the Pskent and Dalverzinsky burials can also be determined. İn favor of
this, the similarity of the latter with Tasmolinsky in terms of the position of the
backbone, orientation. finding ritual food: sheep meat at the right shoulder, and iron
cresal at the left hand. The coincidence of the listed features of the rite can hardly
be random .
Central Asian monuments of the time of the late nomads are very small, and -
therefore at present it is possible to determine their specific ethnicity only
presumably. But it does not contradict historical facts indicating the important role
of the30nomadic population of Deshta-Kipchak origin. İt is known that the Kichaks
had a significant
cm influence on the composition of modern Turkic-speaking peoples
of Central Asia *, "namely Kazakhs, Kyrgyz, Karakalpaks, Uzbeks, which is
attested by the data of linguistics" and ethnography. " However, reliable information
about the appearance and stay of these tribes in certain regions of Central Asia, and
in particular in Ferghana, is absent in the ga1usources. As for Fergana, N. A. Aristov
8897729
believed "that the Kipchaks and recruits 8 came here mainly in the XVİ century. as
part of the Sheibanid detachments, stipulating the possibility of Naimans entering
the Xİİİ in," 2
All these issues can be positively resolved only after the accumulation of
materials on late nomads, a very important 3 and archaeologically poorly studied
period in the history of the Turkic-speaking 2peoples of Central Asia.
section 5
3
B
4 M.K. Kadyrbaev, R.Z. Burnasheva. Uk. Op.
1
• A. G. Maksimova. Uk. Op., Tables İ, 1, 12; II, 1; II1, 3, 7, 9.
1
in the peoples of Central Asia and Kazakhstan (in the series "Peoples of the World"), İ. M.,
1962, pp. 88, 169, 170; Essays on the history of the Karakalpak Autonomous Soviet Socialist
Republic, vol. İ. Nukus, 1964.
1
1 N. A. Baskakov. Turkic languages. M., 1960 .
1
in İİ. İ. İnogamov. Ethnic composition of the population and ethnographic map of the Ferghana
Valley within the borders of the Uzbek SSR. Autoref. cand. dis. Tashkent, 1955; Y. R. Vinnikov. The
tribal composition and resettlement of the Kyrgyz in the territory of Southern Kyrgyzstan. TKAEE,
vol. İ.M., 1956; S. M. Abramzon. Kyrgyz and their ethnogenetic and historical-cultural ties. L.,
1971.
19
N. A. Aristov. Experience in clarifying the ethnic composition of Kyrgyz-Kazakhs Big Or;: ~;
s p kara-: Kyrgyz. Living antiquity. CİPb., 1894, issue İİİ- İV, p. 432. 433 .

A. K. STANYUKOVICH, A. G. ATAVIN SIMPLEST

FIELD PROBE FOR ARCHAEOLOGICAL
EXPLORATION
İn archaeological exploration of settlements, it is very important not only to
establish the presence of a cultural layer, but also to clarify its borders and
preliminary study of the stratigraphy of the monument. For this, field drill 'is
sometimes used, but it has not been widely used -

'D. A. Avdusin. Field archaeology of the USSR. M., 197Q, p. 64.

280
 Fig. 1 Fig. 2
Fig. 1. Field Probe Design
Fig. 2. Schematic plan of the Old Russian village near the city of Odintsovo, Moscow Region.
Conventions: İ - thickness of the cultural layer 0-30 cm, 2-31-60, 3-61-90, 90 cm border of the
4 - more than , 5 - conventional

coastal slope, 6 border of the cultural

layer

remove the wrench or additional rod. This design allows the probe to be
manufactured in almost any mechanical workshop in 1.5-2 hours, which makes its
use very affordable. The probe is stuck (but not screwed in) into the ground. İn this
case, the pointed end of the probe covers the soil along the rod, forming a dense
channel. The groove remains unfilled. Then, with the help of a collar, the probe
scrolls 4-5 times. The sharp edge of the groove cuts the soil from the walls of the
channel, and the groove is filled. Then, with the help of a collar, the probe is
removed from the ground, and all characteristic layers of the cultural layer,
including the border of the mainland, that differ in color and texture, remain fixed in
the groove. The thickness of the interlayers is measured by the ruler. İf the cultural
layer is more powerful than 50 cm, then the probe again sticks into the same channel
for the entire length. İf this is not enough, then an additional rod is used. After each
measurement, the groove is cleared of soil. İf the remains of stone, wood and other
structures are found in the cultural layer, through which the probe cannot penetrate,
it is used as a probe to clarify the contours of the structures. Unfortunately, the area
of pri-
284
changes in the probe are limited by the small depth at which it is possible to perform
work without high forces (in loose soil up to 1.5-2 m). The experience of the authors
shows that the use of the probe is most effective on the monuments of the forest strip of
the European part of the USSR, mainly on the settlements and villages of the early İron
Age and the Middle Ages, which have a clearly expressed but relatively thin cultural
layer. Figure 2 shows the results of probing the cultural layer of the ancient Russian
village of Xİİ- Xİİİ centuries, discovered in June 1974 near r. Odintsovo, Moscow -
Region. The work was carried out by the expedition of the Museum of History and
Reconstruction r. Moscow, led by A. G. Veksler * with the participation of museum
employee N. G. Sinkovsky. The cultural layer of the village was probed along the main
axes of the village site every 2 m. The measurement error, as excavations subsequently
showed, did not exceed ±3 cm. On the schematic plan of the village, zones with
different thickness of the cultural layer are shown by conventional hatching and its
boundaries are determined .
The probe was also used in the search for other monuments and in the excavation
process for preliminary study of the underlying strata and the mainland.
The unconditional advantages of the probe should be attributed primarily to the fact
that it does not spoil the monument; in addition, its portability and light weight, which
allows you to take the probe with you on long walking exploration routes.

A. G. Wexler, A. K. Stanyukovich, A. G. Atavin, O. M. Danilova. Archaeological research in the

suburbs. JSC -1974. M., 1975. The authors take the opportunity to express gratitude to A. G. Wexler
for the opportunity to publish the village plan.
 e----.
13 '
Ransky guns
--iwere recorded in a parking lot under the rock ledge of Ksar-Aqil (Lebanon) °, in
Criticism and bibliography
'
cave 111 Jabruda (Syria) 7, in the open parking lot of Bikfai PROBLEM
İII, located OF nearORIGIN
Ksar-Aqil.OF " Even
. :
- later, such interesting
9
İraqi- ~ al-Barud 'and
-
monuments
WATUFIsCO
as the site under the Madamag rock ledge in Jordan, the
CULTURE
Hayonim caves (Literature
and the open site of EinReview)Guev' ° in Palestine were
investigated.
The discovery of the Kebaran guns immediately raised the question of relations :
kebars and natufs. Since the Kebaran layer in the Kebara cave lay below the natu -
✓

The problem of the origin 4i l2of Natufi culture Fiysky

is not and gave slightly
a particular issuedifferent
of non-Asian
archaeology. İts significance is determined by the fact finds,
that thehis researcher
Natufians F. Turville-Pitre
were among the first in
the world to make the transition h4 to a manufacturing economy.
stated that İt isthis Mesolithic
therefore clear layer is study
that the more

°
of the initial stages of this process is impossible withoutequal thanidea
a clear a natuf containing
of whether the microlites
Natufians
.- 7 a6
are aliens whose economy at has already been affected by significantly
new phenomena,differentorfrom the Natufian
in their person we-
have descendants of the local population, who gradually
49 'No.changed
This conclusion
the nature wasof reached in the
their economy
under the influence of , a number of objective factors. early
To date,30s,twowhen Natufihave
opinions culture was still
developed on
this matter. The older, one says that the Natufi culturebeginning
developed toon be studied,
a local Upper and Kebaran
Paleolithic

*
basis' through a very specific
✓
11
tools of
complex of Nebara. Supporters were known
this point onlyhave
of view onalways
one
emphasized the ambiguity of the specific picture of themonument.
transition from However,
kebarasince the since
to natuf, Kebaranthe
kebaran industry seems to be very different from the monuments
natufian '. The remained
secondpoorly
opinion understood
appeared
1
600 abo
quiteut recently in connection
600 1200 1800
long after, this conclusion became largely
a12 with the study of new Kebaran monuments (Fig. 1). İt consists in
that the lower natuf and the developed kebara traditional
the fact nanometers are simultaneous in science. A thorough
mutual cultures. The
question of the origin of Natufi culture is not raised; itanalysis
appears, of as the link suddenly
it were, between in thethekebara
area
of distribution of Kebaran monuments 2 • and the natuf with the involvement of
Thus, the problem under consideration is now in suchdata anot only
state thatfrom
manythescientists
Rebara prefer
cave, but
not
to touch it at all • İt is quite clear that the answer canoften
only befrom other monuments:
obtained it was of
by careful analysis a
Kebaran materials and consideration of the relationshipsimple between reference
kebara to and the picture
natuf. obtained
However, not
in theattempts
a single work of this kind is known to the author. This article Kebarato fill cave,
this which
gap. did not
contribute atinall1931
The Kebaran industry was first discovered by F. Turville-Pitr to the speedy
during solution of
excavations in
the Mugaret el Nebara cave, which gave the name the problem
to this underculture
original consideration
*. Later,. similar
materials were found in two more places. These are el-Hiam, Described
a parking by lot
F. Tyurvill-Pitrom,
under a rock ledge, the
archaic microliths
and an outdoor camp on a hill near the village. Nefar-Vitkin. Work on of Kebara
both were long
monuments was
carried out back in 1933, but their results were published narrowonlyplates
after with a marginal
the Second World prituning
War • İn
the post-war period, keba-

' R. Neuville. La paleolithique et le mesolithique du desert de ludee. Paris, 1951, p. 119; C.

Kepuop. Archaeology in the Holy Land. London, 1960, р. 36; V. M. Masson. On the question of
the Mesolithic of Western Asia. MIA, 126, M., 1966, p. 165.
+ М. W. Prausnitz. А study in terminology: the Kebaran, the Natufian and the Tahunian. İEJ,
1966, • 16, No. 3, 4, p. 223-226 .
3
See, for example, J. Perrot. Palestine - Syria - Cilicia. Courses toward Urban Life.
N. W., 1962; E. Anati. Palestine before the Hebrews. London, 1963; J. Mellaart. Earliest
civilizations of the Near East. London, 1965.
F. Turvlle-Petre. Excavations in the Mugharet-el-Kebara. JRAI, 1932, v. LXII, р. 276.
• R. Neuville. Le paleolithique et le mesolithique...; М. Stekelis. Le gisement тёsolithique du
Kefar Vitkin. L'Anthropologie, 4968, t. 72, № 3, 4. Another important monument was excavated
in the late 30s, See J. d'A. Waechter and V. М. Seton Williams. The excavations at Wadi Dhobai
1937-1938 and the Dhobanian industry. JPOS, 1938, t. XVIİİ. Unfortunately, the author was
unable to familiarize himself with this work.
28
3
 Fig. 1. Distribution of Kebaran sites in the
Eastern Mediterranean. 1- Jayta 111, 2 -
Jabrud, 3 - Bikfaya 111, 4 Sands, parking lot 8
11, 5 - Hayonim, 6- Ein Guev, 7 - İraq al-
Barud, 8 - Kebara, 9 - Kefar Vitkin, 10 -
Tor Abu Sif, 11-
el-Hiam, Madamag,
12 13 Belbashi
-

retouching, which, as it now turns out,

wear in their infancy the features of the later more developed Kebaran guns. İn Kebara Cave,
these types did not yet have a clear design, which made them difficult to classify '*. Only later,
the attraction of materials from such monuments as, for example, Nefar Vitkin and İraq al-
Barud, made it possible to distinguish several types. Kebaran records. 15The most clear
classification of them is given in the last work-

• I. F. Ewing. Preliminary note on the excavations at the paleolithic site of Кsar' Akil,
Republic of Lebanon. Antiquity, 1947, v. XXI, № 83.
1
A. Rust. Die Hohlenfunde von Jabrud. Neumiinster, 1950; J. d'A. Waechter. The
excavation of Jabrud and its relation to the prehistory of Palestine and Syria. University of
London. lnstitute of Archaeology. Eighth Annual Report. London, 1952.
8
L. Copeland and Р. 1. W escombe. lnventory of Stone Age sites in Lebanon. MUSJ, 1965,
t. 41, p. 76.
• D. Кirkbride. А kebaran rock-shelter in Wady Madamagh near Petra. Man, 1958, t. 58.
10
М. Stekelis. lraq-el-Baroud, nouvelle grotte prehistorique au Mount Carmel.
BRCI. Section G, 1961, v. 10.
11
О. Bar-Yosef and Е. Tchernov. Archaeological finds and the fossil faunas of natufian and
microlithic industries at Hayonim cave. IJZ, 1966, v. 15.
2 М. Stekelis et О. Bar-Yosef. Un hahitat du paleolithique superieur а Ein Guev.
L'Anthropologie, 1965, t. 69, № 1, 2.
13
F. Turuille-Petre. Ohr. cit., p. 276.
liCf. definitions by F. Turuille-Petre. Ohr. cit., p. 276) and R. Neville (R. N euville. La
prehistorique de Palestine. RB, 1934, t. 43, p. 251). •
1 М. W. Prausnitz. Ohr. cit., p. 222; М. Stekelis. Irag-el-Baroud ... , р. 308.
284
/%

bO
those M. Stekelis. İt divides non-geometric microlites into four groups. The first includes plates
- with an arched or concave retouched edge and plates with an opposite retouch, the second - tools
ch on the sections of plates with a Iblunting retouch (sections are convex, concave, but most often
l
oblique), to the third - the tip of the microcharger and microgravette and, finally, to the fourth -
o the remaining plates. İn addition, several types of geometric microlites stand out: segments,
20

this article. ~1 ..
versatile triangles, trapezoids (sections of plates with three retouched sides) and rectangles
(retouched sections of plates with right angles) 'İt was this classification that formed the basis of
1#,
an Tools of large and medium size, both Kebaran and Natufi, retain the Upper Paleolithic
traditions (scrapers, incisors, points and retouched plates and flakes are common on the late
d stages of the Upper
1U Paleolithic7of the Eastern Mediterranean). ST.However, already on Kebaran
highwa v
monuments, microliths, as a rule, make up 30-40% of all guns.
İn the 30s of the XX century. it was found that the Natufi industry differs from the Kebaran
industry mainly in the appearance of inserts of harvested knives, drills, micro-cutters, its main
characteristic feature was the huge predominance of geometric microlites not only over non-
geometric, but also over all other types of tools; the dominant type of geometric microliths were
segments with acute counter-retouching 17• All these characteristics of the natuf, most fully
presented in el-Wad, did not at that time give reason to talk about direct genetic links between
kebara and natuf. This was all the more difficult to do that the most common scheme for the
development of Natufi culture, proposed by R. Neville 1, which 8was distinguished by the complete
absence of any regional approach and was built mainly on comparing these single-layer
memorials, suffered from great shortcomings. So , at one time, the lower Natufian layer of el-
Khpam (layer B ") was assigned to natuf 2, where the materials of the Tor Abu Sif terrace were
also included. True, at the same time R. Neville could not bypass the silence of the fact that

*
strong Kebaran traditions were noted on both monuments; therefore, he believed that in natuf 2
there is a temporary return to the latter However, now that after repeated excavations in el-
Hiam, it was possible to establish the presence of a direct genetic link here between the Kebaran
and Natufi strata *, and ThorAbu-Sif and el-Hiam V "(el-Hiam 5, according to Gonzales
Echegaray) it is possible with full confidently divert to the stage transitional from kebara to
watuf. Thus, at present there has been a real opportunity to come close to solving the issue of
Kebaran-Natufi ties .
The only correct way of such a solution is to study the trends in the development of the
Kebaran industry and find out on this basis the presence or absence of Kebaran traditions in
natuf. The optimal results of such a study could be obtained from multi-layered monuments,
however, unfortunately, there are very few of the latter and they are usually not well published
(el-Hiam, Hayonim, İII Jabruda cave). Serious difficulties are created by the inadequacy of data
from different Mesolithic monuments, which is associated with a different approach to materials
from different scientists. This explains the lack of any clear chronology of Kebaran and Natufi
monuments at present.
At the same time, the analysis of all the materials available to date makes it possible to draw
a number of interesting conclusions. For this work, data from such Kebaran monuments as
Nebara S, Kefar Vitkin, İraq-el-Barud, Madamag, el-Hiam D (layers 8-6, according to Gonzales
Echegaray), Ein-Guev, Hayonim S, O,, S., Jabrud (mostly non-Beijing strata 7, 6, 4; the Late
Caucasian and Falitic strata are still not quite clear), Bikfaya İII, and such Natufian monuments
as Ne-

in M. Stekelis. Le gisemept mesolithique..., р. 333, 335.

1 See, for example, R. Neuville. Le prehistorique de Palestine, р. 251-253;
D. A. E. Garrod. The natufian culture. RVA, 1957. в
R. Neuville. Le prehistorique de Palestine. No.
İid., p. 252 .
20
1. Gonzales Echegaray. Nouvelle fouilles а El-Кhiam. RB, 1963, t. 70.
285
 'll 1X x E
l

Bara B, El Wad, Shukba, Beida, El Hiam B (Layers 5-4, by Gonzales Echegaray), ThorAbu-Sif, Erk
El Amar, Einan, Hayonim V, Jabrud (Natufian Layer 2) Jaita 111 2• Total 1Type Ratio the tools on most
of these monuments are shown in Figures 2, 3
Quantitatively, these complexes are characterized by the following indicators: el-Hiam D and B,
gave 382 and 444 guns, respectively. The drills were not taken into account in the percentage
calculations. Only the fact that there were few of them is known about them. About 800 guns come
from Tor Abu Sif. When calculating the percentage of inserts of harvested knives, they were included
in the group of non-geometric microlites, and categories 5, 9, 10 were not taken into account. Erk el-
Amar gave 416 guns. Categories 5, 9 were not taken into account in the percentage calculations. İraq-
el-Barud gave 230 guns, Kefar-Vitkin - 1794 guns. Shukba gave 1,312 guns. Unfortunately, D.
Garrod did not separate the nucleid scrapers from the nuclei during the calculations, which is
reflected in the graph. El Wad B, and B, respectively, gave 4434 and 8010 guns. Nucleid scrapers
were not included in the percentage calculations. However, it is known that there were many in both
layers. Ein-Guev gave 700 guns. When calculating percent, the inserts of the harvested knives were
included in the group of retouched plates, and categories 9, 11 were not taken into account. The
percentage of Einan guns is given by the work of M. Koven, where the total number of guns is not
indicated. Hayonim Xie gave 230 guns, Ch-245, Sa-203, B (inside) - 357, B (squirrels) - 234. When
calculating the percentage of the drill, they were taken into account. Jabrud 7 gave 299 guns, 6-135,
5-77, 4-108, 3-161, 2-129. İt is not known, as a rule, the number of those guns ,
1 For a detailed bibliography of Natufi monuments, see the article: V. A. Schnirelman. Natufi
culture. SA, 1973, 1.
286
'U
•
170
2.0
!
O
33 34 35
e
336 38 39 Ch0 1 42 37

H
0

XXI
I

ii ~
Fig. 2, 3. The ratio of gun types on Kebaran and Natufi monuments (İ - Ein Guev, İİ - Einan, İİİ -
Hyonim Se, İV - Hyonim Oy, V - Hyonim Sa, Vİ - Hyonim B (inside), VIİ-Hayonim B (outside),
VIII-Jabrud 7, IX-Jabrud 6, H-Jabrud 5, Xİ-Jabrud 4, Xİİ- Jabrud 3, Xİİİ- Jabrud 2, Xİİ- Jabrud İ
V - El Hiam D, XV - Thor Abu Sif, XVI - El Hiam V,, XVII - Erk El Amar, XVIİİİRAQ El
Barud A±, XIX - Nefar Vitkin, XX-Shukba, XXİ - el Wad B,, XXII - el Wad B,)
1 - low scrapers on plates and flakes; 2 - nucleid, high and massive scrapers; 3 - cutters; 4- micro-
cuts; 5- plates and chips with retouching; 6 - inserts of harvested knives; 7- non-geometric
microlites; 8 are geometric microlites; 9 - tools with recesses and teeth; 10 - drill bits; 11 - picks.
All graphs are built uniformly. Guns, percentage: of which unknown, marked with oblique cre-
stami

which are rare. Therefore, the absence of this information does not significantly change the
overall picture, which makes the graphs comparable .
Since both in kebar and in natuf, large and medium-sized guns retain the Upper Paleolithic
features the most, our analysis should begin with them. A relatively large category of guns is
scrapers, among which there are end and to a lesser extent side scrapers on plates and splinters
(Figures 4, 44, 12, 29, 67, 1, 30), round scrapers (Figures 4, 66), high, massive and nucleid -
(Figures 4, 22, 55). The ratio of the former changes over time in favor of end scrapers; round
ones tend to disappear, on some Natufi monuments they are not at all. İn general, in natuf, the
relative number of end, side and round scrapers decreases compared to kebara. The only
exception is the monuments of Lebanon, where the non-Beijing strata did not give these tools,
and in Natuf they become leading. High, massive and nucleid scrapers on a number of
monuments prevail over the rest, while on others there is a reverse picture. İt is important to note
that their ratio, recorded in the Kebaran period, as a rule, is preserved in the same areas and
on the same monuments and in the subsequent time. So, for example, the Carmel region and
Hyonim are characterized by a predominance of high, massive and nucleid scrapers, while on
the early monuments of Judea, in Ein Guev and Einan, these types are in the minority compared
to drurimi. The set of incisors in the mesolithic is quite diverse: they are angular, median,
multifaceted, beaked, flat, beveled, etc. (Fig. 4, 13, 23, 31-33, 45, 46, 56, 74). During the
kebara period and during the transition from kebara to na-

287
 О12
7
4

Fig. 4. El-Hiam flint guns: 1-21 layer 4 (natuf), 22-43 - layer 5 (natuf), 44-65- layer 6-7
(kebara), 66-80- layer 8 (kebara)

tufu is observed a gradual increase in the specific gravity of angular incisors. Follows the elevation
of'l' ITT. that the role of incisors in Northern Palestine in the transition to natuf is increasing, and
in the Carmel region and in Judea, on the contrary, it is decreasing. Microincisors (Figures 4 , 14,
16, 24, 57, 75), as it is now clear, do not appear in Natuf, but at the end of the Kebaran period in
Judea and in the Carmel region, in Jabrud there are relatively many of them throughout the
Donatufian period. İn Natufi times, their number in Southern Palestine increases, they appear in
Northern Palestine, and in Jabrud, on the contrary, almost completely disappear. Retouched
plates and flakes are common on all monuments. İn the Carmel region and in Judea, plates
tend to prevail, gaining in importance over time as opposed to peels, whose role is falling. The
reverse process is noted in Jaionim: there are more plates: there are fewer, and there are more
scraps, and this process can be traced through all Kebaravian words
288
1I is fixed in natuff without any changes. There are no processed scraps in Jabruda, and plates
predominate among untreated pieces; only in the Natufi layer of untreated plates and peels was
the equal: the number. İn general, in Northern Palestine: the number of processed plates and
peels vozra·stayet over time, and in the Carmel region and in Judea decreases. The plates are
divided into three main types: sub-rectangular or rectangular plates, plates with a curved edge
(with an "arched back") and large points of the "falita." Sometimes it is difficult to separate them
from microlites, since among the latter there are the same types; as for the size of the guns, it is
often impossible to draw a clear face between large plates and plates. Nevertheless, a certain
pattern is seen in the fact that large plates for the most part have an irregular shape or belong to
the category of plates with a curved blunted edge, while sub-rectangular and trapezoidal plates
have a tendency to microlitization. A. Rust attributed the points of the "falit" to a special type of
guns, that is, sharp plates 4-7 cm long with a blunted edge, which he brought closer to the
points of the gravettes 22• Over the past 20 years, these guns, in addition to Jabrud, have been
discovered on a number of Kebaran monuments, for example, in Ein Guev * ° and Madamag °
'İn Jabrud, the points are "falita" were in the layer immediately preceding natuf. The same
situation is zafi: the Xirovava in Ein Guev, which with good reason can be considered
immediately preceding the Vatufis: to whom the Einan settlement. Madamag, judging by the
nature of the microlytic inventory, also refers to the late ("developed") kebara period. For the
period: khara kebars: irregularly shaped plates and plates with a curved blunted edge, however, in
Kefar Vitkin, İraq al-Barud and el-Hiam D, plates of correct shapes will fall, however, because
of their chalk: which sizes are attributed to microlites. For vatufiis: which monuments are the
most hara: square plates with a curved blunted edge and sub-rectangular. İn the period: kebars
on large and medium guns are dominated by a one-sided regional dulling retouch, odva: ko on.
sub-rectangular plates retouch is no longer located Only one: edge, in and one or two: ends. İn
addition, on a number of monuments immediately preceding natuf (for example, in layer 3 of
Jabrud and in el-Hiam D), researchers note a less steep retouch on some plates than on others.
However, it should be emphasized that on most natufi monuments, dulling retouch on large and
medium tools continues to dominate .
Until recently, it was believed that harvested knives appear only in natuf. The inserts of
these tools belong to the category of plates and plates and are of two types: plates with a curved
blunted edge and rectangular plates. Although there are no exact statistics now, the available
materials give the right to say that the first somewhat prevail over the second. · Retouch is not
located just: one by one: the edge, sometimes one or two ends. Most often, dulling retouching
occurs on the inserts, much less often - the opposite and the opposite. The latter is quite
widespread only on the monuments of Carmel (Kebara B, el-Wad B ) 11 in Hayonim V. Over the
past 15 years, inserts of harvested knives have been found on Kebaran monuments. İn Ein Guev,
these are large plates of irregular foria or with a curved blunted edge. İn İraq al-Barud, sub-
rectangular inserts with counter retouching were found, and in el-Khiam D, plates identical to
those of the harvested knives of Tor Abu Sif are noted, in which they have no shine. Thus, we
can rightfully say that in the Kebaran period not only appears: to the gathering of di: some
cereals, but also specialized equipment for this, which in the process of its development
generates Natufi harvest tools. İn Jabrud and on the synchronous monuments of Lebanon, inserts
of harvested knives were found, in Northern Palestine there were few of them; they are
apparently the most widespread in the south.

22
A. Rust. Ohr. cit., S. 117.
a M. Stekelis, O. Bar-Josef. Ohr. cit., р. 177, fig. 3, 14-20. + D.
Kirkbride. 2Ohr. cit., fig. 2, 16.
1° 4. Rust. Ohr. cit., S. 117; R. Neuvlle. Le paleolithique et le mesolithique..., р. 149; J.
Gonzales Echegaray. Ohr. cit., p. 105 .
10 Soviet archaeology, 4-75 289
 000084
As already indicated, scientists still see the main differences between kebara and natuf as if
they were a different character of microlites. Let's check how this opinion at the moment
corresponds to the truth. İndeed, the Kebaran monuments are dominated by non-geometric
forms (plates with a beveled end, plastyBRi with a dulled edge and micropoint), while in the
natuf on the first place there are geometric (mainly segments). However, the latter appear in the
Kebaran period (Figures 4, 58-62, 65, 70-73), and the former continue to live in: natuf (Figures 4,

V
26-28). İt should be especially emphasized that on the early Atufian monuments (Hiam B,, Tor-
Abu Sif, Einan) non-geometric microlites still prevail. A gradual change of them geometrically is
best traced in Judea. So, according to Gonzales Echegaray, there are no segments yet in el-Hiam
8, where there are triangles close to them (Figures 4, 70, 71). There are also the latter in el-Hiam

24 100714
7, where the first segments meet next to them (Figures 4, 58, 59). İn layer 6 there are detected -
segments of different sizes (Fig. 4, 60-62); some of them are close in shape to triangles, some to
trapezoids • There is no counter retouching on these segments yet. İt appears only in the Early
Athufian layer, where its percentage is insignificant g7 Segments also developed from records
with a dulled curved edge, which, as D. Garrod wrote, are in fact nothing more than elongated
segments 2• 8As for the emergence of oncoming -~~retouching,
~ it turns out to be not so sudden upon
closer inspection.
13 . İndeed, all ,Kebaran monuments _! b 77 are dominated
18 19 by20one-sided regional dulling
retouch. However, on most of them ' there appear such types of retouching as reverse and
opposite,
21 which zzundoubtedlyzzset the stage for21/ the appearance25of oncoming retouching, since

2w (g
reverse retouching is still more often sharpening than dulling. İnterestingly, the reverse and
opposite types of retouching in the Kebaran period most of all associated with plates with a

e
curved back. Oncoming retouch is rare on Late Ebaran and Early Atufian monuments. So, in
Kefar Vitkin, it is only 8% of segments, in Tor Abu Sif - 7, in el-Hiam B, - 14, in Shchukba -

00000 *
1%, in Einan it is very rare. Later, it gets much more distribution: in Erk el Amar and Hayonim -
50% of27segments,
28 zos B, -33% of segments, and in elWad
in29elWad 4 w B, and in Beida it prevails in
22 28.

1h
segments over all other types of retouching.
The geometrization of the microlytic jff industry, that is, theJbincrease
Z7 in the specific gravity of
e.. ~ microlites,
geometric ~ eii.. pz occurs
1/3,, in the late kebara period - at the beginning by tufa. The appearance
39 cho
and38relative growth
1/1 of the number of sub-rectangular and trapezoidal plates is most
characteristic of the equals of the stage of this process, as shown by the materials of Kefar-
Vitkin, el-Hiama and Tor-Abu-Sif; there are still relatively few segments at this time. A similar
picture was found in Lebanon at one of the scattered parking lots (Sands: parking lot 8 İ])
~
(Figures 5, 26-50), and with some modifications - in the layer of Jabrud's "falitien." An
exception is 1/1/
İraq al-Barud, where sub-rectangular forms have not been found and the most
characteristic type of geometric microlites are segments.
One of the regularities l/5Gt3
of the development of microlites in the non-Chinese layers of
Jabrud, according to A. Rust, was the increase over time in the number of high-shape guns in
relation to low-shape guns • Unfortunately, such work was not carried out for any Palestinian
-~8' ~50
monument. However, the materials available to us indicate that this pattern is not traced in
Southern Palestine. So, for 1/8 example, the width of segments both in the Kebaran layers of
Madamag and el-Hiam, and in the Natufi layers of Tor Abu Sif, О 1el-Hiam
Zcm and Beida is a constant
value (6-8 mm). Microplates have exactly the same width on these monuments. Only narrower
plates (3-5 mm) were found in Madamag. The same is observed in the Carmel region. The average
width of the plates in Kebar C is 5-

28
J. Gonzales Echegaray. Ohr. cit., p. 105.
2
1 R, Neuville. Le paleolithique et le mesolithique..., р. 156, 457.
2
in D. A. E. Garrod, D. Bate. The stone age of Mount Carmel. Oxford, 1937, v. 1, р. 30. •
Cope/and, Р. J. Wescombe. 29Inventory of stone age sites in Lebanon MUSJ
1966, t. 42, fig. LII. • •
zo A. Rust. Ohr. cit., S. 137.

290
 Fig. 5. İt is assumed that this scheme: the development of flint tools on
1: .They of Lebanon during the Mesolithic period: 1-25 - Jaita 111, 26-50 -
Sands: site 8 11, 51-74 - Bikfaya 111
6 mm, plates and segments in Kefar-Vitkin - 4-7 mm, plates in el-Wad 5 7 mm, segments in
el-Wad -4-9 mm, plates and segments in Kebar V-5-8 mm.
Tools with notches and teeth (Figures 4, 76) are found on both Kebaran and Natufi
monuments. Moreover, in the south, they are apparently somewhat more rare than in the north.
İn Jabrud, in the Donatufian layers, they were completely absent, and patufa appear
immediately in large numbers .
Drills originate in the Kebaran period (Nefar-Vitkin, el-Hiam D, EinGuev), and their
development is especially well traced in el-Hiam * '(Figures 4, 7-9, 11, 34, 35, 47-49, 77). They
are common on Natufi monuments .
Picks, which also refer to typically natufian tools, are found on the Ein Guev ~ Baran site .
Thus, as the analysis shows, the change in the scheme of R. Neville in accordance with the
new data from el-Hiam, as well as from the sites of the so-called "developed kebara" (Nefar-
Vitkin, İraq-el-Barud, etc.), consisting in the fact that the monuments of Natuf 2, according to
R. Neville (el-Hiam B, "Thor Abu Sif and, possibly, Shukba) are transferred to the place of
patuf 1, much clarifies the picture of the genesis of Natufi culture. İt turns out that such typically
Natufian tools as micro-cutters, inserts of harvested knives, drills, picks, geometric microliths
appear on the monuments of the "developed kebara" immediately preceding the patuf. At the
same time, reverse and opposite retouching appears, which, apparently, leads at the turn of the
kebara - natuf to the emergence of counter retouching, which is especially widespread in a later
period. The bone industry is also gradually developing. Simple bone tools appear for the first
time in Ein Guev, they are still rare in the early natuf (they are in Shukba and Einan, but they are
not in el-Hiam B, and TorAbu-Sif). Later, they become more complicated, and their role
increases (el-Wad, ~ Yebara, Erk ElAmar , Hayonim).
The genesis of the Natufi features is most fully represented in the south of Palestine and in
the Carmel ® region, while further to the north they can be spoken of from local complexes with
much less uverity. The same picture takes place in the analysis of monuments of its own İatufian
time: the most clearly İatufian features are presented in Jura and in the Carmel region, to the
north Kebarai traditions are preserved to a greater extent. For example, in the north it remains
the same, and sometimes the role of scrapers and cutters even increases, while in the south the
opa falls over time (only nucleid scrapers are relatively widespread here). İn the south and
Carmel region, the number of geometric microlites (especially segments) increases rapidly,
while in the north the total number of microlites decreases somewhat, and non-geometric forms
remain no less important than geometric ones. Finally, the inserts of harvested knives are
especially widespread in the south and in the Carmel region. Moreover, in the patuf of the entire
territory there are those forms of them that have developed in the south and in the Carmel
region; large inserts of the Eingui type are not found anywhere in the patuf. On the other hand, a
number of special features of northern monuments characteristic of the Kebaransko time are
sometimes preserved in the Natufi period (for example, the predominance of chipping over the
plates in Hayonim ).
So, the analysis carried out allows us to conclude about the MOT:! 1 (that if in general the
tendency to geometrization took place on all monuments of Kebaran time. then the most
complete opa manifested itself in the south and in the Carmel region, and it was there that the
transition from the Kebaran industry to the Natufi industry was recorded. Undoubtedly, this
process was associated with important shifts in the economy.
İn recent years, dates 16300, 14930, 13850 rr have been obtained for a number of
Kebaran monuments. BC e. (Kebarai layers of Wadi Fall), 16960 r. BC e. (Rakefet)\3

1 J. Gonzales Echegaray. Ohr. cit., p. 105-108; R. Neuville. Le paleolithique et la

mesolithique... , р. 161-163.
H2 The transition from kebara to patufu in the Carmel region was recorded by the prp of
repeated excavations in Wadi Falla (si. T. Noy, A. 1. Legge, Е. S. Higgs. Hecent excavations at
Nahal Oren, Israel. PPS, 1973, v. 39, p. 84-86).
• H T, Noy, A. J. Legge, E. S. Higgs. Ohr. cit., p. 77.
• in İbid., p. 96 .
292
13750 BC e. (Ein-uev) *, 13870, 11220 BC e. (Negev sites) *, 42150 BC e. (Kebaran layer of
Ksar-Akila7) ®, earlier Nerev sites gave dates 15560 and 14950 rr. BC 38e., and later Natufian -
11140, 8020, 8280, 8280 rg. BC _ _ NOT e, * no. All these are single dates that have varying
degrees of reliability. İt is clear that the Kebaran complex developed in special natural conditions
and was a measure of adaptation during the climatic fluctuations of the late Pleistocene. The
lower limit of this period is the beginning of sea level rise 16 thousand years ago * ®.
Consequently, sometime at this time, the formation of the Kebaran complex began, which
corresponds to most of the dates given. İndeed, the existence of Kebaran sites is well
synchronized with waterlogging of the coastal strip as a result of sea level rise * '. At some points
in the late Pleistocene, man lived in the now deserted regions of Nerev and Sipai, which was
hardly observed either before or later * '. The climatic fluctuations of the late Pleistocene forced
him to modify the nature of his economic activity. How important this task was is evidenced by a
sharp drop in life expectancy in the Mesolithic region of the Eastern Mediterranean. Undoubtedly,
the Upper Paleolithic economy at the end of the Pleistocene was experiencing a serious Cree Zis,
which affected the southern regions of the Levant to a greater extent, where the consequences of
climate fluctuations affected more. Here, during the active adaptation, specific features of the
Natufi culture were formed, an important role in the economy of which was played by the
complicated gathering of wild cereals, which at a certain stage grew into real agriculture * *. The
emergence of Natufian technology in the north is associated both with the migration of Natufians
here and with their influence on the local Kebaran population related to them.
V. A. Schnirelman

ss Radiocarbon, 1972, v. 14, 1, р. 49.

av Radiocarbon, 1972, v. 14, 2, p. 484; Radiocarbon, 1973, v. 15, 2, р.
296.3 7Radiocarbon, 1973, v. 15, 2, р. 337.
• in id., 2, p. 295 .
39
Radiocarbon, 1973, v. 15, 2, р. 295, 296.
4o İ.İ. Neustadt. Some results of the study of Holocene deposits. İn Sat. "Paleogeography and
chronology of the Upper Pleistocene and Holocene according to the radiocarbon method." M.,
1965, p. 113.
• E. S. Saxon. Mesolithic coastal economies in the Levant and North Africa. In:
1

IX International Congress of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences. Plan of the Congress

and Resume of Contributions. Chicago, 1973, р. 33.
4° 4. E. Marks. Settlement patterns and intrasite variability in the Central Negev, Israel.
Amercan Anthropolog1st, 1971, v. 73, 5, р. 1239, 1240 Current research. Ameri-
sap Antiquity, 1974, v. 39, 3, p. 505. '
+0 J. DLawrence Angel. Palaeoecology, palaeodemography, and health. In: IX Internatonal
Congress ... , р. 1.
44 V. A. Schnirelman. Ecological aspects of the Neolithic Revolution in Asia Minor. İn Sat.
"Topical problems of ethnography." M., 1973, pp. 32-34 .

С h r i sti а n S tra h m. Die Gliederung der schnurkeramischen Kultur in der Schweiz. Acta
Bernesia, VI, Bern, 1971

İn recent years, much attention has been paid to the study of the problem of cord ceramics
cultures. However, the most important issues of this problem (the origin, chronology and dating
of cord ceramics cultures) have not yet been resolved. Therefore, the research and publication of
new monuments, as well as the publication of generalizing works on individual cultures of cord
ceramics, are of great importance for solving this problem. İn this regard, H. Stram's monograph
on the culture of corded ceramics in Switzerland is of significant interest. Before its publication,
only individual works were known, in which, to one degree or another, a general characteristic of
Swiss cord ceramics was given or separate finds were published. Without dwelling on their
listing (they are listed in the peer-reviewed work),

293
note that the work of H. Stram is the first monographic study of the culture of cord ceramics in
Switzerland. H. Stram's monograph is also of interest because proponents of the theory of the so-
called pan-European horizon of cord ceramics consider Switzerland as one of the areas of
distribution of this horizon (K. Struve), that is, the earliest complexes of cord ceramics.
İn the introductory part of the monograph (pp. 11-16), the author defines the tasks of the
work, characterizes the state of the sources, gives a multiple history of studying the culture of
cord ceramics in Switzerland. The author set himself the task of describing and periodizing the
monuments of corded ceramics in Switzerland, determining their place among the cultures of
corded ceramics in Europe, as well as among the cultures of the Neolithic and Bronze Ages of
Switzerland. For this purpose, he chose from all material three complexes - the settlements of
Zurich-Utokei and Zutz, as well as the burial mound Scheflisdorf, which, according to the
author, are most characteristic of the Swiss cord ceramics culture and reflect all stages of its
development. Probably, the peer-reviewed work would be more complete and interesting if H.
Strum gave an analysis of all the findings of the Swiss cord · ceramics in it, and not limited to
these three complexes .
The first part of the work (pp. 17-78) is devoted to a detailed description of the settlement of
Utokei, located on the shore of a lake in Zurich. İn 1928-1929 during construction work, two
cultural layers of settlements were discovered here, separated by a sterile layer. İnspection of the
construction site, fixation of cultural layers and collection of archaeological materials was
carried out by the snoring of the National Museum of Zurich F. Blank under the supervision of
D. Violler. İn 1962-1963 W. Ruof excavated, refined the stratigraphy and defined the boundaries
of the settlements. As studies have shown, the lower layer with a small number of finds belongs
to the mountains • gene culture, and the upper - to the culture of cord ceramics. Unfortunately, in
the monograph, the author describes only the finds of 1928-1929 .
İn the upper layer, the remains of a log fence, many piles, as well as lying logs and boards
were found, which may be the remains of the dock floor. An interesting collection of fragments
of ceramics, flint tools, stone wedge-shaped axes, stone drilled axes, polishing tiles has been
collected. Clay spindle, bone tools, horn couplings, harpoons, rings to hooks were found. Of
significant interest are entire wooden vessels and their fragments, as well as other wooden
products. The collection also includes a cedar awl, stone pendants, animal tooth pendants, horn
pins. The work gives not only a description, but also an analysis of finds by category, a
comparison of them with the materials of other cultures of cord ceramics, as well as a catalog of
all finds. İn his opinion, there are still early forms among the ceramics of the Utokei settlement,
but basically all ceramics find analogies in the materials of the time of the upper single burials
(Obergrabzeit) according to Danish chronology. The author finds especially close analogies to
ceramics from the settlement of Utokei in the ceramics of the settlements of the Zhutsev culture
of the Baltic states and in the culture of Zlota. İn addition, according to the author, numerous
connections of the finds with the settlement of Utokei with materials from the monuments of the
early Bronze Age of Switzerland are traced. The author believes that the complex of finds from
the settlement of Utokei characterizes the stage of development of corded ceramics in
Switzerland, dating back to the time of the upper single burials. This stage, in his opinion,
includes most of the settlements of corded ceramics in Switzerland.
The second part of the work (pp. 79-92) gives a description and analysis of the finds
supposedly originating from the settlement of Zutz near Lake Bieler. The complex of finds from
this settlement entered the historical museum of Bern at the beginning of our century. İt
consists of 44 fragments of ceramics, of which 35 fragments definitely belong to the cord
ceramics culture, and the rest to the Auvergnier culture. The conditions for finding this ceramics
are unknown. Therefore, this complex cannot be linked with any of the settlements around Zutz.
H. Strum suggests that this collection of ceramics can be considered derived from the
excavations in 1882 of the settlement of Zuts-Rutte, since it resembles ceramics from the
excavations of this settlement in 1884. But this is only a likely assumption, there is no evidence.
İn this regard, the author, not excluding the possibility of connecting this complex with the
settlement of Zuts Rutte, proposes to call it "Zuts 1882." According to the author, fragments of
cord ceramics from this stylistic complex

294
the drumsticks are homogeneous, so it can be considered as a single closed complex. We cannot
agree with this opinion, although expressed in the form of a working hypothesis. İt is known that
only finds from deepened dwellings - dugouts and semi-earths, as well as from burials can be
attributed to closed complexes. İf even this ceramics were documented and came from the
cultural layer of the settlement, then in this case it could not be considered as a closed complex,
because in the cultural layer there may be finds of an earlier and later time .
İn the collection of cord ceramics "Zuts 1882" H. Strum distinguishes fragments from 10
cups, 4 amphorae and 20 pots. He notes that among the Swiss cord neramics, this complex
stands in isolation and has no analogies. Chronologically, the author brings him closer to the
Sjöflisdorf burial ground, but considers the latter a few bolas late. According to the author, the
Zuts 1882 complex can be dated to a later phase of the burial period on the horizon. H. Strum
points to the possibility of: cultural ties with Middle, North-West and South-West Germany.
Amphorae and cups of this territory, in his opinion, can be close to the Zutz complex not only
stylistically, but also chronologically.
İn the third part of the work (pp. 93-125), the author considers the burial ground of
Schöflisdorf (canton of Zurich). The burial ground has 31 mounds, of which 17 have been
excavated. The first excavations of the mounds of this burial ground were carried out in 1846 by
F. Keller. He excavated five: mounds. İn 1866, excavations were carried out by H. Angst (two
mounds), and in 1909 - by J. Zuri and Shultheis (three mounds). During these years, mounds
were dug by a well (funnel) and, of course, could not be considered completely excavated. İn
1909-1910, J. Heerley again excavated everything (with the exception of Kurg. 13) previously
excavated mounds and, in addition, explored seven more new ones: mounds. İn 1962, V. Drack
and A. Wilderberg drew up a new plan for the burial ground and gave a new numbering of the
mounds.
The mounds were comparatively small. Their diameter is from 5-6 to 14 m, height 0.5-1.5
m. The largest of them was mound 4 (diameter 14 m, height 1.5 m). The embankments of
some mounds were covered with stones. Little is known about the burial rite. According to
reports, in: mounds there was a layer of ash, the remains of fires, and sometimes masonry in the
center of the mound. Q: Kurg. 3 discovered a burnt skeleton, in Kurg. 4 - human jaw, and in kurg.
21 - embers, ash and: bones. Based on these finds, the author suggests the presence of corpses in
the burial ground, although in all the others: no traces of burials were found in the mounds, which
may rather indicate burial in the mounds according to the corpse rite. Ash, the remains of
bonfires and burial equipment were in pits deepened into the mainland, on the ancient horizon
and in the embankment: mounds (Fig. 20, p. 119). Flint tools (knife, plates, scrapers and flint
chips), stone wedge-shaped axes, three biconical clay spinners, fragments of ceramics and entire
clay flat-bottomed vessels ornamented with rifled lines, prints of a cord intertwined with a cord
and pit recesses were found in the burial inventory. Among: ceramics there are also fragments of
an amphora with four ears in place of the maximum diameter of the body, ornamented with cord
prints and rifled LINES.
The author notes that the Schöflisdorf burial ground in Swiss cord ceramics occupies a
special place and is the only representative of an independent cultural group. According to the
method of construction: mounds (covering the embankment with stones and stone laying in the
mound) in Switzerland, he finds parallels only İn the Zarmenstrof burial ground. However, apart
from two expressionless fragments of ceramics, other finds from this burial ground are
unknown. A similar method of building mounds is also known in the culture of the cups of
Southwest and West Germany, in particular in the Rhine bend, near Mainz. Clay vessels from
the Schöflisdorf burial ground are sharply different from all other corded ceramics in
Switzerland. According to the author, some analogies to the pottery of the burial ground are
found among the pottery of the culture: cube: Kov North-West Germany and Holland, where
there is also an ornament from the prints of the interwoven cord. İn this regard, the author
believes that the Sjöflisdorf burial ground can be dated to the time of the upper burials of the
culture of single burials .

29
5
 İn the fourth final part of the monograph, the author considers in chronological order each
stage of the development of the cord ceramics culture allocated to him, determines the place of
this culture among other cultures in Switzerland. İn conclusion, the author compares the
materials of the cord ceramics culture and the early Bronze Age of Switzerland.
At the beginning of the fourth part of the work, the author criticizes the theory of the "pan-
European (single) horizon" of cord ceramics (pp. 127-135). İt is known that in recent years this
theory has become widespread. Proponents of this theory explain the origin of cord ceramics
cultures from a single cultural layer, allegedly left by a group of mobile cattle-breeding tribes
that settled in a significant territory of Europe and assimilated local tribes or mixed with them .
For the first time, the theory of the pan-European horizon of type A axes was put forward in
1944 by P. Globe in his work on the Jutland culture of single burials'. H. Strum considers in
detail the emergence of this theory and its development in the · works of K. Struve, characterizes
each of the components of this horizon - type A axes, type A cups and type A amphora. The
author, in our opinion, correctly notes that type A axes occupy a special place and do not have a
typological line of development and connection with other types of axes, that in addition to
Denmark, axes of this type are found almost throughout the distribution of cord ceramic
cultures in late-stage monuments. The type A cup in Denmark has never been found along with
the type A ax. Only in two cases did the type B cups be found along with the type B ax and in
two cases with the type E ax. The third component of the "pan-European horizon" - amphorae of
type A (according to K. Struve) - only in Central Germany, apparently, characterize (according
to W. Fisher) the beginning of the development of Sax-Thuringian cord ceramics, throughout the
rest of the territory they are found in complexes belonging to late monuments of cord ceramics
cultures. But this, according to the author, does not exclude the possibility of the existence of
type A amphorae at an earlier time and their inclusion as an integral part of the "pan-European
horizon." İt should also be noted that in Saxa-Thuringian cord ceramics, type A amphorae are
usually found together with faceted drilled axes, but have never been found with type A axes .
As a result, the author comes to the conclusion that the chronology and content of the
"single" horizon is not at all as indisputable as it often seems. The identification of this horizon
is based on the few closed complexes that cannot be sufficient evidence of its existence .
Until now, it was believed that the so-called single, or pan-European, horizon of cord
ceramics cultures except Denmark is especially well represented in Switzerland. Considering
this issue, the author concludes that typologically in Switzerland it is possible to distinguish all
elements of this horizon, but they cannot serve as evidence of its existence, since they are
reliably traced only for late times .
The author expresses the opinion that there is a genetic connection between all cultures of
cord ceramics, since in all cultures there are common basic forms that he identifies with the
concept of a single horizon. H. Strum believes that while the evidence for a "pan-European
(single) horizon" is rather weak, this theory best explains the spread of cord ceramics cultures.
Thus, proving the weakness of the existing arguments in favor of the theory of the "pan-
European (single) horizon," H. Strum still recognizes this theory. İn our opinion, the spread of
the theory of the "pan-European horizon" of cord ceramics cultures distracts scientists from the
search for the right solution to the problem of the origin and distribution of these cultures. The
process of adding cord ceramics cultures was apparently not simultaneous and more complex
than it seems to the proponents of the VPPA theory. To successfully solve this problem, it is
necessary first of all to develop a chronology and dating of each culture

' R, V. Glob. Studier over den jyshe Enkeltgravs kultur. Aarbager, 1944.
296
cord ceramics, trace the historical processes that took place in each specific territory.
Considering the question of the origin of the culture of cord ceramics in Switzerland, H.
Strum considers it established that in Switzerland monuments of the culture of cord ceramics
could appear as a result of the penetration (resettlement) of the population from Southwest
Germany, where, in his opinion, there are monuments of the early stage of the culture of cord
ceramics - the so-called European (single) horizon .
The author believes that, subject to the existence of a single horizon, he could wander the
whole of Central Switzerland and then develop into the Utokei stage, which characterizes the
heyday of the Swiss cord ceramics culture. The process of adding monuments such as Zutz and
Schaflisdorf, highlighted by the author in independent stages, has not yet been determined. H.
Strum suggests that the Schöflisdorf burial ground could have arisen as a result of a new, latest
infiltration of the corded keram culture, since the clay vessels from the burials of this burial
ground differ from all other corded ceramics in Switzerland .
The chronological position of the Swiss cord ceramics culture is determined by the
available stratigraphic long ago, as well as by individual imports, originating mainly from
random finds. Stratigraphic data (see Table 5) indicate that the Swiss cord ceramics culture is
younger than the Pfin culture and the Gorgen culture; it is partly simultaneous with the
Auvergnier culture, but mostly younger than it and simultaneous with the bell-shaped cup culture
and the early stage of the early Bronze Age, in the ancient late stage of the early Bronze Age of
Switzerland. According to the author, the culture of cord ceramics merged with the culture of the
Bronze Age of Switzerland.
Synchronic tables are of interest, in which H. Strum made an attempt to determine the place
of the Swiss cord ceramics culture among the Late Neolithic and cord ceramics cultures of
Europe. However, in Table 7, in your opinion, there is an inaccuracy. He attributed the Middle
Dnieper culture to the time of the upper single burials, and Fatyanovskaya to the time of the
lower single burials. İt is known that the Middle Dnieper culture develops earlier than
Fatyavovskaya and there is a longer time than the time allotted to it by the author in the table .
İt should be noted that the work is read with great interest and is well illustrated . Despite the
fact that not all available materials were involved in characterizing the Swiss cord ceramics
culture, but only three complexes, the monograph of H. Stram, in your opinion, makes a certain
contribution to the study of cord ceramics cultures in Europe.

İ.İ. Artemenko

İ. S. Vinokur. İcmopia that culture of the Chernyakhivsk tribes of the Dnicmpo-Dniprovsk -

inter-church İİ-V century. N e. Ki ~ in, Vidavnitsvo "Naukova Dumka," 1972, 179 pp., 56 figs.
and 4 color tables

The work of İ. S. Vinokur is a new link in the study of archaeological sites of Ukraine in the
first half of the İ millennium century. The book describes the main territory of distribution of
monuments of Chernyakhov culture of the 11-V centuries. c., which is largely controversial in
Soviet and foreign science. The book is of particular importance for lighting the monuments of
Podolia and Volhynia, which have long attracted researchers who worked on the origins and
development of ancient Slavic culture. Already with a cursory viewing of the work, the reader
will be amazed at the mass content of the materials that make up the basis of the book. Thus, the
final map of monuments of the Middle Dnieper alone includes about 300 points belonging to the
culture of the burial fields of Chernyakhovsky tin (p. 33). For comparison, let's give a figure of
Chernyakhov-type monuments already known more than 20 years ago. On the map,

297
attached to the Ph.D. dissertation of the author of the review, in 1949, only 62 points were
recorded for the whole of Podolia, while for the most part they were settlements represented by
lifting material, except for finds from LukaVrublevetskaya, obtained by excavations led by S. N.
Bibikov. İn the book of İ. S. Vinokur, only a list of monuments of the turn and first centuries of
our era, excavated (pp. 162-166), unites 24 names. Among them there are widely or even fully
studied Chernyakhov settlements and burial grounds (Baglai, Bakota, İvankovtsy, Markushi,
Prague, Ustye, Rakovets - 18 burials, Redkoduby - 10 burials, Ruzhichanka - 73 burials, etc.).
The same applies to the materials of Eastern Volhynia, where İ. S. Vinokur showed more
than 100 titles (p. 39). İt should be noted that many of the monuments shown on the sledges
were excavated by the author of the book. Along with settlements, there are unknown to the
works of İ. S. Vinokur in these areas, workable Chernyakhov-type burial grounds (Rakovets,
Ruzhichanka, Redkoduba, Ustye, etc.), shrines (Stavchany, Ba: kota) and treasures (Berezhanka-
). Some monuments have already found more or less complete reflection in the press, having
been prepared for publication by the author of the book 1•
However, it is not only the collection and summation characteristics of the material obtained
that make up the value of the book (the first three chapters). About half of the work is devoted to
the study and reconstruction of the worldview and positive experience of the tribes of the 11- 5th
centuries C.E. Such a multilateral study as in a peer-reviewed book, ideology and ideas about the
world of Chernyakhovites have not yet been undertaken. Some works in this area covered issues
of a private nature, referring to the description of the calendar of farmers and cattle breeders,
which were the Chernyakhov tribes (B. A. Rybakov), magic and beliefs, semantics of
ornamentation and beliefs of the Chernyakhov population (E. A. Simonovich). The regularity of
a comprehensive approach to the problem posed by İ. S. Vinokur is unlikely to need advocacy
and protection. The approach proposed in the book does not exclude at all a generalizing
interpretation of the culture of burial fields and specific monuments collected in the work.
Special emphasis on the development of a number of individual problems with relatively
extensive knowledge accumulated in the field of studying Chernyakhov culture is quite natural.
So, so far they do not require repetition and development of socio-economic issues, to which a
special monograph is devoted (M. Yu. Braichevsky). The rite of burial of chernyakhovs was
sufficiently studied: some tribes described in numerous separate publications and the book of E.
A. Rickman, etc. This correct approach to the material with reference to the relevant publications
allowed İ. S. Vinokur to pay sufficient attention to the issues of interest to him (see chapters İV
and V).
Thus, in the book of İ. S. Vinokur, sections can be distinguished that contain relatively
generalized characteristics and chapters of analytical .
We also pay attention to some unevenness in the lighting of individual areas, easily
explained by the materials that the author of the book had. As a result, the regions of the
Podvetrovye, which are named in the title, could not: they could be described in as much detail
as the Middle Podvestrovye and the right-bank areas of the river basin. Pripyat. İn your opinion,
the title of the book should indicate that the history and culture of Podolia and Volyn, and not the
Dvestro-Dveprovsky interfluve, are being investigated, especially since İ. S. Vinokur attracts
finds from Moldova, from the Left Bank of the Dnieper, etc .
One of the controversial problems, controversially solved in the criticized book, in not the
main one in this work, is the question of the correspondence of culture and ethnicity. İ. S.
Vinokur reasonably asserts the "monolithic" and Slavic affiliation of Chernyakhov monuments
for the main areas of distribution of culture in the forest-steppe between the Dnieper and the
Dniester under consideration. Combination of ela-

'İ.S. Vinokur. Old-timers cxid ~ Volini feather ~ half İ tisyacholit n. e. Pratsi

comprehensively ~ ekspeditsi ~ Chernivetsky sovereign university. Seria is archeological. Veep.
1, VIII, Chernivtsi, 1960, pp. 5-130; İ. S. Vinokur. Monuments of the Volyn group of culture of
burial fields near the villages of Markushi and İvankovtsy. MIL, 116, 1964, pp. 176-195; his.
Pagan statues of the Middle Podvestrovye. MIL, 439, 1967, pp. 136-143 and other works .
298
Vyan and Chernyakhov elements on individual Chernyakhov monuments, ethnographic
observations of Slavic culture and similar phenomena in the studied regions of Podolia, the
similarity of ideological ideas of the previously and later living population are attracted very
successfully to prove the Slavism of the Chernyakhov tribes. At the same time, İ. S. Vinokur
speaks of the heterogeneity of the Chernyakhovsky population, especially in areas remote from
the main territory of the spread of culture of burial fields of the Chernyakhovsky type (Fig. 10).
The question of the significance of the substrate and the dominance of the assimilating ethnic
group is mixed, it is allowed to oppose culture to ethnic group. Since archaeological science at
the present level of knowledge is called upon and tries to reconstruct the history of ancient tribes
and the issues of their ethnogenesis, it is possible only if we recognize the conformity of the
ethnic group with the same ethnic group in all basic indicators of culture. This approach of
Soviet scientists should be decisively dissociated from the pseudoscientific constructions of the
school of G. Kossina. The latter and his followers were based on private manifestations of
cultures to conclude on their kinship, often proved for the sake of narrow-nationalist interests. At
the present level of titles for the monuments of İ thousandth Tia BC. e., comprehensive
characteristics can be obtained containing information about settlements, the rite of burial,
ceramics, ornamentation, connections of the population, etc. At the same time, data from other,
related to archeology, a spider can be involved to clarify the ethnic face of the tribes under study.
The unfounded statements by İ. S. Vinokur, following the vocation of mainly Slavic
Chernyakhov culture, its polyethnic with references to P.N. Tretyakov, cannot be satisfied. Let's
make a reservation that we do not exclude the moments of assimilation by the Chernyakhov -
Slavic tribes of other parodies, mixing with them, we argue that such mixing is immediately
reflected in archaeological complexes, clearly traced by us, for example, in the materials of the
Black Sea region 2• İ. S. Vinokur should have said more clearly, on which he bases statements
about Chernyakhov's culture as "a material expression of tribes of different ethnic origin.." (p. 8),
despite the limited volume of the book (about 15 pp.).
The work of İ. S. Vinokur contains a number of more particular shortcomings. Among them
are the brevity of the characteristics of the Zarubinets and Sarmatian cultures, the itnorization of
the question of the Late Scythian influence, the formation of the Chernyakhov culture and their
possible mediation in the transfer of reminiscences of the Celtic elements of culture .
The issue raised in the book about the existence of slavery among the Chernyakhov tribes
should be more detailed. İs it necessary that the developed pottery and ironworks and mill
structures should testify to the use of slave labor, as stated on page 152?
İn the history of research on Chernyakhov monuments, it was impossible to pass by the
works of S. S. Gamchenko (1909 and 1913) in Podolia, in particular, it was impossible to
mention his excavations in Danilova Balka, continued by E. A. Simonovich in 4949. These
studies formed the basis for the classification division of burials with corpses divided into two
groups according to the dominant orientation and other characteristics *.
Controversially, the statement of İ. S. Vinokur that the transition from terrestrial, sometimes
large-sized houses in semi-earthen dwellings marks a transition from a patriarchal family to a
neighboring territorial community (p. 6), consisting of individual families. The construction and
use of those and other buildings could be due equally to climate fluctuations and changes in its
cycles, as well as to different purposes of structures. Chernyakhovsky specialization

E. A. Simonovich. Results of research of Chernyakhov monuments in the Northern Black

Sea region. MIA, 139, 1967, p. 235.
• S. S. Gamchenko. Archaeological research 1909 in Podillia (manuscript).
Archive LOIA, 85a/1909 and diaries and materials from folders L No. 15 and 16 for 1909 and 1913.
Archive İA Academy of Sciences of the Ukrainian SSR, f-3, 0-1, 15/1; KLA for 1909-1910 rr., p.
178; UAC for 1913-1915 rr., p. 167. The publication of materials by S. S. Gamchenko and new
ones excavated in 1949 was made in the article: E. A. Simonovich. Burials of the V-VI centuries.
n z. with. Danilova Balka. KSIIMK, XLVII, 1952, pp. 62-70 .
29
9
 buildings are firmly fixed. The buildings of industrial, public use, storage facilities such as
sheds and coexistence in one settlement of land and buildings deepened into the ground were
noted.
We do not agree with İ. S. Vinokur regarding his demographic calculations (five people per
1 km 2, p. 41). Our calculations on the materials of the Zhuravsky settlement and the surrounding
region confirm the great correctness of the conclusions of M. Yu. Braichevsky about the density
of the Chernyakhovsky population of 10 people. 1 2km • The mistake of İ. S. Vinokur lies in the choice for
calculating the average indicators of the size of chernyakhovs: some settlements and
recognizing on average only 100 residents for each chernyakhovsky monument. İ. S. Vinokur
himself notes the existence of a number of huge at that time villages of culture of burial fields.
İn the group of "large settlements" allocated by him, settlements with a length of 2 km or more are
called (Nolinkovtsy, Voronovitsa, Orinin, Kochubeevka, etc., p. 49). With a separate calculation
of the number of residents of large, medium and small Chernyakhov settlements, the numbers
showing the number of inhabitants by 21 km would obviously change upwards .
When approaching the study of religious ideas of the local population and comparing
Chernyakhov stone sculptures with information about the pantheon of deities of the Kievan Rus
era, it was necessary to consider in detail the attributes inherent in specialized gods, and then
only draw certain parallels to Chernyakhov idols (p. 120). This would be especially important
for understanding what the author of the book bases on the attribution of each circular circle and
unfixed circle in ornament to the symbol of the sun, zigzag to the symbols of water, whereas
such a sign can equally be considered the symbol of heavenly fire - lightning and water as its
derivative. Perhaps it would be justified to classify fungal pendants as anthropomorphic, etc.
(pp. 137-140).
Some references to the work of this or that author make it difficult to read the book
without specifying pages. •
All the above shortcomings of the book cannot reduce the values of the work done by İ. S.
Vinokur. İn addition to the positive aspects mentioned at the beginning of the review, it is
necessary to name interesting and new comparative experiments, for example, information about
the history of the Goths and their limited importance for the local tribes of Western Europe (pp.
145-148), while the role of the Black Sea region and the Roman provinces is not disputed .
The collection in the book together of all examples of Chernyakhov monumental plastic
and its comparison with the circle of antiquities of the Slavs of the Zbruch idol type is a great
merit of İ. S. Vinokur .
Vivid parallels with data gleaned from ethnographic literature, and the attraction of
analogies to Chernyakhov monuments in excavations of early Slavic antiquities testify to the
contribution to the Slavic ethnogenesis of the Chernyakhov population (housebuilding,
orientation of buildings by countries of light, the use of ritual clay "loaves" by the Slavs, etc.).
The work correctly noted a much larger territory occupied by hacking: ecs antiquities,
whose monuments are occupied by the regions in the middle reaches of the Southern Bug
(excavations in the village of Rakhna P.İ. Khavlyuk *) and in the Middle Dnieper region. This
refutes the unjustified narrowing of the territory of this culture, shown in the Code of
Archaeological Sources, compiled by Yu. V. Kukharenko (1964) •
To illustrate the book, many new finds were attracted, thus introduced into scientific
circulation (materials of the Ruzhichansky, Redkodubovsky, Ustyinsky burial grounds, etc.),
although the quality of some illustrations leaves much to be desired. Maybe subsequently will
require refinement of the culture map shown
Figures 1 and 10. •

*
84-95 .
L. 1. Havlyuk. Memos Zarubinetsko ~ cultures on Pobuzhi. Archaeology, 4, Ca1b, 1971, pp.
• Yu. V. Kukharenko. Zarubinets culture. SAİ, D1-19, 1964, p. 9, Fig. 1.
300
 The book of İ. S. Vinokur, together with the monograph by V. D. Baran and the posthumous
publication of the work of V. P. Petrov, also published in 1972, "enriches Soviet Slavic studies,
clarifies different aspects of culture and territorial features and connections of Chernyakhov
tribes, showing their contribution to the subsequent period of development of the local population
.
E. A. Simonovich

• V. D. Baran. Ranni of the words "yani mizh Dnistrom i Prip'yattu. Key ~ in, 1972; V.P. -
Petrov. The ethnogenesis of the words'yan . Ki ~ in, 1972.

0% %

Each new work devoted to Chernyakhov culture invariably arouses keen interest and hope
that in this work, at least to some extent, the solution of some controversial issues related to this
culture will be advanced. The book of İ. S. Vinokur in no way justifies this hope. Although the
author emphasizes that his work has a historical, ethnographic and historical-cultural aspect (p.
11), in fact, it almost equally concerns all problems of Chernyakhov culture and sets out its point
of view on them or more often joins the already expressed provisions. But none of the issues
covered in the book seriously argued, and the author does not even make attempts in this
direction.
The territorial framework of work is limited to the interfluve of the Dniester and the Dnieper,
although this is hardly legitimate, since this area is not allocated in any way among the
chervyakhovsky range. İ. S. Vinokur believes that the formation of the Cherpyakhov culture took
place here (p. 36, Fig. 10), on what basis this "territory of formation" was outlined, the book does
not say. The statement that in the forest-steppe regions between the Dniester and the Dnieper
there was the thickest population and that the Chervyakhov culture acts as a whole here, while
the rest of its range were only the periphery, mastered with the gradual expansion of the culture
(pp. 35-36), requires proof. İt would be correct if the author proved that earlier Chernyakhov
monuments existed on the "territory of the formation," and on the "periphery" they would date
back to a later time. But to do this, you need to make a relative dating of the monuments and,
therefore, preliminary develop the typology of the material and its correlation.
There is no typology of material in the book at all.
Trying to distinguish local variants on the territory of the spread of the Chervyakhov
culture, İ. S. Vinokur mentions some forms of vessels associated, in his opinion, with the
traditions of local cultures - Zarubinets, Przeworsk and Geto-Thracian (pp. 67-69). He claims
that these forms are distributed only along the periphery of the Chernyakhovsky massif (Volyn,
Upper and Lower Dnieper), which is why local features appear there. The main territory of the
Chernyakhov tribes turns out to be monolithic and, therefore, the traditions of these cultures are
not traced on it, which is completely wrong. To distinguish local features in the culture, it was
again necessary to make a typology of ceramics and draw up a detailed map of the distribution of
its types, as well as other elements of the culture. Without such preliminary work, all arguments
about local options do not matter .
Chernyakhovskaya culture, but according to the author, developed on the basis of Zarubinets
p absorbed elements of Pshevor, Sarmatian and Thracian cultures (pp. 36-37). A detailed
comparison of all aspects of the material culture of the Zarubinets and Chernyakhov tribes,
which is absolutely necessary to prove their genetic connections, is not given in the work. The
author radically modifies the territory of Zarubinets culture in spite of all the existing works of
other researchers. So, on the map (Fig. 1, p. 20), the territory of Zarubinets culture is shown
from the Middle Dnieper to the Dniester and does not include only
regions of the Upper Podv: eprovie and Podesenya, but also the Pripyat basin. But the range is

304
Rubinets culture expanded far to the southwest. This is done on the basis of several monuments
opened on the Southern Bug and the Dniester, which date well from numerous clothing finds from
the first centuries of your era, the vocultural affiliation of which has not yet been determined. The
ceramics found on these monuments (p. 25, Fig. 4) do not belong to the Zarubivets 1• Only some forms of
bowls, over-the-top rollers and cones, the rite of corpse burning as such can be compared with the
Zarubinets culture, but all these elements are widespread and insufficient to determine the cultural
affiliation of the monuments. Thus, there is still no data for classifying these still little studied
monuments as Zarubinets culture. But İ.S. Vinokur · and does not prove it. He is limited to the remark
that these monuments "to lay down, on our Duma, to Zarubinets culture" (p. 20) and gives a brief
description of Zarubinets culture, based only on the materials of the Middle Dnieper. But even such
an arbitrarily expanded area of Zarubinets culture does not coincide with the "territory of formation"
of Chernyakhov culture, which extends much further south (maps in Figures 1 and 10), which in itself
refutes · author's thesis about the addition of Chernyakhov culture on a Zarubinets basis .
The book notes Przeworsk, Thracian and Sarmatian contributions when adding up the
Chernyakhov culture, but no specific data are given for this. The author mentions several Sarmatian
monuments known in the Chernyakhov area, but does not concern the question of what time they
belong to and what influence Sarmatian culture had on Chernyakhovskaya. İt follows from the text of
the book that, according to the author, the rite of corpse under the Sarmatian influence spread among
the worms (p. 32), but in this case the Sarmatian component should have been very strong and affect
many sides of material culture.
İn various parts of the book, İ. S. Vinokur repeatedly emphasizes that he considers Chernyakhov
culture to be multi-ethnic, but in fact it follows from the whole presentation that the early Slavic
tribes were the main core of the population between the Dniester and Dnieper rivers (p. 161). This
follows from the fact that in this territory the Chernyakhov culture is presented as monolithic, and not
only ethnic components are distinguished in the vey, but no alien elements of other cultures are even
felt. The Slavic affiliation of Chernyakhov culture is based in the book on three points: 1) origin on
the basis of early Slavic Zarubinets culture; 2) connections of Chernyakhov culture with Slavic
monuments of the Vİ- Vİİ centuries; 3) information of written sources about Slavs in the first
centuries AD. As already mentioned, the addition of Chernyakhov's culture on a Zarubinets basis in
the book has not been proven, and to assert this coronavirus: yen. İn addition, the point of view of
P.N. Tretyakov about the Slavic affiliation of the Zarubinets monuments is not generally accepted.
Strong arguments against the Slavism of the Zarubinets tribes are given by V.V. Sedov 2 and it is
impossible to refer only to: m: the opinion of one researcher, as İ.S. Vinokur does (p. 21), without
stopping at the system of his contributions • without supporting the Slavic attribution of the
Zarubinites with additional arguments .
The author's claim that, in general, vague and fragmentary information from written sources
about the tribes of Sarmatia makes it possible to more or less clearly classify the ethnicity of
archaeological materials of the turn and the first centuries of our era in the lands of Southeast Europe
(p. 19) seems completely unfounded.

'B. A. Tymoshchuk, İ. S. Vinokur. Monuments of the era of burial fields in Bukovina. KSIA AN
USSR, 90, 1962. p. 75, Fig. 16, 2; P. İ. Ha ~ hatch. Pam'yatki zarubinetskoi culturi on Pobuji.
Archaeology, 1971, 4, pp. 84-95 .
V.V. Sedov. Slavs of the Upper Dnieper and Podvinye. M., 1970, pp. 38-47.
M. İ. Artamonov joined the point of view of V.V. Sedov (Some issues of relations between the
Eastern Slavs with the Bulgarians and Balts and the process of settling the Mediums of it and the
Upper Dnieper region. SA, 1974, 1, pp. 246, 247).
902
 The question of the connection of Chernyakhovskaya kultura with later Slavic monuments
in the same territory requires special consideration. İ.S. Vinokur in this work and in a number of
articles gives information about the finds of Chernyakhov ceramics in the settlements of the
second half of the İ millennium (Bakota, Ustye, Gorodok, Glubokoe, Volosov, Grabovets). He
sees these monuments as a link between Chernyakhov and early Slavic cultures, which traces the
process of development and transformation of culture. But all these monuments are located in an
area densely populated in the first and second half of the İ millennium, and joint finds of things
of different times on them are quite natural. Part of these settlements is clearly bilayer -Bakota,
Glubokoe; they have layers of the beginning and third quarter of the İ millennium, and therefore
their material should be treated with special caution. Other monuments - Ustye, Gorodok -
contain Slavic materials, which in general can date no earlier than the VIİ century and, therefore,
cannot indicate a connection with Chernyakhov culture. But even if there was a chronological
junction between Chernyakhov and Slavic monuments on this territory and they functioned
jointly for some time, this does not yet prove their genetic connection. To justify such a
connection, it would be necessary to conduct a detailed typological comparison of the material
and trace its gradual development and change . İ. S. Vinokur does not say anything about the
cultural affiliation of the monuments of the third quarter of the İ millennium, although an
admixture of material like Penkovka is quite possible in them, which can have a typological
connection with stucco chernyakov dishes.
İ. S. Vinokur believes that in the economy and socio-economic structure of the population of
the Vİ- Vİİ centuries. the development of Chernyakhov traditions continues, which was
expressed in the further evolution of the technique of arable agriculture and ironmaking (p. 34).
But in fact, there are no finds of agricultural tools of the Vİ - Vİİ centuries, indicating the spread
of arable agriculture at this time. We can talk about the dominance of arable agriculture in
relation to the end of the İ millennium, and 3there is no data on the existence of a continuous
tradition since Chernyakhovsky time • The study of iron-making also does not provide grounds
for establishing traditional ties between Chernyakhov and early Slavic times. * Also, the author's
statement that pottery chernyakovskaya utensils continued to exist along with early Slavic stucco
until the Vİ- Vİİ centuries is not justified. (p. 34). İt is sharply different from the earlier character
of settlements and the social order in the Vİ- Vİİ centuries, when there were small settlements,
apparently left by the family community, conducting a joint economy • Thus, there is no internal,
organic connection between the Chernyakhov and Slavic stages of the Vİ- Vİİ centuries. The
change in culture cannot be explained only by the consequences of the Hun defeat, as İ. S.
Vinokur does.
All the data provided in the book to substantiate the Slavic affiliation of the Chernyakhov
culture: the connection with the Zarubinets culture and early Slavic antiquities of the Vİ - Vİİ
centuries, the data of written sources - remained not developed and do not prove Slavic at least
part of the Chernyakhov tribes .
The time of the Chernyakhov culture İ. S. Vinokur determines the İIV centuries, discarding
its narrow dating of the 111-IV centuries on the basis that a narrow date does not give "ni
istorical ~ prospects, ni retrospective" (p. 14), that is, it does not correspond to the author's
concept with the connections of Chernyakhov culture with Zarubinets and with monuments of
the Vİ- Vİİ centuries. No attempt to substantiate wide dating and consideration of complexes
with early things was carried out in the book. İf you admit that

3
A.V. Chernetsov. On the periodization of the early history of East Slavic arable
guns. SA, 1972, 3, p. 147.
% ". A. Voznesenskaya. Metallographic study of blacksmith early Slavic products
monuments. KSIA AN USSR, 110, 1967, pp. 124-128; iron work among the tribes from her
of Chernyakhov culture. NSIA Academy of Sciences of the USSR , pp. 34-38. own. Ob-
121,Western
• İ.P. Rusanova. Slavic antiquities of the VI-IX centuries between the Dnieper and the 1970 ,
Bug. SAİ, issue Ye1-25, M., 1973, p. 23.

30
3
Chernyakhovskaya culture existed for about 400 years, according to the author, during this time
it inevitably had to undergo a number of changes, which was supposed to make it possible to
break the material into chronological stages, ~, this was done for Pshevor culture. But the author
does not conduct any relative dating of the monuments, which requires a detailed typology and
correlation of the material .
İn the section on the historical and ethnographic characteristics of the Chernyakhov tribes,
the author gives demographic estimates, as a result of which he comes to the conclusion that in
Chernyakhov time in the interfluve of the Dniester and Dnieper there were no more than 1-1.5
million people (pp. 36-41). The basis of these calculations is arbitrarily taken data offered as
average - 20 dwellings and 100-120 people per settlement, then, given the disparity of life in
settlements, for some reason the population has been halved. Apparently, these conclusions
have no real significance. The same section gives a popular essay on the economic activities of
the Chernyakhovsky population, which was engaged in agriculture and cattle breeding,
describes house building, emphasizes the development of the iron-making and pottery craft, the
spread of imported things, and speaks of the clothes of Chernyakhovites. All these descriptions
do not provide any new information about the life of the Chernyakhovsky population and have
been cited many times in other works.
Speaking about the worldview of the Chernyakhovites, İ. S. Vinokur proceeds from the
fact that they were aware of the achievements of the scientific thought of the ancient world, in
particular geographical knowledge and the idea of the spherical shape of the Earth (p. 79),
which cannot be scientifically argued. Giving the data of B.A. Rybakova about the agricultural:
pagan calendar, the author does not add anything new to them the same as when discussing the
pagan ideas of the population. There is a clear drawback of the author's material when claiming
that Chernyakhovites knew elements of mathematical knowledge, that they had the principles of
writing and medicine.
Touching upon the social relations of the Chernyakhovsky population, İ. S. Vinokur comes
to the conclusion that the process of class formation has begun here. The existence of slavery is
justified only by the fact that when grinding grain, when processing iron, hard work was
required, which in itself does not prove anything. The existence of property differentiation of the
population is proved by the spread of poor and rich burials, although it is not said anywhere that
the author understands such burials and what period of life they belong to the Chernyakhovites
(pp. 150-152).
Stone sculptures, which are already known at more than 30 points, are very interesting and
new material. They are not always associated with Chernyakhov settlements, they do not have
analogies in the later Slavic material. Located in the western part of the Chernyakhov range,
they appear to be associated with a circle of Central European antiquities and require additional
processing .
The book of İ. S. Vinokur is a general essay on Chernyakhov culture, touching on many
issues. The main disadvantages of the work are generated by the complete methodological non-
development of the material and, therefore, the lack of evidence of its basic provisions .
İ.P. Rusanova ·

TO THE QUESTION OF THE ORIGIN OF KOMI

(in connection with the publication of the monograph by E. A. Savelyeva )

The recently published book by E. A. SavelyevaI is devoted to a poorly studied period in the
history of the Komi people of the X-XIV centuries. The researcher, based on the
available written and archaeological sources, described the material and spiritual culture of the
Permian Vychegodsky - the immediate ancestors of the Komi Zyryan, showed its specifics, "and
also tried to resolve some

'E. A. Savelyeva. Perm vychegodskaya. To the question of the origin of the Narodakomi. M.,
1971.
304
issues of ethnic history. " Not intending to give a critical assessment of the monograph as a
whole, we will touch upon its main part dedicated to the ethnogenesis of the Komi people.
After the Vavvizdin culture was singled out in the European North-East and its chronological
framework was established (İV- Vİİİ centuries AD) °, the question of the origin of the Komi was
inextricably linked with Vanvizdin as a subset of the origin of the culture belonging to the
ancestors: Komi-Zyryan. Our concept of Vavvizdiv culture, E. A. Savelyeva opposed her, opposing
a number of provisions published in the works of 1965-1967. Since the concept of E. A.
Savelyeva raises significant objections, it is necessary to understand the arguments made .
E. A. Savelyeva considers the genesis of Vanvizda culture, the chronology of monuments, their
ethnicity and the fate of Vanvizda tribes.
We have already noted that the carriers of Vanizdin culture have formed. as a result of
assimilation by the Bichevnitsky tribes of the Glyadenovsky population of Upper Vychegda, -
Upper and Middle Pechora. E. A. Savelyeva fully recognizes that the Reading and Vizda culture
has developed "on the local basis of the Glyaden tribes and the population that left monuments of
the Bichevnik İ type" (pp. 140-148). Moreover, she criticizes your provisions on the origin of
Vanvizdin culture, opposing them:... the same thesis. Setting them out, Savelyeva for some
reason refers not to the 1967 monograph, which highlighted the Bichevnitsky culture, but to the
book of 1965 G., where the creators of Bichevnitsa ceramics, first found on the Nizhneobsky
settlement near Salekhard, are still named (after Ea V.İ. Moshinskaya) Ust-Poluy population.
Then E. A. Savelyeva convincingly, in a not original way, proves the diversity of the scourge and
Ust-semi.
The subsequent course of reasoning in Savelyeva, who recognized in the theses of 1965 "the
influence of the Trans-Urals" on the "local culture of the Glyadensky time," is as follows: since
more scourges are known in the Western Urals: İtsk monuments than in the Ob basin, "ceramics
materials do not indicate the resettlement of the Lower Ob population in the Urals at the turn of
our era." But, firstly, one should not forget that bichevnytskyi monuments, not yet unknown:
those in the Pechora basin, were identified here as a result of continuous route surveys that were
not carried out in Nizhny Priobye. Secondly, the Bichevnytsia culture is characterized by vessels
close to West Siberian, which gives us the right to classify it, regardless of the characteristics of
the range, as a West Siberian community. E. A. Savelyeva ignores not only these toponymies, but
also the undoubted similarity between the Vavvizda and Ob monuments, referring to the features
of the difference, although it is quite clear that there is a complete identity between the antiquities
of different cultures, even if they are related. can't be *. Thirdly, the Bichevnytsia culture hardly
formed on the western side of the Ural ridge; it is impossible to get it out of the local
Glyadenovskaya culture, as V. İ. Kanivets does, due to a sharp difference in ceramics •
Therefore, the arguments of E. A. Savelyeva cannot refute the idea of coming from Priobye to
Pechora and Upper Vychegda of some groups of the population, alien Glyadenovsky tribes .

No. G. M. Burov. The main results and problems of studying the archeology of the Vychegodsky
Territory. VAU, İ. Sverdlovsk, 1961, p. 107 ; his. Vychegod region in the Stone, Bronze and Early
İron Age. Autoref. cand. dis. Syktyvkar, 1963 ; V.İ. Kanivets. Kanin Cave. M., 1964; G. M. Burov.
Vychegodsky Territory. Ocher: cues of ancient history. M., 1965, pp. 118-156, 180-193; his.
Ancient Sindor. M., 1967, pp. 137-165, 173-179 .
• E. A. Savelyeva and V. İ. Kanivets . Some issues of Komi ethnogenesis in light of archaeological
sources. Sat. "All-Union: Conference on Finno-Ugric Studies." Syktyvkar, 1965, p. 157.
• This similarity is confirmed by other researchers (V.V. Pimenov. Vepses.
M. - L., 1965, p. 102; V. A. Mogilnikov. To the question of differentiation of ethnic -
the community of the Ob eels in the İ millennium century. e. SA, 1974, 2). •
5
Agreeing on this issue with V.İ. NKanivets, E. A. Savelyeva contradicts: on the one hand,
he approves the conclusion about the two main components of Vanvizda culture, Glyadenovsky
and Bichevnitsky (p. 147), on the other hand, he accepts the hypothesis about the growth of
Vanvizda culture from Glyadenovskaya through the Bichevnitsky stage (p . 142).
30 5
 Accepting our date of the Vycherodian version of Vanvizdin culture and not doubting "the
allocation of early and late monuments," E. A. Savelyeva, however, believes that "the principle
of relative chronology based only on the typology of ceramics is not successful" (p. 134). Let us
disagree with this conclusion. Of course, it is good when various, in particular metal, dating
objects can be attracted to determine the age. And if there is only earthenware? As you know,
archaeologists successfully date ancient settlements of different ages and ceramics alone. The
skeptical conclusion of E. A. Savelyeva is associated with new materials obtained during the
study of the Tokhtinsky settlement on the river. Yarenga, a tributary of the Lower Vychegda.
Having a collection stored in the Yarenga Museum of Local Lore, given the frequent decoration
of corollas and shoulders with rope ornaments with the inclination of strands in different
directions and the presence of a Christmas tree pattern at the ends of the corollas, we are in 1965
r. came to the assumption of the early Vanvizdin age of Tokhta, since these late Glyaden
features are characteristic of ceramics of the layer İV-V centuries. at the settlement of Vis İİ in
the area of Lake Sindor .
As a result of excavations by E. A. Savelyeva on Tokhta, a significant collection of ceramics
was collected, confirming the distinction noted at one time between Visa and Tokhta dishes (pp.
134-138). The latter is characterized by a high bent corolla (a well-defined high neck), the
absence of wavy and horseshoe rope prints on the shoulders, the dominance of patty ornament,
the often found finger-nort ornament at the end and a moderate number of vessels with a
hatched surface. These important features are combined with these features characteristic of Vis
11. Consequently, the Tokhtinsky settlement should be included in another, the latest (by no
means local!) Group of Vanvizda monuments represented by the settlements of Lower and
Upper Vychegda: Zelenets, Yagkoj İ (pit pit 1963) and Chuddinty İİ (dig İII), as well as İ
Veslyansky burial ground. This group was also isolated in 1965 r. 7
All of the listed monuments of the late Vanvizdin era, of which, unfortunately, only Tokhta
and Zelenets gave significant ceramic complexes, are characterized by vessels with an usually
pronounced high neck, due to which two zones of ornament often fit on the wedding. The end is
often decorated with notches located with a Christmas tree (all monuments), Christmas tree
toothed ornaments (Tokhta) or pollen-nail depressions (Tokhta, Zelenets). On the side surface
there are patterns of oblique stamp prints (Zelenets, Yagkoj İ, Takhta) and rope prints, the strands
of which have the opposite slope (Tokhta, Zelenets). Pits under the corolla are present in the vast
majority of cases, but there is often no other ornament on the side surface. İmprints of an arc-
shaped and angular toothed stamp (Tokhta) are noted. İn the upper part of the corolla outside
there is sometimes an influx (Zelenets) in the form of a rough "collar." Surface hatching is
marked at a smaller part of the utensils. Upper Greek ceramics are sculpted from clay with an
admixture of crushed shells, Zelenetskaya and Veslyanskaya - exclusively from dough, in which
an inorganic impurity was introduced, Tokhtinskaya sometimes has shell fragments in the
ceramic mass.
The find on the Tokhtinsky settlement of the belt ixovid plaque of the second half of the İ
millennium and. e. confirms the late date of the monument. Thus, new materials from the Tokhta
settlement, specifying the time of a separate monument, indicate the correctness in the main
features of the existing periodization of Vanvizda settlements in ceramics (the first stage - Vis 11,
the second Vanvizdino and Kuzvomyn, the third - Zelenets, etc.). Quite agreeing that Tokhta is
of late age, we make it the second (after Vis 11) reference: a monument to our scheme, from
which the latter receives additional justification .

6
G. M. Burov. Parking near with. Voldino and the era of early metal on Vychegda.
Tr. Komi FAN, No. 9. Syktyvkar, 1960, pp. 99, 100; his. Archaeological sites of the Vychegod
Valley. Syktyvkar, 1967, pp. 19-23, 68-70.
1 G. M. Burov. Vychegodsky Territory, pp. 139, 143.

306
 The third nodal monument can be the İ Veslyansky burial ground after specifying its age. İn
1963, E. A. Savelyeva dated the monument "V- Vİ, it may be, Vİİ centuries. n h. > 8), in 1964 -
İV-VI centuries. "By analogy with the Harinian burial grounds of the Kama region" *, in 1971 -
VI-VIİ centuries. (p. 139). İn all cases, the burial ground to one degree or another became jealous.
İn fact, buckles with a ring-shaped base were distributed not only "in the Late Sarmatian time"
(İV -V centuries), in the second half of the İ millennium AD. e1, o Ellipsoid ornaments are
presented not only "in the cultures of the first centuries AD," but also in the Bolshe-Visim burial
ground of the Kama region, dated to the Sasanian and Khorezmian coins\J-VIII centuries.,
moreover, in the burial ground, completely similar horned waist lining to the Veslyansky were
found, and the tip of the belt "with handles" İ Tubular penetrations-ducks are known not only
from early Moscow monuments, but also along the Nevolinsky burial ground '*, in which, in
addition, have parallels horned lining and 1belt tip • V. B. 3Kovalevskaya and Yu. A. Krasnov determine
the time of this burial ground Vİİ- İX centuries., considering "the most likely use of it" in the
VIII century. According to A. K. Ambrose, "it is impossible to significantly expand the Nevolin
date beyond the end of the Vİİ - middle or second half of the Vİİİ in.." Having distinguished
four stages in the development of the heraldic belts of Eastern Europe, he refers İ Veslyansky
burial ground to the last of them, that is, to the "end of the VIİ (?) And the first half of the VIİ in."
'*. Tentatively, the monument can be dated to the second half of the Vİİ and Vİİİ centuries. as,
apparently, the Tokhtinsky settlement, similar to it in ceramics.
İf the first (Visa) stage of Vanvizdin culture corresponds to the İV -V centuries, and the third
(Tokhtinsky) coincides with Tokhta's time, it is obvious that the classical Vanvizdino (Kuzvomyn
stage) can belong to the Vİ and first half of the Vİİ century. n e. Three stages of culture represent,
respectively, the process of its design, flowering, when the Ob influence reaches its maximum,
and the cessation of independent existence .
Late Vanvizdin pottery repeats the Late Glyadenovskaya pottery with a number of its features.
This is manifested in the composition of clay dough (crushed shells are often used again) and the
nature of ornamentation (Christmas tree and finger ornaments at the end, imprints of a rope with
strands tilted in opposite directions, found on the wedding, the appearance of a skew-toothed
stamp). From ceramics of such final Glyadensky monuments as Ozyar 111 and Pomozdino1, late
Vanviedivian 5
dishes are distinguished mainly by their pronounced neck and dominance of
patchwork. Consequently, during the Tohtivian stage, the consequences of Eastern influence are
outlived. Vanvizda dishes get closer to Glyadenovskaya, with which it is genetically connected,
as well as to the synchronous Podnelomovatovskaya, also derived from Glyadenovskaya culture
dishes. Naturally, the pottery of the Tokhtinsky stage has a number of common features with the
Rodanovsky Upper Prikamye and the Vymsky X- XİV in the Vychegodsky region, since the
second comes from the Late Muscovite, and the third was formed to a large extent on the basis of
Tokhtinsky dishes. For Vymsky ceramics, as well as for Tokhtinsky, fragments of shells in the
ceramic mass (at an early stage), a high bent corolla, Christmas tree ornament at the end are
characteristic. So, the typology of ceramics not only allows you to build a relative chronology of
monuments, but also shows the evolution of Vanvizdin culture.
• E. A. Savelyeva. Medieval: burial grounds on the river. Vym. AEB, İİ. Ufa. 196 '1, p. 240 .
9
E. A. Savelyeva. The first Veslyansky burial ground. İFS, İssue 8. Syktyvkar, 1963, pp. 95,
96.
10
V.V. Kovalevskaya. To the question of "breakdown culture." Sat. "Antiquities of Eastern
Europe." M., 1969.
1 V. A. Oborin. On the connections of the tribes of the Upper and Middle Kama region with
the tribes of Bashkiria during the İron Age. AEB, vol. İİ. Ufa, 1964, p. 133, Fig. 2, 4, 7, 8.
1 O. N. Bader and V. A. Oborin. At the dawn of the history of the Kama region. Perm,
1958, Fig. 43. 7.
1
° V. B. Kovalevskaya, Yu. A. Krasnov. I. Erdelyi, Е. Ojtozi, W. Gening.
Das Grii.berfeld von Nevolino. SA, 1973, 2, grew. 1, 41, 62.
4 4. C. Ambrose. İ. E r d6lyi, E. Ojt o z i, W. G e n i n g. Das Grii.berfeld von Nevolino. SA,
1973, 2.
15
• M. Burov. Archaeological sites of the Vychegod Valley, pp. 38-42, 62-64.
307°
 E. A. Savelyeva realizes that the Vymsky culture of the ancient Komi Zyryan was formed
from three main components - "local Vanvizda, newcomers of the southern and western."
According to an important voiros about the fact that nto gave their language to the Komi
Zyryans, common with the language of the Komi Permyaks, a researcher in different works puts
forward two hypotheses, but none of them can be accepted. İn the works of 1965 1 and 1971 6rr.
(pages 131-133, 157-181) the Perm ethnicity of the Vanvizdinians is emphasized, the ceramics
and funeral rite of which determined the appearance of the Vymsky culture. According to this
point of view, the commonality of the language of Privychegodye and Upper Prikamye was
established in Lebyazhsky or Ananyin time and persisted for millennia to this day, despite a
significant difference in the cultures of these areas in the Vanvizdin era (any migrations İ
millennium century e. from the Upper Raia region to Vychegda are categorically denied).
İn 1967, the "native speaker of the Komi language in the Vychegodsky Territory" named a
hypothetical population that came from an unknown territory (according to the pe from the
Upper Prikam: ya); it is believed that this "southern Perm component" caused the proximity of
the rerrebal rituals of the Komi Zyryans of the X-XIV centuries., On the one hand, Mary and
Murom on the 7other '. The monograph also talks about southern aliens, on the other hand, not about the
Permians. 'The participation of the southern Volga-Finnish component in the ethnogenesis of
the Komi-Zyryan E. A. Save: Rieva is trying to prove those features of the Vymsky burials that
bring them closer to the Meryan and Old Mari: "coexistence of contamination and cremation
on the soil burial grounds," "a single northern orientation of the dead," "wrapping the dead in
blood," a similar "nature of the location of the cellar : İth inventory," " room in: graves of copper
boilers" (pp. 173-175). However, the first three common features are also inherent in Rodapian
culture. True, corpse burning in the Vychegda basin is much more common than in the Upper
Prika: iye, according to this, is explained by the powerful Vavvizdip sub-foundation of the
Vymsky culture. The immediate southern neighbors of Perm of the Vychegodsky X-XIV
centuries. (Volga or Baltic Finns, whom E. A. Savelyeva unreasonably calls the "Luz Permian"
'®) the rite of cremation is alien. Consequently, the connection between Volga and Vymsky
corpses is very doubtful .
The nature of the placement of things ("tools and weapons are usually located along the
hips of the buried, in the headboard or legs," dishes "stands in the headboard or legs,"
"decorations are located as they were worn during their lifetime," pp. 46, 47) does not differ in
any specific way, and according to it, Vymsky burials are similar to the burials of many cultures,
in particular Lomovatovskaya '. Copper boilers, apparently coming from Volga Bulgaria, can
only indicate the exchange ties of the ancient Komi .
E. A. Savelyeva also relies on the similarity of Vymsky ceramics with some boiler-shaped
vessels of Yaroslavl mounds and ancient Mari burial grounds. But she does take into account the
fact that in burials this utensils is clearly inferior in number to flat-bottomed peorpameptic
ceramics of the Volga and Baltic Finns. This should not be about their "resettlement" to the
northeast at the end of the İ millennium AD. z., and, on the contrary, about the influx at that time
of the Upper and Middle Volga Vychegodsko-Dvinsky and Verkhpekamsky population, traces of
which were found in Tankeevsky * No. And other burial grounds of the Volga Bulgarians. A
striking evidence against the existence of the Volga-Phipian component is the complete absence
of stucco in m: orilniki and in the settlements of the Vymsky culture characteristic of the Volga
Finns

16
E. A. Savelyeva and V. İ. Kanivets. Uk. Op., p. 157.
17
E. A. Savelyeva. Perm vychegodskaya according to archaeological: materials. Sat. "V Ural
Archaeological Meeting." Syktyvkar, 1967 .
18
Antiquities of the X-XIV centuries. Priluzya (E. A. Savelyeva. Luz Permian. Syktyvkar,
1972) in all its features, primarily in stucco flat-bottomed psornamenting ceramics, should be
attributed:: to the Volga or Baltic Finns. The mention in the granted letter of 1485 of the
"Permians" on Luz does not yet indicate that they lived here in an earlier time .
19
V.F. Ge ning. Demenkovsky burial ground is a monument to Lomovatov culture. WOW, 6.
Sverdlovsk, 1964 .
20
E, A. Khalikova. Funeral rite of the Tankeevsky burial ground. Sat. "İssues of ethnogenesis of
the Turkic peoples of the Middle Volga region." Kazan, 1971, pp. 87-92 .
308
 flat-bottomed ceramics. Only pottery Slavic dishes are found, the meaning of which is E. A... For
some reason, Savelyeva does not note. But then a direct indication of the mixing of Komi with
the newcomer Slavic population, an indication that corresponds to the long written sources about
the early appearance of the Slavs on Vych: erde!
Researchers have written about the Western component earlier, relying on data from
anthropology and linguistics. Convincing archaeoloric: there is still no clear justification. Such
facts as the commonality of some decorations or the fact that < < The test of Vep vessels, like
Vymsky, contains dresva, "" there are common elements in ornamentation, "while in general
dishes differ sharply, do not prove anything. "Bird's Foot" and "Hollow Stamp Prints" (p. 170)
are inherited by Vymsky ceramics from Vanvizda. Rectangular figures from vertical serrated
prints could be borrowed not only from the chronicle weight, ancient Vepsians, but also from the
tribes of the Vanvizda circle who lived in the Severodvinsk region (settlement Pinezhskoye Lake
111). As for the origin of cremations in log houses (p. 168), noted in the soil burial grounds of the
Lower Vychegda, their connection with the Ladoga mounds, in which corpses are sometimes
found in log houses * ', is problematic, especially since in the soil burial grounds of the weight
studied on Sukhov, wooden structures are unknown the same construction of them is not an
ethnic feature of only the Baltic Finns. Log houses are generally characteristic of the time of the
Vymsky culture, they are also found in the demands of the Slavs and Varangians *
A strong argument in favor of m: the irrations of the Baltic Finns to Vychegda could be the
appearance of ancient Komi mounds characteristic of the Ladoga. After all, the mound rite was
brought to the Upper Kama region İV century. in e. Juro-eastern tribes (Kharinsky stage of
Lomovatov culture2) •. But there are no Rurravs in Privychegodye. The main role of the western
component was obviously not here, but in the poorly studied archaeologically Mezeni basin,
where among the Komi the White Sea anthropologist is most pronounced: the esque type.
The concept of E. A. Savelyeva about the origin of the Komi Zyryan immediately after its
publication was criticized in working with a comprehensive coverage of archaeolorich: esque and
linguistic sources. According to V. A. Oborin, the researcher "clearly exaggerates the differences
and underestimates the similarities between the Vymsky culture and Rodavovsky. Preuvelich: the
role of unclear western and southwestern components "* ® Savelyeva's thesis that" some Juro-
Western component close to the Volga Finns "took part in the formation of the Vymsky culture
was rejected by L. P. Lashuk, who suggests that in the İ millennium century. e. The
Verkhnekamsk ancestors of the Komi-Zyryans 1 Savelyeva migrated to Vych: Erda show the
close economic ties of the ancient Komi-Zyryans with the Volga and Baltic Finns, in her
arguments against the existing hypothesis of migration to Vychegda and Vym of the Permian-
speaking population of Upper Kama in the last third of the İ millennium BC. e. have no
evidence .
İt is necessary to compare archaeological sites throughout the whole range of features,
primarily in ceramics, which, unlike tools and decorations, only in exceptional cases morla serve
as a subject of exchange and therefore is the most reliable indicator of the degree of kinship
between tribes. No one can deny that the pottery of the Vychegodsky Territory and the Upper
Kama Region

1 S. İ. Kochkurkina. Southeastern Ladoga in the X-XİII centuries. L., 1973, pp. 104-149 .
22
D. A. Golubeva. All and Slavs on White Lake X-XİII centuries. M., 1973, p. 19. 20 DD. İ. Blifeld.
To the historical assessment of the squad squads in the log tombs of the Middle Dnieper. CA,
XX, 1954.
2 2
% V.F. Gening. Monuments of Harin time in the Kama region. KSIIMK, 57, 1955. s • M. Burov,
B. A. Serebrennikov. Some issues of Komi ethnogenesis in light of archaeological and linguistic
data. Acta linguistica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, Т. 17 (3-4). Budapest, 1967, p. 313,
314.
2
in V. A. Oborin. Cultural ties of the tribes of the Upper Kama region with the tribes of the
North-East of Europe during the İron Age. Sat. "Antiquities of Eastern Europe." M., 1969, p.
165.
2
1 D.P. Lashuk. Formation of the Komi people. M., 1972, pp. 30, 32.
309
in the Vİ - first half of the Vİİ century. quite sharply differed among themselves, while in the
previous Ananyin-Glyaden era there was unity: material culture. No one has yet denied the
indisputable fact that Vymsky earthenware has the greatest similarity with Rodanovskaya, to
which it is much closer * than Vanvizda (Kuzvomyn stage) to Lomovatovskaya.
The funeral rite also shows the ethnic specifics of certain tribes. Judging by the İ
Weslyansky burial ground, in Vanvizdin time the rite of cremation dominated Vymi, while on
the Upper Kama the dead were buried according to the rite of İngumatsin. But by the 10th
century the situation is changing: the Ust-Sysolsky burial ground of the 10th century is
completely, and the Kichilkossky H- Xİİİ centuries. half consists of corpses. İs it all
accidental, as is the fact that the descendants of the people who created the Vymsky and Rodan
cultures speak dialects of the same language? İt seems that we cannot yet reject the possibility of
a re-migration wave from the Upper Kama region, which largely neutralized the eastern
element in the Vanvizda culture and restored the unity of the language among the tribes of the
Upper Kama and Vychegda. İt was under the influence of the Late Romanov (and then Early
Rodan - Lavryatsky) population, which gradually penetrated Vychegda and Vym (obviously
along Sysol and Northern Celtic, in the basin of which objects of Rodan time are found "), and
the reverse development of Vanvizdin culture began, ending with its transformation into
Vymsky.
Some similarity of Late Vanvizdin ceramics with Late Moscow ceramics does not lie in
doubt. İt was noted by A. S. Sidorov, L. P. Latuk, 32V. A. Oborin and is 33not denied by E. A.
Savelyeva, who claims that "the Tokhtinsky settlement discovers the greatest bliss to the
Lomovatovsky monuments of Prikamye" (p. 143). UstSysolsky burial ground of the 10th
century is also a monument of the Late Aleksandrovatovsky-Lavryatsky appearance. İf the
Pozdievanvizdinsky monuments are close to the Late Aleksandrovatovsky monuments only in
ceramics, then the Early Nimsky ones are also similar to the Lavryatsky ones in the rite of
burial (corpses with the orientation of the dead to the north). As for jewelry and tools, the
Vymsky culture is similar to Rodanov's no less than to other Finnish cultures, but, as Savelyeva
herself notes, "analogies in costume jewelry can be explained by cultural and trade ties" (p. 17
4).
İt is very likely that the spread of arable agriculture and the accelerated development of
cattle breeding are associated with the influx of the Verkhnekamsk population to Vychegda. The
assimilation of the Vanvizda population of the Late Muscovite-Lavryatsky may have been
facilitated by the fact that in the western part of the Vanvizda area the population could preserve
the Perm language, most likely along with Ugric. Nak has already been noted, assimilation of
the Permian substrate by Ugra was quite clearly expressed only on Pechora and Upper
Vychegda. *
G. M. Burov

21
G. M. Burov, V. A. Serebrennikov. Uk. Op., p. 304.
29
V. A. Oborin. Some problems of studying Rodan culture. Uch. zap.
CCGT, Xİ, İssue 3. Kharkov, 1956 .
30
G. M. Burov. Archaeological sites of the Vychegod Valley, pp. 89, 90. 3 1• S. Sidorov.
Archaeological sites of the Komi Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. ICFVGO, İssue
2.
Syktyvkar, 1954, p. 73.
z2 Essays on the history of the Komi Autonomous Soviet Socialist
Republic, vol. İ. Syktyvkar, 1955, p. 27. zz O. N. Bader and V. A. Oborin.
Uk. Op., pp. 161, 462 .
z4 [G. M. Burov. Vychegodsky Krai in the Stone, Bronze and Early İron Age, p. 17; his.
Vychegodsky Territory, p. 189.

340
 Chronicle
3-I INTERNATIONAL SYMPOSIUM ON PALEOETHNOBOTANICS
The 3rd İnternational Paleoethnobotanical Symposium I was held in Krakow from May 6 to 11,
1974 and was more representative than the previous two, 11 European countries (more than 40
people) took part in its work.
The work of the symposium was carried out in two main areas. First, reports were heard
summarizing the work done in recent years on the development of methods for determining
cultivated and weed plants from various archaeological sites, as well as data on research of
different-time subfossil plant remains. Then the material found during archaeological
excavations of sites of various eras was shown, preserved in the form of charred grains and
seeds of cultivated and weedy plants, photographs and depositions of their prints on ceramics and
clay.
A total of 21 reports were read, and on the topic they can be divided into three groups: 1)
messages regarding the peculiarities of the morphology of grains and seeds collected during
archaeological research, and their comparison with modern material, paid special attention to the
specifics of deformation of fossil plant remains, which often make species difficult to determine;
2) reports on paleoethnobotanic work on individual chronologically different archaeological
sites of a wide territorial range, from the northern regions of Scandinavia (Norway, Finland) to
the southern regions of the USSR (Transcaucasia, South Turkmenistan); 3) reports on the
general problems of the history of agriculture and the methodology for separating subfossil
remains directly from the cultural layers of archaeological sites.
İn the first group of messages, an interesting discussion unfolded around the problem of the
origin of multi-row barley. F. Kh. Bakhteev (USSR) in his report expressed the opinion that two-
row and multi-row barley had a single ancestor of the Hordeum spontaneum S. Koch et Bach.,
Which has a large number of populations, in connection with which the domestication of two-
row and multi-row forms could occur simultaneously, regardless of other reasons. The opposite
opinion about the primary domestication of only two-row barley, and then on the later steps of
the multi-row at one time was expressed by G. Helbek, J. Harlan, D. 3ohari, etc. As confirmation
of his main conclusion, F. Kh. Bakhteev pointed out the presence in very early subfossil
materials dating back to the 5th millennium to the century. p. (İraq, the settlement of Yarim
Tepe), the so-called bottle-shaped barley Hordeum spontaneum v. lagunculiforme Bach., which is
a direct ancestor of multi-row barley.
İn the same aspect, the early appearance of holozero multi-row barley was also mentioned in
a very interesting report by M. Hopf (Germany), who informed the participants of the
symposium of the results of the study of a huge in volume of different-time paleoethnobotanic
material from different countries of Europe and Asia. •
İn terms of studying seed morphology, the report of A. Nonnoli (England) was especially
distinguished. The author studied the seeds of the genera Saxifraga and Papaver using an electron
microscope and demonstrated excellent photographs and diapositives of the epidermis of seeds
of various species of the above plants, showing details of their differences .
The second group of reports was the most numerous and diverse, the audience got
acquainted with paleoethnobotanic work on various archaeological sites in Norway, Poland, the
USSR, Czechoslovakia, the GDR, Germany and İtaly. Among these messages, report 3 should be
noted as especially interesting. V. Yanushevich (USSR), who presented a huge material on the
definition of cultivated plants from the monuments of the Northern Black Sea region and
Crimea, from the Neolithic to the Middle Age

1
İnformation on the 1st İnternational Symposium was placed in SA, 1970, 1, for
information on the 2nd Symposium see SA, 4972, 4.
3m

1
non-centuries, as well as reports containing data for individual archaeological sites and groups of
sites in various regions of Europe - Yu. Schultze-Motel (GDR), E. Khainalova (Czechoslovakia),
K. E. Bere (Germany), W. Willerding (Germany ), etc.
İn the third group of reports, unfortunately very small, the report of H. Germen (England)
was interesting. She demonstrated on the example of numerous depositions the work of a special
machine for washing paleobotanical remains from the cultural layers of archaeological sites,
showed the immediate results of this washing and gave an assessment of the data obtained for
the reconstruction of the history of agriculture. The report of G. N. Lisitsyna and L. V.
Prischepenko (USSR) was also devoted to the importance of paleoethnobotanic remains for the
reconstruction of the history of agriculture in the southern regions of the USSR. İ. Vasari
reported on the results of special paleobotanical studies from archaeological sites in Finland and
their significance.
All reports provoked a lively discussion on the importance of paleoethnobotanical research
to assess agriculture as one of the main branches of the economy of the ancient tribes that
inhabited Europe and Asia.
İt should be noted that the organization of regular meetings of paleoethnobotanics is of great
importance not only for the coordination of work, especially in the field of methodology for
determining fossil remains, but also for their focus on solving issues of general importance, in
particular: a) drawing up paleoethnobotanical maps on a single principle into individual
territories for their subsequent generalization for Europe as a whole; b) compiling a pan-
European bibliography of paleoethnobotanic works (the first publications of the bibliography
already took place on the pages of the journal "Cultivated Plants" - "Die Kulturpflanze"); c)
developing and justifying criteria for determining subfossil residues of certain most important
species for the elimination of some inconsistency that has hitherto occurred .
The solution to the latter question was greatly helped by a demonstration of materials held
at the 3rd symposium for two days, which made it possible to compare charred and carbonized
grains, prints of grains and their fragments on clay and ceramics and other residues. Viewing
materials of different preservation from archaeological layers of different time sites and
different burial conditions made it possible, for example, to largely clarify the correctness of the
definition of fossil species Triticum aestivum, Tr. compactum и Tr. spelta, individual varieties of
barley and other plants. İt should also be pointed out that a large place in paleoethnobotanical
studies has recently been occupied by the study of weeds as one of the important indicators of
the nature of crops and the features of anthropogenic flora that directly accompanied human
settlements .
There were no special decisions on the general direction of further research at this
symposium, since the decisions of the 2nd symposium remained in force, for the implementation
of which the years that had passed between meetings were not enough. İn the final speech, V.
van Zeist noted that paleoethnobotanic studies in European countries have acquired a more
focused character in recent years, are distinguished by a larger chronological and territorial
scope and make serious adjustments to the assessment of the importance of agriculture in the
paleoeconomics of various tribes, starting from the earliest eras.
The next symposium was decided to be held in 1977 in the Federal Republic of Germany,
in Wilhelmshaven.
G.N. Lisitsyna
 [TATIANA MAKSIMOVNA MINAEVA [

Tatyana Maksimovna Minaeva, a scientist who belonged to the generation • who stood at the
cradle of Soviet archeology, a man of difficult and difficult fate, a great worker of science, died.
She died in Stavropol after a serious illness at the age of 78 .
Tatyana Maksimovna Minaeva was born in 1896, in the village of Tsibulniki, Smolensk
district, Smolensk province, in the family of a switchman. At the end of elementary school, for
her brilliant success in her studies, she is sent to the St. Petersburg Teacher's Seminary, where
she received secondary education. After graduating from semivar.wo in 1913, she teaches at a
two-year zemstvo school, and then at a girls' gymnasium .
İn 1919, Tatyana Maksimovna became a student of the historical and philological faculty of
Saratov University, which she graduated in 1924. After graduation, she remains in graduate
school at the Department of Archeology and Art History and at the same time works as a
researcher: Saratov State Museum.
Even then, the outstanding abilities of a young archaeologist, exceptional thoroughness,
especially in field work, manifested themselves. The interests of the young researcher from the
very beginning of scientific activity were wide - from the Stone Age to the Middle Ages .
From 1929 to 1936, Tatyana Maksimovna worked as an archaeologist and head of the
historical department of the Stalingrad Regional Museum. Since 1939, her fruitful research
work began in the North Caucasus. For about 10 years she was the head of the historical
department of the Stavropol Regional Museum .
İn the difficult years of World War II, being in Stavropol occupied by the Nazis, Tatyana
Maksimovna retained the collections of the regional museum. At the risk of her life, she had to
hide the most valuable exhibits, including a rich archaeological fund and especially works that
attracted the attention of the Nazis.: fine art collected in the museum. For the salvation of
paintings and other museum values T. M. Minaev was awarded a medal after the end of World
War II.
The result of many years of work resumed after the war in the Upper Prikuban region was
the dissertation "Archaeological Sites of the Upper Kuban," defended in 1947, which gave a
chronological description of the monuments, convincingly proved their ethnicity to the Alans
and successfully resolved a number of historical issues. The dissertation first revealed the
culture and history of the scarlet of the North-West Caucasus against the background of the entire
early Middle Ages of the South-East of Europe, from Duvan to the Volga. After defending his
dissertation, T. M. Minaeva works at the Stavropol Pedagogical İnstitute as an assistant professor
of the Department of History, remaining in this position until retirement. During this period,
Tatyana Maksimovna worked especially fruitfully - 110 • energetically. İt discovered and examined
dozens of settlements, settlements and burial grounds in Karachay-Cherkessia, constantly
carried out annual excavations of these monuments, and also continued extensive exploration in
the mountains, in the Stavropol steppe, in Chechen-İngushetia .
Dealing with various problems of archeology and ancient history of the Caucasus, T. M.
Minaeva focused on the study of the medieval scarlet of the western part of the North Caucasus
and was deservedly considered a prominent specialist in this area .
On issues of Alan history, she wrote more than 20 works - large articles and monographs on
the settlements of Gilyach and Adiyukh, on the settlement of Uzunkol, etc.
İn the same years, she completed a study on the history of another medieval people, during a
century and a half (Xİİ - the beginning of the Xİİİ century) inhabiting the Ciscaucasia, Polovtsy .
The last work of T. M. Minaeva was a fundamental study "To the history of the Alans of the
Upper Prikubanya," published in Stavropol in 1971, the result of many years of intense and
selfless work of the researcher. Based on the analysis of a new type of Alan funerary structures,
in the mass number of Alana discovered by her on the vast territory of the mountain zone of the
North-West Caucasus, T. M. Minaeva proved that the Alana population throughout the early
Middle Ages in the upper Kuban was predominant .
A wonderful teacher who had great erudition, Tatyana Maksimovna lectured on the history
of the ancient world and archeology for decades. Many generations of students have preserved
her memory for life.
Everyone who was lucky enough to call Tatyana Maksimovna close is well aware of the
sensitivity, ever indifference to evil, endless humanity, amazing uroetota and modesty of this
person who gave his life to science.
The bright memory of her will remain in the hearts of her students and friends, and her
works, which enjoy well-deserved recognition in the scientific world, are destined for a long life.
A.V. Naydenko

343
 / PAVEL DMITRIEVICH STEPANOV]

On January 27, 1974, at the 76th year of his life, Honored Scientist of the Mordovian
Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor of Mordovian State
University named after N.P. Ogarev Pavel Dmitrievich Stepanov.
P. D. Stepanov was born in 1898 in Saratov in the family of a metal worker. As a sixteen-year-
old boy, after graduating from a four-year school, he began his work activity, first as an employee of
the Saratov Postal Office, then as an clerk of the Ryazan-Ural Railway.
İn 1925, P. D. Stepanov graduated from Saratov State University, after which he worked as a
researcher: an employee and head of the department of the Saratov Regional Museum of Local Lore,
assistant to the Department of Archeology and Ethnography of Saratov State University, assistant
professor of the Department of History of the USSR Saratov Pedagogical İnstitute. While still a
student, Pavel Dmitrievich shows great interest in the ethnography of the Mordovian people, takes a:
active participation in archaeological expeditions of P. S. Ry: kova. İn the 20s and 30s, P. D.
Stepanov published a number of works on the history and culture of the peoples of the Volga region.
Based on ethnographic and archival materials, P. D. Stepanov concludes that. that the settlement by
the Mordovian of the Saratov region began long before the XVII century. The study of the clothes of
the Saratov Mordovian made it possible to trace a number of interesting issues of the ethnic history of
the Mordovian people. P. D. Stepanov also addresses in his works issues of the history of the material
and spiritual culture of other peoples of the Finno-Ugric community - Mari, Udmurts , Komi.
İn the early 30s, in the direction of the Committee of the North of the All-Russian Central
Executive Committee of the RSFSR, he went to the Far East and for several years headed a local
history center on the shore of the Sea of Okhotsk.
During the Great Patriotic War, P. D. Stepanov was in the Soviet Army, in 1942 he joined the
Communist Party of the Soviets: Koro Soyuz .
The scientific and pedagogical activities of P. D. Stepanov are inextricably linked with the
Mordovian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. İn 1940, he became a senior researcher at the
Mordovian Research İnstitute of Language, Literature, History, and led numerous archaeological
expeditions. Under ~ leadership, such monuments as the Osh-Pando settlement, St. Andrew's
Kurgan, etc. are excavated .
Among the significant merits of P. D. Stepanov is the opening by him of Fatyanov settlements
of the Bronze Age on the territory of Mordovia and Chuvashia. Pavel Dmitrievich gives the
reconstruction of Fatyanov dwellings, characterizes the economy and social system of the
Fatyanovites of the Western Volga region. As S. V. Kiselev noted then, the discovery of P. D.
Stepanov "resolves the question of the settlements of the Fatyanovites, showing them (at least in the
southeast of their territory) settled and, apparently, mastered agriculture, and not just cattle breeding."
The study of Fatyanov settlements opened up new opportunities to study the history of the Bronze
Age tribes throughout the entire middle strip of the European part of the country.
Of great interest are numerous mounds and settlements of the log crop, excavated by P. D.
Stepanov in the Western Volga region. İn the Primokshan regions of the Mordovian Autonomous
Soviet Socialist Republic, they discovered settlements of the Bronze Age, which differ from Fatyanov
and log houses. These monuments stand out to them in a special Primokshan culture ("Traces of the
southern culture of the Bronze Age in the Mokshi River Basin," 1955). Great merit belongs to P. D.
Stepanov in the field of the study of Gorodets culture. Since the first years of ero work in Mordovia,
he examined dozens of Rorodets monuments. Archaeological expeditions led by P. D. Stepanov
worked in the Saratov Volga region, Prisurye, Primokshanye and many other places. The materials of
many of them are published and put into scientific circulation in a number of printed works .
The result of many years of expeditionary and research work of P. D. Stepanov was the work
"Materials for the archaeological map of the western part of the Middle Volga region," as well as
"Archaeological sites on the territory of Mordovia" (1969).
İt is difficult to imagine any generalizing work on the ancient and medieval history of the
Mordovian people without mentioning the studies of P. D. Stepanov. A wide range of studies by Pavel
Dmitrievich in this area is reflected in numerous publications. His first major work on the history of
Mordovia was his Ph.D. thesis "The History of the Mordovian People from Ancient Times to the
XVI Century," defended in 1946. His works study a wide variety of aspects of the life of Mordovian
tribes on the basis of not only archaeological material, but also with skillful involvement:
ethnographic data, analysis: written sources. The history of the Mordovians is considered against a
wide historical background, in close connection with the development of neighboring tribes and
peoples.
A big place in the works of P. D. Stepanov is occupied by the problem of the history of the
Mordovian economy. A particularly significant contribution was made by P. D. Stepanov to the study
of the ethnogenesis of the Mordovian people. He was one of the first to raise the question of the
origin of two related Mordovian peoples - Moksha and Erzi. Continuing to work on this topic. Pavel
Dmitrievich published the work "Ancient History of the Mordovians - Erzi," in which
314
carefully analyzed and summarized all possible sources on the history of this Mordovian tribe.
İn field studies, İİ. D. Stepanov paid special attention to the eastern regions of Mordovia. Here he
studied a number of very interesting ancient settlements, which he first associated with the Mordovian
tribes, but then put forward a hypothesis about their belonging to the Ugro-Magyar tribes. İn a
generalized form, the results of his research in the area are presented in the work "Osh-Pando"
(Saransk, 1967), which became a doctoral dissertation.
A major event in the history of archaeological study of the Middle Volga region was the
discovery and study by P. D. Stepanov of a unique monument - Andreevsky Kurgan on the territory of
the Mordovian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. Here the burial ground of the first centuries of
our era was discovered, containing the most valuable archaeological material, which can serve as a
standard for building a chronological scale of antiquities of the Middle Volga region .
P. D. Stepanov made a great contribution to the training of scientific personnel of Mordovia,
especially from among the youth of indigenous nationality. Working as the head of the sector of
archeology and ethnography of the Mordovian Research İnstitute of Language, Literature, History and
Economics, professor at the Department of History of the USSR Mordovian State University named
after N.P. Ogarev, he raised many archaeologists and ethnographers .
The scientific community, student youth knew P. D. Stepanov as a tireless worker-researcher.
His great erudition has always attracted - scientific youth. Everyone who knew Pavel Dmitrievich
Stepanov will forever keep a memory of him.
M. Zhiganov, V. Vikhlyaev
% Page
2 5 LIST OFPUBLISHED ABBREVIATIONS
5 INDEX OF ARTICLES IN THE JOURNAL "SOVIET
3 ARCHAEOLOGY" FOR 1975
1 AbGM213 - Abkhaz State Museum
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ZOR Akhsuchay
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İ.PKO
and. IRGO - News of the
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4 M.F.173Kosarev, T.M. Potemkina. Settlement İpkul İ......................................................
3 K.V.206Kostrin. Finds of oil residues: in archaeological sites of the Northern Black
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2 M. G.200Magomedov. Khazar settlements in Dagestan........................................................
3 M. G. 63Magomedov. Ancient political centers of Khazaria..... Yu. P. Manylov. Marble
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2 223 • • • • • E. B. Pruger. To the history of talc deposit development
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2 A.176
D. Pryakhin, V. İ. Sagaidak. Metalworking workshop
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D. Pryakhin. About the settlements of the Abashev community in the southwestern
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4 A. T.36Ramishvili. On the purpose of parking lots with "textile ceramics"
4 Eastern "Black Sea region........................................................................................
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3 141Stone axes of the Bronze Age from Mogilev Podne-
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2 A.İ.217Romanchuk, V.E. Rudakov. Ceramic complex of the İX-X centuries of the
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2 E.V.262Rtveladze. To the characterization of the monuments of Surkhandarya
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4 İ.P.301
Rusanova. İ. S. V and n o k near the river. İcmopia that culture of Chernyakhivsky
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3 172 İII-İV centuries AD from the Shum River (Anapa District).. V.İ. Sarianidi.
Treasure
2 Steppe 20 tribes of the Bronze Age in Margiana.... V.V. Sedov. W. о s i ii s k i. Poczatki
1 wczenosredniowiecznego
343 ocadni-
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2 V.V.942Sedov. VI All-Union Conference on the Study of Scandinavian Countries and
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2 V.V.244Sidorov, M.G. 'Zhilin. Mesolithic site Far İsland
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3 V.V.107Sidorov. Sites on Holy Lake at Shatura........ R. A. Simonov. About the problem
8 of visual
82 and instrumental counting in the medium
century-old Rus........................
3 E.V. 192Simonova. Hillfort near with. Opom in the region of Sabolch-Satmar... İ.İ.
3 224 Note on the Tver treasure of 1766........... A. K. Stanyukovich, A. G. Atavin.
Sokolov.
4 Simplest
280 field probe for archaeo-
logical exploration...........................
2 V.F.168
Starkov, Yu. B. Serikov. Parking lot of Poludenka İİ in the Middle Urals P.N.
2 266
Starostin. Burial with the remains of cremation in the lower reaches of Kama E. A.
1 Simonovich.
203 Chernyakhovsky materials from the village. Novo-Aleksandrovka
on the Lower Dnieper....................
3 E. A.213Simonovich. About one category of finds on the monuments of Chernyakhov
culture..................................
E. A. Simonovich. İ.S.Vin about to the river. The history of that culture of the
4 297Chernyakhivsk tribes of the Dnicmpo-Dniprovsky inter-church İİ-V century. N
e.
2 345Ni'iv, 1972.................................................................................................................
T. B. Tomes. New entries to the photo archive of the Leningrad branch
İnstitute
9 of Archeology of the USSR Academy of Sciences.....................................
2 V.P. Tretyakov. Neolithic of the Upper Podneorovye and its attitude to the day-
4 pro-Donetsk culture......................
14
4 V.P. Tretyakov.
71 İn defense of the unity of Volosov antiquities...................................... .
1 R. G.109Fedorov. To theOnce
Fakhrutdinov. again about the capital of pre-Mongol Bulgaria...................
M.V. question of the historical fates of Dichcanism under
Karakhanids (according to Karakhanid numismatics).....
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L.V. Firsov. Calcareous cementitious mortar in the defensive walls of Harax (Rrim.).
2 •............................
133
L.V. Firsov. Experience in radiocarbon dating of lime binders-
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1 B. 171A. Folomeev.Tyukov town................. A. A. Formozov. To the chronicle of
archaeological research in the North
Black Sea region in the first half of XIX in............................................................
319

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4 5
A. A. Formozov. Some results and objectives of research in the field of source
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N. A. Frolova. On the reign of the Bosporus kings of Radamsad and
1 234Riskuporida VI.........................................................................................................
2 A. Khlebnikova. To the history of Zhukotin (Juke-Tau)
T.120
1 17pores (based on work from 1970-1972)..................................................................
T. A. Khlebnikova. Early Bulgar.....................................................................................
4 M. 23d. Khlobstiva. The oldest burial grounds of Gorny Altai..... M. D. Khlobystin .
2 100 of studying the structure of Andronovo communities
İssues
4 112"Alakul type."......................
A.V. Chervetsov. Old Russian images of centaurs..... G. A. Chernov.
4 432
Ustkheyyaginsky ancient settlement on the river. Korotaikha.. E. N. Chernykh. Ai-
Bunar copper mine İV millennium BC g.
2 283in the Balkans (1971-1972 studies)..........................................................................
1 L. Chemelova. V. S. St o k o l o s. Culture of the bronze population
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centuries of the Southern Trans-Urals. M., 1972...................................................
3 M.256
Ya. Choref. Two new landmarks of the Sarmatian circle..........................................
A. A. Sheyavikov. Yu. P. Satz e ga l with cue. Dwelling Northwest
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2 V.P.60Shyu, ov. Models of cattle ranching in the steppe regions of Eurasia: during the
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4 283Shishkina. Afrasiab Hellenistic ceramics................................................................
G.V.
V. A. Schnirelman. The problem of the origin of Natufi culture (literature
4 65review).........................
2 A. Shramko. Some results of excavations of the Belsky settlement and the
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Gelonobudin problem.....................................
4 209Shur. Yu. L. Shch a in a. Glass of Kievan Rus. M., 1972.. Yu. L. Shchapova.
M.F.
New materials on the history of mosaics of the Assumption Cathedral
4 57in Kyiv.....................................................................................................................
M.138B. Schukin. About some problems of Chernyakhov culture and origin -
2 of the Slavs.......................
4 A.. 88
Kh. Yusupov. Neolithic settlement of Sai Sayed in the southwest of Tad-
1 333ikistana..............
2 To318the 70th anniversary of the birth of S.V. Kiselev
Zasurtsev Pyotr İvanovich\...
3 274
Mongait Alexander Lvovich].
4 313
Lydia Alekseevna Evtyukhova]
4 314
Tatiana Maksimovna Minaeva].
Stepanov Pavel Dmitrievich\..

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