Test Bank for Practice of Macro Social Work 4th Edition Brueggemann

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William Brueggemann's The Practice of Macro Social Work, 4e
Chapter 02
Multiple Choice Quiz

1. Jane Addams became involved in social work because

a. like many women who were also interested in medicine, she was driven out of medical school.
b. she felt guilt for the desertion of duty by those who had been trained to lead the poor.
c. her fiancé died and she was unmarriageable.
d. after making a fortune in textile manufacturing, she wanted to give back to the world.

Ans: B Pg: 23

2. The first Settlement House was

a. Hull House.
b. Dom Zelenko Settlement.
c. Toynbee Hall.
d. Lenox Hill

Ans: C Pg: 23

3. Macro social work’s aim is

a. the conscious construction of the social aspects of our environment.
b. blind to the reality that economic development requires a social pyramid of inequality.
c. to reverse the impersonality of human modern human society and restore family as society’s
focal point.
d. critical of the goal of economic improvement..

Ans: A Pg: #24

4. “Systems” refers to
a. organization theory.
b. a universal construct for understanding the physical and the biological.
c. interconnected ways of knowing.
d. the federalist conception of government.

Ans: B Pg: #25

5. Social systems systematically train people to divest themselves of their own thought and of any kind
of orientation involving compassion. The chief reason for this is that:
a. social systems are typically resistant to economic change.
b. social systems increase complexity, leading to bewilderment.
c. social systems support the goals of those inside the system.
d. social systems view human beings as little better than mechanical parts.

Ans: A Pg: #26

6. The action-social model that social workers help people construct is

 a. based on the military, because it is the most intensely emotional of all large human
organizations.
b. based on the family, because family is the basis of society: what we learn in the home is normal
to us and we take it out into the world.
c. based on the ability of individuals to build healthy social selves and develop strong relational
groups.
d. based on the corporation, because with all its flaws, no other organization has liberated so much
human creativity.

Ans: C Pg: #27

7. The task of creating one’s self is fundamentally

a. an individual struggle.
b. the major goal of education.
c. why people engage in artistic endeavor.
d. a communal task.

Ans: D Pg: # 28

8. The politkon zo’on, or political animal, of Greek political philosophy

a. referred to slaves owned by the polis, or city-state.
b. was a fully developed human who exercised his humanity by public participation.
c. is the foundation of modern democratic politics.
d. referred the professional politicians, or orators, of ancient Greece.

Ans: B Pg: #29

9. In the 1970s, social psychologists known as symbolic interactionists developed theories of

a. the common use of symbolism in different languages.
b. symbolic force in corporate communications.
c. meaning creation and communication.
d. the use of symbols in everyday language.

Ans: C Pg: 30

10. The view that the subject is an active and creator builder of knowledge is an example of the
tradition of social thinking and social work.
a. constructionist.
b. conflict theorist.
c. symbolic interactionist.
d. cognitive scientist

Ans: A Pg: 31

11. social thinking:

a. lends itself to solitary study of and reflection on an issue.
b. begins with and is centered in the mutual interaction of community members.
c. can easily lead to feelings of hopelessness as people confront the difficulty of acting for the
common good.
d. generally concerns itself with what is, rather than what could be.
 Ans: B Pg: 31-32

12. Social thinking regards as among the most important and highest of human
accomplishments.
a. basic scientific research
b. learning by doing
c. artistic creation
d. self-mastery

Ans: B Pg: 33

13. According to Siranni and Friedman, much policy for poor communities tends to be driven by a model
that focuses on
a. the strengths of individuals and their communities.
b. building on community and individual strengths to increase them.
c. solving problems for the poor in order to engage them as citizens.
d. the deficiencies of individuals and their communities.

Ans: D Pg: 33

14. Positive psychology is an important tool when dealing with the poor and distressed because
a. It emphasizes the harsh and unforgiving nature of social realities that people can overcome.
b. It aligns itself with logical positivism and empirical science at its core
c. It emphasizes the human ability to derive meaning from grim circumstances.
d. If focuses on making people feel better, rather than develop their own capacity to transform
their lives.

Ans: C Pg: 34

15. Interpersonal strengths, the strengths of social groups, and community strengths, organizational
and societal strengths
a. rarely concern social workers engaged in community outreach.
b. primarily result from heroic individual effort.
c. are naturally absent from poor and neglected communities.
d. can be increased by macro social workers engaged in capacity building.

Ans: D Pg: 35

16. A criticism of positive psychology is that:

a. It has significant scientific support for its claim that positive psychological states and health
outcomes are related.
b. It respects the contribution that long-term, chronic stress makes to learned helplessness.
c. it rarely underestimates the negative realities the poor, in particular, have suffered.
d. it often ignores the value of “negative” emotions like anger and fear.

Ans: D Pg: 36

17. The action-social model of social work

a. accepts the systems nature of modern life.
 b. rejects the concept of the zoon politikon.
c. promotes human dignity, worth and self-determination.
d. ignores the political reality of poverty, and the stake some people have in impoverishing others.

Ans: C Pg: 36

18. Empowerment-oriented social workers are concerned about public and private systems that
perpetuate disadvantages. Therefore, they
a. explain how there are structures of victimization.
b. refuse to see people as helpless victims of circumstances.
c. believe that focusing on individuals is more important than focusing on political and economic
structures.
d. are extremely pessimistic about the ability of individuals to change massivecorporations.

Ans: B Pg: 37

19. Social empowerment is

a. an approach that engages people in movements for social and political change.
b. always positive.
c. fundamentally divorced from the political process.
d. interest group politics by another name.

Ans: A Pg: 38

20. Which following statement is true?

a. Social work and social justice are two inherently separate concepts.
b. Social justice is the organizing principle of social work.
c. Given the reality of government funding, there is enormous tension between social work and
social justice.
d. Social workers are often indifferent to the concept of social justice.

Ans: B Pg: 39
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will sweep like a whirlwind from the lakes to the Gulf and from ocean
to ocean.”
 Frye Nominating Blaine.

In the Chicago Convention, 1880.

“I once saw a storm at sea in the nighttime; an old ship battling for
its life with the fury of the tempest; darkness everywhere; the winds
raging and howling; the huge waves beating on the sides of the ship,
and making her shiver from stem to stern. The lightning was
flashing, the thunders rolling; there was danger everywhere. I saw at
the helm, a bold, courageous, immovable, commanding man. In the
tempest, calm; in the commotion, quiet; in the danger, hopeful. I saw
him take that old ship and bring her into her harbor, into still waters,
into safety. That man was a hero. [Applause.] I saw the good old ship
of State, the State of Maine, within the last year, fighting her way
through the same waves, against the dangers. She was freighted with
all that is precious in the principles of our republic; with the rights of
the American citizenship, with all that is guaranteed to the American
citizen by our Constitution. The eyes of the whole nation were on her,
and intense anxiety filled every American heart lest the grand old
ship, the “State of Maine,” might go down beneath the waves forever,
carrying her precious freight with her. But there was a man at the
helm, calm, deliberate, commanding, sagacious; he made even the
foolish man wise; courageous, he inspired the timid with courage;
hopeful, he gave heart to the dismayed, and he brought that good old
ship safely into harbor, into safety; and she floats to-day greater,
purer, stronger for her baptism of danger. That man too, was heroic,
and his name was James G. Blaine. [Loud cheers.]
“Maine sent us to this magnificent Convention with a memory of
her own salvation from impending peril fresh upon her. To you
representatives of 50,000,000 of the American people, who have
met here to counsel how the Republic can be saved, she says,
“Representatives of the people, take the man, the true man, the
staunch man, for your leader, who has just saved me, and he will
bring you to safety and certain victory.””
 Senator Hill’s Denunciation of Senator
Mahone.

In Extra Session of the Senate, March 14, 1881.

Very well; the records of the country must settle that with the
Senator. The Senator will say who was elected as a republican from
any of the States to which I allude. I say what the whole world knows,
that there are thirty-eight men on this floor elected as democrats,
declaring themselves to be democrats, who supported Hancock, and
who have supported the democratic ticket in every election that has
occurred, and who were elected, moreover, by democratic
Legislatures, elected by Legislatures which were largely democratic;
and the Senator from New York will not deny it. One other Senator
who was elected, not as a democrat, but as an independent, has
announced his purpose to vote with us on this question. That makes
thirty-nine, unless some man of the thirty-eight who was elected by a
democratic Legislature proves false to his trust. Now, the Senator
from New York does not say that somebody has been bought. No; I
have not said that. He does not say somebody has been taken and
carried away. No; I have not said that. But the Senator has said, and
here is his language, and I hope he will not find it necessary to
correct it:
It may be said, very likely I shall be found to say despite some
criticism that I may make upon so saying in advance, that
notwithstanding the words “during the present session,” day after to-
morrow or the day after that, if the majority then present in the
Chamber changes, that majority may overthrow all this proceeding,
obliterate it, and set up an organization of the Senate in conformity
with and not in contradiction of the edict of the election.
The presidential election he was referring to—
 If an apology is needed for the objection which I feel to that, it will
be found I think in the circumstance that a majority, a constitutional
majority of the Senate, is against that resolution, is against the
formation of committees democratic in inspiration and persuasion,
to which are to go for this session all executive matters.
The Senator has announced to-day that the majority on this side of
the Chamber was only temporary. He has announced over and over
that it was to be a temporary majority. I meet him on the fact. I say
there are thirty-eight members sitting in this Hall to-day who were
elected by democratic Legislatures, and as democrats, and one
distinguished Senator who was not elected as a democrat, but by
democratic votes, the distinguished Senator from Illinois, [Mr.
Davis,] has announced his purpose to vote with these thirty-eight
democrats. Where, then, have I misrepresented? If that be true, and
if those who were elected as democrats are not faithless to the
constituency that elected them, you will not have the majority when
the Senate is full.
Again, so far from charging the Senator from New York with being
a personal party to this arrangement, I acquitted him boldly and
fearlessly, for I undertake to say what I stated before, and I repeat it,
to his credit, he is no party to an arrangement by which any man
chosen by a democratic Legislature and as a democrat is not going to
vote for the party that sent him here. Sir, I know too well what
frowns would gather with lightning fierceness upon the brow of the
Senator from New York if I were to intimate or any other man were
to intimate that he, elected as a republican, because he happened to
have a controlling vote was going to vote with the democrats on the
organization. What would be insulting to him he cannot, he will not
respect in another.
Now, sir, I say the Senator has been unjust in the conclusion which
he has drawn, because it necessarily makes somebody who was
chosen as a democrat ally himself with the republicans, not on great
questions of policy, but on a question of organization, on a question
of mere political organization. I assume that that has not been done.
No man can charge that I have come forward and assumed that his
fidelity was in question. I have assumed that the Senator from New
York was wrong in his statement. Why? Because if any gentleman
who was chosen to this body as a democrat has concluded not to vote
with the democrats on the organization, he has not given us notice,
and I take it for granted that when a gentleman changes his opinions,
as every Senator has a right to change his opinions, his first duty is to
give notice of that change to those with whom he has been
associated. He has not given that notice; no democrat of the thirty-
eight has given that notice to this side of the House. I therefore
assume that no such change has occurred.
But there is another obligation. While I concede the right of any
gentleman to change his opinions and change his party affiliations,
yet I say that when he has arrived at the conclusion that duty
requires him to make that change he must give notice to the
constituency that sent him here. I have heard of no such notice. If the
people of any of these democratic States, who through democratic
Legislatures have sent thirty-eight democrats to this body and one
more by democratic votes, have received notice of a change of party
opinion or a change of party affiliations by any of those they sent
here, I have not heard of it; the evidence of it has not been produced.
Sir, I concede the right of every man to change his opinions; I
concede the right of every man to change his party affiliations; I
concede the right of any man who was elected to the high place of a
seat in this Senate as a democrat to change and become a republican;
but I deny in the presence of this Senate, I deny in the hearing of this
people, that any man has a right to accept a commission from one
party and execute the trust confided to him in the interest of another
party. Demoralized as this country has become, though every wind
bears to us charges of fraud and bargain and corruption; though the
highest positions in the land, we fear, have been degraded by being
occupied by persons who procured them otherwise than by the
popular will, yet I deny that the people of either party in this country
have yet given any man a right to be faithless to a trust. They have
given no man a right to accept a commission as a democrat and hold
that commission and act with the republicans. Manhood, bravery,
courage, fidelity, morality, respect for the opinions of mankind
requires that whenever a man has arrived at the conclusion that he
cannot carry out the trust which was confided to him, he should
return the commission and tell his constituents, “I have changed my
mind and therefore return you the commission you gave me.” Sir, I
do not believe that a single one of the thirty-eight gentlemen who
were elected as democrats and whose names are before me here, will
hold in his pocket a commission conferred by democrats, conferred
on him as a democrat, and without giving notice to his constituency,
without giving notice to his associates, will execute that commission
in the interest of the adversary party and go and communicate his
conclusion, first of all, and only, to the members of the adversary
party.
Sir, who is it that has changed? Whom of these thirty-eight does
the Senator rely upon to vote with the republicans? That one has not
notified us; he has not notified his constituency. Therefore I say it is
not true, and I cannot sit here quietly and allow a gentleman on the
other side of the Chamber, however distinguished, to get up here and
assume and asseverate over and over that somebody elected as a
democrat is faithless to his trust, and not repel it. No, gentlemen, you
are deceived; you will be disappointed. I vindicate the character of
American citizenship, I vindicate the honor of human nature when I
say you will be disappointed, and no man elected as a democrat is
going to help you organize the committees of this Senate. I do not say
so because I know. No, I have no personal information, but I will
stand here and affirm that no man who has been deemed by any
constituency in this country to be worthy of a place in this body will
be guilty of that treachery. And how is the Senator’s majority to
come? How many are there? He has not told us. The papers said this
morning that there were two or three, and they named my good
friend from Tennessee, [Mr. Harris.] When I saw that I knew the
whole thing was absurd. The idea that anybody in this world would
ever believe that my friend from Tennessee could possibly be guilty
of such a thing, and my colleague [Mr. Brown] also was named—
gentlemen who were born and reared in the school of fidelity to their
party. How many? Have you one? If you have but one that was
elected as a democrat and who has concluded to go with the
republicans, then you have only half, you have 38 to 38, and I
suppose you count upon the vote of the Vice-President. Has that
been arranged? Sir, I will not blame you if you vote for voting
according to the sentiment that elected you, for voting according to
the professions of your principles which you avowed when you were
elected. I deny myself the right of the Vice-President to take part in
the constitution and organization of this Senate; but I shall not make
the question. If you have got one, the vote will be 38 to 38. Who is
the one? Who is ambitious to do what no man in the history of this
country has ever done, to be the first man to stand up in this high
presence, after this country has reached fifty million people, and
proclaim from this proud eminence that he disgraces the commission
he holds. [Applause in the galleries.]
The Vice-President rapped to order.
Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Who is it? Who can he be? Do you receive
him with affection? Do you receive him with respect? Is such a man
worthy of your association? Such a man is not worthy to be a
democrat. Is he worthy to be a republican? If my friend from Illinois,
my friend from Kansas, or my friend from New York, were to come to
me holding a republican commission in his pocket, sent here by a
republican Legislature, and whisper to me “I will vote with the
democrats on organization,” I would tell him that if he so came he
would be expelled with ignominy from the ranks of the party.
And why do you beg us to wait? If all who were elected as
democrats are to remain democrats, what good will waiting do you?
You will still be in a minority of two, the same minority you are in
this morning.
Mr. President, I affirm that no man elected and sent here by a
democratic Legislature as a democrat, whatever may have been local
issues, whatever may have been the divisions of factions, and above
all no man who professed to be a democrat when he was elected and
who procured his election by professing to be a democrat, in the
name of democracy and republicanism as well, in the name of
American nature, I charge that no such man will prove false to his
trust; and therefore why wait? Why delay the business of the
country? Why should the nominations lie on the table unacted on?
Why should we spend days and days here with the parties on the
other side filibustering for time to get delay, to get a few days? Why
should we do that when upon the assumption that the Senate is not
to blush at an exhibition of treachery the result will be the same one
week, two weeks, six months, two years from now that it is now?
Sir, I know that there is a great deal in this question. The American
people have had much to humiliate them; all peoples have much to
humiliate them. I know that the patronage of this Government has
become very great. I know that the distinguished gentleman who
presides at the other end of the Avenue holds in his hand millions
and hundreds of millions of patronage. To our shame be it said it has
been whispered a hundred times all through the country by the
presses of both parties until it has become absolutely familiar to
American ears that the patronage of the Federal Government has
been used to buy votes and control elections to keep one party in
power. It is a question that confronts every honest statesman
whether something shall not be done to lessen that patronage. I
respond to the sentiment of the President in his inaugural when I say
there ought to be a rule in even the civil service by which this
patronage shall be placed where it cannot be used for such purposes.
If it is not done, I do not know what humiliations are in store for us
all.
But, Mr. President, here are facts that no man can escape.
Gentlemen of the republican party of this Senate, you cannot
organize the Senate unless you can get the vote of some man who
was elected as a democrat. You cannot escape that. Have you gotten
it? If so, how? If you have, nobody knows it but yourselves. How?
There is no effect without a cause; there is no change without a
purpose; there is no bargain without a consideration. What is the
cause? If there has been a change, why a change? How does it
happen that you know the change and we do not? What induced the
change? I deny that there has been a change. I maintain that all the
distinguished gentlemen who make up the thirty-eight democrats on
this side of the Chamber are firm, firm to the principles that sent
them here, firm to the professions that sent them here, and firm to
the constituencies that sent them here. They were elected as
democrats. Now on the question of organization, which is nothing in
the world but a pure political question and a party question at that,
they will act with the democratic party, and you, gentlemen, will be
deceived if you calculate otherwise. Therefore, there is no necessity
for you to enter into all this filibustering and producing this delay for
the purpose of getting the organization.
Mr. President, as I said before, the Senate should be a place where
there should be no masquerading; men should deal frankly with each
other. If I were to charge any gentleman on the republican side of the
Chamber who was elected as a republican, who professed to be a
republican when he was elected, with having made arrangements
with the democrats to vote with them, I should insult him and he
would resent it as an insult, and gentlemen excuse me for repelling
the charge which if made against you, you would repel as an insult. I
repel as an insult the charge made against any democrat that he
would be false to his colors and is intending to vote with you on the
organization.
Mr. Harris. Mr. President, I rise only to say that I regret that the
honorable Senator from Georgia should have deemed it proper to
dignify the miserable newspaper twaddle in respect to my political
position——
Mr. Hill, of Georgia. I will say to my friend I did not intend——
Mr. Harris. I am quite sure the Senator did not intend anything
unkind to me; yet, by mentioning the matter here, he gives a dignity
to it that it never could have had otherwise, and one that it is not
worthy of, especially in view of the fact, as I very well know, that
there is not a democrat or a republican in America, who knows me,
who has ever doubted, or doubts to-day, what my political position
is. It is unworthy of further notice, and I will notice it no more.
Mr. Mahone. Mr. President, I do not propose to detain you and
the Senate more than a few minutes. The distinguished Senator from
Georgia has manifestly engaged in an effort to disclose my position
on this floor.
Mr. Hill, of Georgia. I do not know what your position is. How
could I disclose it?
Mr. Mahone. Sir, the Senator might be a little more direct as he
might well have been in the course of his remarks in asking my
position; and that I will give him.
Now, Mr. President, the Senator has assumed not only to be the
custodian here of the democratic party of this nation, but he has
dared to assert his right to speak for a constituency that I have the
privilege, the proud and honorable privilege on this floor, of
representing [applause in the galleries] without his assent, without
the assent of such democracy as that he speaks for. [Applause in the
galleries.] I owe them, sir, I owe you [addressing Mr. Hill] and those
for whom you undertake to speak nothing in this Chamber.
[Applause in the galleries.] I came here, sir, as a Virginian to
represent my people, not to represent that democracy for which you
stand. [Applause in the galleries.] I come with as proud a claim to
represent that people as you to represent the people of Georgia, won
on fields where I have vied with Georgians whom I commanded and
others in the cause of my people and of their section in the late
unhappy contest; but thank God for the peace and the good of the
country that contest is over, and as one of those who engaged in it,
and who has neither here nor elsewhere any apology to make for the
part taken, I am here by my humble efforts to bring peace to this
whole country, peace and good will between the sections, not here as
a partisan, not here to represent that Bourbonism which has done so
much injury to my section of the country. [Applause in the galleries.]
Now, sir, the gentleman undertakes to say what constitutes a
democrat. A democrat! I hold, sir, that to-day I am a better democrat
than he, infinitely better—he who stands nominally committed to a
full vote, a free ballot, and an honest count. I should like to know
how he stands for these things where tissue ballots are fashionable.
[Laughter, and applause in the galleries.]
Now, sir, I serve notice on you that I intend to be here the
custodian of my own democracy. I do not intend to be run by your
caucus. I am in every sense a free man here. I trust I am able to
protect my own rights and to defend those of the people whom I
represent, and certainly to take care of my own. I do not intend that
any Senator on this floor shall undertake to criticise my conduct by
innuendoes, a method not becoming this body or a straightforward
legitimate line of pursuit in argument.
I wish the Senator from Georgia to understand just here that we
may get along in the future harmoniously, that the way to deal with
me is to deal directly. We want no bills of discovery. Now, sir, you
will find out how I am going to vote in a little while. [Applause.]
Mr. Davis, of West Virginia. Mr. President, during this temporary
suspension——
Mr. Mahone. I have not yielded the floor. I am waiting for a little
order.
Mr. Davis, of West Virginia. I wish to call the attention of the Chair
to the disorder in the Senate both when my friend from Georgia was
speaking and now. I believe it has been some time since we have had
as much disorder as we have had to-day in the galleries. I hope the
Chair will enforce order.
 Mr. Teller. I should like to say that much of the disorder
originated in the first place from the cheering on the democratic side
of the Chamber.
The Vice-President. The Chair announces that order must be
maintained in the galleries; otherwise the Sergeant-at-Arms will be
directed to clear the galleries.
Mr. Mahone. I promised not to detain the Senate, and I regret that
so early after my appearance here I should find it necessary to
intrude any remarks whatsoever upon the attention of this body. I
would prefer to be a little modest; I would prefer to listen and to
learn; but I cannot feel content after what has passed in this
presence, when the gentleman by all manner of methods, all manner
of insinuations, direct and indirect, has sought to do that which
would have been better done and more bravely pursued if he had
gone directly to the question itself. He has sought to discover where
the democrat was who should here choose to exercise his right to cast
his vote as he pleased, who should here exercise the liberty of
manhood to differ with his caucus. Why, sir, the gentleman seems to
have forgotten that I refused positively to attend his little lovefeast;
not only that, I refused to take part in a caucus which represents a
party that has not only waged war upon me but upon those whom I
represent on this floor. They have not only intruded within the
boundaries of my own State, without provocation, to teach honesty
and true democracy, but they would now pursue my people further
by intruding their unsolicited advice and admonition to their
representative in this Chamber. Yes, sir, you have been notified, duly
notified that I would take no part or lot in any political machinery.
Further than that, you have been notified that I was supremely
indifferent to what you did; that I had no wish to prefer, and was
indifferent to your performances; that I should stand on this floor
representing in part the people of the State of Virginia, for whom I
have the right to speak (and not the Senator from Georgia) even of
their democracy. The gentleman may not be advised that the
Legislature which elected me did not require that I should state
either that I was a democrat or anything else. I suppose he could not
get here from Georgia unless he was to say that he was a democrat,
anyhow. [Laughter.] I come here without being required to state to
my people what I am. They were willing to trust me, sir, and I was
elected by the people, and not by a legislature, for it was an issue in
the canvass. There was no man elected by the party with which I am
identified that did not go to the Legislature instructed by the
sovereigns to vote for me for the position I occupy on this floor. It
required no oath of allegiance blindly given to stand by your
democracy, such as is, [laughter,] that makes a platform and
practices another thing. That is the democracy they have in some of
the Southern States.
Now, I hope the gentleman will be relieved. He has been
chassezing all around this Chamber to see if he could not find a
partner somewhere; he has been looking around in every direction;
occasionally he would refer to some other Senator to know exactly
where the Senator was who stood here as a democrat that had the
manhood and the boldness to assert his opinions in this Chamber
free from the dictation of a mere caucus. Now, I want the gentleman
to know henceforth and forever here is a man, sir, that dares stand
up [applause] and speak for himself without regard to caucus in all
matters. [Applause, long continued, in the galleries and on the floor.]
Mr. President, pardon me; I have done.
Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Mr. President—
The Vice-President. The Senate will be in order. Gentlemen on
the floor not members of the Senate will take seats.
Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Mr. President, I hope nobody imagines that I
rise to make any particular reply to the remarkable exhibition we
have just seen. I rise to say a few things in justification of myself. I
certainly did not say one word to justify the gentleman in the
statement that I made an assault upon him, unless he was the one
man who had been elected as a democrat and was not going to vote
with his party. I never saw that gentleman before the other day. I
have not the slightest unkind feeling for him. I never alluded to him
by name; I never alluded to his State; and I cannot understand how
the gentleman says that I alluded to him except upon the rule laid
down by the distinguished Senator from New York, that a guilty
conscience needs no accuser. [Applause and hisses in the galleries.] I
did not mention the Senator. It had been stated here by the Senator
from New York over and over that the other side would have a
majority when that side was full. I showed it was impossible that they
should have a majority unless they could get one democratic vote,
with the vote of the Vice-President. I did not know who it was; I
asked who it was; I begged to know who it was; and to my utter
astonishment the gentleman from Virginia comes out and says he is
the man.
The Senator from Virginia makes a very strange announcement.
He charged me not only with attacking him, but with attacking the
people of Virginia? Did I say a word of the people of Virginia? I said
that the people of no portion of this country would tolerate treachery.
Was that attacking the people of Virginia? I said that thirty-eight
men had been elected to this body as democrats. Does the Senator
deny that? Does he say he was elected here not as a democrat? He
says he was not required to declare that he was a democrat, and in
the next breath he says he is a truer, better democrat than I am. Then
I commend him to you. Take good care of him, my friends. Nurse
him well. How do you like to have a worse democrat than I am?
Mr. Conkling and others. A better democrat.
Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Oh, a better! Then my friend from New York
is a better democrat than I am. You have all turned democrats; and
we have in the United States Senate such an exhibition as that of a
gentleman showing his democracy by going over to the Republicans!
Sir, I will not defend Virginia. She needs no defense. Virginia has
given this country and the world and humanity some of the brightest
names of history. She holds in her bosom to-day the ashes of some of
the noblest and greatest men that ever illustrated the glories of any
country. I say to the Senator from Virginia that neither Jefferson, nor
Madison, nor Henry, nor Washington, nor Leigh, nor Tucker, nor
any of the long list of great men that Virginia has produced ever
accepted a commission to represent one party and came here and
represented another. [Applause on the floor and in the galleries.]
Mr. Cockrell. I trust that those at least who are enjoying the
privilege of the floor of the Senate Chamber will be prohibited from
cheering.
The Vice-President. The Chair will state that the violation of the
rules does not appear to be in the galleries, but by persons who have
been admitted to the privilege of the floor. The Chair regrets to clear
the floor, but if the manifestation is continued he will be obliged to
do so. It is a violation of the rules of the Senate.
 Mr. Mahone rose.
Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Does the Senator from Virginia wish to
interrupt me?
Mr. Mahone. I do wish to interrupt you.
The Vice-President. Does the Senator from Georgia yield?
Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Certainly.
Mr. Mahone. I understand you to say that I accepted a
commission from one party and came here to represent another. Do I
understand you correctly?
Mr. Hill, of Georgia. I understood that you were elected as a
democrat.
Mr. Mahone. Never mind; answer the question.
Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Yes, I say you accepted a commission, having
been elected as a democrat. That is my information.
Mr. Mahone. I ask you the question: Did you say that I had
accepted a commission from one party and came here to represent
another? That is the question.
Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Oh, I said that will be the case if you vote
with the republicans. You have not done it yet, and I say you will not
do it.
Mr. Mahone. If not out of order in this place, I say to the
gentleman that if he undertakes to make that statement it is
unwarranted and untrue.
Mr. Hill, of Georgia. I should like to ask the gentleman a
question: Was he not acting with the democratic party, and was he
not elected as a democrat to this body? Answer that question.
Mr. Mahone. Quickly, sir. I was elected as a readjuster. Do you
know what they are? [Laughter and applause.]
The Vice-President rapped with his gavel.
Mr. Hill, of Georgia. I understand there are in Virginia what are
called readjuster democrats and debt-paying democrats, or
something of that kind, but as I understand they are all democrats.
We have nothing to do with that issue. We are not to settle the debt
of Virginia in the Senate Chamber; but I ask the Senator again, was
he not elected to this body as a member of the national democratic
party?
Mr. Mahone. I will answer you, sir. No. You have got the answer
now.
Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Then I conceive that the gentleman spoke
truly when he said that I do not know what he is. What is he?
Everybody has understood that he voted with the democrats. Did he
not support Hancock for the Presidency? Did not the Senator
support Hancock for the Presidency, I ask him? [A pause] Dumb!
Did he not act with the democratic party in the national election, and
was not the Senator from Virginia himself a democrat? That is the
question. Why attempt to evade? Gentlemen, I commend him to you.
Is there a man on that side of the Chamber who doubts that the
Senator was sent to this body as a democrat? Is there a man in this
whole body who doubts it? Is there a man in Virginia who doubts it?
The gentleman will not deny it. Up to this very hour it was not known
on this side of the Chamber or in the country how he would vote in
this case, or whether he was still a democrat or not. I maintain that
he is. The Senator from New York seemed to have information that
somebody who was elected as a democrat was not, and I went to
work to find out who it was. It seems I have uncovered him. For
months the papers of the country have been discussing and debating
how the Senator would vote. Nobody could know, nobody could tell,
nobody could guess. I have been a truer friend to the Senator than he
has been to himself. I have maintained always that when it came to
the test the Senator would be true to his commission; that the
Senator would be true to the democratic professions he made when
he was elected. He will not rise in this presence and say he could
have been elected to the Senate as a republican. He will not rise in
the Senate and say he could have been elected to the Senate if he had
given notice that on the organization of this body he would vote with
the republicans. He will not say it.
The gentleman makes some remarks about the caucus. I have no
objection to a gentleman remaining out of a caucus. That is not the
question. I have no objection to a gentleman being independent.
That is not the question. I have no objection to a gentleman being a
readjuster in local politics. That is not the question. I have no
objection to a man dodging from one side to another on such a
question. With that I have nothing to do. That is a matter of taste
with him; but I do object to any man coming into this high council,
sent here by one sentiment, commissioned by one party, professing
to be a democrat, and after he gets here acting with the other party. If
the gentleman wants to be what he so proudly said, a man, when he
changes opinions, as he had a right to do, when he changes party
affiliations as he had a right to do, he should have gone to the people
of Virginia and said, “You believed me to be a democrat when you
gave me this commission; while I differed with many of you on the
local question of the debt, I was with you cordially in national
politics; I belonged to the national democratic party; but I feel that it
is my duty now to co-operate with the republican party, and I return
you the commission which you gave to me.” If the gentleman had
done that and then gone before the people of Virginia and asked
them to renew his commission upon his change of opinion, he would
have been entitled to the eulogy of manhood he pronounced upon
himself here in such theatrical style. I like manhood.
I say once more, it is very far from me to desire to do the Senator
injury. I have nothing but the kindest feelings for him. He is very
much mistaken if he supposes I had any personal enmity against
him. I have not the slightest. As I said before, I never spoke to the
gentleman in my life until I met him a few days ago; but I have done
what the newspapers could not do, both sides having been engaged
in the effort for months; I have done what both parties could not do,
what the whole country could not do—I have brought out the Senator
from Virginia.
But now, in the kindest spirit, knowing the country from which the
honorable Senator comes, identified as I am with its fame and its
character, loving as I do every line in its history, revering as I do its
long list of great names, I perform the friendly office unasked of
making a last appeal to the honorable Senator, whatever other fates
befall him, to be true to the trust which the proud people of Virginia
gave him, and whoever else may be disappointed, whoever else may
be deceived, whoever else may be offended at the organization of the
Senate, I appeal to the gentleman to be true to the people, to the
sentiment, to the party which he knows commissioned him to a seat
in this body.
 Mr. Logan. Mr. President, I have but a word to say. I have listened
to a very extraordinary speech. The Senate of the United States is a
body where each Senator has a right to have a free voice. I have never
known before a Senator, especially a new Senator, to be arraigned in
the manner in which the Senator from Virginia has been, and his
conduct criticised before he had performed any official act, save one,
so far as voting is concerned. He needs no defense at my hands; he is
able to take care of himself; but I tell the Senator from Georgia when
he says to this country that no man has a right to come here unless
he fulfills that office which was dictated to him by a party, he says
that which does not belong to American independence. Sir, it takes
more nerve, more manhood, to strike the party shackles from your
limbs and give free thought its scope than any other act that man can
perform. The Senator from Georgia himself, in times gone by, has
changed his opinions. If the records of this country are true (and he
knows whether they are or not) he, when elected to a convention as a
Union man, voted for secession. [Applause in the galleries.]
The Vice-President rapped with his gavel.
Mr. Hoar. If my friend will pardon me a moment, I desire to call
the attention of the Chair to the fact that there has been more
disorder in this Chamber during this brief session of the Senate than
in all the aggregate of many years before. I take occasion when a
gentleman with whose opinions I perfectly agree myself in speaking
to say that I shall move the Chair to clear any portion of the gallery
from which expressions of applause or dissent shall come if they
occur again.
Mr. Logan. What I have said in reference to this record I do not
say by way of casting at the Senator, but merely to call attention to
the fact that men are not always criticised so severely for changing
their opinions. The Senator from Georgia spoke well of my colleague.
Well he may. He is an honorable man and a man deserving well of all
the people of this country. He was elected not as a democrat but by
democratic votes. He votes with you. He never was a democrat in his
life; he is not to-day. You applaud him and why? Because he votes
with you. You want his vote; that is all. You criticise another man
who was elected by republican votes and democratic votes,
readjusters as they are called, and say that he has no right to his
opinions in this Chamber. The criticism is not well. Do you say that a
man shall not change his political opinions?
The Senator from Georgia in days gone by, in my boyhood days, I
heard of, not as a democrat. To-day he sits here as a democrat. No
one wishes to criticise him because he has changed his political
opinions. He had a right to do so. I was a democrat once, too, and I
had a right to change my opinions and I did change them. The man
who will not change his opinions when he is honestly convinced that
he was in error is a man who is not entitled to the respect of men. I
say this to the Senator from Georgia. The Senator says to us, “take
him,” referring to the Senator from Virginia. Yes, sir, we will take
him if he will come with us, and we will take every other honest man
who will come. We will take every honest man in the South who
wants to come and join the republican party, and give him the right
hand of fellowship, be he black or white. Will you do as much?
Mr. Hill of Georgia. We have got them already.
Mr. Logan. Yes, and if a man happens to differ with you the
tyranny of political opinion in your section of country is such that
you undertake to lash him upon the world and try to expose him to
the gaze of the public as a man unfaithful to his trust. We have no
such tyranny of opinion in the country where I live; and it will be
better for your section when such notions are driven to the shades
and retired from the action of your people.
I do not know that the gentleman from Virginia intends to vote as
a republican. I have never heard him say so. I know only what he has
said here to-day; but I respect him for stating to the Senate and the
country that he is tired of the Bourbon democracy; and if more men
were tired of it the country would be better off. The people are
getting tired of it even down in your country, every where. The
sooner we have a division down there the better it will be for both
sides, for the people of the whole country.
I did not rise to make any defense of the Senator from Virginia, for
he is able, as I said, to defend himself, but merely to say to the
Senator from Georgia that the criticism made upon that Senator
without any just cause is something I never witnessed before in this
Chamber or in any other deliberative body, and in my judgment it
was not justified in any way whatever.
 Mr. Hill, of Georgia. I desire to say once more, what everybody in
the audience knows is true, that I did not arraign the Senator from
Virginia. In the first speech I never alluded to Virginia or to the
Senator from Virginia.
Mr. Logan. Every one in the Chamber knew to whom the Senator
alluded.
Mr. Hill, of Georgia. I alluded to somebody who was elected as a
democrat, and who was going to vote as a republican.
Mr. Teller. He was not elected as a democrat.
Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Then I did not allude to the Senator from
Virginia.
Mr. Teller. The Senator said that thirty-eight members of the
Senate were elected as democrats.
Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Certainly they were.
Mr. Teller. That is a mistake.
Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Certainly they were, and the record shows it.
Mr. Conkling. May I ask the Senator a question?
Mr. Hill, of Georgia. Let me go on and then you can follow me. I
again say it is strange that the Senator from Virginia should say I
arraigned him, and his valiant defender, the Senator from Illinois,
comes to defend him from an arraignment that was never made.
Mr. Logan. Did not the Senator from Georgia ask the Senator from
Virginia in his seat if he was not elected as a Democrat? Did not the
Senator charge that a man was acting treacherously to his
constituents? Did the Senator not make the most severe arraignment
of him that he could possibly make?
Mr. Hill, of Georgia. If the Senator will allow me, I did that only
after the Senator from Virginia had arraigned himself. The Senator
from Virginia insisted that I alluded to him when I had not called his
name, and I had not alluded to his State and when I had arraigned
nobody.
Mr. Logan. Will the Senator allow me to ask him this question:
Did he not have in his mind distinctly the Senator from Virginia
when he made his insinuations?
Mr. Hill, of Georgia. I will answer the gentleman’s question fairly.
I did believe that the gentlemen on the other side who were counting