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social sciences
Article
Comparative Analysis of the Journalistic Agenda between
Corporate and Community Media in Ecuador National
Strike 2022
Franklin Gabriel Cuzco-Gallegos
Citation: Cuzco-Gallegos, Franklin
Gabriel, and Yadis Vanessa
Vanegas-Toala. 2023. Comparative
Analysis of the Journalistic Agenda
between Corporate and Community
Media in Ecuador National Strike
2022. Social Sciences 12: 603.
https://doi.org/10.3390/
socsci12110603
Academic Editor: Andreu
Casero-Ripollés
Received: 5 June 2023
Revised: 19 September 2023
Accepted: 28 September 2023
Published: 30 October 2023
Copyright: © 2023 by the authors.
Licensee MDPI, Basel, Switzerland.
This article is an open access article
distributed under the terms and
conditions of the Creative Commons
Attribution (CC BY) license (https://
creativecommons.org/licenses/by/
4.0/).
Soc. Sci. 2023, 12, 603. https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci12110603
and Yadis Vanessa Vanegas-Toala *
School of Communication, Universidad Politécnica Salesiana, Quito 170517, Ecuador
* Correspondence: yvanegast@ups.edu.ec
Abstract: This article presents a comparative analysis of the journalistic coverage of the Ecuador
social mobilizations of June 2022. It takes as case studies the corporate media Ecuavisa, with 215 news
of the stellar newscast Televistazo, and the community media Televisión del Movimiento Indígena de
Cotopaxi (TV MICC), with 437 publications on its Facebook page. Based on the Critical Discourse
Analysis, we investigate the media disputes of meaning and power in the journalistic agenda and
framing, from which the legitimization and delegitimization of the protest were configured. Among
the main results, Ecuavisa focused its news agenda on the defense of governmental actions and
the support to the productive business sector, generating a frame of support for the actions of the
public forces in defense of democracy, while TV MICC, in a practice of communicational sovereignty,
generated journalistic coverage vindicating the political agenda of the mobilization led by the
Indigenous Movement. Additionally, it made visible the multiple violations of human and cultural
rights carried out by the public force within the framework of a racist culture.
Keywords: agenda-setting; social mobilizations; indigenous movement of Ecuador; critical discourse
analysis; TV MICC; Ecuavisa
1. Introduction
The cycle of social mobilizations that Ecuador experienced during June 2022 trig-
gered popular discontent in response to the neoliberal policies deployed by the national
government (Ramírez Gallego 2020). These demonstrations arose in a context of ten-
sions over issues such as inequality, access to public services, the latent privatization of
strategic sectors, the intensification of extractivism, corruption, and government deci-
sions regarding fuel prices. As a radiated echo of the social outburst of October 2019, the
Indigenous Movement—articulated by several organizations that are part of its organi-
zational structure and led by the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador
(CONAIE)—developed a series of repertoires of contention possessing a ten-point agenda
that brought together various political, social, economic, and ecological demands
(CONAIE 2022). During the eighteen days of mobilization, the configuration of public
opinion was disputed in the media scenario. On the one hand, corporate mainstream media
coverage generated a media bias to delegitimize the protest by associating it with attacks
against democracy and defending the repressive actions deployed by the public forces. In
contrast, the journalistic practice of the Indigenous Movement’s media, alternative, and
community media aimed at legitimizing the agenda that motivated the mobilizations and
made visible the systematic violations of rights orchestrated by the repressive policy of
the State.
Within this framework, this article comparatively analyzes the journalistic coverage of
the emblematic events of the mobilization deployed by two media, whose editorial line
and organizational structure represent opposing interests. Thus, this research analyzes the
disputes of meaning and power according to the agenda and media framing of the following
https://www.mdpi.com/journal/socsci
Soc. Sci. 2023, 12, 603 2 of 16

media: (1) Ecuavisa, an open signal television channel with national frequency, which is
a private media outlet operating in the country since 1967, linked to powerful economic
groups, and (2) TV MICC, a community alternative media of the Indigenous Peasant
Movement of Cotopaxi on the air since 2004 but with legitimate frequency since 2008, whose
television signal has a limited reach to the provinces of Cotopaxi, Tungurahua, Chimborazo,
and part of Pichincha (Toro Bravo et al. 2019). From this comparative perspective, the
article contributes to the understanding of how the media select and filter the processes of
social mobilization according to the political stance and interests of the media. Hence, this
research contributes to the understanding of how the public agenda is selectively framed
by the media agenda, and it constitutes an effort to cross journalism studies and social
movement studies.
This recent field of knowledge, which crosses social movement studies and com-
munication, has gained importance from the contemporary processes of social mobi-
lization. Some of these investigations have focused on the representation of protests
in the mainstream media (Villagómez-Rodríguez 2020); others have made comparative
studies of traditional versus alternative media, as well as their digital social networks
(Medranda-Morales et al. 2023; Palacios Guevara and Sánchez-Montoya 2022) and, others
have analyzed the role of the Indigenous Movement’s media and, finally, other studies have
contributed to the analysis of mobilizations from the on-line and off-line integration from
contemporary theoretical frameworks such as technopolitics and transmedia mobilization
(Vanegas-Toala 2022).
Following this field of research, the general objective of this article is to analyze
the journalistic coverage of the Ecuador national strike 2022, based on a comparison of
the agenda of Ecuavisa and TV MICC media, to answer the research question: what
are the disputes of meaning and power that are expressed in the journalistic work of
the national strike 2022? From this, the specific objectives are derived: to identify the
events of the national strike of June 2022 that received journalistic coverage that configured
the informative agenda of Ecuavisa and TV MICC, and (2) o comparatively analyze the
discursive construction in the media framing of the milestone events of the national strike
of June 2022 that received journalistic coverage in the media that are objects of study.

1.1. Communication and Social Movements in Journalistic Coverage

Traditionally, social movement studies have been approached from political science
and sociology. From these disciplines, this research has made it possible to understand the
counter-hegemonic struggles deployed by civil society, mostly organized by historically
marginalized and oppressed groups, through which they struggle against power with the
intention of bringing about political, economic, social, and cultural changes (Melucci 1999;
Touraine 2000). In this framework, the classical theory of social movements argues that their
demands prosper depending on the ability to mobilize symbolic and material resources
(McCarthy and Zald 1977), to articulate repertoires of collective action, understood as
strategic practices of political pressure, e.g. protests, strikes, mobilizations, in order to
achieve their common goals (Tarrow 1997; Tilly and Wood 2010). Indeed, the actions of
social movements take place within the framework of contentious politics, and one of the
factors on which their incidence depends has to do with the structure of political oppor-
tunities in reference to the contextual conditions that may or may not allow them to act.
From this premise, taking into account the complexity of highly mediatized contemporary
societies, it is understandable that the communicational dimension has gained relevance in
the structure of political opportunities (Cammaerts 2012; Costanza-Chock 2012, 2013).
For this reason, journalistic coverage of social movements and their protest repertoires
has become a symbolic scenario of dispute over the legitimization or delegitimization of
their actions. In the last thirty years, there has been a proliferation of studies focused
on understanding the role of communication in social movements. The first moment
focused on understanding the forms of mediatization through the representation of these
movements in the mass media (Rovira 2013). The second moment, especially with the
Soc. Sci. 2023, 12, 603 3 of 16

development of the Internet, turned its attention to the processes of mediation from the
appropriation of digital media technologies in the framework of their dynamics of collective
action and identity and the structure of political opportunities (Cammaerts et al. 2013;
Castells 2012; Reguillo 2017; Rovira 2017, 2019; Toret 2015; Treré 2019). As is evident, this
theoretical and conceptual scaffolding has allowed the consolidation of this emerging field
of knowledge that vindicates the agency of social movements as political-communicational
subjects, which dispute their legitimacy before public opinion (Saavedra Utman 2020).
One of the most popular approaches in communication and social movements stud-
ies has focused on the media agenda and framing. According to Rovira (2013, 2017),
mainstream media coverage has confined social movements to invisibilization, misrep-
resentation, disqualification, and even criminalization of their repertoires of contention.
Agenda-setting in its “first level” refers to the relative prominence of the issues that are
mediatized. In a “second level”, it refers to the framing attributes of the mediatized is-
sues as defined by McCombs (2005). A more recent contribution, “New directions in
agenda-setting theory and research” (McCombs et al. 2014), highlights the importance of
understanding how the media influences public attention towards certain topics and how
this influence has diversified and deepened in the contemporary era, in which different
media platforms and technologies converge. Although there is a consensus that agenda
theory and framing theory are complementary, Weaver (2007), in their article for the Journal
of Communication special issue, emphasize that both are autonomous. In a similar line,
Ardèvol-Abreu (2015) points out that while the effects of the agenda are given by media
repetition and accessibility and exposure, that is, the more the topic is repeated, it will have
greater prominence; framing refers to the way in which the topic is described with the
ability to generate an interpretive scheme anchored to culture and social discourse.
In this regard, the classic study “The Whole World Is Watching” (Gitlin 2003) noted
that the protests of the student movement and against the Vietnam War were intensely
mediatized and that television coverage had a significant impact on public opinion and
perception of the events, which influenced political decision making and the direction
of the movement itself. The author explores how media coverage transformed activism
and politics and analyzes how this interaction between media and protest shaped citizen
participation and the public sphere in American society. Indeed, Gitlin suggests that media
coverage often focuses on violence and chaos, which could distort the real picture of the
protests and affect public opinion about the movement. In the field of setting-framing, he
concluded that media coverage emphasized certain issues while skimping on others: the
former framing resorted to trivialization, polarization, and marginalization by representing
the protesters in a negative manner.
The recent cycle of protests in Ecuador, for example, has stimulated several inves-
tigations on the mediatization of the mobilizations. Indeed, several studies agree that
mainstream media coverage of the indigenous movement in the protests was character-
ized by racist stereotypes and negative framing. These representations by setting-framing
were dictated by the invisibilization and criminalization of the protesters (Santi 2020;
Iza Salazar et al. 2020). To understand this social communication phenomenon, it is still
necessary to explore more about the media coverage of protests, especially considering
that the digital media ecosystem has allowed multiple social movements to self-manage
their own communication systems through the appropriation of digital technology. In-
deed, this topic still needs to be investigated, especially from a comparative perspective
between an indigenous movement’s own media and mainstream corporate media, that
allows contrasting the setting-framing of the same social mobilization event.

1.2. Social Movements and Communication Sovereignty

From the alternative communication paradigm—which includes what the Latin Ameri-
can School of Communication called popular, community, and citizen communication—social
movements and organizations have played a fundamental role in the creation of their own com-
munication systems through their own alternative or community media (Barranquero 2019).
Soc. Sci. 2023, 12, 603 4 of 16

In this way, it is understandable that they have contributed to the democratization of

communication, considering the high media concentration of corporate groups associated
with economic, political, and cultural power. In this context, the concept of communica-
tional sovereignty becomes relevant. Communication sovereignty refers to the autonomous
control that social groups have over the media they use to disseminate their messages,
values, and struggles. It implies the capacity to define their own narratives, as opposed
to the influence of large media conglomerates or political and economic interests. This
concept promotes informational diversity, plurality of voices, and the democratization of
communication, allowing communities to play an active role in the construction of their
own representations and the promotion of social change.
The accelerated process of development of information and communication tech-
nologies (ICT) had a positive impact on the gestation of social movements’ own media
and their communicational sovereignty. The foundational work of Manuel Castells (2012)
contributed to the notion of mass self-communication, which refers to the capacity of
social movements to appropriate digital technologies to create their own communication
systems. This has allowed social movements to overcome the barriers of access to corporate
media, empowering them as political and communicational subjects that disseminate their
messages autonomously. Through digital platforms, social networks, and alternative online
media, movements can communicate their ideals, organize, and mobilize followers in
real-time, expanding their impact and consolidating their control over the narrative of
their struggles. In this sense, ICTs have revolutionized the dynamics of communication
in activism, giving social movements significant power in the public sphere. In a simi-
lar vein, Magallanes-Blanco and Treré (2020) note that the digital appropriation of social
movements has made it possible to question highly concentrated media ecologies, create
counter-hegemonic spaces, and build bridges between movements.
In the case of Ecuador, being a pluricultural country with 15 indigenous nationalities,
this is one of the popular sectors that has the most developed alternative and community
media. The indigenous movement in Ecuador has forged a rich history of its own alternative
and community media, as well as communication practices aimed at self-representation
based on communication sovereignty. For decades, the indigenous movement has es-
tablished community media, mainly in rural areas, through which they have developed
important processes of cultural identity and organizational strengthening. With the advent
of Information and Communication Technologies (ICT), these initiatives have become
even more relevant and empowered, allowing indigenous communities to connect locally,
nationally, regionally, and globally. In contexts of social mobilization, especially in October
2019 and June 2022, these digital practices have made it possible to break the corporate
media fence, amplifying their ability to disseminate their own protest narrative, generating
a positioning in favor of the claims and enhancing their ability to influence public opinion
(Lupien 2020), as a political opportunity.
Community and alternative media, many of them emerging from the indigenous
movement in the contexts of social mobilization, have generated processes of commu-
nicational sovereignty and democratization of communication, playing a fundamental
role in providing an authentic and local perspective of events, counteracting the domi-
nant narrative of traditional corporate media. Digital appropriation, in turn, has allowed
these voices to reach a much wider and diverse audience through social media and online
platforms. This has challenged the conventional media narrative by presenting multiple
facets of the protests, highlighting the voices and perspectives of indigenous communities
in an unprecedented way. Taken together, these elements have enriched news coverage
by offering a more complete and equitable view of the protests, thus fostering a more
informed public debate and a deeper understanding of the challenges and demands of the
indigenous movement.
Soc. Sci. 2023, 12, 603 5 of 16

2. Materials and Methods

This research is based on a mixed perspective that involves a quantitative and qual-
itative scope in dialogue. First, a study of agenda-setting was carried out to quantify
the thematic recurrence of the events of the protest that received media coverage both
in Ecuavisa and TV MICC. Secondly, a study of the treatment of these topics was car-
ried out based on a framing analysis, for which Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) was
used, which is a type of research that, through a careful analysis of discourse, seeks to
determine “the way in which the abuse of power and social inequality are represented,
reproduced, legitimized and resisted in text and speech in social and political contexts”
(Van-Dijk 2015, p. 204). Considering that framing presents schemes of interpretation from
the CDA, an analysis was established based on the discursive forms of representation of
government and protest, following the notion of values and anti-values in the polarized
logic (us versus them) proposed by the discursive schemes. From this qualitative approach,
it was possible to outline the main thematic axes and the main actors on which the journal-
istic discourse offered framing elements contributing to the construction of meanings from
the journalistic practice.
The construction of the corpus compiled all the journalistic notes made by Ecuavisa’s
star newscast and by TV MICC’s Facebook page from June 13 to 30. In total, 215 notes were
obtained from Ecuavisa, and from TV MICC, a total of 436 notes (231 made directly by its
journalists and a total of 205 reposts from different allied actors). In the first phase, for the
analysis of the agenda-setting, a thematic analysis was made from the main news articles
broadcasted by Ecuavisa and TV MICC to illustrate how the same event received different
news coverage, including it in their news agenda or excluding it. In a second phase, on
the main topics that received journalistic coverage in Ecuavisa and TV MICC, a framing
analysis was carried out considering the CDA to illustrate the way in which they described
the protest actions and the actors in favor and against them. Finally, in the third phase, a
comparative analysis was conducted between the journalistic coverage of both media.
In the third phase, to carry out a comparative analysis of the journalistic agendas of
Ecuavisa and TV MICC, a timeline was made in which the most important news published
by each media outlet concerning the 18 days of the National Strike could be observed. To
achieve this analysis, the timeline was divided into three stages of the protest: demonstra-
tion phase, escalation phase, and de-escalation and agreement phase. In addition, the most
relevant news of each day was selected. The number of important news items shown in
the timeline varies between two to four per day. The demonstration phase, which marks
the beginning of the protests, covers a period of six days, where the news items published
from 13 June to 18 June can be observed. The escalation phase, which is characterized
as the most conflictive stage of a social protest, covers a period of six days from 19 June
to 24 June 2022. The escalation and agreement phase is where the social conflict finds
a solution through dialogue. In this phase, we can observe the dialogues between the
Government and the Indigenous Movement. As in the previous phases, it is composed of
six days and the period from 25 June to 30 June, which marks the end of the protests with
the signing of agreements.

3. Results
Media coverage of the national strike of June 2022 disputed meanings that respond to
the political, economic, social, and cultural interests of social sectors. Ecuavisa evidenced a
position in rejection of the mobilizations, negatively characterizing the protests by reporting
economic and social damages. Similarly, it delegitimized the mobilizations through its
coverage of the peace marches and joined the campaign promoted by Quito’s elites seeking
peace. Meanwhile, TV MICC sought to vindicate their struggle through extensive coverage
of their mobilizations in which the strength and mobilization capacity of the Indigenous
Movement was shown. At the same time, it denounced the repression of the public forces
and the violations perpetrated by the Government against the rights of the demonstrators.
Likewise, TV MICC was a source of contrast in the face of the dissemination of false
 elites seeking peace. Meanwhile, TV MICC sought to vindicate their struggle through ex-
tensive coverage of their mobilizations in which the strength and mobilization capacity of
elites seeking peace. Meanwhile, TV MICC sought to vindicate their struggle through ex-
the Indigenous Movement was shown. At the same time, it denounced the repression of
tensive coverage of their mobilizations in which the strength and mobilization capacity of
the public forces and the violations perpetrated by the Government against the rights of
the Indigenous Movement was shown. At the same time, it denounced the repression of
the demonstrators. Likewise, TV MICC was a source of contrast in the face of the dissem-
Soc. Sci. 2023, 12, 603 the public forces and the violations perpetrated by the Government against the rights6of of 16
ination of false information regarding the end of the protests. Figures 1 and 2 below sys-
the demonstrators. Likewise, TV MICC was a source of contrast in the face of the dissem-
tematize, in general terms, the main notes that made up the news agenda of both media.
ination of false information regarding the end of the protests. Figures 1 and 2 below sys-
tematize, in general
information terms,
regarding thethe
endmain notes
of the that made
protests. up1the
Figures andnews agenda
2 below of both media.
systematize, in general
terms, the main notes that made up the news agenda of both media.

Figure 1. Main topics of Ecuavisa’s journalistic agenda in the journalistic coverage of the national
Figure
strike 1. Main
of June 2022.topics of Ecuavisa’s
Source: journalistic agenda in the journalistic coverage of the national
own elaboration.
Figure
strike of June 2022. Source: own elaboration. agenda in the journalistic coverage of the national
1. Main topics of Ecuavisa’s journalistic
strike of June 2022. Source: own elaboration.

Figure 2. Main topics of TV MICC’s journalistic agenda in the journalistic coverage of the national
Figure 2. Main topics of TV MICC’s journalistic agenda in the journalistic coverage of the national
strike of June 2022. Source: own elaboration.
strike of June 2022. Source: own elaboration.
Figure 2. Main topics of TV MICC’s journalistic agenda in the journalistic coverage of the national
The following
strike The
of June
is aown
2022. Source:
detailed analysis of the comparative thematization of both media
elaboration.
following is a detailed analysis of the comparative thematization of both media
according to the different phases of the mobilization: base and demonstration, escalation
according
and to the differentagreement.
de-escalation, phases of the mobilization: base and demonstration, escalation
The following isand a detailed analysis of the comparative thematization of both media
and de-escalation,
In the and agreement.
firstdifferent
phases ofphases
the base mobilization and demonstration, from 13 June to 18 June
according to the of the mobilization: base and demonstration, escalation
In the
2022, the first phases
disputes of of the base mobilization
legitimization of the and
protest aredemonstration,
evident through from
the 13 Junecoverage
media to 18
and de-escalation, and agreement.
June 2022,
both the
in its disputes of legitimization
thematization of the
(agenda-setting) andprotest are evident
in its framing. throughjournalistic
Ecuavisa’s the mediaagenda
cov-
In the first phases of the base mobilization and demonstration, from 13 June to 18
erage both
in the in its thematization
Televistazo program was (agenda-setting)
focused on fourand in its framing.
thematic axes: (1)Ecuavisa’s
government journalistic
willingness
June 2022, the disputes of legitimization of the protest are evident through the media cov-
to dialogue; (2) protests and demonstrations described as acts of vandalism; (3) economic
erage both in its thematization (agenda-setting) and in its framing. Ecuavisa’s journalistic
losses in the productive sector; and (4) rejection of the strike by several unions and sec-
tors. On the other hand, TV MICC deployed a thematic coverage focused on four points:
(1) detention of Leonidas Iza, president of CONAIE; (2) vindication of the strike agenda;
(3) repression by the public forces and injuries; and (4) advance of the mobilization towards
Quito. In this context, an agenda-setting framed by the ideological position of each of the
media is notorious, which, effectively, echoes in the framing. This is shown in Figure 3.
 ions and sectors. On the other hand, TV MICC deployed a thematic coverage focused on
four points: (1) detention of Leonidas Iza, president of CONAIE; (2) vindication of the
strike agenda; (3) repression by the public forces and injuries; and (4) advance of the mo-
bilization towards Quito. In this context, an agenda-setting framed by the ideological po-
Soc. Sci. 2023, 12, 603 sition of each of the media is notorious, which, effectively, echoes in the framing. This is
7 of 16
shown in Figure 3.

Figure3.3.Comparative
Figure ComparativeofofEcuavisa
Ecuavisaand TVTV
and MICC’s
MICC’sjournalistic agenda
journalistic in the
agenda basebase
in the andand
demonstration
demonstra-
tion phase
phase of theof the national
national strikestrike of 2022.
of June June 2022. Source:
Source: own elaboration.
own elaboration.

Regarding
Regarding the the agenda-setting
agenda-setting and and framing,
framing, Ecuavisa
Ecuavisa delegitimized
delegitimized the the protests
protests
through
through two strategies. First, it denounced acts of vandalism on roads and public build-
two strategies. First, it denounced acts of vandalism on roads and public build-
ings
ings inin headlines
headlines such
such asas “Indians
“Indians protest
protest with
with sticks
sticks and
and bladed
bladed weapons
weapons in in Ibarra”
Ibarra”
(Ecuavisa
(Ecuavisa2022a,
2022a,34m37s);
34m37s);economic
economiclosses
lossesin inthe
theoil,
oil,tourism,
tourism,and andfloriculture
floriculturesectors;
sectors;mili-
mil-
tary
itaryinjured
injuredandanddetained
detained bybyprotesters. Secondly,
protesters. Secondly, it justifies the the
it justifies statestate
of exception
of exception and and
the
actions of the
the actions ofpublic forces
the public in theincontainment
forces the containment of theofprotests through
the protests the emphasis
through the emphasisthat
the
thatGovernment
the Government is willing to dialogue;
is willing finally,
to dialogue; it generated
finally, the idea
it generated the that
idea the
thatIndigenous
the Indige-
Movement does not have support. The latter is evident in the following
nous Movement does not have support. The latter is evident in the following headlines: headlines: “The
Federación Nacional de Organizaciones Campesinas (FENOC)
“The Federación Nacional de Organizaciones Campesinas (FENOC) declared itself declared itself against the
mobilization called by CONAIE (Ecuavisa 2022b, 31m10s). In
against the mobilization called by CONAIE (Ecuavisa 2022b, 31m10s). In contrast, TV contrast, TV MICC legit-
imized the protests;the
MICC legitimized hence, it emphasized
protests; the explanation
hence, it emphasized of the ten points
the explanation of theoften
thepoints
strike’s
of
agenda. On the other hand, it rejected the criminalization of the protest
the strike’s agenda. On the other hand, it rejected the criminalization of the protest after after the arrest of
Leonidas
the arrestIzaofwith strongIza
Leonidas journalistic
with strongcoverage of thiscoverage
journalistic event, which it described
of this event, which as “illegal
it de-
and arbitrary” (Conaie Ecuador reposted in TV MI 2022f) through
scribed as “illegal and arbitrary” (Conaie Ecuador reposted in TV MICC 2022a) through the spokesperson of
CONAIE’s lawyer, Lenin Sarsoza. Addsitionally, he denounced the disproportionate use
the spokesperson of CONAIE’s lawyer, Lenin Sarsoza. Addsitionally, he denounced the
of public force in headlines such as “They shoot at the CONAIE vehicle. We alert this in
disproportionate use of public force in headlines such as “They shoot at the CONAIE ve-
the framework of the state of exception and the belligerent attitude of the Government
hicle. We alert this in the framework of the state of exception and the belligerent attitude
against social protest.” (Conaie Ecuador reposted in TV MICC 2022g) and “We denounce
of the Government against social protest.” (Conaie Ecuador reposted in TV MICC 2022b)
this attack at the Central University, they shoot a community member who was eating and
and “We denounce this attack at the Central University, they shoot a community member
people in a truck outside the University” (Conaie Ecuador reposted in TV MICC 2022h).
who was eating and people in a truck outside the University” (Conaie Ecuador reposted
In the escalation phase of the national strike, between 19 June and 24 June 2022, the
in TV MICC 2022c).
thematic axes disputed the acceptance or rejection of the mobilization. Ecuavisa highlighted
news related to the “defense of democracy” and the “defense of peace”. Through its agenda,
it mainly presents news that try to demonstrate the support of the Armed Forces to the
Government, framing the protest as a “coup” action, and complements through notes
focused on making visible the so-called “marches for peace”, organized by the social and
the socioeconomic elites, although they were considerably smaller in proportion to the
popular demonstration. On the other hand, TV MICC generated coverage of denunciation
in 25 articles on the multiple violations of rights by the security forces: raids by the security
forces on the Casa de la Cultura Ecuatoriana (CCE) of FENOCIN, as well as harassment at
the headquarters of CONAIE; death of demonstrators victims of repression, namely, Byron
Guatatoca, who died injured by a tear gas bomb inserted in his skull that entered through
 through notes focused on making visible the so-called “marches for peace”, organized by
the social and the socioeconomic elites, although they were considerably smaller in pro-
portion to the popular demonstration. On the other hand, TV MICC generated coverage
of denunciation in 25 articles on the multiple violations of rights by the security forces:
raids by the security forces on the Casa de la Cultura Ecuatoriana (CCE) of FENOCIN, as
Soc. Sci. 2023, 12, 603 8 of 16
well as harassment at the headquarters of CONAIE; death of demonstrators victims of
repression, namely, Byron Guatatoca, who died injured by a tear gas bomb inserted in his
skull that entered through his cavity “CONFENIAE denounces that a indigenous was
his cavity “CONFENIAE
murdered in Puyo. Reporteddenounces
killed by that a indigenous
security was murdered
forces during repressionin Puyo. Reported
in Pastaza prov-
killed
ince ” by
(TVsecurity forces and
MICC 2022a), during
Henryrepression
Quezada, in who
Pastaza
wasprovince
killed by ”the
(TV MICC
police 2022a),
force and
according
Henry
to a CONAIE “Justice for Henry Quezada Espinoza. Brother from Quito, a graduatefor
Quezada, who was killed by the police force according to a CONAIE “Justice of
Henry
PatrónQuezada Espinoza.
Mejía, fatal victimBrother
of brutalfromrepression
Quito, a graduate
and stateof Patrón Mejía,
violence” fatal victim
(Conaie Ecuador of
brutal repression
reposted in TV MICC and state violence”
2022d) (Conaie
and, finally, theyEcuador
denounce reposted
the useinofTV MICC by
firearms 2022i)
the and,
state
finally, they denounce the use of firearms by the state defense apparatus.
defense apparatus. In a second order, TV MICC focused on demonstrating the support In a second of
order, TV MICC focused on demonstrating the support of citizens for the
citizens for the national strike. Therefore, they deployed coverage such as the reception ofnational strike.
Therefore, they in
demonstrators deployed
Quito incoverage such as the
the universities, whichreception
openedoftheir
demonstrators in Quito in
doors as humanitarian
the universities, which opened their doors as humanitarian support
support centers, as well as the donations of food made by citizensFinally, it deployed centers, as wellcov-
as
the donations of food made by citizensFinally, it deployed coverage
erage of several support marches organized by women’s collectives, which adopted the of several support
marches organized
slogan “They can notbyask
women’s collectives,
us for peace if theywhich adopted
keep killing us”the slogan “They
in response to thecan not
dispute
ask us for peace if they keep killing us” in response to the dispute over the meaning of
over the meaning of peace (La Voz de la Confeniae reposted by TV MICC 2022a). Both
peace (La Voz de la Confeniae reposted by TV MICC 2022a). Both agendas can be seen in
agendas can be seen in Figure 4.
Figure 4.

Figure4.4.Comparison
Figure ComparisonofofEcuavisa
Ecuavisaand
andTV TVMICC’s
MICC’s journalistic agenda
journalistic during
agenda thethe
during escalation phase
escalation of
phase
the June
of the 2022
June national
2022 strike.
national Source:
strike. own
Source: elaboration.
own elaboration.

During
Duringthe
thede-escalation
de-escalationand
andagreement
agreementphase
phaseof
ofthe
themobilization,
mobilization,between
between2525June
June
and 30 June 2022, Ecuavisa’s journalistic agenda continued delegitimizing the protests.
and 30 June 2022, Ecuavisa’s journalistic agenda continued delegitimizing the protests.
Therefore,
Therefore,the
themost
mostimportant
importanttopics
topicson
onthe
theagenda
agendawere
weresocial
socialand
andeconomic
economicdamages
damages
and the report of injuries and deaths among the security forces. Ecuavisa also reported
and the report of injuries and deaths among the security forces. Ecuavisa also reported on
on the dialogues held with the indigenous sector. In the case of social impacts, it was
evidenced in the news that reported on fuel shortages and lack of oxygen for hospi-
tals. Meanwhile, in the economic sector, a loss of “900 million dollars” was reported
(Ecuavisa 2022c, 18m13s). Likewise, it was reported the death of one soldier and twelve
wounded soldiers (Ecuavisa 2022d, 06m04s) after a confrontation with Amazonian com-
munity members. On the other hand, TV MICC filled its agenda with information on
the different mobilizations called to demand a response from the Government. It also de-
nounced the censorship of the community media Apak TV “ApakTv, a Kichwa audiovisual
production company and community media of the Otavalo people, Facebook page closed”
(Conaie Ecuador reposteado por TV MICC 2022b), and the hack of social media accounts of
the indigenous and former communication leader Apawki Castro; it also deployed a cover-
age on the strong police repression, for example: “Violent entry of the National Police into
the San Miguel del Común community” (Conaie Ecuador reposteado por TV MICC 2022c).
Another important activity of TV MICC was to refute false information circulating in social
 the community media Apak TV “ApakTv, a Kichwa audiovisual production company and
community media of the Otavalo people, Facebook page closed” (Conaie Ecuador re-
posted in TV MICC 2022e), and the hack of social media accounts of the indigenous and
former communication leader Apawki Castro; it also deployed a coverage on the strong
Soc. Sci. 2023, 12, 603 police repression, for example: “Violent entry of the National Police into the San Miguel9 of 16
del Común community” (Conaie Ecuador reposted in TV MICC 2022f). Another im-
portant activity of TV MICC was to refute false information circulating in social networks,
especially regarding the speculation of the end of the strike. Finally, like Ecuavisa, it re-
networks, especially regarding the speculation of the end of the strike. Finally, like Ecuavisa,
ported on the different dialogues with the Government, as well as the popular support for
it reported on the different dialogues with the Government, as well as the popular support
the demonstrations after their end. The journalistic agendas can be seen in Figure 5.
for the demonstrations after their end. The journalistic agendas can be seen in Figure 5.

Figure 5.5. Comparison

Figure Comparison of of Ecuavisa
Ecuavisa and
and TV
TV MICC’s
MICC’s journalistic
journalisticagenda
agendaininthe
thede-escalation
de-escalationand
and
agreement phase
agreement phase of
of the
the national
national strike
strike of
of June
June 2022.
2022. Source:
Source: own
ownelaboration.
elaboration.

4.
4. Discussion
Discussion
The mediaframing
The media framingof of Ecuavisa
Ecuavisa was was focused
focused on negatively
on negatively characterizing
characterizing the demon- the
demonstrations of the Indigenous
strations of the Indigenous Movement.
Movement. For thisFor this purpose,
purpose, it used derogatory
it used derogatory ad-
adjectives
jectives such as “violent”, “vandals”, “terrorists”, “irrational”, “unproductive”,
such as “violent”, “vandals”, “terrorists”, “irrational”, “unproductive”, and “antidemo- and “an-
tidemocratic”, for example,
cratic”, for example, “Fiscalía“Fiscalía initiates investigation
initiates investigation for the crimefor of
the crime of (Ecuavisa
terrorism” terrorism”
(Ecuavisa 2022e,and
2022e, 20m00s) 20m00s) andViera
“Patricio “Patricio Viera waswith
was assaulted assaulted with
sticks and sticks and
punches punches by
by protesters ”
protesters ” (Ecuavisa
(Ecuavisa 2022f, 04m55s).2022f, 04m55s).
Above Above
all, in the all, in the
context whichcontext in which
the National the National
Assembly de-
Assembly
bated on thedebated
recall on the President
of the recall of the President
of the of the
Republic, Republic,
there thereframes
were many were many frames
that blamed
that blamed
the UNES the UNES
bench—a partybench—a party President
led by former led by former
RafaelPresident
Correa—forRafael Correa—for
an attempted coupan
attempted
d’état linkedcoup d’état
to the linked to theThese
mobilizations. mobilizations. These characterizations
characterizations came, from
came, to a great extent, to a great
the
extent, fromsources
journalistic the journalistic
favored sources favored
by the media: by the media:
ministers ministers
from different from
State different spe-
portfolios, State
portfolios, specialists in economic and legal matters, businessmen, and
cialists in economic and legal matters, businessmen, and military and police commanders.military and police
commanders.
In addition, they In took
addition, theyintook
a position favora position in favor
of the “peace of thewhich
marches”, “peace marches”,
they which
characterized
they characterized with adjectives such as “rational”, “peaceful”, and “productive” which
contributed to the construction of a sense that citizenship and democracy are built through
dialogue, for example, in headlines such as “Workers and businessmen march for peace”
(Ecuavisa 2022g, 37m00s), “Citizens demand peace” (Ecuavisa 2022h, 35m20s). Hence, the
main sources in this line were the representatives of the productive sector and even the
Catholic Church, in which they highlighted the position of Pope Francis: “Pope asks to
abandon extreme positions” (Ecuavisa 2022i, 1m30s). These examples demonstrate the
ideological position that Ecuavisa maintained during the protests.
Ecuavisa’s news coverage generated a frame that contributed to the criminalization
of the protests, as can be seen in Figure 6. A total of 20% of the journalistic notes con-
tribute to this negative sense that counteracts the right to protest; for this reason, Ecuavisa
broadcasted different news in which it seeks to justify the actions of the public forces. A
framing was established to demonstrate that the Government was supported by the Armed
Forces. For example, “Armed Forces support the democratic regime” (Ecuavisa 2022j,
09m15s). Likewise, after the confrontations between the security forces and the demon-
 Ecuavisa’s news coverage generated a frame that contributed to the criminalization
of the protests, as can be seen in Figure 6. A total of 20% of the journalistic notes contribute
to this negative sense that counteracts the right to protest; for this reason, Ecuavisa broad-
casted different news in which it seeks to justify the actions of the public forces. A framing
was established to demonstrate that the Government was supported by the Armed Forces.
Soc. Sci. 2023, 12, 603 10 of 16
For example, “Armed Forces support the democratic regime” (Ecuavisa 2022j, 09m15s).
Likewise, after the confrontations between the security forces and the demonstrators, Ec-
uavisa showed the security forces as victims of the violence in the protests. At the same
strators,
time, Ecuavisa showed
the Government the security
authorized forces asuse
the progressive victims of the
of force, as violence
announced in the protests. At
by President
the sameLasso:
Guillermo time, “The
the Government authorized
National Police the progressive
and the Armed useact
Forces will of with
force,the
asnecessary
announced
by President
means Guillermo
to defend; within theLasso: “The National
legal framework, Policethe
through and the Armeduse
progressive Forces will public
of force, act with
the and
order necessary means (Ecuavisa
democracy” to defend;2022k,
within07m28s).
the legalIn
framework, through showed
this way, Ecuavisa the progressive
the Gov-use
of force,
ernment as public order
an entity and democracy”
strengthened (Ecuavisa
by the support of 2022k, 07m28s).
the Armed Forces.In this way, Ecuavisa
showed the Government as an entity strengthened by the support of the Armed Forces.

Figure 6. Framing of Ecuavisa in the coverage of the June 2022 national strike. Source: own elaboration.
Figure 6. Framing of Ecuavisa in the coverage of the June 2022 national strike. Source: own elabora-
tion.
On the other hand, the journalistic framing of TV MICC characterized the demonstra-
tions as legitimate expressions of the popular will. Hence, they linked the mobilization
On the other hand, the journalistic framing of TV MICC characterized the demon-
to the meaning of the “right to protest”, enshrined in the Constitution of the Republic
strations as legitimate expressions of the popular will. Hence, they linked the mobilization
(2008). In this line, as a strategy of legitimization, their journalistic framing was centered
to on
theshowing
meaningthe ofstrength
the “right to protest”,
of the enshrined
mobilizations in the
that they Constitution
characterized of the Republic
as “massive” to make
(2008). In this line, as a strategy of legitimization, their journalistic
visible the convening power of the Indigenous Movement to its bases, as well framing was centered
as other social
onmovements
showing thethatstrength
joinedofthe thestrike.
mobilizations that they
To legitimize characterized as TV
the demonstrations, “massive” to make
MICC recurrently
visible
used the
the convening powerstruggle”,
phrases “historic of the Indigenous Movement to
“great concentration”, its continue
“we bases, asinwell as other
struggle”, and
social movements that joined the strike. To legitimize the demonstrations,
“long live the social struggle”. For example, the publication “Large march in Quito (. . .) TV MICC re-For
currently usedresults
dignity and the phrases
” (TV MICC“historic
2022b)struggle”, “great concentration”,
can be evidenced by the framing“we continue
to make visibleinthe
struggle”, and “long live the social struggle”. For example, the publication
mobilization capacity of the Indigenous Movement and the popular support accompanied “Large march
in with
Quitohashtags
(…) For such
dignity and results ” (TV MICC 2022b) can be evidenced
as #DignidadComunitariaPopular and #TodosSomosPueblo. by the framing
to makeAsvisible the mobilization
a strategy to make thecapacity of thevisible,
mobilization Indigenous Movement
TV MICC andon
focused thedenouncing
popular
support accompanied
the repression with hashtags
and disputing such asspace
the media #DignidadComunitariaPopular
to contrast the prevailing and media#Todos-
agenda
SomosPueblo.
deployed by the corporate media. Its journalistic framing rejected the government’s actions
against the mobilization through expressions such as “repressive government”, “war-
mongering policy”, “excessive use of force”, and “extreme repression”, which were con-
densed in the hashtag #ParenLaMasacre. For example, during the arrest of Leonidas Iza,
several publications were deployed in which they held the government responsible for
Iza’s integrity. Therefore, they compared the actions of the Government of Guillermo
Lasso to those of a dictatorship: “As in the worst dictatorships Guillermo Lasso or-
ders to militarize the Unit of Flagrancy Attorney General’s Office of Ecuador in Quito”
(Conaie Ecuador reposteado por TV MICC 2022d). At the same time, they linked the gov-
ernment’s position to an “extreme right” position characterized by “authoritarianism”
and, above all, they denounced the absence of the President of the Republic, Guillermo
Laso, at the dialogue tables, positing the idea of an “absent government”, for example,
in the following note: “The government breaks the dialogue confirming its authoritar-
ianism, lack of will and incapacity. We hold Guillermo Lasso responsible for the con-
sequences of his warmongering policy. We demand respect for our maximum leader”
(Conaie Ecuador reposteado por TV MICC 2022e) the president’s inability to face a dia-
logue with the Indigenous Movement can be evidenced.
 Soc. Sci. 2023, 12, 603 11 of 16

Within this media coverage, TV MICC also played an important role as a communica-
tion channel between the grassroots and the indigenous leadership since, through press
conferences or statements, indigenous leaders made known the decisions taken concerning
the mobilizations and the progress achieved as a result of the dialogues with the Govern-
ment, in other words, TV MICC as a communication channel helped to make transparent
and accountable day by day with all the participants of the protests. Regarding the sources
of information, TV MICC has a great variety of actors the most important source lies in
Leonidas Iza, president of CONAIE; Andrés Ayala, leader of the Indigenous Movement
of Cotopaxi; Nayra Chalan, then vice president of ECUARUNARI; Zenaida Yasacama,
vice president of CONAIE; among other representatives of different social sectors such
as transportation unions, university students, women’s groups and the Human Rights
Mission of Argentina. Another important factor for TV MICC was the network established
between the different community media and official networks of the different organizations
belonging to the Indigenous Movement. In this line, TV MICC replicated the coverage of
other community and alternative media, such as Apak TV, Así No Más, La voz de la CON-
FENAIE, ACAPANA, Radio Inti Pacha, Ayllupak Kawsay TV, and Kapari Comunicación.
Thus, 53% of the information disseminated by TV MICC corresponds to coverage deployed
by its team, while 21% of the information shared through its Facebook page echoes the
information of the official Facebook page of CONAIE. The remaining 26% are distributed
on official pages of different organizations such as COMICH Comunicación, FECOS Sal-
Soc. Sci. 2023, 12, x FOR PEER REVIEW 12 of 17
cedo, Confederación del Pueblo Kayambi, FECAB BRUNARI, MICC, and Pueblo Kichwa
Karanki. Figure 7 shows a summary of the framing of TV MICC during the coverage of the
national strike in 2022.

Figure 7. Framing of TV MICC’s in the coverage of the June 2022 national strike. Source: own elaboration.
Figure 7. Framing of TV MICC’s in the coverage of the June 2022 national strike. Source: own elab-
oration.One of the discursive axes that stands out in TV MICC was the rejection of racist
hatred, since during the course of the demonstrations, various acts of racism could be
One ofby
observed the
thediscursive axes that
sector opposing thestands out inMovement.
Indigenous TV MICC For wasexample,
the rejection
on 16ofJune,
racistTV
hatred,
MICC, through a video, described the following “Denouncement of violation of rights ob-
since during the course of the demonstrations, various acts of racism could be of an
served by thecolleague,
indigenous sector opposing
Ana Ushco,the Indigenous
who suffered Movement.
a physical For
and example, on 16 June,
verbal aggression in a TV
food
MICC, through
store in the citya of
video, described
Latacunga” (TVtheMICC
following “Denouncement
2022c). Another racist of violation
event occurredof rights of
in Quito,
aninindigenous
the parish colleague,
of Tumbaco. Ana Ushco,
This whoshared
fact was suffered byaTV
physical
MICCand from verbal aggression
the official accountin aof
food store
Radio in the city
Pichincha: of Latacunga”
“Residents (TV MICC
of Tumbaco report 2022c).
gunshotsAnother racist event
at the height of Rutaoccurred
Viva, in inone
Quito,
of theinclosures
the parish of Tumbaco.
for the This fact
#ParoNacional. Thewas
videoshared
shows bytwo
TV cars
MICC from the
shooting official ac-
at civilians and
count of to
trying Radio Pichincha:
run them over”“Residents of Tumbaco
(Radio Pichincha report por
reposteado gunshots
TV MICC at the height
2022). of Ruta
Addressing
Viva,
withinthis
onesituation,
of the closures for the #ParoNacional.
the Indigenous Movement issued The avideo shows
message two cars
in which shooting
it rejected at
racist
civilians and trying
discrimination andtoclaimed
run themits over” (Radio
citizenship Pichincha
with reposted
equal rights, by TVtoMICC
alluding 2022). Ad-
the folklore ways
in which
dressing the this
with construction
situation,ofthe
an Indigenous
interculturalMovement
society is misunderstood.
issued a message In in
this framework,
which it re-
jected racist discrimination and claimed its citizenship with equal rights, alluding to the
folklore ways in which the construction of an intercultural society is misunderstood. In
this framework, TV MICC replied to Urpichakunaq Rimaynin’s statements with a strong
message in this direction: “They like our dances, our weavings, but they do not like that
we talk to them as equals” (Cedin Indígena reposted by TV MICC 2022) On the other
Soc. Sci. 2023, 12, 603 12 of 16

TV MICC replied to Urpichakunaq Rimaynin’s statements with a strong message in this

direction: “They like our dances, our weavings, but they do not like that we talk to them
as equals” (Cedin Indígena reposteado por TV MICC 2022) On the other hand, TV MICC
denounced another act of racism perpetrated against the indigenous leader Alex Toapanta
in which it stated the following: “We reject the racist and hateful attack perpetrated against
our comrade Alex Toapanta” (TV MICC 2022d). These examples highlight the problems
faced by the indigenous people in the context of the June 2022 mobilizations.
Regarding the media disputes over the legitimization of the mobilizations between
TV MICC and Ecuavisa, they focused on two important aspects. The first covers the
denunciations of repression by the public forces as opposed to the justification of the
actions of the State’s defense apparatus. That is to say, TV MICC’s dispute focused on
denouncing all the outrages caused by the public force through the publication of such
acts; for example, the publication “Tweet to support for the National Strike in Ecuador.
8 days of social protest, but Lasso’s government prefers repression rather than a response”
(Conaie Ecuador reposteado en TV MICC 2022a), generated on 20 June, sought to gener-
ate support for the mobilizations in the face of the Government’s inoperability. On the
other hand, Ecuavisa justified the actions of the public forces through the news that nar-
rated vandalism, as well as the confrontations between demonstrators and the military
and police. For example, the prime-time news program Televistazo reported 63 police-
men and 19 military personnel injured; 22 patrol cars damaged and 23 officers detained
(Ecuavisa 2022l, 12m30s).
The second aspect is related to the construction of a discourse of defense of democracy
by Ecuavisa. For example, a news report included the declarations of President Laso: “The
real intention of Mr. Iza is to overthrow the government. This makes it clear that he never
wanted to resolve an agenda for the benefit of the indigenous peoples and nationalities (...)
groups of hooligans have infiltrated the country seeking to destabilize democracy by sowing
terror” (Ecuavisa 2022m, 06m00s). In this way, the government created the imaginary that
the mobilization was an attempt at a coup d’état and justified the actions of the public forces.
In contrast, TV MICC sought to make visible the demands of the Indigenous Movement,
especially focused on the ten points of the mobilization agenda. However, the Indigenous
Movement foresaw the exit of the president as an indirect consequence of the mobilizations,
as evidenced in the statements of Nayra Chalán, who said: “If the government falls, it will
be of its own weight” (TV MICC 2022e).
Finally, during the final days of the mobilizations, false information related to the
demonstrations was disseminated; in response, TV MICC was constantly clarifying rumors
about the end of the strike. For example, the publication “False information is circulating
and the campaign to discredit the legitimate social struggle is intensifying. We ask to be
informed through official channels.” (TV MICC 2022f) disproved the information generated
in various traditional media and, at the same time, constituted one of the most important
disputes to break the media bias established by the large corporate media. In this context,
community and alternative media, as well as the official accounts of indigenous organi-
zations, used the hashtag #ElParoNoPara to consolidate a message that disproves false
information. All these exemplifications have evidenced the disputes of meaning during the
June 2022 strike between the Indigenous Movement and the Government. At the media
level, TV MICC represented the Indigenous Movement, a communicative platform that al-
lowed counteracting the representation imposed by the corporate media. At the same time,
this process of demonstrations showed the importance and consolidation of community
media in the process of self-representation that began in the protests of October 2019.

5. Conclusions
Through the comparative analysis of the media coverage of the national strike between
a corporate media Ecuavisa and an indigenous community media TV MICC, the dispute of
meanings and power by the journalistic framing during the eighteen days of protests in
June 2022 in Ecuador was evidenced. Ecuavisa’s journalistic agenda-setting and framing
Soc. Sci. 2023, 12, 603 13 of 16

focused on delegitimizing the social mobilization by giving prominence to issues related

to economic losses in the productive-business sector and describing the strikes as acts
of vandalism, justifying the actions of the security forces in defense of democracy. On
the contrary, the journalistic agenda-setting and framing of TV MICCl legitimized the ten
points of the protest agenda of the strike and focused its coverage on the denunciation of
repression, the statements of indigenous leaders, and the dialogues carried out with the
Government. Likewise, Ecuavisa framed its journalistic coverage to delegitimize all the
phases of the mobilization (base, demonstration, escalation, de-escalation, and agreement)
and gave prominence to information related to economic losses in the productive sector. In
contrast, TV MICC focused on ratifying the broad popular support of the demonstrations
through the different reports broadcasted on its Facebook page.
Ecuavisa’s journalistic framing of the June protests lies in the right-wing ideological
stance that characterizes this media, being a common factor between Ecuavisa and the
Government of Guillermo Lasso, which is also linked to the country’s banking sector. In
addition, the close relationship between the Government and the business and productive
sectors of the country gave Ecuavisa a guideline to focus its coverage on reporting the
economic losses of these sectors due to the demonstrations. This form of delegitimization
was one of the most used by Ecuavisa’s journalistic agenda. TV MICC contributed to the
democratization of communication through its journalistic coverage by providing ample
space to make visible and vindicate the demands made by the Indigenous Movement.
Historically, the corporate media have denied a space for the freedom of expression of
the indigenous people, where they are also represented stereotypically, relegating them
to subjects that should provide food to the city. This can be reflected in the continuous
informative notes that Ecuavisa published about the food shortages in supermarkets, but
at no time did it report on the problems and difficulties that indigenous people have to go
through to produce different foods since, unlike Ecuavisa, TV MICC gave space for the
expression of several protesters who demanded fair prices for products used in the field as
an act of communicational sovereignty.
In the June 2022 protests, community media consolidated the process of self-representation
in an exercise of communicational sovereignty that began in the October 2019 strike. Where
the performance of alternative media and community media gave a possibility for the
indigenous sector to demand their claims from their worldview and, at the same time,
break with the media bias established by the corporate media, who have historically
criminalized and delegitimized social demonstrations. For this reason, in the dialogues
between the Government and the different indigenous organizations, the community media
were the main channel for broadcasting and informing without the biases of the corporate
media. In addition, during this cycle of protests, community media such as TV MICC
were supported to dispute a media war with the mainstream media, especially when
the corporate media disseminated false information about the demonstrations to distort
and weaken the demonstrations. These protests of June 2022 consolidate community and
alternative media as social actors that act in the progressive line of vindication of rights,
unlike corporate media linked to economic, political, social, and cultural power. Hence, this
research contributes to an emerging field of knowledge that understands communication
as the neuralgic axis of the articulation of the communicational sovereignty of social
movements. This article evidences the importance of generating comparative studies of
the agenda, which allows us to demonstrate the political economy of communication
crossed by political and economic interests in the way in which protests are covered. Since
Latin America has recently experienced a new cycle of protests, studies of journalistic
coverage of mobilizations allow a deep understanding of the way in which the dominant
media and alternative and community media frame protests in order to legitimize or
delegitimize them.
Soc. Sci. 2023, 12, 603 14 of 16

Author Contributions: Conceptualization, Y.V.V.-T.; Methodology, F.G.C.-G. and Y.V.V.-T.; Validation,

Y.V.V.-T. and F.G.C.-G.; Data curation F.G.C.-G. and Y.V.V.-T.; Writing, Y.V.V.-T. and F.G.C.-G.; Review
and editing Y.V.V.-T.; Supervision Y.V.V.-T. All authors have read and agreed to the published version
of the manuscript.
Funding: This research received no external funding.
Institutional Review Board Statement: Not applicable.
Informed Consent Statement: Not applicable.
Data Availability Statement: Not applicable.
Conflicts of Interest: The authors declare no conflict of interest.

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