Joc/jqaa 025

Journal of Communication ISSN 0021-9916
ORIGINAL ARTICLE
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Instagram Inspiration: How Upward
Comparison on Social Network Sites Can
Contribute to Well-Being
1
Adrian Meier , Alicia Gilbert2, Sophie Börner1 & Daniel Possler3
1 Department of Communication, Johannes Gutenberg University of Mainz, Mainz, Germany

2 Amsterdam School of Communication Research, University of Amsterdam, Noord-Holland, Amsterdam, The
Netherlands
3 Department of Journalism and Communication Research, University of Music, Drama and Media, Hannover,
Germany
Passive exposure to others’ positive self-presentations on social network sites (SNS)

such as Instagram has been repeatedly associated with reduced well-being, particu-
larly by triggering upward social comparison and envy. However, prior research has
largely neglected that upward comparisons on SNS may also facilitate positive out-
comes, specifically media-induced inspiration, a motivational state highly conducive
to well-being. We conducted two experiments that tested whether and how cognitive-
affective processing of visual SNS postings results in inspiration. Study 1 (N ¼ 270)
provides first evidence that users react to more positive, optimized Instagram nature
and travel posts with stronger upward comparison, which facilitates inspiration via
an assimilative emotional reaction (benign envy), thus enhancing well-being. The pre-
registered Study 2 (N ¼ 408) replicates these findings. Overall, results indicate that
users can be inspired from comparing upwards on SNS, which may briefly improve
their well-being. We discuss boundary conditions and implications for future commu-
nication research.
Keywords: Social Network Sites, Well-being, Social Comparison, Envy, Media-induced

Inspiration
doi: 10.1093/joc/jqaa025
Users of social network sites (SNS) typically present themselves in positive and ide-
alized ways (Toma, 2017), for instance, by sharing their visually optimized travel
pictures on Instagram. Increasingly, research finds that users process others’ opti-
mized self-presentations on SNS particularly through upward social comparison
Corresponding author: Adrian Meier; email: meier@uni-mainz.de
Journal of Communication 0 (2020) 1–23 V C The Author(s) 2020. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of 1
International Communication Association. All rights reserved. For permissions, please email: journals.permissions@oup.com
Upward Comparison on SNS A. Meier et al.
and envy, with negative implications for mental health and well-being (e.g., Appel,
Gerlach, & Crusius, 2016; de Vries, Möller, Wieringa, Eigenraam, & Hamelink,

2018). However, recent cross-sectional surveys show that users also associate passive
exposure to others’ SNS postings with inspiration, particularly on the visual SNS
Instagram (Meier & Schäfer, 2018; Ouwerkerk & Johnson, 2016; Rieger & Klimmt,
2019a). Inspiration is a motivational state elicited by an evocative stimulus (e.g., a
novel and aesthetically optimized photo; Thrash, Moldovan, Oleynick, & Maruskin,
2014) and can result from upward comparisons (Lockwood & Kunda, 1997).
Inspiration may be a crucial positive outcome of upward comparisons during pas-
sive SNS use, as it evokes a sense of new possibilities (e.g., to travel or explore na-
ture) and is thus highly conducive to well-being (Belzak, Thrash, Sim, &
Wadsworth, 2017). We therefore investigate whether and how the cognitive-
affective processing of visual Instagram postings can elicit inspiration and hereby
contribute to users’ well-being.
Accordingly, the present work aims to extend the range of how social compari-
son theory (SCT) as well as the key concepts of envy and inspiration have been ap-
plied to explain SNS effects on well-being so far (DeAndrea & Holbert, 2017). By
drawing on recent developments in SCT (Buunk & Gibbons, 2007; Gerber, Wheeler,
& Suls, 2018; Mussweiler, 2003; Smith, 2000) and (re-)conceptualizations of envy
and inspiration (Crusius & Lange, 2014; Thrash et al., 2014), we theorize mecha-
nisms for “inspirational” effects of passive SNS use on well-being. In the following,
we first explicate current understanding of SCT. We then link upward comparison
on SNS to inspiration, a motivational outcome accompanied by increased well-
being. Finally, we argue that two types of envy, benign and malicious, may differen-
tially explain inspiration and, hence, well-being in reaction to SNS postings.
Hypotheses are tested in two experiments. Study 1 establishes whether the process-
ing of strongly (vs. weakly) evocative nature and travel postings elicits upward com-
parison, envy, and inspiration. The preregistered Study 2 replicates Study 1
conceptually and improves upon methodological limitations. Our discussion high-
lights implications for how to study media effects on well-being through the lens of
SCT in future communication research.
Social Comparison on Social Network Sites
Based on social comparison theory (SCT) (Festinger, 1954), social comparison is de-
fined as “the process of thinking about one or more other people in relation to the
self” (Wood, 1996, pp. 520–521). Social comparisons occur ubiquitously, spontane-
ously, often without intention, and in the face of minimal or seemingly trivial social
information (e.g., Buunk, Collins, Taylor, VanYperen, & Dakof, 1990; Buunk &
Gibbons, 2007). While upward comparisons are elicited by a target superior on a rel-
evant comparison criterion, downward comparisons are elicited by an inferior target
(Buunk & Gibbons, 2007).
2 Journal of Communication 0 (2020) 1–23

A. Meier et al. Upward Comparison on SNS
Developed and refined over 60 years (Gerber et al., 2018), SCT is a key theoreti-
cal lens applied across sub-fields of communication (e.g., media uses and effects,

health communication, entertainment, or CMC research). For instance, SCT helps
explain media enjoyment (e.g., Mares & Cantor, 1992); selective exposure to media
figures, health messages, or SNS profiles (e.g., Johnson & Knobloch-Westerwick,
2017; Knobloch-Westerwick, 2015); mass media and advertising effects on body im-
age (e.g., Arendt, Peter, & Beck, 2017); or the well-being effects of online support
groups (Batenburg & Das, 2015). SCT is thus a pivotal part of the theoretical toolkit
used in the communication discipline. It has proven particularly instrumental in
explaining the interplay between engagement with various media, users’ self-
perceptions, and their psychological well-being.
Upward comparison, specifically, has recently gained renewed popularity as the
key theoretical link explaining negative effects of passive SNS use on well-being
(e.g., Appel et al., 2016; De Vries et al., 2018; Verduyn, Ybarra, Résibois, Jonides, &
Kross, 2017). While upward comparison is often regarded as inherently detrimental
to well-being, especially in reaction to passive SNS use (e.g., De Vries et al., 2018;
Verduyn et al., 2017), this position can be challenged. SCT has proposed for some
time that both comparison directions, upward and downward, can result in positive
and negative consequences (e.g., Buunk & Gibbons, 2007; Gerber et al., 2018;
Mussweiler, 2003). Several studies have confirmed this assumption (e.g., Buunk
et al., 1990; Johnson & Knobloch-Westerwick, 2017; Lockwood & Kunda, 1997).
Instead of the direction, the cognitive focus on similarities with the target (i.e., as-
similation) versus differences (i.e., contrast) is theorized to impact the outcomes of
social comparison (Mussweiler, 2003), with upward assimilation and downward
contrast producing more positive consequences for the self and vice versa (Buunk &
Gibbons, 2007).
While passively browsing SNS, users encounter several pieces of social informa-
tion that may trigger assimilative or contrastive upward comparisons. Overall, re-
search has argued that upward comparisons result from at least one of two sources
of social information on SNS: (a) positively biased self-presentational content (e.g.,
Kleemans, Daalmans, Carbaat, & Anschütz, 2018) and (b) popularity cues (e.g.,
likes) associated with this content. The latter provide the most explicit information
to assess one’s social rank in a network (Blease, 2015) and have been at the center of
Instagram’s recent attempts to curb public criticism regarding its negative well-
being effects (Fitzgerald, 2019). However, the characteristics of self-presentational
content may represent a more implicit, yet effective trigger for upward comparison.
In the present research, we focus on these content characteristics because (a) the
content of SNS postings conveys rich social status information (e.g., implying wealth
or an active lifestyle; Chou & Edge, 2012; Liu, Wu, & Li, 2019) that could trigger
both assimilative and contrastive upward comparison (e.g., Meier & Schäfer, 2018;
Tosun & Kaşdarma, 2019); however, (b) few studies have tested whether content
can elicit upward comparisons irrespectively of popularity cues; and (c) those that
did have mainly done so in the context of two highly specific types of content,
Journal of Communication 0 (2020) 1–23 3

body-related (“fitspiration”) and career-related imagery (e.g., Brown & Tiggemann,

2016; De Vries et al., 2018; Kang & Liu, 2019). While such content is certainly prev-

alent on SNS and relevant to upward comparison and well-being, it may have lim-
ited our understanding of upward comparison effects in reaction to others’ SNS self-
presentations. Research on this content mainly tests reactions to relatively unattain-
able comparison targets (e.g., highly attractive people; Tiggemann & Zaccardo,
2015), thus making upward contrast more likely than assimilation (Mussweiler,
2003). Yet, surveys have consistently found that when users reflect on their exposure
to others’ SNS content in general, they report more assimilative than contrastive
experiences, suggesting that upward comparison effects on SNS may be overall
rather positive (Lin & Utz, 2015; Meier & Schäfer, 2018; Noon & Meier, 2019;
Tosun & Kaşdarma, 2019). Moreover, negative well-being effects of exposure to
body-related imagery, in particular, may be elicited by additional mechanisms other
than upward comparison, such as self-objectification or idealization of an unrealistic
body ideal (e.g., Brown & Tiggemann, 2016). Finally, (d) we focus on the content of
SNS postings because its inspirational potential (i.e., evocativeness, see next section)
may trigger upward comparison and thereby in fact contribute to well-being. Yet,
due to the predominant research focus on “negative” comparisons with rather unat-
tainable “inspirational” body- or career-related SNS content, this assumption has
not been tested systematically.
Therefore, we extend research on the well-being effects of SNS upward compari-
sons threefold: (a) We investigate upward comparison in reaction to a common self-
presentational SNS content, nature and travel postings (Rieger & Klimmt, 2019a),
that does not predetermine assimilative or contrastive comparisons, but has been
found to frequently elicit upward comparison due to its high self- and peer-
relevance, particularly among young adult SNS users (Krasnova, Widjaja, Buxmann,
Wenninger, & Benbasat, 2015; Liu et al., 2019; Siegel & Wang, 2019). Specifically,
we test whether upward comparison to such content is (b) a function of its inspira-
tional appeal (i.e., evocativeness), irrespective of popularity indicators or other social
information, and (c) whether upward comparison to such content can result in posi-
tive outcomes, namely inspiration and increased well-being.
Media-Induced Inspiration and Well-Being
Inspiration is a complex appetitive motivational state that individuals experience in

various domains of life (Thrash & Elliot, 2003). Thrash and colleagues (2014) con-
ceptualize it as consisting of three core characteristics (evocation, transcendence,
and approach motivation) and two component processes (being inspired by and be-
ing inspired to). Evocation describes that inspiration is experienced in reaction to a
stimulus—one is passively inspired by something. A stimulus is evocative (i.e., po-
tentially motivating) if it has an intrinsically valued quality for the individual. This
quality is highly idiographic, but aesthetic appeal (e.g., the beauty of nature) and
novelty (e.g., a previously unknown experience) may be particularly potent evocative

triggers (Thrash et al., 2014). Most crucially, to be evocative, a stimulus needs to

elicit a sense of transcendence (Thrash et al., 2014). Transcendence means that “the

evocative object reveals new or better possibilities” (Belzak et al., 2017, p. 119).
Approach motivation then refers to the motivational outcome of being inspired;
upon being confronted with new possibilities, the individual is inspired to tackle
new ideas and convert inspirational impetus into action. A complete inspiration epi-
sode thus requires not just being inspired by a stimulus (i.e., evocation and transcen-
dence), but also experiencing approach motivation and acting upon it (i.e., being
inspired to). If a stimulus, in turn, elicits avoidance motivation, this impairs the
“inspired to”-process (Thrash et al., 2014). The main function of inspiration is thus
the motivational transmission of inherently valued qualities of an external stimulus
into some new activity or object: “The inspired individual is moved by the truth, in-
genuity, goodness, beauty, or superiority of the trigger object and is motivated to
transmit, actualize, or emulate those transcendent qualities” (Thrash & Elliot, 2003,
p. 873).
Researchers have only recently begun to investigate the inspirational potential of
media (Oliver et al., 2018). Studies in this area observe that SNS users frequently feel
inspired by rather mundane and brief episodes of SNS content exposure (e.g., Rieger
& Klimmt, 2019a, 2019b). Users of the now widely popular mobile SNS Instagram,
in particular, often experience inspiration on the SNS, as found by cross-sectional
surveys (Meier & Schäfer, 2018; Noon & Meier, 2019; Ouwerkerk & Johnson, 2016).
Intriguingly, in the context of Instagram use, inspiration has mostly been discussed
controversially so far. Experiments indicate that exposure to supposedly evocative
“fitspiration” content can have detrimental consequences for recipients’ body satis-
faction, self-esteem, and affective well-being (e.g., Brown & Tiggemann, 2016;
Kleemans et al., 2018; Tiggemann & Zaccardo, 2015). However, some of these
experiments as well as qualitative interview studies (e.g., Vaterlaus, Patten, Roche, &
Young, 2015) suggest Instagram users nonetheless feel inspired by such content
and, for instance, are motivated to exercise more.
Indeed, the domain-independent conceptualization of inspiration (Thrash et al.,
2014) proposes that, in general, inspiration is conducive to well-being because it
activates intrinsically motivated behavior. Well-being emphasizes different compo-
nents of a happy life and can be subdivided into hedonic (e.g., positive affect, life sat-
isfaction) and eudaimonic facets (e.g., self-actualization, meaning; see Huta, 2017,
for an overview). Various experimental and longitudinal studies show that inter-
and intra-individual variation in inspiration predict hedonic and eudaimonic well-
being (Belzak et al., 2017). Thus, when SNS users experience inspiration in reaction
to others’ evocative SNS postings, this has the potential to contribute to their he-
donic and eudaimonic well-being.
In conclusion, despite potential downsides of certain content (specifically, body-
related imagery), users of visual SNS such as Instagram often associate inspiration
with using these media. Accordingly, if one were to investigate the effects of evoca-
tive content other than body-related imagery, one would expect a positive

inspiration and well-being potential from mere exposure to SNS postings (i.e., pas-
sive SNS use). In contrast, however, prior research suggests that such passive expo-

sure impairs users’ well-being due to unflattering upward comparison and envy
(Verduyn et al., 2017). The present research aims to integrate a positive view on the
inspirational potential of passive SNS use with this negative view. In fact, we argue
that upward comparison and envy represent key processes via which users become
more likely to experience inspiration and well-being from SNS use.
Envy Links Upward Comparison on SNS to Inspiration
Experiments have repeatedly shown that SCT can explain when and why inspiration
occurs (e.g., Lockwood & Kunda, 1997; Lockwood, Shaughnessy, Fortune, & Tong,
2012). Individuals feel particularly inspired when comparing upward to “role mod-
els”, that is, personally relevant, somewhat similar, yet still superior comparison tar-
gets. Thus when one compares upward and focusses on how one can become more
similar to the superior target (i.e., assimilation) one can, both figuratively and liter-
ally, “be inspired”.
Notably, the emotional outcomes of upward comparison map well onto the pre-
viously introduced distinction between assimilation and contrast (Smith, 2000).
Envy, “the painful emotion caused by the good fortune of others” (van de Ven,
Zeelenberg, & Pieters, 2009, p. 419), has received particular attention as an emo-
tional reaction to SNS social comparisons (Appel et al., 2016). As argued by emotion
theorists (Crusius & Lange, 2014; Van de Ven et al., 2009), several cultures distin-
guish two different types of envy. Feeling benign envy (e.g., German: “beneiden”)
versus malicious envy (“missgönnen”) both share the core of painful frustration
about the realization that a superior other is better off than oneself. Yet, they differ
in their attentional foci (Crusius & Lange, 2014) and motivational consequences
(Van de Ven et al., 2009). While benign envy is theorized to motivate the comparer
to move up to the comparison target and self-improve, malicious envy is experi-
enced as a hostile motivation to pull the superior target down (Crusius & Lange,
2014). Thus, malicious envy represents envy proper and maps onto contrastive in-
formation processing during upward comparison (i.e., focusing on differences with
the target), whereas benign envy represents a more beneficial emotional reaction
that maps onto assimilative information processing (i.e., focusing on similarities
and how to obtain them; Smith, 2000; Van de Ven et al., 2009). Crucially, prior SNS
research has rarely distinguished between assimilative and contrastive upward com-
parisons or the respective emotional outcomes, benign and malicious envy (Appel
et al., 2016). Unsurprisingly, by focusing mainly on “negative” (i.e., contrastive) up-
ward comparison and envy proper (i.e., malicious envy), research has mostly found
negative effects of passive SNS use on well-being (Verduyn et al., 2017).
Consequently, a recent review calls for a differentiation between benign and mali-
cious envy in future research on the effects of passive SNS use (Appel et al., 2016).

How are these two types of envy related to inspiration then? As argued above,
upward comparison can trigger inspiration if the information processing during so-

cial comparison is assimilative rather than contrastive, as indicated by benign rather
than malicious envy. Specifically, benign envy elicits an attentional focus on the
envy object and means to self-improve (Crusius & Lange, 2014), increasing (a) the
chance of noticing evocative characteristics of the object and (b) approach motiva-
tion towards the object. As malicious envy, in contrast, elicits an attentional focus
on the comparison target itself, it should (a) decrease the chance of noticing evoca-
tive characteristics of the object and (b) increase avoidance motivation towards it.
Accordingly, reacting to upward comparisons with benign envy should facilitate in-
spiration, while malicious envy should inhibit it. Recent survey findings support this
mechanism (Meier & Schäfer, 2018; Noon & Meier, 2019): Users who reported to
engage in more social comparison on Instagram experienced both more benign and
malicious envy. While experiencing more benign envy was substantially linked to
inspiration from Instagram use, malicious envy was slightly negatively related to
inspiration.
The Present Research
In the following, we synthesize the implications of SCT and prior evidence for the
interplay between upward comparison, benign and malicious envy, inspiration, and
well-being. Building on the rationale presented above, we derive four hypotheses.
First, we argue that evocative Instagram content can trigger upward comparison
in recipients. SNS postings of evocative stimuli—showing extraordinary travel, lei-
sure, or creative experiences—inherently imply positive self-presentation (Toma,
2017). This is because evocative content, by definition, stands out (e.g., as particu-
larly aesthetic or novel; Thrash et al., 2014). Recipients are likely to at least partly at-
tribute these positive qualities to the superiority of the person sharing the content
(e.g., their better lives or higher skills; Chou & Edge, 2012; Liu et al., 2019). The
more evocative the posted content, the more likely it implies social information that
should trigger upward comparison, even when more explicit social information
(e.g., likes) is missing (Blease, 2015). Thus, we assume,
H1: Exposure to more evocative (Instagram) content will increase upward
comparison with the content creator.
Additionally, based on the conceptualization of inspiration (Thrash et al., 2014),

the more evocative a SNS posting, the more likely it should result in the experience
of inspiration. For instance, one can expect that the higher the aesthetic appeal of a
photograph (e.g., its depicted scene, color composition, or lighting), the more likely
it is inherently valued by a recipient (Thrash & Elliot, 2003). Beyond controversial
body-related imagery, however, a basic causal test of whether visual Instagram con-
tent with varying levels of evocativeness truly elicits inspiration has yet to be con-
ducted. We therefore aim to fill this gap and posit.

H2: Exposure to more evocative (Instagram) content will increase the experi-
ence of inspiration.

When confronted with more evocative postings, SNS users likely engage in up-
ward comparison (H1) and experience inspiration (H2). We propose that these two
outcomes are linked through users’ emotional responses to upward comparison on
SNS. Based on a nuanced understanding of SCT (Buunk & Gibbons, 2007; Gerber
et al., 2018) and envy (Crusius & Lange, 2014; Van de Ven et al., 2009), upward
comparison can either be assimilative, resulting in benign envy, or contrastive,
resulting in malicious envy. Given the link between upward comparison and inspi-
ration found by prior research (e.g., Lockwood & Kunda, 1997) and the attention
patterns associated with benign and malicious envy (Crusius & Lange, 2014), we
propose the following mediation.
H3: Upward comparison will be (a) overall positively associated with inspira-
tion, (b) indirectly positively associated with inspiration via benign envy, and
(c) indirectly negatively associated with inspiration via malicious envy.
As argued above, evocative SNS postings should contribute to the experience of inspi-
ration via upward comparison and envy. However, inspiration is not just a relevant moti-
vational outcome of upward comparison per se; it is particularly important because it
may improve the hedonic and eudaimonic well-being of passive SNS users (Belzak et al.,
2017). While prior research has largely associated upward comparisons and envy during
passive SNS use with negative effects for well-being, we argue that it may hold the poten-
tial for increases in well-being by facilitating inspiration. Therefore, we test whether inspi-
ration, as conceptualized by Thrash et al. (2014), is associated with short-term increases
in well-being when induced by media stimuli. First correlational evidence clearly suggests
so. Meier and Schäfer (2018), for instance, found higher inspiration derived from
Instagram use to be related to increased positive affect. Surveys further observe an associ-
ation with meaningfulness experience (Rieger & Klimmt, 2019a, 2019b), a core facet of
eudaimonic well-being (Huta, 2017). Based on the theoretical conceptualization of inspi-
ration and findings from prior research, we thus assume,
H4: Post-exposure inspiration will be positively associated with state hedonic
and eudaimonic well-being.
To test these hypotheses, we conducted two online experiments. Both studies

test whether more (vs. less) evocative nature and travel content on Instagram results
in increased upward comparison (H1) and inspiration (H2). Furthermore, they in-
vestigate whether this media-induced inspiration is more strongly experienced by
individuals who react to upward comparisons with an assimilative (benign envy)
rather than a contrastive emotion (malicious envy) (H3). Finally, the studies assess
whether inspiration induced by evocative Instagram nature and travel postings
shows similar well-being correlates as inspiration in non-media contexts (H4).

While Study 1 provides a first test of these hypotheses, the preregistered Study 2 rep-
licates it conceptually and improves upon methodological limitations.

Study 1
Method
Participants
A sample of 270 German-speaking Instagram users (Mage ¼ 23.55, SD ¼ 5.35, 72%
female, 73% students, 76% used Instagram several times a day) completed the first
online experiment between December 2017 and January 2018. Participants were
recruited via Instagram, Facebook, and university email distribution lists.
Materials and Procedure

Study 1 employed a between-subjects design with a single factor, manipulating the
evocativeness of picture content on two levels (weakly vs. strongly evocative). We
chose nature and travel imagery as evocative stimuli as this content is (a) common
on SNS such as Instagram (Rieger & Klimmt, 2019a), (b) frequently elicits upward
comparison and envy on SNS (Krasnova et al., 2015), and, based on a secondary
analysis of survey data by Meier and Schäfer (2018) is (c) perceived as particularly
inspiring by male and female users alike.
We searched for nature and travel imagery that was common for Instagram and
did not depict any people, to avoid gender biases. A pretest (N ¼ 16) resulted in the
selection of four pairs of pictures (i.e., four weakly and four strongly evocative).
Each pair depicted a similar nature scene (i.e., lake, leaves in fall, mountain peak, a
beach cave), but pictures selected for the strongly evocative condition were per-
ceived as considerably more inspiring, motivating, novel, and aesthetic, due to im-
proved lighting, contrast, camera angle, spatial depth, and an overall optimized
visual composition. We used a multi-stimuli design to account for content heteroge-
neity on Instagram and increase external validity of our manipulation (Reeves,
Yeykelis, & Cummings, 2016). A frame was added to all pictures so they appeared
as Instagram posts. We did not include any popularity indicators in the Instagram
frame (e.g., the number of likes or comments a post received), to obtain only content
effects. The stimuli used in both studies can be found on the Open Science
Framework (OSF, https://bit.ly/38t6fn8).
After granting informed consent and answering filter questions about their
Instagram use, participants in the main study were randomly assigned to either the
weakly (n ¼ 138) or strongly evocative condition (n ¼ 132). In both, they first saw a
brief text vignette above a screenshot of an Instagram profile (see OSF). The vignette
informed them that this was the profile of an Instagram user who frequently posts
nature and travel imagery. In the following, they would be shown four pictures the
user had recently posted on Instagram. The profile depicted an average user (e.g.,
concerning number of followers), not a professional influencer, and revealed no


Figure 1 Structural equation model (SEM) testing H1–H4 (Study 1).
Note. Observed SEM based on data from N ¼ 270 participants. Fit indices are acceptable:
v2(261) ¼ 493.541, p < .001; v2/df ¼ 1.891, CFI ¼ 0.945; RMSEA ¼ 0.057 (90% CI: .050,
.065); SRMR ¼ 0.085. Scores in the figure represent standardized path coefficients and p-val-
ues are based on 95% CIs from 5,000 bootstrap samples with replacement. One item for posi-
tive affect (“alert”) and one for negative affect (“upset”) were excluded based on CFAs, due to
standardized factor loadings less than .40, high modification indices, and, in case of the
“alert” item, conceptual overlap with the vitality measure. *p < .05,**p < .01, ***p < .001.
gender. Each picture was then presented on a separate page and looked at for M ¼ 6
seconds. Next, participants responded to the measures reported below as well as
sociodemographic questions. Finally, they were debriefed and thanked.
Measures
Items and scales as well as means, standard deviations, internal consistencies, and
zero-order correlations for all constructs are reported in Tables S1 and S2 in the
Online Supporting Information. Prior to hypothesis tests, confirmatory factor analy-
ses (CFAs) were conducted on all scales (see the note of Figure 1 for any modifica-
tions of the measurement models).
To assess inspiration, the four-item inspiration intensity subscale by Thrash and
Elliot (2003) was used. Existing scales on SNS social comparisons often confound
the comparison direction with, for instance, the motivations or outcomes of the
comparison process (as noted by Johnson & Knobloch-Westerwick, 2017).
Therefore, to assess upward social comparison, we used a straightforward single item
adapted from Allan and Gilbert (1995), which captured the direction (upward vs.
downward) and intensity of social comparison with the Instagram user (“As I saw
the four pictures on Instagram, I felt . . . towards the person”; 1 ¼ inferior,
10 ¼ superior). Values from 6 to 10 (downward comparison) were recoded to 0, so

that only the variance for upward comparison would be considered in subsequent
analyses. Benign and malicious envy were measured with three items each, adapted

from Crusius and Lange (2014). A ten-item version of the well-established PANAS
(Mackinnon et al., 1999) was used to capture participants’ affective well-being, a core
aspect of hedonia (Huta, 2017). We used a five-item version of the subjective vitality
scale (Ryan & Frederick, 1997) to measure participants’ state of feeling alive and
alert, which taps into eudaimonia (Huta, 2017).
Results
All analyses were conducted in R (version 3.6.0; R Core Team, 2019). As a simulta-
neous test of all hypotheses, we calculated a structural equation model (SEM) using
the maximum likelihood (ML) estimator. The experimental factor was included as
an exogenous manifest variable while all other variables were modelled as endoge-
nous and latent (Fig. 1). Initial fit of the SEM was v2(263) ¼ 548.805, p < .001; v2/df
¼ 2.086; CFI ¼ 0.932; RMSEA ¼ 0.063 (90% C.I.: .056, .0671); SRMR ¼ 0.096.
Modification indices suggested the inclusion of two non-hypothesized paths from
the experimental factor to the two types of envy. The modified SEM showed accept-
able fit to the data, v2(261) ¼ 493.541, p < .001; v2/df ¼ 1.891; CFI ¼ 0.945;
RMSEA ¼ 0.057 (90% CI: .050, .065); SRMR ¼ 0.085. The data exhibited multivari-
ate non-normality. We thus bootstrapped p-values for paths and indirect effects (see
H3), using 5000 samples with replacement and 95% confidence intervals.
We assumed that processing more evocative content would result in more up-
ward comparison (H1) and inspiration (H2). Results confirmed that the manipula-
tion directly increased upward comparison (b ¼ .29, p < .001) and inspiration (b ¼
.24, p < .001). We further assumed that upward comparison overall positively
impacts inspiration (H3a), indirectly increases inspiration via benign envy (H3b),
and indirectly decreases inspiration via malicious envy (H3c). We conducted a par-
allel mediation analysis within the SEM to test H3. First, upward comparison had a
nonsignificant positive total effect (b ¼ .11, p ¼ .090) on inspiration, leading us to
reject H3a. Moreover, the direct effects showed that upward comparison was posi-
tively associated with experiencing benign envy (b ¼ .41, p < .001) but not signifi-
cantly with malicious envy (b ¼ .12, p ¼ .206). While benign envy was substantially
positively linked to inspiration (b ¼ .57, p < .001), malicious envy showed a small
negative association (b ¼ .16, p < .01). We thus found a positive indirect effect via
benign envy (b ¼ .23, p < .01), confirming H3b, while the negative indirect effect
via malicious envy was not significant (b ¼ .02, p ¼ .241), disconfirming H3c. The
remaining direct effect of upward comparison on inspiration was negative and non-
significant (b ¼ .11, p ¼ .103). Overall, the content manipulation as well as the
processing via upward comparison and envy explained 51% of variance in inspira-
tion. Finally, we tested H4, which stated that post-exposure inspiration should be
linked to increased state hedonic and eudaimonic well-being. The SEM confirms
H4, as a higher inspiration experience was associated with increased positive affect

(b ¼ .56, p < .001), slightly increased vitality (b ¼ .15, p < .05), and slightly de-
creased negative affect (b ¼ .17, p < .01). However, a robustness check controlling

for age, gender, frequency of Instagram use, personal relevance of traveling, and
control over traveling revealed inspiration to be nonsignificantly related to negative
affect (see Online Fig. S1). No other hypothesis tests changed when controlling for
these variables.
To assess the effects of our manipulation more comprehensively, we explored
mean levels and mean differences between the two conditions with two-tailed
Welch independent sample t-tests, Bonferroni-corrected for seven tests (a ¼ .007).
Results (Online Table S3) show that participants experienced significantly higher
upward comparison (t ¼ 4.859, p < .001, d ¼ 0.60) and inspiration (t ¼ 9.661, p
< .001, d ¼ 1.19) in the strongly (Muc ¼ 0.97, Minsp ¼ 3.65) than in the weakly evoc-
ative condition (Muc ¼ 0.41, Minsp ¼ 2.17). The manipulation further increased be-
nign envy and positive affect, consistent with our overall rationale (Online Table
S3). Surprisingly, participants in the weakly evocative condition reported slightly
higher malicious envy than in the strongly evocative condition (Fig. 1). We address
this in the ‘Discussion’ section. Negative affect and vitality were not significantly im-
pacted by the manipulation.
Discussion
Study 1 extends prior SNS research on the outcomes of passive SNS use by provid-
ing first causal evidence that more evocative, visually optimized Instagram travel
postings do not only elicit upward comparison but also inspiration. Correlational
SEM results further showed that inspiration experienced in reaction to the more
evocative stimuli was related to increased well-being. Results thus suggest that
nature and travel postings on SNS can increase affective well-being, and, to a lesser
degree, vitality, if users feel inspired by them. However, we did not control for well-
being levels prior to stimulus exposure. Moreover, while they should only be inter-
preted as correlational, our findings secondly lend partial support for the proposed
process model (H3): Experiencing benign envy was the more common emotional re-
action to the stimuli (Online Table S2), clearly associated with higher inspiration,
and a significant mediator between upward comparison and inspiration. However,
the evidence for an opposite role of malicious envy is weaker. Malicious envy only
exhibited a small negative association with inspiration, was unaffected by upward
comparison, showed no mediating effect, and, surprisingly, decreased in reaction to
more evocative content (Fig. 1).
Several limitations of Study 1 may explain the findings concerning malicious
envy. First, to maximize variance, we chose stimuli in the weakly evocative condition
that showed maximal contrast with the strongly evocative condition. They may thus
have been too unaesthetic and uncommon for the Instagram context. In addition,
the item “I would have liked to bad-mouth the pictures” in the malicious envy sub-
scale (Online Table S1) may have captured participants’ dislike of the pictures,

instead of malicious envy. Due to the more unaesthetic stimuli, this item might be a
reason why we measured more malicious envy in the weakly than in the strongly

evocative condition. However, we retained this item in the malicious envy scale, as
its measurement model would otherwise not have been identified in the SEM.
Additionally, we note the limitations that participants (a) reported only low levels of
inspiration, upward comparison, and both types of envy (Online Tables S2 and S3),
(b) only saw the stimuli for a very brief time, and (c) mostly on their mobile phones
(74%). This suggests a relatively high external validity, mirroring brief exposure
times while scrolling through the Instagram feed on the smartphone. However, the
design may be more internally valid with stronger stimuli and longer exposure
times. Finally, using only a single item to measure upward comparison may have
compromised content validity and reliability. We address these methodological
issues in an improved and preregistered conceptual replication (Study 2).
Study 2
Method
Participants
A sample of 408 German-speaking Instagram users (Mage ¼ 28, SD ¼ 6.34, 76% fe-
male, 37% students, 61% used Instagram several times a day) completed the second
online experiment between March and April 2019. The achieved sample size
matches our a priori power analysis preregistered on the OSF (https://bit.ly/
2Frc5ce). Participants were recruited via the SoSci Panel, a German-speaking social
scientific open access panel (Leiner, 2016).
Materials and Procedure
The preregistered Study 2 employed a 3 2 factorial between-subjects design, ma-

nipulating evocativeness of picture content as weakly, moderately, or strongly
evocative and the channel of presentation as no SNS context versus Instagram.
Within this article, we focus on the first factor (i.e., content) and report only find-
ings collapsed over both channel conditions; however, we describe the full design to
make it comprehensible. The rationale and mostly nonsignificant findings for the
second factor as well as explanations of deviations from the preregistration can be
found in the Online Supporting Information.
To improve upon the stimuli (see previous ‘Discussion’ section in Study 1), we
conducted a new and broader picture search and a larger pretest (N ¼ 70). To keep
results comparable, we again selected four series of nature scenes (i.e., lake, forest in
fall, waterfall, a beach cave) based on pretesters’ ratings. Each series showed highly
similar motives (e.g., the same beach cave), but more evocative pictures were rated
as more inspiring, motivating, novel, and aesthetic.

In the main study, participants first gave informed consent and then reported
which of 14 media they used at least occasionally, serving as a covert filter to recruit

only Instagram users. In all conditions, participants then reported their current af-
fective well-being by filling in the PANAS. Subsequently, they were randomly
assigned to one of the six conditions and read a brief text vignette. In contrast to
Study 1, no profile screenshot was shown. In the no SNS condition, the vignette told
participants that they were about to see four pictures showing nature scenes. They
were then asked to imagine that these pictures had been taken by an acquaintance
who likes nature photography and who they know personally. At no point were the
pictures in any way associated with Instagram or other SNS in this condition. In
contrast, in the Instagram condition, the vignette additionally explained that the pic-
tures had been publicly shared on Instagram by the acquaintance. We specified that
the pictures were shared publicly on Instagram to increase internal validity, as par-
ticipants may have otherwise speculated that the pictures were shared via the
“stories” or “direct message” features of Instagram, which imply different affordan-
ces and audiences. In all conditions, the vignette specified the relationship with the
picture creator as a weak tie (i.e., an acquaintance) in order to increase the internal
validity of the design compared to Study 1. Based on five-point semantic differen-
tials assessed at the end of the survey, participants imagined the acquaintance to be
rather likeable (M ¼ 4.04, SD ¼ 0.82), but only somewhat similar (M ¼ 3.27, SD ¼
1.04), and neither a friend nor a complete stranger (M ¼ 3.33, SD ¼ 1.21), with no
significant differences across conditions. Finally, the presented pictures were shown
within an Instagram frame in the Instagram condition (same as in Study 1), but not
in the no SNS condition. In deviation from Study 1, participants in all conditions
were asked to rate each picture on six attributes (e.g., aesthetic, extraordinary, novel)
using five-point scales (1 ¼ not at all, 5 ¼ completely) included beneath each picture.
We added these scales to increase average exposure time to each picture (M ¼ 27
seconds) compared to Study 1. After completing the scales reported below, as well
as sociodemographic questions and questions about their general Instagram use,
participants were debriefed and thanked.
Measures
Items and scales as well as means, standard deviations, internal consistencies, and
zero-order correlations of all constructs are reported in Tables S4 and S5 in the
Online Supporting Information. We again conducted CFAs on all scales (see the
note of Fig. 2 for model modifications).
To measure inspiration, we used the same scale as in Study 1, but adapted it by
omitting any mention of Instagram. For exploratory purposes, we additionally mea-
sured the “inspired to”-component of inspiration in more detail with two post-
exposure motivational outcomes, travel motivation and photography motivation,
with two items each. To improve upon the measurement of upward social compari-
son employed in Study 1, we constructed a four-item scale based on prior measures


Figure 2 Structural equation model (SEM) testing H1–H4 (Study 2).
Note. Observed SEM based on data from N ¼ 408 participants. Fit indices are acceptable:
v2(352) ¼ 672.494, p < .001; v2/df ¼ 1.939, CFI ¼ 0.952; RMSEA ¼ 0.047 (90% CI: .042,
.053); SRMR ¼ 0.065. Scores in the figure represent standardized path coefficients and p-val-
ues are based on 95% CIs from 5,000 bootstrap samples with replacement. A CFA indicated
that the item “alert” had a factor loading below .40 and was thus omitted from positive affect.
Based on CFAs and semantic similarities, we included error term covariances between two
upward comparison items, two benign and two malicious envy items, and two meaning
items, yet only within each construct. *p < .05, **p < .01, ***p < .001.
(see Online Table S4 for details). Benign and malicious envy were measured with an
adapted ten-item version of the scale by Crusius and Lange (2014). We replaced the
item that confounded malicious envy with dislike in Study 1. The 10-item PANAS
was used to measure affective well-being twice, both prior to and after the stimuli.
For hypothesis testing, we use the t2t1 data (i.e., the change in affect). To capture
hedonic well-being more comprehensively, we also measured life satisfaction with a
validated single-item (Cheung & Lucas, 2014). To assess eudaimonic well-being, we
used two scales: the four-item short-version of the meaning experience scale by Huta
and Ryan (2010) and an adapted three-item self-actualization scale (Sheldon, Elliot,
Kim, & Kasser, 2001; Waterman, 2008). Both measures asked how participants ex-
perienced looking at the pictures.
Results
All hypotheses (H1–H4) were tested with a SEM using the ML estimator. The con-
tent factor was added as an exogenous manifest variable with three levels (weakly vs.
moderately vs. strongly evocative) while all other variables were modelled as endog-
enous. The initial model fit was acceptable, with v2(354) ¼ 681.471, p < .001; v2/df

¼ 1.925; CFI ¼ 0.950; RMSEA ¼ 0.048 (90% CI: .042, .053); SRMR ¼ 0.066.
However, as preregistered, and to keep the model comparable to Study 1, we again

included the paths from the content factor to both types of envy (Fig. 2). The fit of
the final model was very similar to the initial SEM and overall acceptable, with
v2(352) ¼ 672.494, p < .001; v2/df ¼ 1.939; CFI ¼ 0.952; RMSEA ¼ 0.047 (90% CI:
.042, .053); SRMR ¼ 0.065. The data again exhibited multivariate non-normality
and we thus used the same bootstrapping technique as in Study 1.
Results again confirmed H1 and H2: More evocative content directly resulted in
higher upward comparison (b ¼ .31, p < .001) and inspiration (b ¼ .14, p < .01).
To test whether benign and malicious envy differentially mediated the effects of up-
ward comparison on inspiration (H3), we conducted the same mediation analysis as
in Study 1. First, upward comparison was strongly positively related to increased be-
nign envy (b ¼ .70, p < .001) and, in contrast to Study 1, to higher malicious envy
(b ¼ .28, p < .01). While benign envy was substantially positively related to inspira-
tion (b ¼ .60, p < .001), malicious envy was slightly negatively related (b ¼ .15, p
< .05). Upward comparison showed a nonsignificant negative direct effect (b ¼
.15, p ¼ .139), but, in contrast to Study 1, a positive total effect on inspiration (b
¼ .23, p < .001), confirming H3a. Whereas the indirect effect from upward compar-
ison on inspiration via benign envy was substantial (b ¼ .42, p < .001), confirming
H3b, the indirect effect via malicious envy did not reach significance (b ¼ .04, p ¼
.067), disconfirming H3c. Evocativeness of content and the processing via upward
comparison and envy explained 30% of the variance in inspiration. The SEM further
confirms H4, as higher inspiration was associated with an increase in positive affect
(b ¼ .45, p < .001) and a slight decrease in negative affect from t1 to t2 (b ¼ .11, p
< .05, but see the robustness check below). Additionally, inspiration was positively
related to meaning (b ¼ .71, p < .001), self-actualization (b ¼ .63, p < .001), and to
slightly higher life satisfaction (b ¼ .13, p < .05). In a robustness check, including
the same controls as in Study 1, the effect of inspiration on negative affect turned
nonsignificant while no other hypothesis tests changed (Online Fig. S2).
To explore the effects of the content manipulation more comprehensively, we
conducted a series of one-way ANOVAs (Type II) on all variables (Online Table
S6). The alpha level was Bonferroni-corrected for 11 tests (a ¼ .005). Results show
that the content manipulation substantially and significantly impacted mean levels
of upward comparison, inspiration, the motivation to travel, benign envy, meaning
experience, and self-actualization in the expected direction (see Online Table S6 for
details). Photography motivation, malicious envy, positive and negative
affect (t2t1), and life satisfaction were not substantially affected. The mostly non-
significant findings concerning the channel manipulation and interactions with the
content factor are reported in Online Tables S7–S9.

Discussion

Results overall replicate and expand upon Study 1. We again find clear causal evi-
dence that seeing more evocative visual nature and travel content can elicit both up-
ward comparison and inspiration. Notably, this effect even extended to participants’
motivation to travel or go on vacation (i.e., the “inspired to”-component of inspira-
tion). In addition, inspiration was again positively linked to several indicators of he-
donic and eudaimonic well-being. Results further corroborate the proposed
mechanism of processing content via upward comparison and benign envy, which
again turned out to be associated with higher inspiration, while malicious envy—
though being positively associated with upward comparison (cf. Study 1) and nega-
tively with inspiration—showed no mediating effect. Results for malicious envy,
however, are limited by extremely low mean levels (Online Table S6).
General Discussion
The present research contributes to building theory on the effects of passive SNS use
on well-being twofold (DeAndrea & Holbert, 2017). (a) First, our work extends how
social comparison theory (SCT) has been applied to SNS contexts. By differentiating
between an assimilative emotional reaction to upward comparisons (benign envy)
and a contrastive one (malicious envy), this research highlights that the effects of
upward comparisons on SNS may not be as uniformly negative as commonly as-
sumed (e.g., De Vries et al., 2018; Verduyn et al., 2017). Specifically, our two studies
consistently show that when users react to others’ visual nature/travel postings with
benign envy, an assimilative emotional response, this facilitates the positive motiva-
tional outcome of inspiration, hence contributing to well-being. Importantly, this is
corroborated by surveys finding that users, on average, experience more assimilative
than contrastive emotions when comparing upwards on SNS (e.g., Meier & Schäfer,
2018; Tosun & Kaşdarma, 2019). Thus, prior experiments may have painted a too
gloomy picture of the overall effects of SNS upward comparison on well-being. (b)
Second, we advance theorizing on self-transcendent media (Oliver et al., 2018) by
specifying social comparison and its emotional outcomes as an important mecha-
nism that gives rise to media-induced inspiration. Researchers interested in the posi-
tive—as well as negative—motivational and well-being outcomes of mediated
messages across entertainment, health, and interpersonal communication should
thus consider SCT a pivotal framework (see also Knobloch-Westerwick, 2015). Our
findings further support the assumption that small doses of mundane “digital
inspiration” may be beneficial for well-being (Rieger & Klimmt, 2019a, 2019b).
While unassociated with negative affect, inspiration in reaction to nature and travel
Instagram posts was robustly associated with higher positive affect and eudaimonic
well-being in both studies. The latter, specifically, has rarely been studied as an out-
come of SNS use. Echoing recent calls (Oliver et al., 2018), our research thus urges
future media effects studies to consider the eudaimonic side of well-being (e.g.,

Belzak et al., 2017; Huta, 2017), so as not to overlook potential positive outcomes of
media use.

Our work has several broader implications for the communication discipline,
SNS users, and society at large. First, while results show that positive effects from
SNS upward comparisons are possible, evidence for their deleterious effects is none-
theless mounting (e.g., Appel et al., 2016). This seeming contradiction needs to be
interpreted in the larger context of SCT research: Humans generally show a
“unidirectional drive” to compare upward (Festinger, 1954, p. 124). A recent
meta-analysis further found that comparisons result more often in contrast than as-
similation (Gerber et al., 2018). Experiments on SNS social comparisons have fo-
cused on and found the same—a predominance of contrastive upward comparisons
and emotions (e.g., Verduyn et al., 2017). Our findings, in contrast, highlight that
upward comparisons on SNS can also elicit assimilative emotional reactions (i.e., be-
nign envy). As noted above, this resonates with surveys, suggesting that SNS may
provide a social environment eliciting overall rather positive upward comparison
effects (e.g., Noon & Meier, 2019). Therefore, future communication research apply-
ing SCT will have to (a) distinguish between assimilative and contrastive compari-
sons and their emotional outcomes, (b) identify boundary conditions for when each
occur (e.g., on SNS), and (c) establish that a medium impacts the frequency and/or
intensity of both assimilative and contrastive upward comparisons beyond humans’
default propensity for them (Gerber et al., 2018).
Second, the contradiction between our findings on SNS upward comparison and
prior experiments—though not surveys (e.g., Meier & Schäfer, 2018)—points to the
content users encounter as a crucial boundary condition for positive or negative
well-being effects of passive SNS use. Our findings, as well as prior research
(Krasnova et al., 2015; Liu et al., 2019; Siegel & Wang, 2019), suggest that nature
and travel content is self-relevant for (young) SNS users and elicits both upward
comparison and the brief “sting” of envying peers. Yet, it seems to produce mainly
positive inspirational effects rather than impair well-being. Unrealistically idealized
“fitspiration” imagery, in contrast, may also inspire, but has clear downsides for
users’ mental health (e.g., Tiggemann & Zaccardo, 2015). A key implication for
users is thus that they have some control over well-being outcomes from their pas-
sive SNS use via selective exposure to content (see also Johnson & Knobloch-
Westerwick, 2017), for instance, by (un)following certain accounts. This control
may be constrained by algorithmic prioritization of content and advertising, how-
ever. Moreover, Instagram, through features such as photo-optimization and popu-
larity cues (e.g., likes), likely shapes which content users produce for, and thus
encounter on, the SNS. Removing pressure from Instagram by reducing the salience
of popularity cues may be an important first step (cf. Fitzgerald, 2019); however, our
findings, in conjunction with prior research, suggest that SNS companies should fo-
cus more on giving users control over the type of content they encounter if they are
serious about improving the well-being impact of (passive) SNS use.

Third, results imply that benign envy responses to others’ SNS self-presentations
can fuel users’ desire to keep up with what their peers have and experience. This has

economic and advertising implications in network-driven media such as Instagram.
For instance, exploratory findings from Study 2 show that participants were inspired
to travel and “fly far away on vacation” after seeing more evocative nature content.
Reports indeed suggest increased—and environmentally harmful—travel towards
once secluded nature destinations after they were popularized on Instagram (e.g.,
Holson, 2018). Thus, while “Instagram inspiration” may be beneficial for individu-
als, it may also produce collective costs.
Despite these contributions, our research is limited in several ways. First, we re-
lied on non-representative samples skewed towards younger and female Instagram
users. While we controlled for this in our SEM analyses, the findings may nonethe-
less differ for more diverse samples, for instance, because younger users experience
more life transitions, making them more likely to be inspired after comparing up-
wards (Lockwood et al., 2012). Second, the low mean levels of upward comparison
intensity and envy found in both studies highlight the need for future experiments
to increase social information (e.g., include popularity cues or people in pictures; see
De Vries et al., 2018). More generally, future research should isolate the relative im-
pact of technological features on SNS (e.g., likes) versus certain types of content
(e.g., travel vs. body vs. career imagery) on the strength and outcomes of upward
comparison. Third, our designs tested upward comparisons only with strangers
(Study 1) or acquaintances (Study 2), rather than close friends or celebrities (e.g.,
Brown & Tiggemann, 2016). Initial evidence suggests that comparing upwards to
closer and more similar ties results in even more positive outcomes than found here,
due to stronger assimilation (e.g., Lin & Utz, 2015; Kang & Liu, 2019; Noon &
Meier, 2019). Thus, future communication research needs to account for interper-
sonal closeness and similarity when investigating upward comparison effects in net-
worked media (e.g., Batenburg & Das, 2015). Fourth, participants could not interact
with the content, forcing them to remain entirely passive. In SNS, “passive” use,
however, encompasses scrolling and selectively paying attention to content. Future
research should thus utilize selective exposure paradigms (Johnson & Knobloch-
Westerwick, 2017). Fifth, our designs evoked benign envy to a much larger degree
than malicious envy. While this may reflect how frequently these emotions occur on
SNS overall (e.g., Meier & Schäfer, 2018; Tosun & Kaşdarma, 2019), it also points to
the need to systematically manipulate both types of envy separately. This may be
achieved by varying, for instance, how likeable a person presents herself on SNS or
how attainable an envy object is (Van de Ven et al., 2009). This is a necessary next
step to further establish that the emotional mechanisms proposed here indeed differ-
entially mediate the motivational—and hence well-being—effects of upward com-
parisons on SNS. Despite these limitations, our findings challenge the so far
predominantly negative view on the well-being outcomes of upward comparisons
during Instagram use and point to a route for SNS users how to benefit from media-
induced inspiration.

Supporting Information

Supporting Information is available at Journal of Communication online.
Acknowledgments
We are grateful to Leonard Reinecke and three anonymous reviewers for their help-
ful comments on earlier versions of this work.
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Journal of Communication ISSN 0021-9916

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1 Department of Communication, Johannes Gutenberg University of Mainz, Mainz, Germany

Passive exposure to others’ positive self-presentations on social network sites (SNS)

Keywords: Social Network Sites, Well-being, Social Comparison, Envy, Media-induced

Corresponding author: Adrian Meier; email: meier@uni-mainz.de

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Social Comparison on Social Network Sites

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body-related (“fitspiration”) and career-related imagery (e.g., Brown & Tiggemann,

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Media-Induced Inspiration and Well-Being

Inspiration is a complex appetitive motivational state that individuals experience in

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triggers (Thrash et al., 2014). Most crucially, to be evocative, a stimulus needs to

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Envy Links Upward Comparison on SNS to Inspiration

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The Present Research

Additionally, based on the conceptualization of inspiration (Thrash et al., 2014),

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To test these hypotheses, we conducted two online experiments. Both studies

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Materials and Procedure

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Materials and Procedure

The preregistered Study 2 employed a 3 2 factorial between-subjects design, ma-

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