Some Formal Correspondences between the Imperial Architecture of the Wari and

Chimu Cultures of Ancient Peru

Gordon F. McEwan

Latin American Antiquity, Vol. 1, No. 2. (Jun., 1990), pp. 97-116.

Stable URL:
http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=1045-6635%28199006%291%3A2%3C97%3ASFCBTI%3E2.0.CO%3B2-1

Latin American Antiquity is currently published by Society for American Archaeology.

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at
http://www.jstor.org/about/terms.html. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained
prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in
the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.

Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at
http://www.jstor.org/journals/sam.html.

Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed
page of such transmission.

The JSTOR Archive is a trusted digital repository providing for long-term preservation and access to leading academic
journals and scholarly literature from around the world. The Archive is supported by libraries, scholarly societies, publishers,
and foundations. It is an initiative of JSTOR, a not-for-profit organization with a mission to help the scholarly community take
advantage of advances in technology. For more information regarding JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

http://www.jstor.org
Fri Nov 16 21:04:17 2007
 SOME FORMAL CORRESPONDENCES BETWEEN THE
IMPERIAL ARCHITECTURE OF THE WARI AND
CHIMU CULTURES OF ANCIENT PERU

Gordon F. McEwan

The degree and nature of the influence of the Middle Horizon Wari empire (ca. A.D. 540-900) on the culture
history of Peru's north coast has been a topic of much heated debate over the past two decades. The arguments
have tended to polarize around the issue of whether or not there was a Wari invasion of the north coast. Those
arguing against the invasion hypothesis have claimed that there was no direct Wari influence on north coast
cultural history. Those arguing in favor of the invasion hypothesis have attributed nearly all changes evident in
the archaeological record to the results of a Wari military conquest. An attempt is made here to decouple the
issues of Wari influence and Wari invasion. In an analysis of the architecture of the Wari imperial administrative
sites and the ciudadela architecture o f Chan Chan, capital o f the north coastal Chimu empire, some remarkable
similarities are seen. The shift from the pre-Middle Horizon Moche (ca. 100 B.C.-A.D. 650) pattern of pyramid-
dominated ceremonial centers to the Late Intermediate period (ca. A.D. 900-1476) ciudadela form of the Chimu
I S seen as a result of conscious imitation of the prestige Wari imperial style. It is argued that this imitation is a
likely result regardless of whether or not there was a Wari invasion.
Para intentar comprender la influencia de una cultura sobre otra en laprehistoria, 10s arquedlogosfrecuentemente
cuentan con 10s estudios de /as influencias estilisticas que se ven en colecciones de artefactos. Estos estudios han
puesto 6nfasis sobre objetos portritiles como la cerdmica. Otra clase de informacidn que no ha recibido tanta
atencidn per0 todavia tiene el potencial para revelar mucha informacidn sobre el proceso social es la arquitectura.
En este articulo el anrilisis arquitectdnico es aplicado a la interpretacidn de la evolucidn cultural de la costa norte
del Perii. El grado y modo de la influencia del imperio Wari del Horizonte Medio (540-900 D. C.) sobre la historia
cultural de la costa norte del Perii ha sido un tema del debate durante las dos d6cadas pasadas. Los argumentos
tienen una propensidn a polarizarse alrededor la cuestidn si hubo o no una invasidn Wari de la costa norte. Los
que no aceptan la hipdtesis de la invasidn han reclamado que no hubo influencia Wari directa en la historia
cultural de la costa norte. Los que apoyan la hipdtesis de la invasidn han atribuido casi todos 10s cambios que
son evidentes en el registro arqueoldgico a /as consecuencias de la conquista militar Wari. Se hace aqui un intento
de separar /as cuestiones de la influencia Wari de /as de la invasidn Wari. En un ancilisis arquitectdnico de 10s
sitios administrativos imperiales Wari y de la arquitectura ciudadela de Chan Chan, la capital del imperio Chimu
de la costa norte, se puede ver semejanzas notables. El cambio arquitectdnico desde 10s centros ceremoniales
dominados por el chanclo de pirdmides de la cultura, Moche (100 A.C.450 D.C.), a la forma ciudadela del
Periodo lntermedio Tardio Chimu 1900-1476 D.C.), se puede ver como una resulta de una im~tacidnconsciente
del estilo prestigio imperial Wari. Este estudio demuestra que esta imitacidn es una resulta probable, no obstante
si hubo o no una invasidn Wari.

In attempting to understand the influence of one culture upon another in prehistory, archaeologists
often rely on the study of stylistic influences seen in artifact assemblages. These studies typically
are focused on portable objects such as ceramics. Another class of artifacts that has not received as
much attention, yet has the potential to reveal much information about social process, is architecture.
Certain ancient Peruvian architectural forms appear to correlate with the imperial state level of
social organization. Studies of architecture can reveal not only who built it, but also shed light on
the social organization and functioning of the society constructing it. In this paper the analysis of
architecture is applied to the interpretation of the cultural evolution of the north coast of Peru in
an attempt to demonstrate the influence of one imperial state on the formation of another.

Gordon F. McEwan, Pre-Colombian Studies, Dumbarton Oaks, 1703 32nd St. N. W., Washington, DC 20007

Latin American Antiquity, 1(2), 1990, pp. 97-1 16.

Copyright O 1990 by the Society for American Archaeology
98 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 1, No. 2, 1990

Over the past decade the Wan culture of the Peruvian Middle Horizon (ca. A.D. 540-900) has
been the focus of a great deal of archaeological research. New studies have shed light on many of
the major archaeological sites pertaining to the Wari culture. One particular result has been the
wealth of new information on Wan imperial architecture. The influence of Wan architectural forms
on the architecture of subsequent complex societies and the interpretation of the evidence of this
influence in the archaeological record has been the subject of considerable debate. This controversy
has been especially intense with respect to the architectural similarities seen by many scholars
between the architecture of the Wan empire and that of the north coastal Chimu culture of the Late
Intermediate period (ca. A.D. 900-1470). The purpose of this paper is to explore these architectural
similarities and their implications for the origins of the ciudadela architecture at Chan Chan, the
ancient Chimu capital, and the general evolution of imperial architecture in ancient Peru. Close
inspection of the two most salient examples of the two styles, the Wan site of Pikillacta and the
Ciudadela Rivero at Chan Chan, reveals some striking formal correspondences having interesting
implications for understanding the historical evolution of the city of Chan Chan. The shift from
the pre-Middle Horizon Moche pattern of pyramid-dominated ceremonial centers to the Late In-
termediate ciudadela form of the Chimu is seen as a result of conscious imitation of the model
presented by the Wan imperial style. This shift occurs concomitant with dramatic changes in social
organization either caused by or in reaction to the Middle Horizon Wan empire.
Wan imperial architecture, notable for its rigid geometry based on rectangular ground plans, is
widespread throughout the Peruvian highlands and has been characterized as a distinct architectural
horizon (Isbell and McEwan 1988:35). Buildings referable to this horizon form great rectangular
enclosure compounds believed to have served as the administrative centers and elite residences of
the Wari state (Anders 1986a; Isbell 1977, 1978; McEwan 1979, 1987; Schreiber 1978). This
architectural style seems to have appeared abruptly in the Middle Horizon and spread with the
expansion of the Wan empire. The best preserved and most elaborate of the provincial Wan centers
is Pikillacta, located near Cuzco in the southern highlands. It is the most salient example of the
Wari imperial style.
The derivation of this distinctive style remains obscure. The site of Wari, capital of the empire
in Ayacucho, exhibits many architectural enclosures of the same general style as Pikillacta and other
provincial centers, but these seem to be contemporary rather than antecedent (Isbell et al. 1988).
As Isbell has pointed out, the site of Wan has suffered such destruction and alteration since its
abandonment that it is very difficult to make sense of its plan or architectural sequence (Isbell et
al. 1988:167-169). There seem to be no obviously direct traceable antecedents at the site, though
future studies may reveal them. Other architectural traditions of Wari's formative period, both in
Ayacucho and the provinces, show little similarity to the Wan imperial style. The one exception
seems to be the architecture of the huge site of Marca Huamachuco in the north highlands, where
there are many similar elements as noted by Topic (1986). While Marca Huamachuco architecture
exhibits similarities in details of construction and wall features, it differs fundamentally in concept,
especially in terms of irregular layouts adapted to topography. The Wan style contrasts markedly
in its formal rectilinearity and resistance to topographic accommodation.
The situation regarding succeeding or descendant architectural forms derived from the Wan style
is not much clearer. In the highlands following the collapse of the Wan state there seem to have
been no major urban sites until the Inca constructed Cuzco (Rowe 1963). As Gasparini and Margolies
(1980:7) have observed, it is likely that the Inca adopted rectangular solutions from the model of
the Wan site of Pikillacta. Yet Incan Cuzco architecture is not Wari architecture. Except for the
adoption of certain ground plans and features such as the cancha form and gridded site plans, Inca
style is quite different (McEwan 1988). The large Late Intermediate period site of Choquepukio,
located adjacent to Pikillacta in the valley of Cuzco and dating to the period between the collapse
of the Wan and the rise of the Inca, also incorporates some Wan features but in the main could
not be considered to be descended directly from the Imperial Wan style that characterizes such
sites as Pikillacta. Both Cuzco and Pikillacta resemble each other far more than either resembles
Choquepukio.
On the coast, however, Late Intermediate period architecture of an urban character does exist
McEwan] WAR1 AND CHIMU IMPERIAL ARCHITECTURE 99

and it is here that we find architectural complexes that resemble the rectangular site geometries of
the imperial Wari style. The great Chimu capital of Chan Chan contains architectural monuments
most similar to the imperial Wari style of any non-Wari site in Peru. Its 10 huge rectangular
compounds no doubt served a function similar to the great Wan architectural enclosure compounds
as seats of power, prestige, and administration. Substantial architectural similarities suggest that
Wan imperial architecture, as represented by Pikillacta and other imperial Wari provincial sites,
and the Chimu imperial capital of Chan Chan both partake of the same architectural tradition.

WAR1 INFLUENCE ON NORTH COASTAL CULTURE HISTORY

Although details of the culture sequence on the north coast during the Peruvian Middle Horizon
(A.D. 540-900) remain in dispute, scholars agree that this period witnessed a number of major
events in Peruvian prehistory. The great imperial states of Wan and Tiwanaku emerged in the
central and southern highlands, while at the same time the great coastal civilizations, the Nazca on
the south coast and the Moche on the north coast, came to an end. The Nazca culture seems to
have collapsed and shortly thereafter Wari presence is seen and the area was absorbed by the
expanding Wari empire (Lumbreras 1974: 165; Menzel 1964:67-69).
In the case of the Moche, the situation is less clear. From the early days of Peruvian archaeology
until the late 1960s and early 1970s, most scholars had argued that the destruction of the Moche
polity was a result of conquest by a highland empire. Uhle's discovery of Wari ceremonial ceramics
in the Moche Huaca del Sol seems to have initiated this line of argument, and later studies appeared
to bear this out (Kroeber 1925:208-209; Uhle 1913). Willey (1953), Kosok (1965:72), and Schaedel
(1966) describe major transformations in architecture and settlement patterns contemporary with
the dissolution of the Moche polity. Rowe (1963: 13) and Lumbreras (1974: 166) noted Wari influence
in Middle Horizon architecture of the north coast. Burial position changed from extended to flexed
during this period (Mackey 1982:327, 329, 331; Moseley 1978:531). Ceramic styles also changed
dramatically; the vigorous and distinctive Moche style was abruptly replaced by new styles with
Wari influence (Collier 1955: 135; Hardoy 1968:4142; Kroeber 1925; Lanning 1967:139; Larco
Hoyle 1948:37-5 1; Stumer 1956:64-66). Finally, Schaedel (195 1) found defaced and mutilated
mural paintings in major Moche religious shrines suggesting that the old Moche artistic tradition
was eradicated deliberately. Murals done in a new style show strong Wari influence (Donnan 1972).
Taken together these changes were seen as evidence of a conquest of the north coast by the Wari
empire. It generally was considered that the Moche culture died out around A.D. 600-650 and was
succeeded by the Chimu culture around A.D. 900. The 300-year hiatus between the fall of the
Moche and the rise of the Chimu was thought by many to be a period of Wari domination. The
Chimu culture emerging after the collapse of the Wan empire was believed to have been influenced
heavily by the Wan model. Among the most salient evidence of Wari influence was the apparent
similarity between the great compounds of the Chimu capital of Chan Chan and the architecture
of the Wari empire (Coe et al. 1986: 194; Isbell 197750; Kosok 1965; Lanning 1967: 139; Lumbreras
1974: 166; Willey 1953:412-4 13).
Between 1969 and 1974 the Chan Chan-Moche Valley Project under the direction of Carol Mackey
and Michael Moseley undertook an intensive study of the Moche Valley and the old Chimu capital
at Chan Chan. All of the published reports emanating from this project have argued vigorously
against there having been a Wari occupation of the north coast. In a series of dissertations and
scholarly papers, ranging from Mackey's (1982) thoughtful discussion of alternative scenarios to
Conrad's (1974:270) adamant rejection, consideration of Wan influence on the fall of the Moche
and the rise of the Chimu has been discounted.
Many of these authors favor environmental causes for the Moche collapse. For example, envi-
ronmental perturbations resulting in altered rainfall patterns caused by or concomitant with the El
Niiio phenomenon may have placed great stress on the Moche economy and social institutions.
Sand-dune activation and tectonic up-lift also may have broken canals and destroyed agricultural
land (MacNeish et al. 1975:52-53; Moseley 1977; Shimada 1978).
The duration of the Moche culture has been extended considerably as well. Conrad (1974:14-
 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 1 , No. 2, 1990

PERU

Figure 1. Map of Peru showing locations of sites discussed in text.

16), having rejected the Wari invasion hypothesis, initially extended the Moche V period to en-
compass the entire Middle Horizon (A.D. 540-900). More recently he has modified this somewhat
and suggested that the end of the period falls around A.D. 800 (Bawden and Conrad 1982:20) or
somewhat earlier between A.D. 700-750 (Conrad 1980:79-80, 1987:33). The Moche site of Pampa
Grande has yielded radiocarbon dates as late as A.D. 700 (Shimada 1978:570-571). The Moche
occupation of Galindo is dated by Bawden (1977:403) to as late as A.D. 850. The Moche occupation
of Pacatnamu is reported to have ended as late as A.D. 1050 (Donnan 1986:22). This is seen as
greatly reducing the time span between the Moche and Chimu cultures, the presumed period of
Wan influence. Additional arguments countering the invasion hypothesis have centered on the
scarcity of Wari ceramics in the Moche Valley (Conrad 1974:259-267; Day 1973:45) and a perceived
lack of Wan iconographic influence in local pottery styles (Mackey 1982:324).
Attention also has been given to the problem of settlement pattern and architectural changes
during the Middle Horizon. The principal participants in the Chan Chan-Moche Valley Project have
concluded that Chimu architectural forms, especially the ciudadelas and other large enclosure com-
McEwan] WAR1 AND CHIMU IMPERIAL ARCHITECTURE 101

pounds, are derived directly from the preceding Moche patterns through the Middle Horizon Moche
sites of Galindo and Huaca el Dragon in a direct in situ developmental sequence (Bawden 1977:
387-388; Conrad 1974:239; Topic and Moseley 1983: 162). Several authors are quite clear on this
point. For example: "The most dogmatic yet, to my mind, vulnerable theme in Andean culture
history is that Chan Chan was built according to a plan originally conceived at Tiahuanaco or
Huari" (Day 1973:43-44). "There was no Wari invasion of the North Coast; Wari itself is not a
satisfactory source for Chimu cities, especially Chan Chan; and the Chimu cities have perfectly
good local antecedents" (Conrad 1974:270). "In its form Platform A (at Galindo) is antecedent to
the Chan Chan ciudadelas, the dwellings of the Chimu kings" (Bawden 1977:387). "Huaca Galindo
is clearly ancestral to the palaces of Chan Chan. This statement is true in both the formal and the
functional sense" (Conrad 1974:233).
In the following discussion evidence is presented that challenges the proposition of purely local
antecedents for the architecture of Chan Chan. It is not proposed to reargue the question of the
Wan invasion, but rather to suggest that whatever transpired, be it Wan invasion or Moche re-
trenchment in the face of a strong Wan threat, the great Wari and Chimu compounds derive from
the same architectural tradition. At the time that the Chan Chan-Moche Valley reports were written,
most of the major Wari sites had not yet been studied. Indeed scholars such as Bawden and Conrad
(1982:3 1-32, see also Conrad 198 1:39) dismissed the existence of the Wan empire altogether. Since
then a great amount of work on the major Wan sites has provided data that do bear directly on
these questions. Not only is there overwhelming evidence for the existence of the Wan empire in
the form of widespread distribution of artifacts, iconography, and architecture, but these data also
suggest that the construction of the ciudadelas at Chan Chan was influenced greatly by the imperial
Wari architectural style. In pursuing this argument it is necessary to turn now to a comparison of
Wari imperial architecture and the Chimu architecture of Chan Chan. A broad general comparison
is made between the three Wan sites for which complete ground plans are available and the nine
ciudadelas of Chan Chan. Specific features between the two best-preserved examples of the two
architectures in question will be compared as well.
The question of comparability of these architectural examples also must be addressed. It could
be objected that the comparison offered here is between the architecture of imperial provincial
centers of the Wari culture and the imperial capital of the Chimu culture. The comparison is valid,
however, because of the nature of the diffusion of the Wan architectural model. The fully developed
Wari architectural complex, while most probably invented and refined at the capital in Ayacucho,
was disseminated throughout the empire as a complete entity imposed as a unit by the state. These
centers were not smaller architectural replicas of the capital site, but rather seem to be specialized
function units. It is these units, as a group, that were impressed in the architectural memory (cf.
Conklin 1985:3) of the Middle Horizon Peruvian population. These Wan provincial units formed
a class of structure that would have been associated widely with the prestige of imperial adminis-
tration. They therefore form a logical model for imitation by anyone seeking to build an imperial
architecture. The Chimu may not have been copying any particular one of the Wari centers, but
more likely would have been responding to the generalized model provided by all of them.

WAR1 IMPERIAL ARCHITECTURE

Wari imperial architecture comprises a consistent and uniform style found widely throughout the
highlands of Peru in contexts dating to the Middle Horizon (Figures 1 and 2). The largest and best
known of the imperial architectural sites are the capital at the site of Wari in Ayacucho (Isbell et
al. 1988) and the presumed regional capitals of Pikillacta (McEwan 1979, 1987) in the southern
highlands and Viracocha Pampa (Topic and Topic 1983) in the northern highlands. A number of
smaller, although still architecturally impressive sites also are known. These include Wari Wilka
(Flores Espinosa 1958; McEwan 1979; Matos 1967; Shea 1969) and Azangaro (Anders 1986a, 1986b)
in the central highlands, and Jincamocco (Schreiber 1978) in the southwestern highlands. All of the
sites for which complete ground plans are known (i.e., Azangaro, Viracocha Pampa, and Pikillacta)
consist of great enclosure compounds that are divided internally into three main sectors. This basic
 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 1, No. 2, 1990

Azangaro
Viracocha Pampa

0
- Pikillacta

500 M

Figure 2. Schematic representation of the major Wari enclosure compounds.

tripartite division is augmented by an annex attached to one side in the cases of Viracocha Pampa
and Pikillacta. The three main sectors are further subdivided into various combinations of five
standard types of smaller units. Often one sector is left nearly empty of structures. The architectural
compounds tend to be aligned generally north-south. The construction and layout of all of the major
imperial sites is so similar that it is tempting to speculate that they are all the work of the same
architect or perhaps group of architects.
The one site that departs from this singular uniformity is the capital of Wari itself. There are, to
be sure, numerous structures at Wari that are in this same style, but there are also many structures
in somewhat differing styles. This is not surprising when one considers the fact that the city of Wan
grew over time through many construction phases with differing styles and architectural functions.
Some older structures were razed to make way for new ones; others were left intact and coexist with
newer styles. The city also tended to conform to the topography and appears to have grown by
accretion rather than in accordance with some master grid plan. In contrast to this situation, all of
the imperial provincial sites were imposed on well-chosen landscapes as units conforming to master
rectangular grid plans. They all appear to have been constructed in single construction efforts and
to have suffered few if any attempts at urban renewal in their histories.
Pikillacta (Figure 3), the largest of the provincial imperial architectural sites, consists of a large
rectangular enclosure measuring 630 x 745 m, built of split stone and mud mortar. The walls of
this site are constructed in both vertical and horizontal sections. The preservation of the architecture
at Pikillacta is good. Many of the walls still stand to heights of 10 m, and the entire ground plan is
clearly discernible. The interior of the main enclosure contains more than 750 structures of five
McEwan] WAR1 AND CHIMU IMPERIAL ARCHITECTURE 103

Figure 3. Ground plan of the Wari site of Pikillacta.

basic types. These five types represent an arbitrary classification based on differences in the internal
arrangement of the structures (see McEwan 1987). Functional investigations still are underway, but
residential and ceremonial functions are hypothesized for certain of these types. Flanking the main
architectural block on the north and southwest sides are two groups of smaller, empty enclosures
(Figure 4). Each of these flanking groups is about the same size as the main architectural block. The
overall orientation of the complex is slightly east of north.
The main architectural block is divided into three parts and an annex, referred to as sectors one
through four on the plans (Figure 4). The northern and central sectors (i.e., sectors 1 and 2) contain
a high concentration of rectangular buildings. The southern sector (sector 3), in contrast, consists
of a large open area in addition to a few rectangular structures. The annex (sector 4) is different
from the other three sectors in that it comprises numerous rows of small conjoined rooms with
gabled roofs and high thresholds. This sector appears to be an annex since there is some evidence
that it was built somewhat later than the rest of the site. The structures in this sector are not bonded
physically to the main architectural block, which suggests they were built in a separate effort (McEwan
1987:4243).
There are two approach avenues leading into the site from the northwest and southeast. The
avenue to the northeast is blocked and apparently never functioned as an access. The main approach
 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 1, No. 2, 1990

0
- 500 M

A D
SECTOR 1
- 3
-
8

-
-
B E
SECTOR 2 7
' 4
\ 7
---
14?
_
-
* -
K
0 8 13?
I-
SECTOR 3
W
V)

Figure 4. The division of the Pikillacta site by sectors. The central block containing sectors 1-4 corresponds
to Figure 3.

was by means of a tortuous route following the southeast avenue, which approaches the main
enclosure and then parallels the southeast side. At the junction of the north and central sectors the
avenue turns northwestward following the line of the sector boundary between sectors one and two
and finally brings the visitor to the main entrance so that one enters from a direction slightly east
of north.
Excavations undertaken by the author in 1979 and 1982 suggest that Pikillacta is a single-
component Wan site. There is no evidence of earlier architecture on this site and the site was never
reoccupied after abandonment. Architectural studies indicate that the majority of the complex, with
the possible exception of the annex and some expansion construction within sector 3, was built in
a single construction episode and that it conforms to a single master plan. Owing to the wall bonding
patterns, architectural modification would have had to be small scale in order to fit the confines of
the grid formed by the interlocking walls of the site's structures. No evidence of extensive remodeling
over the course of the site's history was encountered.
The most plausible interpretation of Pikillacta is that it was a major administrative node in the
Wari empire, probably a provincial or regional capital. This conclusion is based on several strands
of evidence. First among these is the site's strategic location, both within the local environment and
topography, but also within the imperial domain and road system. Other large Wari architectural
complexes, such as Viracocha Pampa in the north highlands (McEwan 1987:73; Schreiber 1978:
23 1-232), Azangaro in the central highlands (Anders 1986a; McEwan 1987:74), and Jincamocco
in the southwest highlands (Schreiber 1978) also are positioned so that they are interpreted as
imperial administrative centers. All of these centers share the same architectural style and planning
principles. Second, Pikillacta is the largest architectural complex to be constructed in the southern
Peruvian highlands before Inca Cuzco. Its size certainly must reflect its importance. Third, artifactual
remains, including polychrome ceramics, fine carved bone objects, bronze implements, and objects
of exotic materials such as spondylus shell and turquoise, reveal evidence of elite occupation.
Ceremonial functions have likewise been inferred for certain structures in the site based on recovered
offerings and specialized architectural forms (McEwan 1987:39-40). The picture that emerges is one
of a large imperial palace-like complex that housed the high-ranking elites concerned with state
administrative and religious activities.
McEwan] WAR1 AND CHIMU IMPERIAL ARCHITECTURE

UHLE

fl TSCHUDI

CHAYHUAC
0 300 M

Figure 5. Schematic representation of the ciudadelm of Chan Chan (after Conrad 1982:91).

CHIMU IMPERIAL ARCHITECTURE AT CHAN CHAN

The Chimu capital city of Chan Chan is located in the Moche Valley on the Peruvian north coast
(Figure 1). The nuclear area or core of this city is about six square kilometers in extent and contains
three major types of architecture. These types include (1) ciudadelas and compounds, ( 2 ) elite
compounds, and (3) small irregularly agglutinated rooms referred to by the acronym SIAR (Day
1982:SS-62).
There are nine great enclosures or ciudadelas with similar formal characteristics and one compound
that lacks many of the characteristics found in the other nine. The ciudadelas are huge rectangular
enclosures surrounded by high battered adobe walls that exhibit evidence of sectional construction.
The ciudadelas all are aligned basically north-south and six of them have a standard tripartite
internal division into sectors (Figure 5). Some of them also have associated annexes or wings. The
common pattern of interior arrangement includes a main north entrance, north sectors containing
numerous rooms of various sizes, central sectors containing more rooms and a burial platform, and
a southern sector that is largely empty. Many of the smaller rooms are built in conjoined rows, and
have high thresholds and gabled roofs. These often are referred to as storerooms because of the
absence of cultural remains inside them. Also found in these two sectors are small U-shaped
structures called audiencias that often are described as administrative structures because of their
 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 1, No. 2, 1990

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100
- - - I STORTWOUS
SCALE IN M E T E R S

WALK-IN-WELL

\
Figure 6. Ground plan of the Ciudadela Rivero (courtesy of Michael Moseley).
McEwan] WAR1 AND CHIMU IMPERIAL ARCHITECTURE 107

locations within the overall plan. In addition to the various structures there are also a number of
open courts of various sizes. The most common interpretation given to the ciudadelas is that they
were the palaces and mortuary establishments of the kings of the Chimu dynasty (Conrad 1974,
1982; Day 1973, 1982: Kolata 1978, 1982).
The second major type of architecture, the elite compounds, are found between and alongside
the ciudadelas. The architecture is of a lesser scale but still formally planned. These compounds
presumably were occupied by lower-ranking elites (Day 1982:6 1-62; Klymyshyn 1982: 1 19-143).
The third major type, the small irregularly agglutinated rooms, occur between the elite compounds
and along the western side of the site. These are assumed to have been homes of the common
people and artisans serving the upper classes residing in the other types of architecture (Day 1982:
62; Topic 1982: 145-175).
It is the large rectangular enclosure compounds or ciudadelas that most closely resemble the Wan
enclosure compounds (Figure 2). The best preserved and best studied of the compounds is Ciudadela
Rivero (Figure 6), which was the subject of a dissertation by Day (1 973). This ciudadela is also the
one that is most similar to Pikillacta.
Ciudadela Rivero is a large rectangular enclosure compound measuring approximately 385 x 185
m. The long axis runs north-south, with the ciudadela aligned slightly east of north. Attached to
the north side is an annex measuring 150 x 185 m, and on the east side is a wing measuring
approximately 50 x 315 m (Day 1982:58, Figure 3.2). The ciudadela proper is divided internally
into three main sectors. The north sector contains a large open court, an enclosure believed to be
a kitchen, small U-shaped audiencia structures, and a number of small conjoined rooms. These
small rooms are reported by Day (1973:20) to have unusual high thresholds and gabled roofs. He
interprets these as storage structures because of their small size and the absence of artifacts within
them.
The central sector has many more of these small conjoined rooms, open courts, and a kitchen
enclosure. Additionally, in the southeast comer there is a large burial platform. The southern sector
(called a conchone by Day [1982:58, Figure 3.21) is essentially empty, except for a walk-in well. The
annex and wing also contain conjoined rooms, open courts, enclosures and a U-shaped audiencia
structure.
The main enclosure of the ciudadela proper is surrounded by a pair of walls preserved to 8-9 m
in height. These walls are separated by a comdor 3-5 m wide. The inner wall is of tapia and the
outer wall is made of adobes. The walls of the ciudadela apparently were constructed in sections
that Day believes represent work units. These units are demarcated by horizontal lines of split
cobbles protruding from the wall face and by vertical cracks or joints (Day 1973:106, 109, 132-
133). Ciudadela Rivero is thought to have functioned as the palace and mortuary establishment of
one of the kings of the Chimu dynasty.

COMMON FORMAL CHARACTERISTICS BETWEEN CHAN CHAN AND

THE WAR1 PROVlNCIAL ARCHITECTURAL STYLE
The general characteristics shared by the examples of Chimu and Wan architecture under con-
sideration are the large rectangular compound format and the general north-south alignment of the
compounds. Tripartite division also seems to be a common characteristic. All three of the Wan
compounds, Azangaro, Viracocha Pampa, and Pikillacta have a basic tripartite division. Six of the
nine ciudadelas also exhibit a basic tripartite division: Gran Chimu, Velarde, Bandelier, Laberinto,
Rivero, and Tschudi.
In comparing the two architectural complexes, Pikillacta and Ciudadela Rivero, eight formal
characteristics common to both have been identified. These characteristics are highly specific and
reflect the similar concepts involved in the design and construction of the these architectural mon-
uments.
1. Basic structural concept-a large, high-walled, rectangular enclosure compound. The rectangular
enclosure is an obvious architectural solution that sooner or later occurs to everyone constructing
buildings. However, in this case the scale of the structure is what sets these enclosures apart in terms
108 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 1, No. 2, 1990

of concept. Pikillacta measures approximately 630 x 745 m and has walls that still stand 10-12 m
in height. Ciudadela Rivero measures approximately 185 x 385 m. Day (1973:89, 132) reports that
the walls still stand 8-9 m high and probably stood originally 10-12 m high.
2. Basic north-south orientation of enclosures-essentially the same for all of the Chimu ciudadelas
as well as for the major Wan compounds in the highlands (Figures 1 and 4). Both Pikillacta and
Ciudadela Rivero tend slightly east of north. Some compounds however are aligned more closely
with a true north-south line. Others tend slightly west of north. Apparently precise north-south
alignment was not considered necessary, and slight deviations were tolerated.
3. Tripartite division of internal space into sectors-both Pikillacta and Ciudadela Rivero are
divided into a north, central, and southern sector. In each the greatest concentration of structures,
and the most prestigious structures, were concentrated in the central sector. The southern sector of
each is largely empty. The concentration of prestigious structures in the central sector seems logical,
since it undoubtedly would be the safest location in terms of security.
4. Presence of annexes or wings-Pikillacta has a large annex or wing on its west side. There is
an annex attached to the north side of Ciudadela Rivero and a wing on its east side. The use of an
annex as opposed to simply enlarging the original enclosure is an extension of the concept of sectorial
division, a basic principle of organization. The division of the compound into sectors, together with
the strictly controlled access implies a high degree of social stratification and differential access to
persons of high social rank by persons of lower social rank.
5. Long tortuous entryway-Entryways eventually bring the visitor into the compound from the
north side and, after passing through a series of gates or doorways, into a rectangular reception court
(Figure 7). These patterns suggest a concern with strict control of entrance to the compound and
regulation of the manner in which one approaches the interior. The direction of approach as well
as the traveling formation of any approaching group of people is shaped by the architecture in such
a way as to minimize any threat. Ultimately one must pass almost single file through control points.
6. The presence of small conjoined rooms with high thresholds and gabled roofs-described by
Day (1973: 184-185) were found to be empty in Ciudadela Rivero, and were interpreted as store-
rooms. At Pikillacta, small structures such as this had long been called storerooms, yet excavation
revealed evidence that they had been lived in (McEwan 1987:37-39). The conjoined structures at
both sites have some remarkable similarities. Door sills in both are 70-90 cm above the floor, doors
are 90-100 cm wide, and roofs are gabled. The average size of the individual rooms at Pikillacta
is 4.5 x 5.5 m. The rooms at Ciudadela Rivero vary in size from group to group but are generally
uniform within a group. They average 2-4 meters square (Day 1982:60) and are smaller than those
at Pikillacta.
7. Sectional construction of walls-both vertical and horizontal construction sections are visible
in the walls of Pikillacta and Ciudadela Rivero. In both cases these sections are defined by vertical
cracks and horizontal rows of split cobbles that sometimes protrude out from the wall face. These
sections have been interpreted as evidence of construction by corporate labor groups of the traditional
Andean mit'a system (Day 1973:106, 109; McEwan 1987:4546, 50). What is exceptional about
these is the way that the sections are demarcated. Other cultures using mit'a labor, such as the Inca,
did not leave marks such as these.
8. Double walls enclosing passageways surrounding large portions of the compound perimeter-
these double-walled passages at both Pikillacta and Ciudadela Rivero served to control and direct
access to the compounds. In addition, they ensured a large degree of privacy, in that once in the
passageway the visitor could not be seen from the outside.
The similarity of form and construction between these two great enclosures is so striking that
they can be said to partake of the same architectural tradition. Further, these comparisons can be
extended more broadly to the other existing Wari imperial administrative compounds and ciudadelas
of Chan Chan with equally striking result. Not every element occurs in every Wari and Chimu
compound, yet the frequency of occurrence is still sufficient to sustain the comparison. The exceptions
seem to be that the small conjoined rooms occur at only two Wan sites, Pikillacta and Azangaro,
while occurring much more frequently in the Chimu ciudadelas. Further, the passageways between
the walls occur only at one Wari site and one Chimu ciudadela, Pikillacta and Ciudadela Rivero.
McEwan] WAR1 AND CHIMU IMPERIAL ARCHITECTURE

CIUDADELA RIVER0

Figure 7. Comparative diagram of the tortuous entryways of Ciudadela Rivero and Pikillacta.

One further comparison between Pikillacta and Ciudadela Rivero has interesting implications.
Initial construction of Pikillacta is dated fairly securely to the end of Middle Horizon epoch lB, ca.
A.D. 600 (McEwan 1987:42-43). The other Wan architectural compounds also date to Middle
Horizon epoch 1B or epoch 2A. The duration of the occupation at the various major Wan sites is
not well understood. At Pikillacta I estimate that the occupation continued until around A.D. 850
based on radiocarbon dates from sector four, which I believe represents the last construction episode
of the Wari occupation (McEwan 1987:43). In any event, it has been the consensus among Wari
scholars that the empire collapsed rather abruptly at the end of Middle Horizon epoch 2B, as
suggested by Menzel (1964), probably around A.D. 800-850. All of the recent sources on Chan
Chan place its construction in the Late Intermediate period, and none place it earlier than A.D.
850-900, after the collapse of the Wari empire (Bawden 1977:403; Conrad 1974: 14-16; Day 1973;
Kolata 1978: 149; Topic and Moseley 1983: 159). Given this chronological relation combined with
the eight formal architectural similarities of the two compounds, the evidence seems to suggest that
the great Wan enclosure compounds exemplified by Pikillacta were an earlier model, reasonably
close in time, strongly affecting the planning of the Chimu ciudadelas.
The founding of Chan Chan seems to have followed closely on the collapse of the Wari empire.
Questions remain, however, about the temporal proximity of the specific ciudadelas and the Wan
architectural complexes. The chronology of construction is a problem that frequently has been
addressed through a variety ofarguments. At present there are no independent means of confirmation
for any given ordering scheme. The structures within the ciudadelas are largely empty of cultural
remains such as ceramics that normally would be used to address this problem. What cultural
remains there are tend to be badly disturbed due to heavy looting and ancient cultural practices
such as systematic trash disposal. Kolata (1978:57) observes that it is extremely difficult to obtain
undisturbed ceramic samples. Furthermore, the radiocarbon dates that have been run (see Conrad
1974:738-748) all cluster so closely together that it is not possible to senate them.
Andrews (1974) relied on a seriation of the audiencia structures found in the ciudadelas for his
chronology (Table 1). The main objection to this chronology is that it is impossible to tell which
end of the seriation is earlier. Further, as Day (1973:262) notes, the differences may be functional
rather than temporal.
Day (1 973:262-269) proposes a rather subjective chronological sequence for the ciudadelas an-
chored on the early end by Ciudadela Rivero because it is the most complete, most remodeled, and
one of the least symmetrical of the ciudadelas (Table 1). The late end of his sequence is anchored
by Ciudadela Laberinto since it lacks a burial platform, is the least complete, least remodeled, and
the most formally organized of the ciudadelas. All of the others are fit into the sequence based on
 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 1, No. 2, 1990

Table 1. Various Interpretations of the Chronological Ordering of the Ciudadelas of Chan Chan.
- -

Topic and
Day Andrews Conrad Conrad Kolata Moseley
1973 1974 1974 1982 1978 1983

early Rivero Chayhuac Chayhuac Chayhuac Chayhuac Tello

Tschudi Tschudi Tschudi Uhle Uhle Uhle
Bandelier Rivero Rivero Gran Chimu Tello Chayhuac
Chayhuac Velarde Bandelier Velarde Laberinto Laberinto
Uhle Bandelier Laberinto Squier ? Gran Chirnu Gran Chirnu
Gran Chimu Laberinto Velarde Bandelier-Laberinto Squier Velarde
Velarde Tello Uhle Squier ? Velarde Bandelier
Laberinto Uhle Gran Chimu Tschudi-Rivero Bandelier Rivero
Squier Squier Tschudi Tschudi
Rivero Squier
late

their variations in the same criteria. Day concedes that their exact order is problematical but feels
basically confident of the two end points.
Conrad (1974:55, 1982: 10 1, 109) has devised two separate chronologies (Table 1). The earlier of
these was based on a subjective seriation of the burial platforms predicated on the assumption that
these platforms represent the tombs of the Chimu kings and therefore necessarily would be con-
structed one at a time. Again the direction of the seriation is problematical. Somewhat later, Conrad
reformulated his seriation presumably to bring it into closer accord with Kolata's sequence of
construction. The discrepancies between Conrad's burial platform sequence and Kolata's compound
sequence, and his correlation between the platforms and compounds have been criticized sharply
by Paulsen (198 1:33) who points out that there are not equal numbers of compounds and platforms.
Kolata's (l978:54-166) sequence of construction is based on a seriation of the adobe bricks used
in construction of the ciudadelas (Table 1). He has studied 12,000 bricks and identified three basic
types. He believes that the differences between the brick types is a function of change through time
and that the structures of Chan Chan consequently can be dated by the brick type used to construct
them. He further argues that the construction sequence indicated by the brick seriation is confirmed
by Andrews's (1974) sequence based on the audiencia seriation.
There are, nevertheless, problems with dating the ciudadelas by this method. Kolata does not
deal with possible alternative interpretations of the brick data. It seems equally probable that the
differences in brick form could represent cultural differences among the workmen engaged in the
construction. Workmen may have been drafted from diverse areas of the Chimu state to perform
their labor service making bricks. Since the bricks ultimately were to be plastered over after being
laid in a wall, their form would not in the end be visible and therefore may have been irrelevant
to the Chimu. Recent brick studies at the Chimu site of Pacatnamu in the Jequetepeque Valley
indicate that brick forms vary both temporally and culturally (McClelland 1987:27-46). Furthermore,
the previously mentioned problems with Andrews's seriation of the audiencia structures drastically
limit its utility in confirming Kolata's sequence. Finally, there is the question of whether 12,000
bricks represents a significant sample of the universe of bricks at such an enormous site as Chan
Chan. It is noteworthy that attempts to correlate Chimu architecture outside of Chan Chan with
this brick sequence have not been very successful, leading Keatinge and Conrad (1983:274) to
suggest that each coastal valley may have its own sequence.
More recently Topic and Moseley (1983:153-182) have used Topic's chronology of the small
irregularly agglutinated rooms (SIAR) to order the ciudadelas (Table 1). The SIAR chronology is
used together with architectural attributes of the ciudadelas to construct a five-phase developmental
scheme that essentially orders the architecture from simple to complex. This scheme relies in part
on Kolata's brick seriation and produced results that are for the most part consistent with Kolata's
architectural sequence. While this effort produces a plausible sequence of social and architectural
development for Chan Chan, it still suffers from the lack of an independent means of confirmation.
 WAR1 AND CHIMU IMPERIAL ARCHITECTURE 111

PLATFORM A

Figure 8. Plan of platform A complex at Galindo. Isometric projection (after Bawden 1977:63).

The correlation with the problematic brick seriation does not significantly increase confidence in
this architectural sequence.
Beyond the question of simple chronological ordering are other pertinent issues. These include
questions about duration of occupation for any given ciudadela, the sequence and extent of re-
modeling, and the question of expansion through time. The data presently available are not sufficient
to address these questions satisfactorily. The uncertainty of the precise chronology of Chan Chan,
however, does not affect the arguments made in support of its being inspired by the Wari model.
All of the ciudadelas, regardless of their chronological order, show some Wari influences.
In order to sustain the hypothesis of a Wari architectural model influencing Chan Chan, it is
necessary to explore the alternative scenario of purely local antecedents for Chan Chan within the
Moche Valley. Both Bawden (1977) and Conrad (1974) have argued strongly for the proposition
that the antecedents of the ciudadelas of Chan Chan are local within the Moche Valley. Kolata
(1978: 145) also has supported this view. They have focused their arguments on the evidence from
the site of Galindo in the Moche Valley, a Middle Horizon site ascribed to the Moche culture by
Bawden (1977). The architecture of Galindo is quite different from traditional Moche architecture.
Platform mounds seem to be less important and a new small rectangular architectural form called
the cercadura appears at this site. There are also rectangular enclosures that, he points out, have a
long history on the north coast. These elements all come together in a particular structure-Platform
A (Figure 8)-that he believes is the ancestor of the Chan Chan ciudadelas (Bawden 1977:387-408).
Conrad derives the cudadelas from Galindo on the basis of four formal characteristics that he
believes are shared between six of the ciudadelas and the Huaca Galindo:
1.) Both the Huaca (Galindo) and the palaces (Chayhuac, Tschudi, Rivero, Bandelier, Velarde, and Gran
Chimu) take the general form of large, rectilinear, internally subdivided compounds with a platform mound
at the back end. 2.) The platform is located in a separate subdivision of the compound. 3.) Access to the
platform is tortuous. 4.) The main ramp system of the mound of Huaca Galindo is an early version of the
112 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 1, No. 2, 1990

switch back system typical of the burial platforms of all the above named places except Bandelier [Conrad
1974:218-2331.
Neither of these approaches to deriving Chan Chan from Galindo seems particularly persuasive.
Rectangular enclosures are found on the north coast before the Middle Horizon, but the salient
point regarding enclosure compounds is the difference in scale, both vertical and horizontal, between
Chimu ciudadelas and Wari compounds on the one hand, and the earlier Moche enclosures on the
other. Conklin (1985) has noted how different Chan Chan is from other large Chimu imperial sites
such as Pacatnamu. He indicates that Pacatnamu clearly grows out of the old Moche architectural
tradition whereas Chan Chan seems to represent more of a break with that tradition and seems to
be something new. Conrad's formal characteristics primarily deal with the burial platform. He may
well be correct in arguing that there are antecedents for the Chan Chan burial platforms at Galindo,
but this is largely irrelevant to the issue of the derivation of the compounds. The burial platforms
and ciudadela compounds probably are derived independently. The much larger number of formal
similarities between Chan Chan and the Wan compounds, especially between Pikillacta and Ciu-
dadela Rivero, make a much more persuasive case for Wari architecture as the antecedent model
rather than Galindo. The Chimu ciudadelas seem to be local north-coastal interpretations of the
Wari architectural style. As such, there predictably are going to be strong elements derived from
the local tradition, such as the burial platforms, incorporated into the compounds. There also will
be differences between the W a n and Chimu compounds that probably reflect different cultural
patterns. One striking difference is the apparent absence of the influence of the five basic Wari
structures types in the Chimu compounds. These types, mostly composed of long gallery-like struc-
tures arranged around open patios, probably were related specifically to Wari social organization,
which is presumably different from that of the Chimu. The ciudadelas are essentially the Chimu
kings' interpretation of a prestige style, that of Wari imperial architecture.
This hypothesis is not contingent on a Wari invasion of the north coast, though such an invasion
cannot be discounted completely. Regardless of what course the earlier political history of the north
coast followed, what we see reflected in Chan Chan is an ascendant empire, the Chimu, incorporating
elements of the prestige style associated with an earlier empire, the Wari, already in decline. This
is similar to the incorporation of Tiwanaku architectural elements into the imperial architecture of
the Inca (Gasparini and Margolies 1980:14).

CONCLUSIONS
The culture history of the north coast during the Middle Horizon remains controversial. The
highly polarized debate regarding the causes of the demise of the Moche polity and the development
of the succeeding Chimu empire is not amenable to definitive solution given present data. Never-
theless recent years have witnessed the publication of results of the Moche Valley-Chan Chan Project
and the production of a number of dissertations on both Chimu and Wan sites. The data base is
vastly broader than before, and it is now necessary to broaden the scope of the debate beyond a
simple affirmation or negation of the Wan invasion hypothesis. The picture of the Middle Horizon
now emerging is much more complex than the traditional view of Wan as an all-encompassing
conquest state.
Although the evidence from both the north coastal valleys and the northern sierra is extremely
confusing (cf. Topic 1985), Middle Horizon architecture appears to reflect a trend toward increasing
secularization (Bawden 1977). This is evident in the shift away from dedicating monumental ar-
chitecture to religious purposes toward a tendency to devote monumental structures to those at the
apex of secular power. The ultimate tangible manifestations are of course the palace compounds or
ciudadelas of Chan Chan. Schaedel(1966) links secularization with urbanism and the Wari conquest
in his model of the north coastal Middle Horizon hillside town. Others describe the process as a
long-term local development (Bawden 1977; Conrad 1974; Day 1973; Kolata 1978).
The evidence presented in this paper suggests that the ciudadela compounds are inspired by the
architecture of the Wan empire. Wan architectural influence is considerable and can be considered
as an issue independent of the Wari invasion debate. Whether or not one subscribes to the Wan
McEwan] WAR1 AND CHIMU IMPERIAL ARCHITECTURE 113

invasion scenario, Chan Chan resembles Wari architecture more closely than its alternative pur-
ported local antecedent at Galindo. The question that remains then is how this came about. An
alternative scenario of how this architectural influence might have been transmitted in the absence
of an outright conquest of the north coast through Wari invasion is discussed below.
The key to the secularization process that resulted in the ultimate construction of both the
ciudadelas of Chan Chan and the compounds of the Wari imperial architectural style lies in the
development of energy-averaging techniques on the state level. Isbell (1 978) has postulated that the
Wari expansion was driven by a selective advantage that derived from the development of spatial
and temporal energy-averaging techniques. These techniques include the exploitation of contrastive
ecological niches and the development of large-scale storage facilities. He also has applied this
argument to the Chimu, pointing out the relative ecological independence of each of the north
coastal valleys (Isbell 198 1:28). Through their expansion into other north coastal valleys, the Moche
eventually acquired a number of relatively independent ecosystems. Through energy-averaging
techniques, the Moche rulers began to be able to deal more or less effectively with problems that
previously had been dependent totally on divine providence. This is particularly important in view
of the environmental perturbations that seem to have been affecting the north coast at this time.
The power of the Moche religious establishment consequently began to decline and secular authority
increased in prestige. Bawden's (1977) evidence from Galindo seems to support this scenario. He
detects the first appearance of Moche state storage facilities, a decline in importance in religious
architecture, and the introduction of new, secular architectural forms. Clearly secular authority was
on the rise.
Meanwhile the Wari also had undergone a secularization process and had launched an imperial
expansion. Throughout their empire the Wari constructed great enclosure compounds in the Wari
imperial style. The Wari empire expanded up the coast and the Moche withdrew from the valleys
in their southern temtories either because of local attempts to eject them as Bawden (1977:401-
405) suggests or because of Wari pressure. The Wari then politically dominated the southern valleys
of the Moche domain until the Wari empire collapsed sometime between A.D. 800-900. Whether
or not the Wari ever dominated the northern valleys of the Moche domain, they clearly seem to
have approached and had an impact on the Moche polity.
That the north coast secular elite emerged from the Middle Horizon in a dominant political
position relative to the old religious elite is suggested by the Galindo evidence. The monumental
architecture that they constructed now served secular functions for the ruling class, though no doubt
with a veneer of divine sanction. As a new north coast empire was coming into being, the rulers
looked to the Wari model for prestige architecture. There was no previous tradition of prestige
secular architecture on the north coast, and the Wan compounds were recognized widely throughout
Peru as a style associated with empire. This style was adopted only for the apex of the north coastal
society, the new imperial elite of the Chimu empire. Thus the Wari influence seen in the Chimu
imperial architecture is a result of an attempt on the part of the Chimu governing elite to legitimize
and enhance their imperial prestige by adopting the only previously existing imperial style for their
capital. Whether or not the Wari conquered the north coast, the Wari style would have been known
widely throughout ancient Peru as the prestige style associated with empire. The Chimu kings
undoubtedly would have wished to associate themselves with this style as a statement of their
legitimacy and power. Regardless of the position from which one views the political events of the
Middle Horizon on the north coast, it is evident that the architectural style of the first widespread
empire in Precolombian Peru had a profound influence on the architecture of succeeding complex
societies.

Acknowledgments. The author would like to express thanks to the following individuals who kindly read
and made numerous and often detailed comments on various drafts ofthis paper: David Browman of Washington
University, Geoff Conrad of Indiana University, William Conklin of the Institute of Andean Studies, Alana
Cordy-Collins of the University of San Diego, Bruce Dickson of Texas A&M University, Christopher Donnan
of the University of California at Los Angeles, Michael Moseley of the University of Florida, Richard Schaedel
of the University of Texas, Kathy Schreiber of the University of California at Santa Barbara, Rebecca Stone of
Emory University, John Topic of Trent University, and Gordon Willey of Haward University. Michael Moseley
114 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 1, No. 2, 1990

kindly provided the ground plan of Ciudadela Rivero. I greatly appreciate all of their helpful comments and
suggestions, though the responsibility for any shortcomings of this work is mine alone.

REFERENCES CITED
Anders, M.
1986a Dual Organization and Calendars Inferred from the Planned Site of Azangaro: Wari Administrative
Strategies. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, Cornell University, lthaca.
1986b Wari Experiments in Statecraft: A View from Azangaro. In Andean Archaeology: Papers in Memory
of Cllfford Evans, edited by R. Matos, S. Turpin, and H. Eling, pp. 20 1-224. Monograph XXVII. Institute
of Archaeology, University of California, Los Angeles.
Andrews, A.
1974 The U-shaped structures at Chan Chan Peru. Journal of Field Archaeology 1:241-264.
Bawden, G.
1977 Galindo and the Nature of the Middle Horizon in Northern Coastal Peru. Unpublished Ph.D. disser-
tation, Department of Anthropology, Harvard University, Cambridge.
Bawden, G., and G. Conrad
1982 The Andean Heritage. Peabody Museum Press, Cambridge.
Coe, M., D. Snow, and E. Benson
1986 Atlas of Ancient America. Facts on File Publications, New York.
Collier, D.
1955 Cultural Chronology and Change as Reflected in the Ceramics of the Viru Valley, Peru. Fieldiana
Anthropology Vol. 43. Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago.
Conklin, W.
1985 Dynastic Architecture of the Chimu: Memory, Function, and Image. Paper presented at the Dumbarton
Oaks Conference on The Northern Dynasties: Kingship and Statecraft in Chimor, Washington, D.C.
Conrad, G.
1974 Burial Platforms and Related Structures on the North Coast of Peru: Some Social and Political Impli-
cations. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, Haward University, Cambridge.
1980 The Central Andes (Peru-Bolivia). Ms. in possession of author.
1981 Cultural Materialism, Split Inheritance, and the Expansion of Ancient Peruvian Empires. American
Antiquity 46:3-26.
1982 The Burial Platforms of Chan Chan: Some Social and Political Implications. In Chan Chan: Andean
Desert City, edited by M. E. Moseley and K. C. Day, pp. 87-1 17. School of American Research Advanced
Seminar Series, D. W. Schwartz, general editor. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque.
1987 Pre-Colombian Cultures. In Latin America: Perspectives on a Region, edited by J. W. Hopkins, pp.
19-38. Holmes and Meier, New York.
Day, K.
1973 Architecture of Ciudadela Rivero, Chan Chan, Peru. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of
Anthropology, Haward University, Cambridge.
1982 Ciudadelas: Their Form and Function. In Chan Chan: Andean Desert City, edited by M. E. Moseley
and K. C. Day, pp. 55-66. School of American Research Advanced Seminar Series, D. W. Schwartz, general
editor. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque.
Donnan, C.
1972 Moche-Huari Murals from Northern Peru. Archaeology 25(2):85-95.
1986 Introduction to The Pacatnamu Papers. In The Pacatnamu Papers, vol. 1, edited by C. B. Donnan
and G. A. Cock, pp. 19-26. Museum of Cultural History, University of California, Los Angeles.
Flores Espinosa, I.
1958 El sitio arqueologico de Wan-Wilka, Huancayo. In Actas y Trabajos del I1 Congreso Nacional de
Hlstoria del Peru, vol. I, pp. 177-186. Centro de Estudios Historicos-Militares del Peru, Lima.
Gasparini, G., and L. Margolies
1980 Inca Architecture. Translated by P. Lyon. Indiana University Press, Bloomington.
Hardoy, J.
1968 Urban Planning In Pre-Colombian America. George Braziller, New York.
Isbell, W.
1977 The Rural Foundation for Urbanism. Economic and Stylistic Interaction Between Urban and Rural
Communities in Eighth Century Peru. Illinois Studies in Anthropology No. 10. University of Illinois Press,
Urbana.
1978 Environmental Perturbations and the Origin of the Andean State. In Social Archaeology: Beyond
Subsistence and Dating, edited by L. Redman, M. J. Berman, E. V. Curtin, W. T. Langhorne, Jr., N. M.
Versaggi, and J. C. Wanser, pp. 303-3 13. Academic Press, New York.
1981 Comment on Conrad. American Antiquity 46:27-30.
Isbell, W., C. Brewster-Wray, and L. Spickard
1988 Architecture and Spatial Organization at Huari. In Huari Political Organization: Prehistoric Monu-
McEwan] WAR1 AND CHIMU IMPERIAL ARCHITECTURE 115

mental Architecture and State Government. A Round Table Held At Dumbarton Oaks, May 17-19, 1985,
edited by W. H. Isbell and G. F. McEwan. Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C., in press.
Isbell, W., and G. McEwan
1988 A History of Huari Studies and Introduction to Current Interpretations. In Huari Political Organization:
Prehistoric Monumental Architecture and State Government. A Round Table Held At Dumbarton Oaks, May
17-19, 1985, edited by W. H. Isbell and G. F. McEwan. Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C., in press.
Keatinge, R., and G. Conrad
1983 Imperial Expansion in Peruvian Prehistory: Chimu Administration of a Conquered Temtory. Journal
of Field Archaeology 10:255-283.
Klymyshyn, A.
1982 Elite Compounds in Chan Chan. In Chan Chan: Andean Desert City, edited by M. E. Moseley and
K. C. Day, pp. 119-143. School of American Research Advanced Seminar Series, D. W. Schwartz, general
editor. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque.
Kolata, A.
1978 Chan Chan: The Form of the City in Time. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthro-
pology, Harvard University, Cambridge.
1982 Chronology and Settlement Growth at Chan Chan. In Chan Chan: Andean Desert City, edited by
M. E. Moseley and K. C. Day, pp. 67-85. School of American Research Advanced Seminar Series, D. W.
Schwartz, general editor. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque.
Kosok, P.
1965 Life. Land, and Water in Ancient Peru. Long Island University Press, New York.
Kroeber, A.
1925 The Uhle Pottery Collection from Moche. University ofCalifornia Publications in American Archaeology
and Ethnology 21(5): 19 1-234. University of California Press, Berkeley.
Lanning, E.
1967 Peru Before the Incas. Prentice Hall, Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey.
Larco Hoyle, R.
1948 Cronologia arqueolbgzca del norte del Perk Sociedad Geografica Americana, Buenos Aires, Argentina.
Lumbreras, L.
1974 The Peoples and Cultures ofAncient Peru. Translated by B. J. Meggers. Smithsonian Institution Press,
Washington, D.C.
Mackey, C.
1982 The Middle Horizon as Viewed from the Moche Valley. In Chan Chan: Andean Desert City, edited
by M. E. Moseley and K. C. Day, pp. 321-33 1. School of American Research Advanced Seminar Series,
D. W. Schwartz, general editor. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque.
MacNeish, R., T. Patterson, and D. Browman
1975 The Central Peruvian Prehistoric Interaction Sphere. Papers of the Robert S. Peabody Foundation for
Archaeology Vol. 7. Andover, Massachusetts.
Matos M., R.
1967 Wariwilca: Templo prehispanico en el valle del Mantaro. Americas 19(1):10-1 6.
McClelland, D.
1987 Brick Seriation at Pacatnamu. In The Pacatnamu Papers, vol. 1, edited by C. B. Donnan and G. A.
Cock, pp. 27-46. Museum of Cultural History, University of California, Los Angeles.
McEwan, G.
1979 Principles of Wari Settlement Planning. Unpublished Master's thesis, University of Texas, Austin.
1987 The Middle Horizon in the Valley of Cuzco, Peru: The Impact of the Wari Occupation of Pikillacta in
the Lucre Basin. BAR International Series 372. British Archaeologcal Reports, Oxford.
1988 The Origin of the Cancha Architectural Form in Imperial Inca Architecture. Ms. in possession of
author.
Menzel, D.
1964 Style and Time in the Middle Horizon. fiawpa Pacha 2:l-105.
Moseley, M.
1977 The Development of Urbanism in the Moche Valley, Peru: Challenging the Invasion-Urbanism Axiom.
Ms. in possession of author.
1978 Evolution of Andean Civilization. In Ancient Native Americans, edited by J. D. Jennings, pp. 491-
54 1. W. H. Freeman, San Francisco.
Paulsen, A.
1981 The Archaeology of the Absurd: Comments on "Cultural Materialism, Split Inheritance, and the
Expansion of Ancient Peruvian Empires." American Antiquity 46:3 1-37.
Rowe, J.
1963 Urban Settlements in Ancient Peru. flawpa Pacha 1:l-27.
Schaedel, R.
195 1 Mochica Murals at Paiiamarca. Archaeology 4: 145-1 54.
1966 Incipient Urbanization and Secularization in Tiahuanacoid Peru. American Antiquity 31:338-344.
116 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 1, No. 2, 19901

Schreiber, K.
1978 Planned Architecture of Middle Horizon Peru: Implications for Social and Political Organization.
Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, State University of New York, Binghamton.
Shea, D.
1969 Wari- Wilka: A Central Andean Oracle Site. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthro-
pology, University of Wisconsin, Madison.
Shimada, I.
1978 Economy of a Prehistoric Urban Context: Commodity and Labor Flow at Moche V Pampa Grande,
Peru. American Antiquity 43569-592.
Stumer, L.
1956 Develo~mentof Peruvian Coastal Tiahuanaco Styles. American Antiquity 22:59-68.
Topic, J.
1986 A Sequence of Monumental Architecture from Huamachuco. In Perspectives on Andean Prehistory and
Protohistory, edited by D. H. Sandweiss and D. P. Kvietok, pp. 63-84. Latin American Studies Program,
Cornell University, Ithaca.
1982 Lower Class Social and Economic Organization at Chan Chan. In Chan Chan: Andean Desert City,
edited by M. E. Moseley and K. C. Day, pp. 145-175. School of American Research Advanced Seminar
Series, D. W. Schwartz, general editor. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque.
Topic, J., and M. Moseley
1983 Chan Chan: A Case Study of Urban Change in Peru. fiawpa Pacha 21:153-182.
Topic, J., and T. Topic
1983 Huamachuco Archaeological Project: Preliminary Report on the Second Season, June-August 1982.
Trent University, Peterborough,
- Ontario.
Topic, T.
1985 The Middle Horizon in Northern Peru. In Huari Political Oraanization: Prehistoric Monumental
Architecture and State Government. A Round Table Held At urn bar ton Oaks, May 17-19, 1985, edited
by W. H. Isbell and G. F. McEwan. Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C., in press.
Uhle, M.
1913 Die Ruinen von Moche. Journal de la Sociktk des Amkricanistes 10:95-117.
Willey, G.
1953 Pre-HistoricSettlement Patterns in the Viru Valley, Peru. Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 155.
Washington, D.C.

Received November 13, 1989; accepted February 6, 1990

http://www.jstor.org

LINKED CITATIONS
- Page 1 of 2 -

You have printed the following article:

Some Formal Correspondences between the Imperial Architecture of the Wari and Chimu
Cultures of Ancient Peru
Gordon F. McEwan
Latin American Antiquity, Vol. 1, No. 2. (Jun., 1990), pp. 97-116.
Stable URL:
http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=1045-6635%28199006%291%3A2%3C97%3ASFCBTI%3E2.0.CO%3B2-1

This article references the following linked citations. If you are trying to access articles from an
off-campus location, you may be required to first logon via your library web site to access JSTOR. Please
visit your library's website or contact a librarian to learn about options for remote access to JSTOR.

References Cited

The U-Shaped Structures at Chan Chan, Peru

Anthony P. Andrews
Journal of Field Archaeology, Vol. 1, No. 3/4. (1974), pp. 241-264.
Stable URL:
http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0093-4690%281974%291%3A3%2F4%3C241%3ATUSACC%3E2.0.CO%3B2-L

Cultural Materialism, Split Inheritance, and the Expansion of Ancient Peruvian Empires
Geoffrey W. Conrad
American Antiquity, Vol. 46, No. 1. (Jan., 1981), pp. 3-26.
Stable URL:
http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0002-7316%28198101%2946%3A1%3C3%3ACMSIAT%3E2.0.CO%3B2-2

Comment on Conrad
William H. Isbell
American Antiquity, Vol. 46, No. 1. (Jan., 1981), pp. 27-30.
Stable URL:
http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0002-7316%28198101%2946%3A1%3C27%3ACOC%3E2.0.CO%3B2-U
http://www.jstor.org

LINKED CITATIONS
- Page 2 of 2 -

Imperialist Expansion in Peruvian Prehistory: Chimu Administration of a Conquered

Territory
Richard W. Keatinge; Geoffrey W. Conrad
Journal of Field Archaeology, Vol. 10, No. 3. (Autumn, 1983), pp. 255-283.
Stable URL:
http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0093-4690%28198323%2910%3A3%3C255%3AIEIPPC%3E2.0.CO%3B2-1

The Archaeology of the Absurd: Comments on "Cultural Materialism, Split Inheritance, and
the Expansion of Ancient Peruvian Empires"
Allison C. Paulsen
American Antiquity, Vol. 46, No. 1. (Jan., 1981), pp. 31-37.
Stable URL:
http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0002-7316%28198101%2946%3A1%3C31%3ATAOTAC%3E2.0.CO%3B2-Y

Incipient Urbanization and Secularization in Tiahuanacoid Peru

R. P. Schaedel
American Antiquity, Vol. 31, No. 3, Part 1. (Jan., 1966), pp. 338-344.
Stable URL:
http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0002-7316%28196601%2931%3A3%3C338%3AIUASIT%3E2.0.CO%3B2-2

Economy of a Prehistoric Urban Context: Commodity and Labor Flow at Moche V Pampa
Grande, Peru
Izumi Shimada
American Antiquity, Vol. 43, No. 4. (Oct., 1978), pp. 569-592.
Stable URL:
http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0002-7316%28197810%2943%3A4%3C569%3AEOAPUC%3E2.0.CO%3B2-C

Development of Peruvian Coastal Tiahuanacoid Styles

Louis M. Stumer
American Antiquity, Vol. 22, No. 1. (Jul., 1956), pp. 59-69.
Stable URL:
http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0002-7316%28195607%2922%3A1%3C59%3ADOPCTS%3E2.0.CO%3B2-Q