Professional Documents
Culture Documents
The NGO schools, although they can have a dramatic impact on the lives of children they do enroll, are so few that
they can, like madrassahs, be ignored in an analysis of the crisis in education — their contribution cannot scale to
affect the overall quality of education in the country. For example, The Citizens Foundation, considered the most
prominent of the NGO school systems, after being in existence for over 25 years now operates around 1,700 schools
and enrolls around 266,000 students. Place that in the context of the number of out-of-school children in the country
which is over 20 million. Given the above observations, it is the premise of this set of essays that if we continue along
the same lines — relying on governments, expecting low-fee private schools to provide better education, believing
NGOs can reach meaningful scale — we would never get to grips with the "crisis of education" in the country. But
there is a yet more serious dimension of the "crisis in education." What have been enumerated above are only its
symptoms.
Governments, expecting low-fee private schools to provide better education, believing NGOs can reach meaningful
scale — we would never get to grips with the "crisis of education" in the country. But there is a yet more serious
dimension of the "crisis in education." What have been enumerated above are only its symptoms. The real question to
consider is the following: Why is the country in this crisis in the first place? In order to investigate this puzzle, this
book takes a radically different approach and turns the dominant framework on its head. It begins by posing a leading
question: Why haven't governments done anything meaningful in education for 75 years while presiding collectively
over a virtually continuous decline in its overall quality?
These essays argue forcefully that education is not simply a "technical" problem for which experts can provide optimal
designs to eager governments desperately waiting for good ideas to implement. Rather, it assumes that governments
know precisely what they are doing and tries to figure out why, and for what reasons, they continue to reject the good
advice form a whole host of donor agencies, think tanks, and commissions which governments often set up and fund
themselves.
The essays ask what stands in the way of providing "better" education when no one can be expected to oppose the
same for the children of Pakistan. What is stopping governments from improving education in such a scenario? They
also ask a complementary and related question: Why do parents evince so little concern about the quality of education
being imparted to their children in return for the money they are spending on it?
The argument being offered for consideration is that the quality of education "given" to people is a political choice of
the government, not a matter of the fate of the people. It also opens the question of whether the idea of a "good"
education is unambiguous? Good for whom? A bit of history should remove any illusions about this issue. It is well
documented that at one time plantation owners in the southern states of the USA made the political choice that no
education was to be "given" to slaves; in fact, attempts to do so were declared a crime under the law. The Taliban in
Afghanistan have made the political choice that "giving" education to girls is of very low priority and to be eschewed
completely were it not for external pressures. In the 1980s, the American government decided that a "good" education
for students in Pakistani madrassahs was to be based on a jihadi curriculum. Imran Khan believes that a good
education consists largely of memorising the Quran while the French believe that it requires keeping God out of
schools.
There has always been a political struggle over who gets educated and receives what kind of education. The notion
that someone has the welfare of the entire nation at heart is a myth that needs to be dispelled. Many Pakistanis consider
the Kargil invasion a "mistake" because it was bad for the country. But it was very good for General Musharraf and
his associates who got to rule an entire country of 200 million for ten years because of it.
I hope to provide a framework in which concerned citizens can look at the crisis in education in a new perspective. In
order to develop this perspective, these essays begin with the ig picture, articulating first the nature of power and then
situating education and its role in a political and historical context. They elaborate its economic dimensions and its
relation to other aspects of society. Finally, within this context, -_hey suggest the limits of reform and what might still