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Journal of Gerontological Social Work

ISSN: 0163-4372 (Print) 1540-4048 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/wger20

Describing reasons for loneliness among older


people in Nigeria

Blessing Ugochi Ojembe & Michael Ebe Kalu

To cite this article: Blessing Ugochi Ojembe & Michael Ebe Kalu (2018) Describing reasons for
loneliness among older people in Nigeria, Journal of Gerontological Social Work, 61:6, 640-658,
DOI: 10.1080/01634372.2018.1487495

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/01634372.2018.1487495

Published online: 19 Jun 2018.

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JOURNAL OF GERONTOLOGICAL SOCIAL WORK
2018, VOL. 61, NO. 6, 640–658
https://doi.org/10.1080/01634372.2018.1487495

Describing reasons for loneliness among older people in


Nigeria
a
Blessing Ugochi Ojembe and Michael Ebe Kalub
a
Centre for Research on Ageing, University of Southampton, Southampton, United Kingdom.; bSchool
of Rehabilitation Science, McMasters University, Hamilton, ON, Canada,

ABSTRACT ARTICLE HISTORY


The rural-urban migration of family members often leads to a Received 8 January 2018
higher probability of older people living alone, and minimizes Accepted 7 June 2018
family/social networks, which increases old age loneliness. In KEYWORDS
this study, we describe the existence of loneliness among Ageing; thematic analysis;
older adults in Nigeria and its factors, aiming to inform the loneliness; sub-Saharan
development of interventions for reducing old age loneliness. Africa
We adopted a descriptive phenomenological approach to the
qualitative design, purposefully selecting and conducting face-
to-face interviews with 12 older adults aged 58–88. We analyzed
the data using a Thematic Analysis. Results of the analysis
revealed three major themes: perception and existence of lone-
liness, factors for loneliness, and context-dependent coping strate-
gies. We described results based on the theory of interactionist
perspectives of loneliness and drew policy implications from
this. Participants drew interesting associations between loneli-
ness, decreasing family/social networks, recent family ties struc-
tures, disability-associated ageing, and lack of social programs,
and suggested context-dependent coping strategies to reduce
loneliness.

Introduction
There are multiple challenges associated with the process of aging in older
adults, and one of those challenges is the issue of loneliness (Chen & Schulz,
2016). Loneliness is a major concern of older people as they age because of its
impact on their mental, physical (Coyle & Dugan, 2012; Dahlberg,
Andersson, McKee, & Lennartsson, 2015; DiNapoli, Wu & Scogin, 2014),
emotional, and spiritual health (Donaldson & Watson, 1996). Loneliness is
described as feeling lonely (Fokkema & Knipscheer, 2007) or being alone,
which is seen as time spent alone or living alone (Victor, Scambler, Bond, &
Bowling, 2000), and has been conceptualized into emotional and social
loneliness (Weiss, 1973). An older adult is said to be experiencing social
loneliness when his/her level of social interaction and engagement is below

CONTACT Michael Ebe Kalu kalum@mcmaster.ca School of Rehabilitation Science, McMasters University,
Hamilton, ON, Canada
Present address: Ojembe, Blessing Ugochi, Hands-on Preferred Medicare Services Limited, #7 New heaven Street off
Elijiji Road, Woji, Port Harcourt, Rivers State, Nigeria
© 2018 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
JOURNAL OF GERONTOLOGICAL SOCIAL WORK 641

expectations (Peplau & Pearlman, 1982; Victor, Scambler, Martson, Bond &
Bowling, 2006), whereas emotional loneliness arises when older adults feel
that their existing relationships are not sufficiently meaningful or that there
is “something missing” (Fokkema & Knipscheer, 2007, p. 497). In times of
loneliness, these individuals experience feelings of emptiness and intense
longing for loved ones or acceptance (Roos & Klopper, 2010). Some authors
argue that when older persons live alone or are alone, it does not necessarily
mean that they are lonely: rather that the prolonged act of living alone could
be a strong predictor for loneliness (Grenade & Boldy, 2008; Routasalo &
Pitkala, 2003). Furthermore, loneliness in older adults is associated with
other risk factors including, but not limited to, age, gender, living arrange-
ments, marital status, and a reduced social network. For instance, widowed
females aged 80 and above may feel lonelier than those younger than 80
(Dykstra, 2009; Jylhä & Saarenheimo, 2010; Mapoma & Masaiti, 2012;
Nzabona, Ntozi, & Rutaremwa, 2016; Savikko, Routasalo, Tilvis,
Strandberg, & Pitkälä, 2005). A study by Pinquart and S€Orensen (2001)
also reported that older adults who lived alone but had a high social network,
felt four times less lonely than those who had a low social network.
Our study draws from the interactionist perspectives of loneliness which
explains that loneliness occurs as a result of a lack of an attachment figure
and social interaction (Bowlby, 1982). This perspective was chosen as it
aligns closely with many of the beliefs on aging in the Nigerian culture.
Unlike in individualistic societies where the older adult prefers to live
independently (Dykstra, 2009), older adults in Nigeria commonly live
with families (Oladeji, 2011). Since the living arrangement is mostly com-
munal, old age is perceived as venerated leading to a generally societal
perceived expectation that families should provide direct care for their
older members irrespective of the older person’s health and mental status,
rather than transferring this role to professionals (Atchley, 2000; Okoye,
2012). This is why the Nigerian socio-cultural context perceives it as
offensive for families to institutionalise their older parents in care
homes, a reason which may explain the non-existence of proactive policies
promoting aging and wellbeing in Nigeria (Okoye, 2013). In addition,
there is also a common perception that the role of the family in caregiving
for the older adults leads to interdependence and attachment to the older
adults in one form or another (Okoye, 2012). A situation where the adult
children of the older adult is not available to provide care for the older
parents, it is expected that they send their younger children to live and
provide care for their grandparents (Togonu-Bickersteth, 1989). This com-
munal shared practice made room for older adults to have access to
adequate social network and no room for loneliness among this population
(Unanka, 2002). However, due to emigration, industrialization and job
mobility, the communal shared practice of providing care for the older
642 B. U. OJEMBE AND M. E. KALU

members of the family is gradually changing (Okoye, 2013). Hence, the


older adults are often abandoned because their family members live far
away. Also, with the growing economic hardship, it becomes more difficult
for family members living far to provide financial support to their older
parents (Bowlby, 1982). These accumulated factors lead to loneliness
among older people in Nigeria, which is associated with poor quality of
life (Victor et al., 2000), alongside other reasons for the low life expectancy
rate in Nigeria. For instance, the average life expectancy in Nigeria which
is unfortunately the lowest in all West Africa is around 54.5 years of age,
with men living an average of 53.7 years and women living an average of
55.4 years (World Population Review, 2018).
While there are a few studies that have explored different aspects of old
age loneliness in sub-Saharan African regions of Botswana (Clausen, Wilson,
Molebatsi, & Holmboe-Ottesen, 2007), Zambia (Mapoma & Masaiti, 2012),
Uganda (Nzabona et al., 2016), Kenya (Waweru, Kabiru, Mbithi, & Some,
2003), and Ghana (Van Der Geest, 2004), none have been conducted in
Nigeria. Considering specifically the close sociocultural similarities between
Ghana and Nigeria, our rationale for conducting this study in Nigeria is
expressed in three reasons. First, the experience of loneliness by older adults
in Ghana emerged from a study that aimed to understand the meaning of old
age by an “undefined” older adult population (Van Der Geest, 2004). Second,
the sociocultural-economic-political landscape as it relates to aging has
changed in these regions of Africa (HelpAge, 2015). Third, Nigeria is one
of the fastest growing ageing populations in the sub-Saharan region of Africa
(HelpAge, 2015), and has a continuous decreasing net migration rate result-
ing in adult children moving away from their homes and leaving their older
parents alone (International Organisation of Migration, 2014). Therefore, we
believe that exploring or revealing the existence of loneliness using older
adults that self-identified experiencing loneliness will provide a more com-
prehensive insight. The overarching goal of this study is to describe the
existence of loneliness among older adults in Nigeria, recognize its factors
in order to attempt to identify context-dependent solutions to loneliness
within this population.

Method
Study design
We used a qualitative study design consistent with a descriptive phenomen-
ological approach in order to explore the existence of loneliness among older
adults in Nigeria. We obtained ethical approval from the Ethics for Research
Governance Committee at a University in England and the Nigerian National
Health Ethics Research Committee.
JOURNAL OF GERONTOLOGICAL SOCIAL WORK 643

Recruitment
We recruited our participants using purposive sampling, because we aimed
to identify participants who share the same experience of a central phenom-
enon of study (Patton, 2015). Initially, participants were invited through
announcements in public places of worship during community meetings
and were subsequently identified using the snowball as a recruitment strat-
egy. The snowballing techniques was used because initially we struggled to
recruit participant who have experienced loneliness, therefore we asked the
initial participants to identify participants who have rich information or
experience of loneliness (Creswell & Poth, 2018; Patton, 2015). Eligibility to
participate in the study was based on: (a) age: must be 55 years and above –
which is the age bracket usually used to refer to an older adult in Africa
(Ayokunle et al., 2015); (b) social situation: must have lived alone or felt
isolated for the last 12 months (Russell, Peplau, & Ferguson, 1978); (c)
cognitive state: must be classed as “good”; and (d) language: must be able
to communicate in English or Nigerian Pidgin English (NPE). Nigerian
Pidgin is the most widely unofficial spoken language in Nigeria and allows
for easy communication across diverse ethnic groups that do not share a
common language (Balogun, 2012). We ascertained the “good” cognitive
state of our participants by merely engaging in a conversation before the
interview and by inquiring from relatives of the participants about their
subjective knowledge of the participant’s cognitive state. Older adults that
indicated an interest to participate were not told that the study was about
loneliness. However, in order for us to ensure that we were including the
right participants, we asked them if they have experienced loneliness within
the past 12 months, and those who responded positively were included while
those who could not identify that were excluded. Twelve participants (seven
female and five male) living in Port Harcourt Metropolis were selected for
interviews (see Table 1), which is within the recommended sample size for a
phenomenological study (Creswell, Hanson & Clark, 2007). Port Harcourt is
a major city in the Southern region of Nigeria, therefore, most of the
participants had a higher level of education. Six of the participants hold a
university education, four possessed a secondary-level education and two did
not possess any formal education. All the participants except the two without
formal education were interviewed in English.

Procedure
We invited participants that met the inclusion criteria for an interview
session where information was provided about the research aims, the risks
and benefits of participating, confidentiality, anonymity and the participants’
right to withdraw at any time. Only one participant declined participation at
644 B. U. OJEMBE AND M. E. KALU

Table 1. shows the socio-demographic characteristics of the participants by age, sex, living
arrangements, educational level, and marital status.
Marital Educational
S/N Name Age Gender Status Living Arrangement Qualification
1. Mrs 68 F Widow Lives with grandchild University education
Mabel
2. Mr Ade 62 M Widower Lives with child University education
3. Mr George 72 M Married Lives alone University education
4. Mrs Alice 64 F Married Lives with husband University education
5. Mr Okoro 64 M Married Lives alone University education
6. Mrs Nena 72 F Widow Lives with son University education
7. Mrs Fatima 84 F Widow Lives alone with a Carer Secondary education
8. Mr Daniel 84 M Married Lives with wife Secondary education
9. Mrs Emeri 75 F Widow Lives with son Secondary education
10. Mrs Ebere 75 F Widow Lives alone Secondary education
11. Mrs 72 F Widow Lives alone No formal education
Comfort
12. Mr Dike 88 M Widower Lives with son No formal education

this point. The remainder of the individuals provided informed consent and
were therefore enrolled in the study. We interviewed all enrolled participants
face to face using an open-ended semi structured guide, which we developed
following the guidelines provided by Gall, Gall, and Borg (2003) (see appen-
dix 1). Prior to this, we conducted a pilot interview session to determine the
approximate time of interviews, as well as to reflect on the wording of the
questions, and on how to handle sensitive areas (the data from the pilot
interview was not included in the analysis). Each individual interview was
audio-recorded and lasted between 45 minutes to 60 minutes. We kept
reflective notes during the interview process for all the participants.

Data analysis
All interview transcripts were analyzed using data driven inductive thematic
analysis (TA) (Boyatzis, 1998; Braun & Clarke, 2006). Each interview was
transcribed verbatim by the lead author. As researchers, we are both
Nigerians and have a good understanding of both English and Nigerian
Pidgin. We independently transcribed and translated the two interviews
conducted in Nigeria Pidgin English into English, later met to ensure both
of the translations to English were accurate, and then met two of the
participants for validation of what was translated in order to ensure trust-
worthiness of the data. We independently read and re-read the text of the
transcript of one of the participants identifying the preliminary themes and
grouping the sub-themes (see Table 2 for a summary of the main themes).
While coding, we both made note of our thoughts, observations and reflec-
tions when reading the text. We then met and discussed our findings, care-
fully discussing and resolving any disagreements. We then used the master
JOURNAL OF GERONTOLOGICAL SOCIAL WORK 645

Table 2. Master table of emerged themes, subthemes.


(1) Perception and existence of Loneliness
(i) An unpleasant experience
(ii) Feelings of helplessness
(iii) Feelings of emptiness
(iv) Withdrawal and thoughts of suicide
(2) Factors for Loneliness
(i) Disability
(ii) Living or being alone
(iii) Age
(iv) Weak family ties
(v) Bereavement
(vi) Poor social networks
(vii) Retirement
(3) Context dependent coping strategies
(i) Interacting with someone or others
(ii) Using technology
(iii) Being involved in religious activities
(iv) Being involved in other social and recreational activities
(v) Acquiring new skills

list of themes obtained from the first analyzed transcript to identify more
instances of these themes in remaining transcripts, while also being alert to
capture any new themes emerging. We were able to recognise and acknowl-
edge divergent and convergent views about each theme from the other
transcripts. In our reporting of results, we selected excerpts from the inter-
views to illustrate themes. Where a name appeared in the participant’s
comment, we replaced the name with a pseudonym. No attempt was made
to use the same pseudonym for all quotes in this study.

Results
The three themes and their sub-themes that described the experiences of
loneliness by older adults in Nigeria are shown in Table 2 below.

Theme 1: perception and existence of loneliness


All the participants identified loneliness as an unpleasant experience and
accepted feeling lonely at some point in their life, which makes them develop
feelings of helplessness and emptiness. These feelings were more pronounced
when they had no one to interact with, and often, this made the participants
engage in a withdrawal process which further exacerbated their feelings of
loneliness. The participants explained that isolation often provoked suicidal
thoughts, which psychologically had a negative effect on their wellbeing.
Additionally, the participants emphasized that loneliness was driven by the
lack of social interactions with others as opposed to the mere fact of living
646 B. U. OJEMBE AND M. E. KALU

alone. Interaction, as expressed by the participants, simply meant having a


conversation or sharing meals or drinks with others, which implies that
loneliness can still occur if the individuals they live with do not interact
with them. These social interactions could also be used to gain help from
others in order to participate in activities of daily living. The below statement
illustrated the above findings:
‘Loneliness is the worst thing someone will experience. To be alone makes your
thought go up and down, thinking good and very bad things like even wishing for
death. In fact, it makes you helpless, but when you have someone who helps take
care of you on a daily basis and is always there when you need them, the situation
will not be that bad.’ (Mrs Fatima, 84years)

E get one day wen I no well at all, I no fit stand for bed and I dey very hungry, but
no one dey to help me. E pain me so much as I come be like person wey no get
person to help am ’. (Translated as: . . .. . .. . ..There was one day that I was very sick,
I could not stand up from my bed and I was very hungry, and there was nobody to
help me. I felt very bad and helpless). (Mrs Comfort, 72years)

Theme 2: factors for loneliness


The overarching goal of this study was to describe the existence of loneliness
and its factors among older adults in the Nigerian context. Throughout the
analysis, there were resonating sub-themes that emerged as factors for lone-
liness. They include: disability, living alone, age, weak family ties, bereave-
ment, poor social networks, and retirement.
All the participants expressed concerns about having a disability of any
form and believed that this contributed to loneliness. Some of the partici-
pants felt that older adults who are disabled are lonelier than older adults
who are not. More emphasis was placed on older adults who have mobility-
related disabilities. Generally, our study revealed that loneliness increased
among the participants who were not able to move independently, as stated
below:
‘It is also because my legs are not all that strong again. That’s another thing that
keeps me so lonely. . .. . .. . .. Assuming that my legs were as strong as it was before, I
would have being going out myself and attend functions without waiting for
visitor, friends or even family to visit me. . ... I will go out and visit them myself. .
.. . .’. (Mrs Emeri, 75years)

‘. . .. . .. My own is so bad because I cannot walk again and it pains me. I feel so
lonely because I cannot go out. When I used to go out and I used to walk, there
was nothing like loneliness because I was always on the go’. (Mr Daniel, 84years)

Interestingly, our findings revealed that living alone is not the primary reason
for being lonely. The primary factor for loneliness was a lack of social and
physical interactions with friends, family and neighbors. For example, Mrs
JOURNAL OF GERONTOLOGICAL SOCIAL WORK 647

Ebere below reported that she feels lonelier when she does not interact with
her family members whom she is living with.

‘I live with my son and his family, my son is always at work and come home tired,
and the wife- my daughter in-law is always busy on her phone, she only comes to
show me things from Facebook, and that’s all. . ... The kids are always on the
computer. . .. . . even dinners are served in everyone’s room. . . yes I am living with
them. . ... but I am very lonely. In fact, it was not this bad when I was living alone.’
(Mrs Ebere, 75years)

Many of the participants believed that their loneliness increased as they grew
older. However, this assertion was based on the perception that as one grows
older, health challenges may develop which would lead to disability, in turn
reducing their ability to move around. Observing that majority of our
participants who admitted to feeling lonely were in their 70s and 80s, it
could also be said that, the longer people live as older people, the longer their
state of loneliness increases especially when they have disability or are no
longer actively involved in the society, as stated below;

‘This old age is not too good. It makes you weak and unable to walk, go out and see
people and places. It has become worse now, that I am 84+, I believe this age is
making me to be more lonely. . .. . .’ (Mrs Fatima, 84+years)

On the contrary, one of the respondents (Mr Dike, 88 years) who happens
to be the oldest among the participants, believes that he is lonely – not
because he is old, but mainly because of the death of most of his friends.
Although he is not chronically lonely because he is able to move around in
order to visit relatives and attend ceremonies, he still feels lonely because
he feels that he is not in tune with modern and current events. For
instance, the music played during the ceremonies that he attends does
not make sense to him. His experience with loneliness demonstrates that
loneliness affects an older adult more because of mobility disability and
shrinking social network rather than because of age especially when an
older person is still strong and active.
Some participants believe that the ability to get help when lonely or in
need, often depends on the older adult’s relationship level with friends and
relatives. All participants believe that an older adult who does not have a
strong relationship with friends and relatives – especially their children – is
lonelier than their counterparts who have a good relationship with their
children. This implies that the amount of care older persons gave to their
children and/or relatives in their early life can play a strong part in determin-
ing the amount of care they will receive from them in their old age (when
older adults are not close to their children or relatives in their early lives, it is
unlikely that they will interact and care for the older adult as they age). For
instance, Mrs Nena stated:
648 B. U. OJEMBE AND M. E. KALU

I am really struggling with my kids because, I was really a busy mother and I was
not there to nurture our relationship, and they believe that sending me money is
what I need. I can’t remember the last time, my son or even his friends visited me,
he lives 5 minutes away by car. They are only interested in sending me money,
which is not really what I need. (Mrs Nena, 72years).

Additionally, participants demonstrated that the quality and quantity of


social networks was a strong factor in determining loneliness among older
adults. Often, social networks are not a direct network developed by the older
adults: sometimes these social networks are built from friends’ and relatives’
networks. For instance, the older adults we interviewed believed that when
they are close to their children, it has an effect on their level of loneliness,
especially in the absence of their children. Some of them affirm that if their
children have lots of friends (a strong network), they often receive visitors,
which helps to develop their own networks. This is illustrated in the state-
ment below:

It is funny how this works. . ... Although I live alone here and my kids are living
abroad, I always have visitors either my children’s friends or their relative. This is a
big duplex with so many rooms, so I have visitors every week. Most of these
visitors become my friends at the end of their stay. We often exchange phone
numbers . . ... They call me every minute to ask how am doing. . .. My phone never
rests. . .. How can I be lonely in this scenario. . .?’ (Mrs Alice, 64years).

Responses from the participants show that bereavement is more likely to lead
to loneliness especially when it involves a spouse. The bereaved participants
whose spouses had passed away said that the death of their spouse has
increased their loneliness. The loss of a spouse is a stronger predictor of
loneliness when the couple was perceived as being very intimate prior to
death.

‘. . ...To me, it does not augur well especially when you have somebody as a
husband and both of you are together and intimate, you will feel his been away.
All you do is staying alone. It makes me feel so so bad. Each time I remember not
waking him up and coming closer, to stay and at least talk, and discuss, I feel bad.’
(Mrs Emeri, 75years widow)

Most of the participants reported that retirement is another factor that could
make older adults lonely. Although some participants specifically noted that
retirement is inevitable in most countries, they emphasized that a major
problem is the inability of older adults to engage in volunteer positions
after retirement. For instance, Mr Ade stated that;

I have wealth of experience in management, and I worked in a known establish-


ment abroad and I retired and moved to Nigeria, with the hope of finding a
volunteer job. . ... but guess what?. . . there are no volunteer positions in this
country. . .. This has contributed a lot to me being lonely, especially now my wife
JOURNAL OF GERONTOLOGICAL SOCIAL WORK 649

is dead. Assuming I have a place to volunteer even for just one day. I will always
look forward to that even though it is a day.’ (Mr Ade, 62years, widower).

Theme 3: context-dependent coping strategies


Interacting with others, using technology, acquiring new skills, and being
involved in religious, social or recreational activities were the sub-themes that
emerged as strategies for coping with loneliness.
Participants revealed that the most effective measure that helps them cope
with loneliness is interacting with others. As mentioned earlier, this interac-
tion could be as simple as having a conversation or sharing a meal or drink(s)
with friends, neighbors, and family members. This interaction helps partici-
pants to maintain and build healthy relationships that they can then count on
when needed. These networks of friends and family often provide a platform
to reduce loneliness as indicated by Mr George below:
The ability to interact with people breaks the ice for me, keeps me informed about
current happenings and gets me going even when you get very old. Most times, I
just walk around my neighbourhood just to exchange pleasantries and have a
cordial discussion. . .that helps me from feeling so lonely”. (Mr George, 72years)

Using technology such as television and telephones was mentioned by the


participants as a very effective strategy for reducing loneliness. Their
responses revealed that using a telephone helped keep them in constant
contact with their family and friends, while the television kept them
informed. Our participants suggested that some programs on the radio
which are comedy-based have a great impact in their quality of life, whereas,
some programmes on television were considered not to be old age-
appropriate.
‘I use my phone so much. I use it to call my sons and my friends. Even, my
children’s friends that often visit me, always call me. How would they have kept in
touch assuming there is no phone?. . ...for instance, one day, I was so bored, this
my daughter’s friend called me to tell me that she is getting married and we spent
over 2 hours on phone. . . tell me how can I feel lonely after that call. . ...’ (Mrs
Mabel, 68years).

Participants expressed a belief that participating in religious, social, and


recreational activities helps them cope with loneliness. For example, when
they attend either religious or social functions – especially parties – it
increases their social network, as they always meet new individuals.
However, although attending social or religious function is a good strategy,
they often faced the problem of not being invited to events. Many times, this
was due to the fact that the host believes that their health conditions would
not permit their attendance, which frequently is not the case. The quote
below supports the sentence;
650 B. U. OJEMBE AND M. E. KALU

‘I was not invited to my friend’s daughter’s wedding and I was really angry
because, I was told that some of my old friends from the village were there. . .. . ...
When I asked why I was not invited, my friend’s daughter said . . .. Oh! We were
concerned that it would be a burden to you since you had stroke. . ... That really got
me angry because the opportunity would have enhanced my mobility. . .. And
attending the wedding would have helped me reconnect to my friends again
. . .. . .. . ..’ (Mrs Fatima, 84+ years)

The participants also believed that developing a community recreational center


for older adults would be a great idea, and that seeing people of the same age
group would make them reminiscence about events associated with their youth.
However, they explained that the center should not follow the concept of long-
term care as seen in developed countries and suggested that it should allow for
flexibility in terms of older adults being the program managers and coordinators.
‘The government also needs to create recreational centres where the aged can go to
sit out and chat with and play card with their peers. Such initiatives will reduce
loneliness among the aged. People will not be willing to take their old parents to
old people’s home. That will not work here in Nigeria. The culture frowns at it. Go
to the one the government opened in Port Harcourt here, it is only people that are
not from this community or who do not have families that you see there.’ (Mr
Okoro, 64years)

Another interesting theme that emerged was that learning new skills was
perceived as an effective way of reducing loneliness. Such skills must not
necessarily be high-skilled tasks: it could be craft making, tailoring, or even
making clay pots. The participants believed that programs fostering skill acqui-
sition could be a project which nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and
government should consider. The participants further explained that programs
that would encourage older adults to use these skills would not be capital
intensive because there are many older adults who have these skills and are
willing to teach the younger generation without been paid. This kind of program
has a high potential for reducing loneliness among older adults in several ways.
‘And again, our government is not helping too and that is important. Nigerian
government. . .. . . (She shakes her head). If you go to Cameroun, go to Gabon here,
go and see how they are treating these people. Am not talking about far countries,
just African countries. Even though our population is more than those people,
even Ivory Coast. There, they teach widows hand work like basket making, cap and
other things. They make and sell in shops, but such thing is not seen here.’ (Mrs
Alice, 64years)

Discussion
In this study, we were interested in understanding and describing the exis-
tence of loneliness among older adults in Nigeria and its factors. We believed
that highlighting the factors would provide a strong foundation for our
JOURNAL OF GERONTOLOGICAL SOCIAL WORK 651

discussion on developing specific strategies for preventing loneliness in


Nigeria. We discussed our findings relating them to the existing literature,
reflecting on the research context and personal experience of both research-
ers as gained through their jobs in the Nigerian community.
The participants expressed that loneliness propagates feelings of emptiness,
suicide, withdrawal, and helplessness. We were surprised by this finding as there
is currently little or no evidence about older adults committing suicide in
Nigeria. However, these expressions of despair are consistent with a similar
study of community-dwelling older adults (Smith, 2012), and older adults
recruited from residential care facilities (Roos & Klopper, 2010). Another find-
ing of this study was that older adults’ inability to secure volunteer positions after
retirement leads to loneliness. This is consistent with previous works which
showed that volunteering prevents depression and loneliness and generally
increases wellbeing of older adults (Greenfield & Marks, 2004; Morrow-
Howell, Hinterlong, Rozario, & Tang, 2003). There are several factors that
may contribute to the inability of older adults to secure volunteer position in
Nigeria. First, the steady population growth in Nigeria has a great influence on
job and volunteer opportunities: employers tend to prefer hiring younger adults
to older adults, even though the older adults often have more experience in that
position. Most employers in Nigeria specifically advertise volunteer positions
using age as one of the major categories, and most often advertise for candidates
aged between 21 and 29 years (Reed & Mberu, 2014). This makes it very difficult
for older adults to even apply for that position, let alone to secure an interview.
Second, even though Nigerians seem to have a great respect for old age, there is
still evidence that many Nigerians exhibit an inherently ageist attitude (Okoye,
2012), with older adults often considered as an insignificant population group
who do not have any meaningful contribution to make toward societal devel-
opment. Third, the cultural beliefs and norms in Nigeria are that at retirement
an older adult is not expected to do any kind of work (volunteer) but is expected
to just sit at home and be taken care of by their relatives.
Even though age may be a contributory factor to loneliness, our study
findings revealed that age alone does not influence loneliness. Loneliness is
driven by the combination of the social, physical, and psychological states of
the older person. Notwithstanding age, loneliness affects older people with a
mobility disability more than their counterparts who do not have any form of
disability. We argue that the point above could be due to a lack of opportunity to
improve or adapt mobility enhancement instruments for older people in
Nigeria.
It is perhaps not surprising that our findings highlight the detrimental
effect of a poor relationship with one’s children, and that this generally leads
to loneliness as one ages. This finding can be related to reciprocity in
intergenerational relationships (Aboderin, 2004) which explains that children
feel a sense of obligation to their parents that is often grounded in family
652 B. U. OJEMBE AND M. E. KALU

values. Our study partially supports this theory; however, it explains that
beyond a sense of familial obligation to their parents, parental emotional
attachment to children at an early age is a strong determining factor for
receiving care as they age. This is a new area that our study adds to the
concepts of intergenerational reciprocity and loneliness. Additionally, we
found that older adults who have no emotional attachment to their children
only receive financial, rather than emotional support. This agrees with find-
ings that emotional attachment reduces loneliness (Donaldson & Watson,
1996; Fokkema & Knipscheer, 2007; Weiss, 1973). This is an interesting area
that other researchers could explore to understand the overall impact of
financial intergenerational reciprocity to emotional attachment reciprocity
on loneliness and social isolation in older adults. Furthermore, our findings
indicated that cohabitating with their adult children or grandchildren does
not necessarily reduce loneliness among older adults if there is no form of
interaction within the home (Carr & Ha, 2005).
Furthermore, our findings also agree with the evidence in the literature
that living alone does not necessarily predispose older adults to loneliness,
rather, that having lesser or no family/social networks does (Nzabona et al.,
2016; Pinquart & S€Orensen, 2001; Victor et al., 2000). Therefore, it is not
surprising that older adults mentioned that interacting with someone – either
a family member, friend, or neighbor – plays an important role in reducing
loneliness. This perception demonstrates that sufficient family/social network
and interaction in old age play a greater role in the determination of level of
loneliness in old age, thereby resonating with the interactionist perspective
which sees loneliness as a combination of factors including the absence of an
attachment figure, insufficient social networks, and the personality of the
individual (Bowlby, 1982; Victor et al., 2000).
In line with existing literature (Nzabona et al., 2016; Smith, 2012; Victor
et al., 2000), our study showed that not only is loneliness among older
adults caused by bereavement, it can also be increased by separation from
or living apart from one’s spouse or partner. The study also identified a lack
of a social network as another factor that could increase loneliness among
older adults. In order to increase the social network, older adults often
resort to attending religious activities, but there were suggestions that
developing age-friendly targeted recreational activities would be another
interesting approach to reducing loneliness. This suggestion will not only
help reduce loneliness but will also provide an opportunity for older adults
to teach younger generations some crafts, if the programme is designed in a
way that considers all the parties involved.
Interestingly, the use of technology such as television, radio, computer,
and telephone was identified as another effective way of helping to keep older
people from feeling lonely, which is consistent with previous findings
(Chory-Assad & Yanen, 2005; Nzabona et al., 2016; Omotayo, 2015).
JOURNAL OF GERONTOLOGICAL SOCIAL WORK 653

However, our findings suggest that some technology such as telephone and
television seem more promising than others. More in-depth exploration of
the relationship between different kinds of technology and loneliness is
warranted.

Recommendation
The practice of interdependence or shared living among families in Nigeria
is assumed to eliminate loneliness among older adults. However, there are
limitations to this belief. For instance, older adults cohabiting with children
still feel lonely. This requires a greater effort of children and grandchildren
to understand the historical importance of communal living and its impli-
cation for all the family members. It is therefore important for social
gerontologist working in the community or hospital to incorporate ques-
tions relating to loneliness in their initial evaluation of clients. Professionals
educating the families on consciously creating time to socialize with their
grandparents can help solve the problem of isolation resulting when coha-
bitating with children; Therefore, we advocate maintenance of the historical
communal living. In addition, it is important that social workers and
recreational therapists carry out advocacy for the development of interven-
tions targeting the improvement of old age loneliness, such as setting up
functional recreational centers where older adults could go and socialize
with their peers on a daily basis.
Policies are the bedrock for effective implementation of recommendations
(Okoye, 2013). Unfortunately, there are no existing polices or programs
dedicated to older adults apart from the pension scheme, which is only for
older adults that worked in government establishment such as ministries and
related parastatals (Akanji & Ogunniyi, 2002; Animasahun & Chapman,
2017). There is increasing awareness of NGO’s involvement in developing
programs and policies that can help reduce loneliness in Nigeria. For
instance, the Dave Omokaro Foundation developed Seniors and Youth
Multi-Functional Community Centres – a center that uses intergenerational
resources to reduce loneliness among older adults. (Dave Omokaro
Foundation, 2018). Such approach should be emulated and replicated across
similar geopolitical culture in developing nations.

Study strengths and limitations


While this is the only known study in Nigeria that confirms the interaction
between shrinking family/social network and old age loneliness in Nigeria,
as seen in other places (Pinquart & S€Orensen, 2001); it is important that
we acknowledge the limitations of this study. One limitation was the
sampling procedure, which accommodated only a small pool of subjects
654 B. U. OJEMBE AND M. E. KALU

due to funding restraints. This could be seen as limiting the study’s


representativeness, and as reducing the generalisability of the findings,
but although evidence has shown that while generalisation is not entirely
impossible in qualitative research, it is not the main objective of qualitative
study (Myers, 2000).
Also, the setting of the study was in an urban area, and it is important to
consider that, older adults who are in rural areas, and whose children have
gone to the city in search of greener pastures, would likely have different
experiences of loneliness and would define loneliness from a different per-
spective. Therefore, the interpretation of findings should be limited to older
adults with similar characteristics to the participants. Additionally, it is
possible that the first question about loneliness that forms the basis for
older adults to participate in this study would have informed the way the
older adults answer the question.
A strength of the study is that its methodology allows for replicability
through the richness of the explorations, and the thoroughness of the trans-
lation, descriptions, and interpretation processes of the data analysis.
Additionally, we ensured that the credibility of the study is maintained by
involving two coders at all stages of the data analysis. We triangulated our
data using our reflexive notes during interviews to guide the interpretation of
the findings. We conducted member checking to ensure that we captured the
participants’ perspectives and experiences on loneliness.

Conclusion
Through this study, we aimed to describe the existence of loneliness and its
factors among older Nigerian adults. We found that age is not a “stand-
alone” factor for loneliness among older adults in Nigeria. Older adults can
be lonely because of a combination of factors, including the presence of
physical disabilities; the quality of relationships with adult children, friends,
and relatives; and a lack of opportunity to be actively engaged in society. Our
study further indicated that engaging in interaction with others, using tech-
nology and participating in social, religious, and recreational activities are
among the context-dependent coping strategies that older adults and in
Nigeria often employ in order to reduce loneliness.

Acknowledgments
We want to acknowledge Gloria Langat (PhD) and Emma Bolton for their help in proof-
reading the work as well as Commonwealth Scholarship Commission, as this project is a
product of an MSc Scholarship awarded to both authors. This is also attributed to the
collective effort of the members of the Emerging Researchers & Professionals in Ageing-
African Network (ERPAAN).
JOURNAL OF GERONTOLOGICAL SOCIAL WORK 655

Declaration of interest
We have no conflicts of interest to disclose

Funding
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial,
or not-for-profit sectors.

ORCID
Blessing Ugochi Ojembe http://orcid.org/0000-0002-4406-9697

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Appendix 1

INTERVIEW GUIDE
(1) Can you tell me a little bit about yourself? Including your family background, your level
of education etc.
(2) Can you describe what you understand as loneliness?
(3) Can you describe some scenarios when you are lonely?
(4) Can you describe personally, what you believe are the reason why you are lonely?
● Probe: When you think of loneliness, what would you say could make another older
adult to be lonely?
(5) Looking at those time you were lonely, can you describe what you did to make yourself
less lonely?
● Probe: in general, can you describe what you think that could help reduce loneliness
among older adults in Nigeria.

Thank you for your time and effort.

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