Vermeer: His Cartographic Sources

Author(s): James A. Welu

Source: The Art Bulletin , Dec., 1975, Vol. 57, No. 4 (Dec., 1975), pp. 529-547
Published by: CAA

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/3049435

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 529

Vermeer: His Cartographic Sources*

James A. Welu

The maps and globes in the paintings of Jan Vermeer
(1632-1675) have long intrigued scholars. More than a
century ago Thor6-Bilrger commented on what he called
Vermeer's "mania for maps";1 ever since, Vermeer has
been linked with the golden age of Dutch cartography.2 His
depictions of maps and globes have come to be regarded as
the prime illustration of the popularity that cartography
enjoyed in the Netherlands during the seventeenth century.3
As a result, Vermeer's name now appears almost as often
in works on the history of cartography as in works on the
history of art. In fact, scholars consider his paintings among
the finest sources available on certain seventeenth-century
Dutch maps - even when they can provide no other
evidence that the original maps ever existed.4 But how
reliable are Vermeer's depictions of maps and globes ? Do
they represent cartographic material that at one time was
in Vermeer's own studio ? And, if so, is it possible, as with
other objects in Vermeer's paintings,5 to identify the
specific sources to which the artist referred? Strange as it
may seem, such obvious questions have yet to be answered.
To date, only two of the sources of Vermeer's cartographic
motifs have been correctly identified. As we shall see,
however, it is now possible to cite the source and at least one
original example for each map and globe depicted by
Vermeer. A study of these originals6 together with Vermeer's
paintings can provide further understanding of both the
cartographic material itself and its contribution to
Vermeer's imagery.
I
The first of Vermeer's paintings to show an identifiable
map is The Soldier and a Laughing Girl (New York, Frick
Collection; Fig. I), completed early in Vermeer's career,
about 1657.7 In this painting, Vermeer captures the

*This study is part of a doctoral dissertation "Vermeer and Cartog-
raphy," being completed for Boston University. I would like to express
special thanks to my dissertation director, Dr. Susan Donahue Kuretsky,
for her encouragement and valuable criticism during the preparation
of this article. I am also grateful to the many cartographic historians and
librarians - in both the United States and Europe - who have shown
such keen interest in this topic and have in turn so generously assisted
me with the cartographic material involved. The research for this study
has in a large part been made possible by the following: a Samuel H.
Kress Foundation Fellowship, a Boston University Summer Grant, The
Netherland-America Foundation Award, and a Research Fellowship at
the Hermon Dunlap Smith Center for the History of Cartography,
Chicago.
At least, pointing in this direction is the fact that among the known
paintings by Vermeer, not less than three [sic] "Geographers" are shown
engaged in their studies." Seemann's reference to three paintings of
geographers is based on Thor&-Biirger's writings. The paintings referred
to are: The Geographer (Frankfurt a/M, Stidelsches Kunstinstitut; Fig.
16) and The Astronomer (Paris, private collection; Fig. i9), both by
Vermeer, and a third painting no longer attributed to Vermeer. The
latter work, also entitled The Astronomer, was last recorded in the E. J.
Magnin Collection, New York.
3 Cf. E. B. Walton, "Netherlandish Maps: A Decorative Role in the
History of Art," The Professional Geographer, xiv, 1962, 32-33-
4 Cf. notes 30 and 40 below.

1 E. J. T. Thor6, under the pseudonym William Biirger, brought 5 Of the many paintings that Vermeer incorporated into his composi-
Vermeer to the attention of the public by establishing the artist's oeuvre tions, two have been identified with original works, both of which still
exist. They are: The Crucifixion (Antwerp, Terningh Foundation,
in "Van der Meer de Delft," Gazette des beaux-arts, xxI, 1866, 297-330,
458-70, 542-75 (also printed separately). In this study (p. 461), Thor&- ca. 1617-20) by Jacob Jordaens, and The Procuress (Boston, Museum of
Biirger attempted to explain Vermeer's interest in cartographic material: Fine Arts, 1622) by Dirck van Baburen. The Jordaens appears in The
"La manie des cartes geographiques, je ne sais a quoi l'attribuer. Allegory of Faith (New York, Metropolitan Museum, ca. 1669-70; Fig.
Peut-etre, Vermeer trouvait-il, tout simplement, que ces grandes 13), and the Baburen painting in The Concert (Boston, Gardner Museum,
pancartes bigarries faisaient bien contre les murs blemes frappes de ca. i66o-65) and A Lady Seated at a Virginal (London, National Gallery,
soleil. Les cartes sont d'ailleurs tres-communes dans les maisons hollan- after I670). Both the Jordaens and the Baburen are recorded in docu-
daises, la Hollande ayant une existence pour ainsi dire cosmique. Il ments relating to Vermeer. The work by Jordaens can be identified
n'y a guere de Hollandais, d'une classe quelconque, qui n'ait voyag6 with "Een groote Schildery uytbeeldende Christus aent cruys" listed in
dans ses colonies et qui ne soit familier avec la gdographie de l'univers. Vermeer's inventory (29 February 1676; Delft City Archives, Not. J.
Sur la carte du tableau de la galerie Double [The Soldier and a Laughing van Veen); see A. J. J. M. van Peer, "Drie Collecties schilderijen van
Girl, presently in the Frick Collection, New York; Fig. I], qui porteJan Vermeer," Oud-Holland, LXXII, 1957, 92-103. For reference to the
aussi son inscription NOVA ET ACCURATA TOTIUS HOLLAND- painting by Baburen, see L. Gowing, "Light on Baburen and Vermeer,"
IAE WESTFRISIzEQ. TOPOGRAPHIA, sont indiquis, comme sur Burlington Magazine, xcIII, 1951, 169-70, and Van Peer, "Jan Vermeer
la carte du tableau de la galerie Czernin [The Art of Painting, presently van Delft: Drie Archiefvondsten," Oud-Holland, LXXXIII, 1968, 220-24.
in the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna; Fig. 9], les noms des mers, The subject of paintings within paintings is discussed by Wolfgang
grand chemin de l'Inde. Peut-etre que van der Meer eut souvent le Stechow in "Landscape Paintings in Dutch Seventeenth-Century
d6sir d'aller voir la couleur du temps au Japon et ' Java ? Peut-etre qu'il Interiors," Nederlands kunsthistorisch Jaarboek, xI, 196o, I65-84; cf. Andr6
pensait a ces pays ensoleillis, lorsqu'il peignait ses Giographes [see note Chastel, "Le tableau dans le tableau," Stil und Uberlieferung in der Kunst
2 below], la main sur le globe, ou mesurant la distance avec un compas!" des Abendlandes (Akten des 2t. Internationalen Kongresses fiir Kunstgeschichte
Thor-Btirger's explanation seems to have been influenced by i9th- in Bonn 1964), I, Berlin, 1967, 15-29.
century concerns, such as the widespread interest in colonies and the 6 All of the cartographic material citied in this study is printed from copper
desire to visit foreign and exotic lands. plates. In the above text, however, the term "original" - rather than
2 The year after Thor6-Biirger published the first major study on Ver- "copy" - will be used in order to distinguish the original material from
meer, E. A. Seemann ("Der Kriegsmann und das lachende Midchen," Vermeer's representation of it.
Zeitschriftfiir bildende Kunst, ii, 1867, 170) wrote: "Vermeer likes especial- 7 There is much critical controversy about the chronology of Vermeer's
ly to provide the wall surfaces in his pictures with a map. Geographical paintings. In this study, the dates given to Vermeer's paintings follow
studies, which were followed eagerly during his period in Holland, the the chronological sequence postulated by A. B. de Vries in Vermeer, New
sea-faring nation par excellence, seem to have attracted him in particular. York, 1967.

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530 THE ART BULLETIN

leisurely moments of a soldier and a girl shown in a con-

temporary interior. The clarity and prominent position
Vermeer gives to the large map that forms the background
to this genre scene makes it as visually important as the
figures seated in front of it. If we look closely we can even
distinguish at the top of the map the following inscription:
NOVA ET ACCVRATA TOTIVS HOLLANDIAE
WESTFRISILEQ. TOPOGRAPHIA. Thus, it is clear that
the map shows all of Holland and West Friesland. Those
unfamiliar with seventeenth-century cartography may not
recognize immediately the geographical contents of the map
in Vermeer's painting, for it is oriented with west at the top.
During this period the designing of maps with north at the
top was not yet a standardized practice; unlike today's ..01

usage, a map could be arranged with north at the left, right,

or bottom, according to the preference of the map maker.
The first to associate the map in The Soldier and a Laughing
Girl with its original source was the cartographic historian
F. C. Wieder.8 He identified it as an early seventeenth-
century wall map by Balthasar Florisz. van Berckenrode
(1591-1644), who in 1620 was granted permission by the
States General to publish a map of Holland and West
Friesland.9 It is recorded that Van Berckenrode did issue
i Vermeer, The Soldier and a Laughing Girl. New York, Frick
this map in I620,10 although no originals from this date are
Collection (copyright Frick Collection)
known. Nevertheless, in the following year Van Berckenrode
transferred the copper plates and publication privilege for
his map to the well-known publisher and map maker If we compare the map in The Soldier and a Laughing Girl
with the original Blaeu-van Berckenrode map, we see how
Willem Jansz. Blaeu (1571-1638).11 Blaeu undoubtedly
extremely accurate Vermeer's depiction is. Both the form
printed a large number of maps from these plates, and yet
only one complete original remains (Fig. 2). This mapand- the content of Vermeer's map, including such detailed
elements
which I shall refer to as the Blaeu-van Berckenrode map - as the ships and the names of the seas on which
presently hangs in the Westfries Museum in Hoorn, Norththey sail - MARE GERMANICVM and DE SVYDER
Holland.12 The map from Hoorn contains no date of ZEE - correspond exactly to the original source.
publication, although it must have appeared sometimeThe scientific objectivity of Vermeer's cartographic
between 1621, when Blaeu received the privilege to publishportrayal should be considered in relationship to Vermeer's
the map, and 1629, when the privilege expired. "realism" and more specifically to recent evidence that

8 Wieder, Monumenta Cartographica, iii, The Hague, 1929, 70, No. 55. and title only (22 sheets): 96 x 154cm. The inscription in the dedication
cartouche (lower left) reads: "Illustribus ac praepotentibusl HOLLAN-
9 This nine-year privilege was granted to Van Berckenrode on 29
DIE WESTFRISIiEQ/ ORDINIBVS/ Patria Patribus/ D C Q/ Wil-
February 1620 (Archives of the States General, The Hague, pt. i, No.
helmus Caesius." Immediately below the dedication cartouche is recorded
45). This document was first published byJ. T. Bodel Nijenhuis in "Over
de nederlandse Landmeters en Kaartgraveurs, Floris Balthasar en the publication privilege from the States General (The Hague; 29
February I62o) as well as the transfer of this privilege to W. J. Blaeu
zijne drie Zonen: Onbekend aan de Levensbeschrijvers," Het Koninklijk
(Delft; 21 June 1621). The text, which accompanies the map on the
Nederlandsch Instituut, 1845, 316-67. The publication privilege is also
left and right sides and beneath (ten columns), is printed from type.
recorded on the map itself; see note 12 below.
It is entitled: (BESCHRYVINGHE)/ VAN/ BATAVIEN,/ NV
10 According to a legal note dated 3 June I620 (Archives of the States
GENAEMT/ HOLLAND (Description of Batavia, now called Holland.)
General, The Hague, pt. I, No. 45), Van Berckenrode received the sum One incomplete copy of the Blaeu-van Berckenrode map exists; this
of I44 guilders for completing and delivering twelve of his mapscopy,
of preserved in the Bodel Nijenhuis Collection, University Library,
Holland. From this we learn not only that Van Berckenrode printed his
Leiden (No. P 12 N 30), lacks five of the map's twenty-two sheets as
map but also that he received twelve guilders per copy. This information
well as the marginal text.
was first published by J. T. Bodel Nijenhuis in "Floris Balthasar enThe Blaeu-van Berckenrode map was later revised by Claes Jansz.
Zonen," 347. Visscher (1587-1652). Visscher's revision includes an enlargement
11 This transfer of plates and publication privilege, which was made of
in the map (three sheets added to the right), an updating of its geograph-
Delft on 21 June 1621, is noted on the map itself; see note I2 below.ical contents, and changes in its decoration (e.g., the dedication cartouche
was moved from the left side of the map to the right side). Because of
According to the original record of this transfer (Delft City Archives,
Inv. No. 1813), Blaeu paid 480 guilders for both the plates and the such major alterations, Visscher's revised Blaeu-van Berckenrode map
publication privilege. cannot be confused with the earlier state of the map that appears in
12 Westfries Museum, Cat. No. D-64. The complete title of the map is:
Vermeer's painting. From Visscher's revision of the Blaeu-van
"NOVA ET ACCVRATA TOTIVS HOLLANDIAE WESTFRISIAE Q Berckenrode map, the following states are known: one dated 1651
(Leiden, University Library, No. 2613-Alo), another dated 1656 (Paris,
TOPOGRAPHIA, Descriptore Balthazaro Florentio a Berkirode
Bibliothhque nationale, Ge.A. 51; a copy from this edition is also found
Batavo." Unless stated otherwise, the maps in this study are all printed
in each of the Great Atlases: see note 37 below), and a third, which is
from copper plates and are measured, height by length, between the
undated (Leiden, University Library, portfolio I12, No. 19).
outside border of the engravings. Overall measurement of the Blaeu-van
Berckenrode map, including marginal letterpress: I 16 x I72cm; map

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 VERMEER'S MAPS 531

TOO:

74 7,~B~iii:

::~::i: ARM
Milk WRI N

_NIL~

jot .......... 0 2

I Omni Pfini_: :d:

2 Balthasar Florisz. van Berckenrode, Holland and West Friesland, p

Westfries Museum)

Vermeer may have made use soldier.'1)

of an optical Accordingly
device, such theasm
the camera obscura.13 Hyatt smaller
Mayor was than the itsfirst
actual to sizenote[
that if Vermeer did use a camera obscurain
consistencies his rendering
Vermeer's of
ren
considered
maps shows he was able to correct any reversed in connection image that with
might result from using such the a samedevice.14 painting, As Fink such later as the
pointed out, however, the the window toin
maps the left and the extreme difference
Vermeer's in size
paintings,
such as the one in The Soldier and
between a Laughing
the soldier Girl,
and the girl - unusual doeffects
spatial lose
that have also
their rectangular quality to some been cited as
degree -evidence for Vermeer's use of
a distortion that
an optical
may derive from the use of device.17 As
a lens.15 In Heinrich
TheSchwarz writes,and
Soldier "No othe
a
Laughing Girl, the case for Vermeer's
painting use
by Vermeer comprising twoof a camera
or more figures shows
a similar
obscura is further supported by his lack of homogeneity and
rendering of unification,
the map for which
and th
combination
its relationship to the figures beforeof two images gained inVermeer
it. Here the camera obscur
stressed the map's contents may andbe responsible."18 If Vermeer did useto
local coloring a camera
such an
obscura to
extent that the map, in relation in The Soldierfigures,
the and a Laughing seems
Girl, his extremely
closer
detailed
to us than its actual position rendering of the(Consider
warrants. Blaeu-van Berckenrodethe mapfact
that the distance between thesuggests
map thatand
this map
theservedgirl
as one of
inhis front
main points of
of it
focus.
is more than twice the distance between the girl and the

13 For further discussion on Vermeer and the use of optical devices, see 15 Fink, 501.
A. H. Mayor, "The Photographic Eye," Bulletin of the Metropolitan 16 Consult the projection drawing for this painting in P. T. A. Swillens,
Museum of Art, v, 1946, 15-26; C. Seymour, Jr., "Dark Chamber and Johannes Vermeer, Painter of Delft, trans. C. M. Breuning-Williamson,
Light-Filled Room: Vermeer and the Camera Obscura," Art Bulletin, Utrecht, 1950, pl. 5ob.
XLVI, 1964, 323-31; H. Schwarz, "Vermeer and the Camera Obscura,"
17 Joseph Pennell ("Photography as Hindrance and a Help to Art," The
Pantheon, xxIv, 1966, I 7o-82; D. A. Fink, "Vermeer's Use of the Camera
Obscura - A Comparative Study," Art Bulletin, LIII, 1971, 493-505; Journal of the Camera Club, v, 1891, 75), the first to suggest Vermeer's
A. K. Wheelock, Jr., "The Shifting Relationship of Perspective to Optics use of an optical device, referred to this particular painting as evidence.
and Its Manifestation in Paintings by Artists in Delft around 1650," 18 Schwarz, "Vermeer," 174.
PhD. diss., Harvard University, 1973.
14 Mayor, 19.

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532 THE ART BULLETIN

The wall map in The Soldier and a Laughing 1626

Girl,- sixbesides
years after it was first published - the Blaeu-van
revealing the objectivity of Vermeer's style,Berckenrode
also demon- map would have been considered outdated
strates how such maps were displayed during sincethe seven-
it did not include the Wormer polder which was
teenth century. Here, the colorful and abstractcompleted
patterns by of
that date.23
land and water, the numerous fleets of sailing ships, and the examining the map in Vermeer's Soldier
A cartographer
variety of extremely ornate emblems and cartouches form
and a Laughing Girl might also call attention to the map's
a pleasing complement to the bare white walls of a for
coloring, simple
the land areas on this map are painted blue, a
seventeenth-century interior. Equally important are
color that, in the
cartography, has traditionally been used to
map's geographical contents. When the Blaeu-van designate water areas.24 Consequently, it seems that
Berckenrode map appeared in I62o, it was one of the most Vermeer's painting may show an alteration of the map's
up-to-date cartographic descriptions of Holland and West original coloring. This variation may have been Vermeer's
Friesland. It brought together (on a common scale) infor- choice or the result of a pigment change - either on the
mation from several earlier maps of smaller territories,19 original map or in Vermeer's painting.25
combined with additional geographical data gathered Vermeer must have been especially fond of the Blaeu-van
specifically for this publication.20 As one might expect, the Berckenrode map, for it is the only map he chose to portray
Blaeu-van Berckenrode map served as a convenient source more than once. In roung Woman in Blue (Amsterdam,
for later publications, particularly when its patent expired Rijksmuseum; Fig. 3), a work dated about 1662-64,
in 1629. From this date forward, there appeared a variety of Vermeer used the same map as the background for an
maps - both large and small21 - derived directly from this intimate scene of a woman reading a letter. Here, however,
source.22 the map is rendered in dark, ocher tones and its contents
Although accurate when first published, the Blaeu-van and local coloring are less clearly pronounced than in the
Berckenrode map could not remain so for long since the earlier Soldier and a Laughing Girl. The contrast between the
topography represented on it was being changed by the maps in these two paintings is so striking that at first glance
poldering (land-reclaiming) operations carried on during they do not seem the same. Yet a closer examination proves
the first half of the seventeenth century. In fact, as early as the maps are identical. Even small folds that appear on both

19 A major portion of the Blaeu-van Berckenrode map is derived from been preserved. This is due to the fact that they were far more vulnerable
three large polder maps that Balthasar van Berckenrode and his father, than atlas maps. The historical significance of these maps, which
Floris Balthasarz. (ca. 1563-1616), made and published between 1609 decorated the walls of i7th century living and state-rooms, is great since
and 16I5. These maps are Rijnland (twenty-two sheets), Delfland (ten their contents were, in most cases, the source of the atlas maps."
sheets), and Schieland (fifteen sheets). The sources Van Berckenrode
23 The major polders that were completed in North Holland during
used for making his map of Holland and West Friesland are noted in the
the late i6th and early I7th centuries are given here with the dates of
legal document that records his transfer of the map and publication
their completion: Zyp I597 (completed earlier in i552 but destroyed in
privilege to Blaeu (cf. note i i above) as well as in the summary of this
1570), Wogmeer (1607-o8), Beemster (1607-1612), Purmer (1617-1622),
transaction that appears on the map itself (cf. note 12 above).
Wormer (1624-26), Heerhugowaard (1625-1631), and Schermer (1631-
20 Bodel Nijenhuis, "Floris Balthasar en Zonen," 345, pointed out 35).
specifically that in this map Van Berckenrode contributed new geo-
24 According to John Smith, "Of the Practice of Colouring Maps,"
graphical data on West Friesland, the territories around Utrecht, and
in The Art of Painting, London, 1701, 103- Io, land areas on a map should
the areas to the south and southwest of Holland. The cartographic
be colored green, yellow, crimson, red, or yellow-green, with hills being
contributions of the Blaeu-van Berckenrode map were also cited by painted brown, trees green, and principal cities and towns red. Blue was
F. C. Wieder ("Merkwaardigheden der oude Cartographie van Noord-
reserved for water areas: "And when you have coloured over or divided
Holland," Tijdschrift van Het Koninklijk Nederlandsch Aardrejkskundig all the Counties, then colour the Sea-shoar, and all Lakes of Water, if there
Genootschap, Leiden, 19n18, 483) who noted that the Blaeu-van Berckenrode
be any, with thin Indico .... In his instructions, Smith advises carto-
map deserves to be called a stafkaart or ordnance map.
graphic illuminators to use hand-colored Dutch maps as models.
21 These later maps were made both by Van Berckenrode and his contem- Only a few traces of coloring remain on the original Blaeu-van
poraries. Those by Van BerckenrodeLare: (I) "COMITATUS HOLLAN- Berckenrode map from Hoorn. Yet at one time this map was probably
DITE" (39.5 X 51cm) published by Henricus Hondius in 1629 (included in as brilliantly colored as the one in Vermeer's painting. During the
the Mercator-Hondius Atlas of 1630) ; (2) a map ofHolland, Utrecht, and S7th century, maps were each hand-colored separately by artists known
Gelderland divided into six atlas-size sheets that overlap (published as kaartafsetters. After being illuminated, the maps were usually given a
for the first time in the Mercator-Hondius Atlas of 1630; cf. Wieder, coat of varnish to enrich the coloring and protect the map's fragile paper
"Merkwaardigheden," 508-09); (3) a wall map, "ACCURATISSIMA surface. One should keep in mind, however, that some of the original
ET PLANE NOVA TOTIUS HOLLANDIAE WESTFRISIAEQUE cartographic material included in this study was never illuminated, and
TABULA" (IooX 156.5cm) published by Henricus Hondius in 1629 that those examples that were, such as the Blaeu-van Berckenrode map,
(Brussels, Bibliotheque royale Albert I, No. 209); (4) "Le/ COMTE DE/ have lost most of their original coloring. This accounts for some
HOLLANDE" (i6 x 23cm) published for the first time by Henricus slight differences between the original cartographic material and
Hondius in I632 (cf. Bodel Nijenhuis, "Floris Balthasar en Zonen," Vermeer's depictions, all of which are colored. If the cartographic
353-54) and later byJ. A. Colom in his atlas of I635. Among those maps material being compared to Vermeer's paintings has been illuminated,
that other cartographers derived from the Blaeu-van Berckenrode map specific notation will be made.
perhaps the most significant is an unusually large wall map by J. A.
25 Three other paintings by Vermeer - The Little Street (Amsterdam,
Colom. This map (I6i x 297cm), first published in 1637, is almost twice
Rijksmuseum, ca. i66o), The View of Delft (The Hague, Mauritshuis,
the size of the Blaeu-van Berckenrode map (96x I54cm). For the ca. 166o), and The Art of Painting (Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum,
connection between these two maps, see S. J. Fockema Andreae and B.
ca. 1667; Fig. 9) - all contain passages of foliage, the color of which,
van 't Hoff, Geschiedenis der Kartografie van Nederland van den romeinschen
evidently originally green, is now blue. The pigment change in The View
Tijd tot het Midden der I9de Eeuw, The Hague, 1947, 42. An example of
Colom's map, dated 1637, is in the University Library, Amsterdam.
of Delft was noted as early as i909 by C. Hofstede de Groote, Jan
Vermeer of Delft and Carel Fabritius, Amsterdam, 24. The color alteration
22 I. C. Koeman (Collections of Maps and Atlases in the Netherlands, Leiden, in all three paintings was later discussed by Swillens, Vermeer, 130o. For a
196 1, 30) writes: "An important product of the 17th century cartographic scientific analysis of the pigments used by Vermeer, see H. Kiihn, "A
industry was the large wall-map. Little is known as yet of the number Study of the Pigments and the Grounds Used by Jan Vermeer," Report
and variety of these monumental items since only a few examples have and Studies in the History of Art, ii, 1968, 155-202.

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 VERMEER'S MAPS 533

.. .. .....

M ., A:-,*: ::::', _:?

WP M ' i:_i

3 Vermeer, Young Woman in Blue. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum 4 Vermeer, The Love Letter. Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum

maps correspond exactly.26 What then accounts for the Woman in Blue. Here the ocher tones of the old, varnished
difference between Vermeer's two representations of the Blaeu-van Berckenrode map relate to Vermeer's favorite
same map ? First of all, the map in Woman in Blue is much palette of blue and yellow. At the same time the map's
closer to the viewer than that in The Solider and a Laughing rectangular shape contributes to the painting's dominant
Girl. In the later work only about half of the map is visible pattern of straight lines and right angles - the hallmark of
and it occupies more of the total composition than the entire so many of Vermeer's works.
map in the earlier work. Secondly, the light that illuminates The Blaeu-van Berckenrode map was used by Vermeer
the map in the two paintings is not identical. In The Soldier in still a third painting, The Love Letter (Amsterdam, Rijks-
and a Laughing Girl the map appears in a brilliant daylight, museum; Fig. 4), completed about 1670. In this work a
whereas in Woman in Blue it appears in a less intense light. portion of the map, shown at an angle, appears in shadow
And thirdly, the map's coloring and details, which in the on a wall in the left foreground. The identification of this
earlier work are clearly pronounced, are in the later work map, although not obvious, can be verified by comparing it
subordinated by the overall ocher tonality. This extreme with the right portion of the Blaeu-van Berckenrode map.
contrast between the map's coloring and definition does not As we have seen, each time Vermeer depicted the Blaeu-van
appear to be caused entirely by the difference in the lighting Berckenrode map, the lighting and placement were differ-
in Vermeer's two interior scenes. Although it is possible ent. Yet in all three instances, the map's contents and rela-
that the appearance of the original map changed between tive scale conform exactly to the original source - an accur-
the dates of Vermeer's two paintings (a period of about five acy that we shall observe in all of Vermeer's cartographic
years), it seems more likely that Vermeer himself adjusted renderings.
the map's coloring and definition according to the needs of Since the three paintings in which Vermeer included the
the individual composition and - if Vermeer employed a Blaeu-van Berckenrode map are spread throughout his
camera obscura - according to the point or points of focus painting career, between the late I650's and the early 1670's,
that he used. it is possible that this particular map was in Vermeer's
Although Vermeer may have adjusted the coloring of his possession for a prolonged period. We cannot be sure that
maps, these cartographic backgrounds were, in general, Vermeer actually owned this map, however, or for that
well suited to his painting style. This is clearly seen in matter any others, since the inventory of the artist's house

26 It is admittedly difficult to discern these small irregularities in the southern portion of the Zuyder Zee and a crinkled area in the
photographs of the paintings. In examining the original paintings, fifth column of text below the map.
however, I have observed the following similarities: a vertical crease on

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534 THE ART BULLETIN

'L *:?rre~~g~i ~~11:71 rl ~

-: -44

Gk kA~(

C IL: I
i~~ I A

5 Vermeer, Young 6 Huyck with

Woman Allart, The Seven
a Water Jug
Metropolitan Bodel of
Museum Nijenhuis
Art Collection

made shortly Museum; Fig.

after his 5), a work dated about 1662. The
death wall map
makes
graphic in thisNevertheless,
material.27 painting can be identified with a map - oriented with
Verm
north to the right - of
ed as an art dealer,28 the Seventeen Provinces of the bo
probably
which during theNetherlands, published by the Dutch cartographer cent
seventeenth Huyck
works of art in Allart (fl.
their own ca. 1650-1675). The only known example
right.29 of
Allart's map, which bears the date 1671, is preserved in the
II University Library, Leiden (Fig. 6).31
Vermeer's repeated use of the outdated Blaeu-van The copper plates Allart used for printing his map of the
Berckenrode map bears witness to the fact that, at the time Seventeen Provinces were not originated by him, but were
he was painting, wall maps enjoyed great vogue as interior acquired from an earlier source. Although the origin of these
decoration. The cartographic historian Fockema Andreae plates is unknown, the date of their initial engraving can be
went so far as to say that the Blaeu-van Berckenrode map is approximated by examining the unrevised geographical
"at best enjoyed as decoration such as one still sees best and contents of Allart's map. Here the Zyp polder, completed
most easily in the paintings by Vermeer."30 In the seven- by 1597, appears, whereas the Beemster polder, completed
teenth century the decorative use of maps became so by 1612, and all other polders in Holland completed after
popular that many publishers began reissuing old mapsthis date do not appear.32 Thus the copper plates for Allart's
map were probably first engraved around the beginning of
specifically for this purpose. Such a map appears in Vermeer's
roung Woman with a Water Jug (New York, Metropolitan the seventeenth century.

27 Inventory made on 29 February 1676. It should be noted that several Jr., De Boekhandel te Amsterdam, The Hague, 1914-16, I, 332-34). An
of the objects that appear in Vermeer's paintings are recorded in this inventory of De Jonghe's possessions (Amsterdam City Archives; II
inventory; see, for example, note 5 above. February 1679, Not. Arch. 4528; Not. J. Backer) lists a large supply of
maps as well as copper plates from several well-known Amsterdam map-
28As early as 1631 Vermeer's father was registered as "Mr.
making families: Hondius, Janssonius, and Visscher. Included in the
Constvercoper" - Master Art-Dealer (published for the first time by
same inventory is the earliest comprehensive list of Rembrandt's
F. D. O. Obreen, Archief voor nederlandsche Kunstgeschiedenis, I, 1877-78,
etchings.
27). This trade was evidently continued by Vermeer, for his wife, when
declaring bankruptcy in 1676, mentions "the art which he [Vermeer] 30 According to S.J. Fockema Andrea and B. van 't Hoff, Geschiedenis, 41,
had bought and with which he dealt" (published for the first time by cartographic material like the Blaeu-van Berckenrode map was made
A. Bredius, Oud-Holland, xxvII, 1910o, 62). to satisfy the demands of publishers, who, in turn, issued this material
29 In the I7th century, maps were common items in the shops of art- primarily for decorative purposes. Thus Vermeer's painting that
shows how the Blaeu-van Berckenrode map appeared as a wall decora-
dealers. For example, the Amsterdam print-seller Clement de Jonghe
tion is important for a full appreciation of this map.
(ca. I640-79), who was a friend of Rembrandt's and sold prints by
Rembrandt and others, also dealt in cartographic material. In his shop, 31 Leiden, University Library, Bodel Nijenhuis Collection, No. P I N 69.
"De gekrooned Konst enKaart Winckel" (The Embellished Art and Map Title: "GERMA/NIA/ INFERIOR." Four sheets, uncolored, 72.4 X 90.4
Shop), De Jonghe sold cartographic material that he himself printed and cm.
illuminated. In 1647 DeJonghe was mentioned as a "caertaffsetter" - an 32 Cf. note 23 above.
illuminator of maps (cf. M. M. Kleerkoper and W. P. van Stockum,

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 VERMEER'S MAPS 535

Although Allart's map shows no revision inbetween

its geo-
the date of the map's original engraving, ca. 16oo,
graphical contents, it does contain several decorative
and the date of Vermeer's painting, ca. 1662.35 Therefore,
elements that were added sometime after the original
even though we know only one original of the Allart map,
engraving to give this old map a new look. The we can be quite sure that more examples - in fact, several
decorative
cartouche (containing the map's graphic scale) located
editions -in
were available during the seventeenth century.
the lower left corner was not part of the map's original
format. This cartouche, which can be seen in Vermeer's III

In selecting
painting, is designed to be viewed from below and to the maps for his paintings, Vermeer did
left and the chiaroscuro on it implies a light from limit himself to cartographic material dealing only with
the upper
right, whereas the two cartouches directly Netherlands.
above are For example, in A Lady with a Lute (New Y
Metropolitan
designed to be viewed straight on and the chiaroscuro on Museum, ca. 1663; Fig. 7), we find a la
wall map with the legible title EUROPAE. This map c
them denotes a light from the upper left. The inconsistency
between the lower cartouche and the two above - which identified with a map that first appeared around 1613 u
the name of the Dutch cartographer Jodocus Hon
appear to be part of the map's original format - indicates
that the one below is a later addition. In fact, the design (1563-1612).
for The only known example from this editi
the later cartouche was taken from a much earlier source: a in the collection of the University Library, Amsterd
map of Portugal published by Ortelius in 1560. On A second state of the Hondius map (Fig. 8) - of which th
Ortelius's map this design appears in the position for which examples are extant - was printed in 1659 by ano
it was originally made: the upper right corner.33 Dutch map maker, Joan Blaeu (1596-1673).37 On
Another later addition to the Allart map is the large state, the name of Blaeu replaces the name of Hondi
both the title and dedication cartouches, an alteration
ornate cartouche at the upper right. This design, in heavy
chiaroscuro, engraved about mid-seventeenth century, ismarks the only difference between the first and second
characterized by a variety of naturalistic elements: putti,
Evidently Blaeu reissued the Hondius map of Europe for
trumpets, the head of an angel, and several garlands ofsame reason Allart reissued the outdated map of
fruits and flowers - all joined together on a shell-like Seventeen Provinces: in response to an increasing dem
framework. In addition, many of the vignettes of ships andfor decorative wall maps.
the map's entire ornamental border appear by the style of The three known examples of Blaeu's 1659 edition of
their engraving to have been added to the map sometimeHondius map are identical. Like the map in Verm
after the original engraving. The fact that the Allart map painting, each is framed by a text that Blaeu pri
had been revised so extensively by the middle of theseparate from the maps themselves. This text - writt
seventeenth century, in its decorative contents and not at Latin, Dutch, and French - contains brief description
all in its geography, clearly demonstrates that by that time the various European nations.38 Although no margina
the map was intended primarily as decoration. accompanies the one remaining example from the f
Allart's map of 1671 was published about a decade after edition (ca. 1613) of the Hondius map, it is likely that a
the date usually given to Vermeer's Woman with a Water Jugsimilar to the one by Blaeu, was made for the map when
was first issued in the early seventeenth century. In
(ca. 1662). This of course could call for a reconsideration of
the date assigned to Vermeer's painting. Yet to place thisHondius, the author of this map, is credited with beginn
work after 1671 seems inconsistent with its style. It is morethe practice of adding marginal texts to the sides of
likely that a state of the Allart map, similar to the 1671maps.39
state, was published before the date given to Vermeer's The map in Vermeer's Lady with a Lute is without a doubt
painting.34 This earlier state would have appeared sometime the Hondius map of Europe, either the first state issued

33 On the map of Portugal, the design encloses the map's title. This map
appears in Ortelius's Theatrum orbis terrarum, Antwerp, 1570.
34 The existence of this earlier state is also supported by the map's
appearance in another painting, The Music Party, dated 1670. This work,
attributed to Pieter de Hooch (1629-ca. 1684), was recently sold in
London by the Leonard Koetser Gallery. Reproduced in Burlington
Magazine, cxI, 798, 1969, lxiii.
35 What appears to be the original state of the Allart map - or at least
a state of the map published before the one in Vermeer's painting -
can be seen in two other 17th-century Dutch paintings: The Regentesses
of the St. Elizabeth's Gasthuis (Haarlem, Frans Hals Museum; dated 1642)
by Johannes C. Verspronck (1597-1662) and An Interior (London,
National Gallery) by Pieter de Hooch (1629-ca. 1684). On the maps in
these paintings, one can discern the two cartouches that, as noted above,
appear to be part of the map's original engraving. On the other hand,
the two cartouches that, as we have seen, were added to the map later
do not appear in either Verspronck's or De Hooch's painting. For an
illustration of the Verspronck, see W. Martin, De hollandsche Schilderkunst
in de 17e Eeuw, Amsterdam, 1935, I, 182, pl. 99, and for the De Hooch,
see National Gallery, London, Dutch School: Plates, London, 1958, I,
150.
36 Amsterdam, University Library, No. 1803 D 8. Title: "EUROP7E/
Nova Descriptio." Six sheets, hand-colored, 104 x 126cm. The date for
this map was suggested by A. H. Sijmons from the University Library.
This map was first recorded under the date I611 by F. C. Wieder,
Monumenta cartographica, 73, No. 90. Apparently Wieder did not notice
on the map the following inscription near an island or rock south of
Iceland: "Anno 1613 by de Bischaiers beseilt."
37 Each of the following three atlases, compiled about I66o, contains a
copy of the Blaeu map of 1659: Atlas of the Great Elector, East Berlin,
Deutsche Staatsbibliothek; Klencke Atlas, London, British Library; and
the Atlas of the University Library, Rostock. Measurements of each map
including the marginal letterpress added to the left and right sides and
beneath (nine columns) : I 18 X 154cm. All three maps are hand-colored.
For further information on the three atlases, see G. Schmidt and S.
Hufeld, "Ein Superatlas auch in Rostock," Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der
Universitdt Rostock: Mathematisch-Naturwissenschaftliche, xv, 1966, 875-
90o; A. H. Sijmons, "Reuzen-atlassen," Antiek, vI, 1972, 565-78; and E.
Klemp, Commentary on the Atlas of the Great Elector, Stuttgart, 1971.
38 The complete text is given in Klemp's Commentary, 80-93-
39 Hondius's earlier wall map of Europe (1595) does include a text on
the left and bottom sides. See C. Koeman, "Jodocus Hondius' Wall-
Map of Europe, 1595," Imago mundi, xIx, 1965, o8-1o.

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536 THE ART BULLETIN

under Hondius's name or the second, issued by Blaeu. Yet

since the two known states of the Hondius map are identical
in both their decorative and geographical contents, we are
unable to determine from Vermeer's portrayal of this map
which state served as his model, in spite of his extremely
accurate rendering.

IV

The largest and most ornate of all the wall maps depicted
by Vermeer appears in what is perhaps his most ambitious
composition: The Art of Painting (Vienna, Kunsthistorisches
Museum; Fig. 9), completed about 1667. Here the map
adorns an elegant room that serves as an artist's studio.
The map in The Art of Painting is a masterpiece of
Vermeer's painting technique. Through his skillful hand-
ling of light, he gives substance to the map's physical
qualities. Here we can almost feel the map's cracked and
varnished surface and sense its weight as it pulls down on its
two tiny supports. At the same time we can still distinguish
the map's decorative and geographical contents, all
rendered in convincing detail.
To identify the source for the map in The Art of Painting,
we need not look beyond the painting itself. A lengthy
Latin inscription found at the top of the map (partially
obscured by the chandelier) may be read as follows: NOVA
7 Vermeer A Lady with a Lute. New York, Metropolitan Museum
XVII PROV[IN]CIARUM [GERMAINIAE INF]ERI- of Art
[O]RIS DESCRIPTIO/ ET ACCURATA EARUNDEM
... DE NO[VO] EM[EN]D[ATA] ... REC[TISS]-
IME EDIT[A P]ER NICOLAUM PISCATOREM. Thus,
this map (designed with north to the right), which shows the
Seventeen Provinces of the Netherlands (Germania
Inferior), can be attributed to Nicolaus Visscher (Nicolaus
Piscator).
Because of its legible title and specific contents, the map in
Vermeer's Art of Painting has always been considered a
reproduction of an original source. Even when scholars
were unable to find an original example, they were still
confident that the map did at one time exist. In fact, some
have cited Vermeer's painting as the main reason for
including a large map of the Seventeen Provinces among
the works published by the Visscher family.40
The source for the map in Vermeer's Art of Painting was
first verified in I962 when Albert Flocon found in the
Bibliothbque nationale, Paris, what appears to be the only

9 Vermeer, The Art of Painting. Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum

40 Three scholars who cited Vermeer's Art of Painting as primary

evidence for the existence of the Visscher map (before any original of
this map was known) are S. J. Fockema Andreae and B. van 't Hoff
(Geschiedenis, 52) and Maria Simon ("Claes Jansz. Visscher," Ph.D.
diss., Albert-Ludwig-Universitait, Freiburg, 1958, 130-31, n. 283).

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 VERMEER S MAPS 537

8 Europe,
published by
Joan Blaeu,s V '
i659, from the
Klencke Atlas.
London, British / /
Libraryi /
(by permission 7
British Library '
Board) /

SE U C A L"E D ON I'"

C ti AN

APL.

o Claes Jansz.

The Seventeen

Provinces.
Biblioth
Paris,
que
-k;
A FRI '

nationale
(photo: .OP r c I
Bibliotheque

nationale) . v A Al
tobs~
.. . -~zl

Bi11 1116:111i

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538 THE ART BULLETIN

remaining example of this particular work (Fig. Io): a title band, marginal text, and series of town views, all of
nine-sheet map, "corrected . . . edited" and "printed by which frame the Visscher map in Vermeer's painting.
Claes Jansz. Visscher" (1587-1652).41 Additional elements like these were generally printed
The title band attached to the Visscher map in Vermeer's separate from the maps themselves.45 According to a
painting states that the map was revised and edited by seventeenth-century catalogue advertising cartographic
NICOLAUM PISCATOREM. The Latin name Nicolaus material, wall maps were available during the period "with
Piscator can correctly refer to Claes (=Nicolaus) or without
Jansz.their ornamentation."46 This "ornamentation"
Visscher (1587-1652), the father of this map-making included a wide selection of engraved and printed matter
family,
or to his son, Nicolaus Claesz. Visscher (1618-79), that could who
be added to a map in various combinations
continued the father's business. Although the A map
singleof wallthemap, therefore, could be made up in severa
Seventeen Provinces was originally revised and edited
different by - in effect, a made-to-order work of art.
ways
the elder Visscher, it is possible that the map in Vermeer's The setting in which Vermeer shows Visscher's map of
Art of Painting, because of the name on its title the Seventeen
band, may Provinces is not unusual. During that period
have been published by the younger Visscher.42 wall Indeed,
maps were it often found in the studios of painters, as,
was the son who usually referred to himself forasexample,
Nicolaus in Jan Miense Molenaer's The Artist's Studio
Piscator, whereas the father almost always included dated 1631his (East Berlin, Staatliche Museen),47 or Michael
second name, Jansz. This we see on the map itself, in bothSelf Portrait of an Artist in His Studio, dated
van Musscher's
Dutch and Latin: "ClaesJanss Visscher" and NICOLAUM I69o (Basel, private collection; Fig. I1). In the work by
IOANNIS PISCATOREM. If the map Vermeer Vanused
Musscherfor - an obvious pastiche of Vermeer's Art of
his Art of Painting was issued by the younger Visscher,
Painting it
- a map, mounted on rollers, hangs in the same
probably appeared after 1652, when the younger Visscher
position as the Visscher map in Vermeer's painting. In
took over his father's business. On the other Van hand, if the painting, however, the map is not of the
Musscher's
map Vermeer used was published by the elderSeventeen Visscher, it
Provinces, but is instead a pascaarte or sea chart
would have been available by 1652, the year of Visscher's
of Europe.48
death.43 Vermeer was not the only Dutch painter to depict
The nine separately engraved sheets that make up the Visscher's large map of the Seventeen Provinces. Two of
Paris-Visscher map have never been assembled - perhaps Vermeer's contemporaries, Nicolaes Maes (I634-93) and
the main reason why this example has survived. These Jacob Ochtervelt (1634-82), also demonstrated an interest
sheets, when joined together,44 correspond exactly to the in the same map. In at least two paintings by Maes and as
central part of the large map in Vermeer's Art of Painting. many as four by Ochtervelt, the Visscher map appears;
Unfortunately the Paris-Visscher map does not include a one of the works by Ochtervelt (Leningrad, Hermitage),

41 Flocon, "Une magistrale psychanalyse de 'l'Atelier' de Vermeer," (Jansz.), in the title band supports the above suggestion that "Nicolaum
Arts, 7 November 1962, 20o. (Flocon incorrectly attributes the Paris- Piscatorem" referred to in the title band on the Visscher map in Vermeer's
Visscher map to Claes Jans [sic] Visscher II, who died in 1679.) Paris, painting may not be Claes Jansz. Visscher, but his son, Nicolaus Claesz.
Bibliotheque nationale, Ge.DD. 5732. The map is undated. Each of its 43 It seems that the earliest date the Visscher map would have appeared
nine (uncolored) sheets measures approximately 37 X 51cm. Size of the is 1631 since the one remaining original of this map includes the
entire map: I I I X 153cm. The title, found in the large cartouche in the
Schermer polder, which was begun in that year (cf. note 23 above). At
upper right corner, reads: "GERMANIA INFERIOR/ DE NOVO least one edition of the Visscher map - but not necessarily the one used
EMENDATA/ ET EDITA PER/ NICOLAUM IOANNIS/ PIS- by Vermeer - was printed by 1655, since the map appears in Nicolaes
CATOREM." Below the title is Visscher's monogram: $. An inscription Maes's The Listening Housewife, completed in that year. Maes's painting
included in the graphic scale (lower right corner) reads: "Gedruckt (London,
by The Queen's Collection, Buckingham Palace, 1920, Cat. No.
Claes Janss Visscher." The map in Vermeer's Art of Painting was54) in-is reproduced in W. R. Valentiner, Nicolaes Maes, Stuttgart, 1924,
correctly identified by Schmidt and Hufeld, "Superatlas," 889,pl.and 38.
Klemp, Commentary, 41, as a map of the Seventeen Provinces published44 The sheets are marked - a through i - in the lower right corner for
by Joan Blaeu in 1658. Blaeu's map is included in all three of the atlases
assembling.
cited in note 37 above. The similarity between the Blaeu map and the
45 One of the exceptions to this practice is, for example, the title band
Visscher map is logical since the former - first issued in 16o8 by Willem
at the top of the Blaeu-van Berckenrode map (cf. note 12 above). This
Jansz. Blaeu - influenced the design of the latter. We know no example
from Blaeu's i6o8 edition; the legal privilege obtained by Blaeu in title was engraved with the map.
i6o8
(cf. P. J. H. Baudet, Leven en Werken van Willem Jansz. Blaeu, Utrecht,
46 Joan Blaeu, Catalogue des Atlas, Theatre des Citez Globes, Spheres, & Cartes
1871, 155) does, however, appear on the earliest known copy of the Geographiques
map, & Marines, Amsterdam, ca. 1670-71 ? The only known
which is dated 1622 (Paris, Bibliotheque nationale, Ge.A. 550); attached
copy of Blaeu's catalogue is in the Plantin-Moretus Museum, Antwerp
(No. RI8.59) ; for a facsimile with accompanying text, see I. C. Koeman,
to this map is a marginal text, in French, printed by Joan Blaeu in 1631.
A Catalogue
42 Nicolaus Visscher, the son, is known to have published many of the by Joan Blaeu, Amsterdam, I967.
large wall maps made by his father. Several of these, although issued
47 The wall map in Molenaer's painting, although not specific enough
after the father's death (1652), contain the name of the father (cf.
to be identified with an original source, can be recognized as a map of the
Simon, "Visscher," 128f.). Consider, for example, the Visscher revision
worldofin two spheres. Molenaer's painting is reproduced in J. Rosenberg,
the Blaeu-van Berckenrode map, in particular the one that appears in and E. H. Ter Kuile, Dutch Art and Architecture i6oo to i8oo,
S. Slive,
Baltimore, 1966, pl. 77A.
the Atlas of the Great Elector (cf. note 37 above). This map, which bears
the name of the father, C. J. Visscher, was published in 1656 by his48son,
This sea chart, identified here for the first time, is by the Dutch
Nicolaus Visscher. Accompanying this same map is a title band (printed
cartographer Justus Danckerts. For further information on this chart,
from wood block) similar in style to the one on the Visscher map
see in
note 77, No. 4 below. For a discussion of Van Musscher's painting,
Vermeer's painting. The title band attached to the map of 1656 bears
see H. Schneider, "Ein Atelierbild des Michiel van Musscher," Monats-
the name "Nicolao lohannis Pi[scatore]," which definitely refers to the fa- Kunstwissenshaft, xII, 1919, 130-33-
heftefiir
ther who, we know, did publish this map earlier in 1651 (cf. note I2 above).
The fact that the elder Visscher included his second name, lohannis

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... ......
vs.~::
mm:::: :-:
:mV , -: :::
i i Michael van Musscher, Self Portrait of an Artist in His Studio.
Basel, private collection (photo: Kunstmuseum, Basel)
dated 1669, is illustrated here (Fig. 12).49 In all six of the
paintings by Maes and Ochtervelt, the Visscher map is
shown with a text attached to its sides. But only in Vermeer's
Art of Painting do we find the map accompanied with the
series of town views.50 Thus Vermeer's work forms the only
record of what apparently was the most ornate format of
Visscher's large map of the Seventeen Provinces. On the
map itself are a variety of pictorial elements: allegorical
and mythological figures, heraldic insignia, sailing ships,
sea monsters, and even a fisherman - the symbol of the
Visscher family. At the sides of the map are twenty pano-
ramic views of the most important towns and courts of the
Netherlands. Completing this framework around the map
are, at the bottom, a printed text, and, at the top, the
handsomely lettered Latin title.
The number of original wall maps that survive from the
seventeenth century is, as we have seen, extremely limited.51
49 The Visscher map appears in the following paintings by Maes: The
Listening Housewife (see note 43 above), The Listener (London, Apsley
House, 1901, Cat. No. 6o); and the following paintings by Ochtervelt:
Purchasing Grapes (Leningrad, Hermitage, 1958, Cat. No. 951; see Fig.
I2), Music Lesson (Mannheim, Stadtische Reiss-Museum, No. 127),
The Musicians (Chicago, Art Institute, No. 33.Io88), Lady Playing with a
Dog (New York, New York Historical Society, No. 1867-I43). Two other
paintings attributed to Nicolaes Maes contain maps that appear to be
variations of the Visscher map. They are The Naughty Drummer (Lugano,
Thyssen Gallery) and Woman Sewing (Edinburgh, National Gallery).
The maps in both of these paintings include a cartouche identical to the
large cartouche on the left side of the Visscher map.
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VERMEER'S MAPS 539
iiiiiiiji~iiiiiiiiii ii,:iiiiiiiii i
iiiiiiiii iii i, i? iiiiiii ;i:i)i?:ii Bi'iii T !
iilii-i-i i:
-:~~~--:~?i .. .5 . .
Niii~iiiiiii
!ii~ii~i~iii'!
12 Jacob Ochtervelt, Purchasing Grapes. Leningrad, Hermitage
In fact catalogues, inventories, and other documents from
the period list numerous wall maps of which, unfortunately,
not a single original remains. In this situation, it is easy to
see how paintings that include representations of maps can
make a significant contribution to the history of cartog-
raphy. For without the maps themselves, it is only through
these "painted documents" that we can realize the variety
and visual excitement of the wall maps that existed during
the seventeenth century. No painter demonstrates this more
clearly than Vermeer.
For his paintings, Vermeer selected wall maps, the
subjects of which - Holland, the Seventeen Provinces, and
Europe - are the same as those that appear in works by
other seventeenth-century Dutch artists. That these
particular geographical subjects were popular in the
Netherlands at the time these artists were working is
verified by inventories of seventeenth-century Dutch homes.
50 Several originals of these town views have been identified. Although
none of these views are signed, Vermeer's painting showing them in
connection with the Visscher map can help in establishing their author-
ship. A reconstruction of the Visscher map with the town views is
included in a more detailed study that I am presently preparing for
publication.
51 R. A. Skelton, Alaps: A Historical Survey of Their Study and Collecting,
Chicago, 1972, 32, points out: "Wall maps, by virtue of their size and
exposure to varying conditions of light, temperature, and humidity, are
especially vulnerable, and it is among them that mortality has been
highest." See also note 22 above.
 540 THE ART BULLETIN

These inventories, if they specify the contents of the maps

paintings has often been overlooked. For example, The Art
they list, usually include the same geographical subjects
of Painting wasaslong regarded as a genre scene until recent
those in the paintings from that period.52 investigation revealed that Vermeer intended a full-fledged
Since Amsterdam, during the seventeenth century, was
allegory. 56As J. G. Gelder has shown,57 the painter working
perhaps the most important center throughout the world for
in his studio wears a costume from an earlier period, indi-
the publishing of cartographic material, it is notcating
surprising
that he symbolizes a painter from the past. The
that all the maps in Vermeer's paintings came"model"
from who
thatstands before him - wearing a crown of
city. If Vermeer obtained his maps directly laurel
fromandtheir
holding a book and a trumpet - represents Clio,
respective publishers, he could have done so on a the
single
Muse trip
of history.58 Thus Vermeer demonstrates how the
to the center of Amsterdam, for located here painter,
were all the the inspiration of history, is able to grasp
through
shops from which these maps came.53 the ideal.

Just as the book, the trumpet, and the crown of laurel take
V
on symbolic meaning when shown in connection with
The maps in Vermeer's paintings have been discussed somay the Visscher map, which serves as the
Clio,59 so too
far primarily from the point of view of their identification
background for this allegorical figure.60 Indeed, several art
and decorative value. They should also be considered historians have noted that the map's meaning may derive
however, in relationship to the subjects of the paintings in from its contents, which in Vermeer's painting are ex-
which they appear, since maps may add to the meaning tremely legible. On this point, Charles de Tolnay called
of Vermeer's works.54 As many art historians have noted, attention to the fact that the Seventeen Provinces of the
Vermeer's paintings frequently include pictures and other Netherlands shown on the Visscher map were no longer
objects that are intended to take on a symbolic meaning.55 politically united after 1581 ;61 consequently at the time this
The nature and extent of the symbolism in Vermeer's map was used by Vermeer, it could have been regarded as a

52 One such inventory was made in 1637 at the home of Dirck Alewijn,
konstvetenskap, xxx, 1957, I25-47; J. G. van Gelder, De Schilderkunst
an Amsterdam cloth merchant who lived at 182 Herengracht. Invan theJan Vermeer, with commentary by J. A. Emmens, Utrecht, 1958;
inventory of Alewijn's house, we find recorded for the hallway, along
K. Badt, Modell und Maler von Jan Vermeer, Cologne, 1961; A. Flocon,
with two paintings - a (still life of) fruit and a coat-of-arms - "Une
the magistrale psychanalyse" (ref. in n.41); H. Sedlmayr, "Jan
following maps: Holland, The Netherlands, Europe, and the World. Vermeer: 'De Schilderkunst,' " Hefte des kunsthistorischen Seminars der
All these maps are described as being in frames, three of which were
Universitiit Miinchen, vIi-viII, 1962, 34-65; W. Hager, Vermeer van Delft:
gilded. Cf. E. W. Moes, "De Inventaris van de Inboedel nagelaten door
Die Malkunst, Stuttgart, 1966; A. Flocon, "Clio chez le peintre," Entre-
Dirck Alewijn in 1637," Amstelodamum, Jaarboek, xx, 1911, 31-54. tiens art psychanalyse (Cerisy-la-Salle, 1962), 1968, 345-56.
53 These shops and their locations were as follows: Blaeu, "Vergulden
57 Van Gelder, Schilderkunst.
Sonnenwijzer," on the Damrak (after 1637 moved to the Bloemgracht);
58 The identification of the Muse was first made by K. G. Hulten,
Allart, on the Kalverstraat; Hondius, "Wackere Hondt," on the Kalver-
"Atelierbild," 92. Vermeer's representation of Clio appears to be
straat; and Visscher, "De Visscher," on the Kalverstraat. This infor-
derived from Cesare Ripa's Iconologia, which was published in the
mation is taken from Kleerkoper and Van Stockum, Boekhandel and I. C.
following Dutch edition: Iconologia, of uytbeeldingen des Verstands. . ., trans.
Koeman, Atlantes Neerlandici, Amsterdam, 1967-69,1-111.
D. P. Pers, Amsterdam, 1644 (Vermeer also consulted Ripa for another
painting, The Allegory of Faith; see note 67 below). According to Ripa
54 Several studies have considered the symbolic meaning of cartographic
material in 17th-century Dutch paintings: A. Meintschel, "Die Wand- (p. 338), Clio is depicted as "a girl with a laurel crown who holds in her
karte und der Globus als Bildmotive im niederliindischen Barock," right hand a trumpet and in her left hand a book on which shall be
Diplomarbeit Martin-Luther-Universitit Halle-Wittenberg, Halle, 1952written:
; Thucydides . . . . She is painted with the Thucydides book
because as Virgil said, History is attributed to him, and so it is fitting
J. S. Kunstreich, Der 'Geistreiche Willem': Studien zu Willem Buytewech
I59i-i624, Keil, 1959, 70; E. Haverkamp-Begemann, Willem Buytewech, that she be represented with the foremost historian. The laurel crown
Amsterdam, 1959, 214, n. 140; E. de Jongh, Zinne- en Minnebeelden inexpresses
de that like the laurel which is always green and maintains its
greenness for a long time, that also therefore through History the past as
Schilderkunst van de zeventiende Eeuw, Amsterdam, 1967, 67; E. de Jongh,
"Realisme en Schijnrealisme in de hollandse Schilderkunst van well de as the present live eternally."
zeventiende Eeuw," Rembrandt en zijn Tijd, exh. cat., Brussels, 1971,
59 See note 58 above.
I43-98; and E. de Jongh, "Vermommingen van Vrouw Wereld in de
60 The first to consider this map in relationship to the allegorical nature
1 7de Eeuw," Album amicorum J. G. van Gelder, The Hague, 1973, 198-206.
of Vermeer's painting was Hans Sedlmayr ("Der Ruhm," 173). He
55 The allegorical nature of Vermeer's genre scenes was pointed out by a connection between Visscher's map and the allegorical figure
noted
Thor&-Burger ("Van der Meer," 460): "Souvent, dans Vermeer, comme standing before it. Interpreting this figure to represent Glory, rather
dansJan Steen, les accessoires, et particulibrement les tableaux accroches
than the Muse Clio, Sedlmayr concluded that the map in combination
au mur, sont trbs-significatifs." To illustrate, Thor6-Btirger went onwith
to the figure was a reference to the Glory of Holland. When it was
show how the picture of the LastJudgment that appears on the back later wall established that the figure in front of the map represents Clio rather
in Vermeer's Woman Weighing Pearls (Washington, National Gallery, than Glory, Sedlmayr (" 'Schilderkunst,' " 51) continued to connect
ca. 1662-64) is the clue to the symbolism in this painting. Herethe themap with this figure as well as the subject of the allegory: the Art of
picture of the Last Judgment suggests the theme of worldliness. Painting.
56 Studies that have treated the allegorical nature of Vermeer's Art 61 The
of map as an allusion to the past was one of the main factors that
Painting include: E. Neurdenburg, "Johannes Vermeer. Eenige Opmer- led Tolnay ("L'Atelier") to interpret The Art of Painting as indicative of
kingen naar Aanleiding van nieuwste Studies over den delftschen Vermeer's desire to return to a past era. It should be noted, however,
Schilder," Oud-Holland, LIX, 1942, 65-73; K. G. Hultin, "Zu Vermeers that the political division of the Netherlands (which could be considered
Atelierbild," Konsthistorisk Tidskrift, xvIIi, 1949, 90-98; H. Sedlmayr, as early as 1566; see note 62 below) did not seem to affect the publication
"Der Ruhm der Malkunst. Jan Vermeer 'De schilderconst,"' Festschrift of maps that show this territory as a political unit. Long after the official
fiir Hans Jantzen, Berlin, 1951, 169-77; H. Fegers, "Jan Vermeer: Ruhm division of the Netherlands (Treaty of Westphalia, 1648), publishers were
der Malkunst," Der Kunsthandel, 1952, pt. 5, 8-io; C. de Tolnay, still issuing maps of the United Seventeen Provinces. For example,
"L'Atelier de Vermeer," Gazette des beaux-arts, XLI, 1953, 265-72; Allart's map of the Seventeen Provinces, which appears in Vermeer's
K. E. Steneberg, "Vermeers Malarfilosofi," Symbolister, I, Tidskrift for Woman with a Water Jug (ca. 1662; Fig. 5), was published as late as 1671.

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 VERMEER'S MAPS 541

reference to the historical past.62 As Van Gelder explained,
the Visscher map accompanied with the series of town views
forms in Vermeer's painting a rather literal background for
Clio, the Muse of history.63
If we accept the fact that the Visscher map in Vermeer's
Art of Painting may have symbolic meaning, we should be
prepared to entertain the question of symbolism in con-
nection with other maps in Vermeer's paintings. Since maps
- and frequently outdated ones - were often found in
contemporary Dutch interiors, however, it is more difficult
to determine Vermeer's intentions when he includes maps
in his genre scenes. For example, an interpretation of The
Soldier and a Laughing Girl (Fig. I) could relate to the
Blaeu-van Berckenrode map so prominently displayed in
this scene. And yet the subject is different in the two other
paintings in which Vermeer used the same map. Both the
Woman in Blue (Fig. 3) and The Love Letter (Fig. 4) show
women reading or receiving letters. The diversity of context
in which Vermeer uses maps is further illustrated by the
Allart map in Woman with a Water Jug (Fig. 5) and the
Hondius map in Lady with a Lute (Fig. 7). Perhaps Vermeer
included maps in his interior scenes to suggest a connection
between the figures and the outside world, or for the same
reason that cartographic material is included in vanitas
pictures from this period, that is, to symbolize worldliness.64
Indeed, E. de Jongh recently noted that wall maps in
seventeenth-century Dutch genre scenes may be used to
represent Frau Welt (Lady World), the allegorical figure
that dates to medieval times and symbolizes worldliness.65
As De Jongh demonstrated, it appears that in certain
seventeenth-century Dutch paintings the globe or imperial
orb traditionally found on the head of Frau Welt is replaced
by a map hung on a wall behind or near a female figure.66
Perhaps this use of maps was also practiced by Vermeer.
If Vermeer used wall maps as more than decoration
in his genre scenes, however, his specific intentions are
certainly no longer obvious. But one thing is clear: any
symbolism Vermeer may have given to the maps in these
scenes has not prevented him from portraying them as
realistic objects.
In one work by Vermeer we are certain that a carto-
graphic object - this time a globe - was given symbolic
significance: The Allegory of Faith (New York, Metropolitan
Museum; Fig. 13), painted around 1669-1670. Here the
globe serves as one of the main objects for an elaborately
devised religious allegory. First to recognize the literary
source for The Allegory of Faith was A. J. Barnouw, who
noted that Vermeer derived this symbolic representation
from Cesare Ripa's Iconologia.67 Barnouw demonstrated that
Vermeer interpreted quite freely Ripa's instructions on how
to portray Faith. Yet, as we can see, Vermeer followed
rather literally the passage from Ripa that states that Faith
is represented as a woman "having the world under her
feet"68 - a world that for Vermeer was none other than an
original terrestrial globe.
The globe Vermeer used for his allegory was designed by
Jodocus Hondius (Figs. 14, 15). It appeared in three
separate editions in the early seventeenth century. The first
state, dated I6oo, was issued by Hondius himself. The
second, dated I618, was published under Hondius's name
after his death (1612); this state is marked by a geographical
revision.69 The last state of the globe, dated 1627, was issued
by Hondius's sons, Jodocus, Jr. (1595-1629) and Henricus
(1597-1657). The only record of this final state is one set of

62 Tolnay, "L'Atelier," 266, n. 3, and Sedlmayr, "'Schilderkunst,' " 5i, Nieuw nederlandtsch Caertboeck, first published in 1616. The theme of
have both noted the compositional importance of the prominent fold worldliness was not unfamiliar to Vermeer; in one of his paintings,
in the center of the Visscher map in Vermeer's painting. Vermeer may Vermeer suggests this theme by including a picture of the Last Judg-
have intended this fold - which does not correspond to a separation ment; see note 55 above.
between the map's individual sheets - to relate to the map's geographical
65 De Jongh, "Realisme en Schijnrealisme," and "Vermommingen van
contents. If so, it may be the artist's way of indicating the division between Vrouw Wereld."
the Northern and Southern Provinces of the Netherlands (see note 61
above). Although it is impossible to indicate with a "natural" fold the 66 For example, inJ. M. Molenaer's painting entitled Vrouw Wereld (1633;
line of division between the provinces, the fold on the map in Vermeer's New York, Collection J. M. Cath), a map - placed on the wall behind
painting does separate most of the Northern Provinces from the Southern the central figure of a woman - is one of the symbolic objects used to
Provinces. Closer examination shows that this fold passes precisely convey the theme of Lady World. The map in Molenaer's painting,
through the town of Breda. Because of Breda's crucial role in the wars like those in Vermeer's paintings, was taken from an original source.
that led to the division of the Netherlands, it could well be considered This map, identified here for the first time, is Pieter van der Keere's
a dividing point between the Northern and Southern Provinces. From atlas-size world map, published in 1604 and 1607 (an example of the
1566, when the Dutch rebelled against Spain, until 1648, the date of 1607 edition is reproduced in C. Bricker, et al., A History of Cartography,
their eventual independence, the dominion over Breda passed between London, 1969, I I 1-12). For an illustration of Molenaer's painting and a
Spain and the Northern Provinces six times. Moreover, it was at Breda comment on the symbolic use of the map in it, see De Jongh, "Realisme
in 1566 - almost a century before the date of Vermeer's painting, ca. en Schijnrealisme," I8o, fig. 19, and "Vermommingen van Vrouw
1667 - that the Dutch met to form the compromise of Breda and began Wereld," 202, fig. 7.
the rebellion that led to the division of the Netherlands. 67 In a step-by-step fashion, Barnouw ("Vermeers zoogenaamd Novum
63 Van Gelder, Schilderkunst, 10. Testamentum," Oud-Holland, xxxII, 1914, 50-54) compared Vermeer's
painting to the description of Faith given in Ripa's Iconologia, a work
64 As with Vermeer, many of the maps in 7th-century vanitas paintings
that Vermeer also consulted for his Art of Painting (see note 58 above).
are taken from specific sources. The subject of these maps is not neces- Barnouw suggested that Vermeer, by portraying Faith as a woman
sarily the world; frequently maps of more specific areas are included. dressed in white, referred specifically to the Catholic faith.
For example, the Dutch artist Edward Collier (act. ca. I662-ca. 1700)
painted a vanitas still life (Hoevelaken, Gelderland, Collection D.C.J.K.68 "Habbende de Werreld onder haere voeten," Ripa, Iconologia (1644),
van Aalst) in which he included along with the usual vanitas objects - an 147-
hour glass, a timepiece, a burned-out candle, a book, a globe (celestial),69 New Guinea is eliminated from the globe and the names and positions
and musical instruments - a small atlas map entitled HO/LAND. of several islands around New Guinea are altered. These geographical
This map, identified here for the first time, is from Abraham Goos's
changes are found directly above the large dedication cartouche.

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542 THE ART BULLETIN

..... ::: s::::

.: ::::i::

: ii-i

13 Vermeer, The Allegory ofFaith. New York, Metropolitan

Museum of Art

4 Detail of Fig. 13

paper gores used to make the globe. They show, besides the
geographical revision of 1618, an alteration in the globe's
original dedication cartouche.70
In The Allegory of Faith the Hondius globe appears at a
considerable distance from the viewer.71 Yet the contents of
the globe are still legible. In fact, Vermeer's representation
of it is so detailed that we can distinguish the original

70 Only a limited number of original terrestrial globes by Hondius

remain. Two globes dated 16oo are known; they are in the Huntington
Library, San Marino, and the Giannini Library, Lucca. The only known
copy of the publication of 1618 is in the Germanisches Nationalmuseum,
Nuremberg, No. WI 296; this globe is hand-colored. (Cf. E. L. Stevenson,
Terrestrial and Celestial Globes, New Haven, 1921, II, 4-8, 15; A. Fauser,
Altere Erd-und Himmelsgloben in Bayern, Stuttgart, 1964, 99.) The one
remaining set of gores from 1627 is preserved in the Nederlandsch
Historisch Scheepvaart Museum, Amsterdam, No. 15 Jodocus
4056. Hondius, Terrestrial Globe, i618. Nuremb
The dedication
Germanisches
inscription to Prince Maurice of Orange (see note 72 below) andNationalmuseum
his (photo: Germanische
coat-of-arms were both eliminated from the 1627 state of the globe
Nationalmuseum)
because of the death of the Prince in 1625-
71 According to a diagram by Swillens (Vermeer, pl. 46b) the distance
between the globe and the point from which Vermeer painted it is
approximately 4.5 meters or about fifteen feet.

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 VERMEER' S MAPS 543

dedication cartouche72 and even some of the geographical

fascinated by the scientific use of cartographic material.
changes made in 1618. This information makes clear In that
The Geographer, a young professional is shown in his
Vermeer used a globe from the second edition. His "true-
study involved in some form of cartographic work. With a
book in one hand and a pair of dividers in the other, he
to-life" representation shows that even in his most obviously
allegorical work Vermeer still reinforces the realismpauses
of themomentarily to gaze out of a window, thereby
objects he uses symbolically. suggesting the existence of a world beyond his immediate
In his carefully staged composition Vermeer arrangedenvironment.
the This larger world that captures the geog-
Hondius globe so that its four major cartouches - in rapher's
particu- attention is further indicated by a variety of
lar, the large, ornate dedication cartouche - face the cartographic
viewer. material included in the room itself. On the
Was it only for pictorial reasons that Vermeer placed theof the study hangs a framed map that, although
back wall
globe in this position, or did he intend this arrangement only partially
to visible, can be identified as a sea chart of
convey further meaning? Perhaps it is significantEurope. that he Numerous sea charts like the one in Vermeer's
shows the right foot of Faith covering Asia, which during
painting were published in the Netherlands throughout the
the seventeenth century was regarded as outside the seventeenth century. Of the examples that remain, the
Christian world.73 Likewise, he may have attached special earliest one most similar to that in Vermeer's painting is by
meaning to the large cartouche that honors Prince Maurice Willem Jansz. Blaeu (Fig. i7). 7 This chart, oriented with
of Orange (1567-I625),74 who, at the time Vermeer was north to the right, shows "all the Sea coasts of Europe."
painting, was no longer living. If so, Vermeer may have Blaeu's chart, which belongs to a long tradition of mari-
hinted at the theme of transience,75 which, in seventeenth- time maps,78 shows a complex network of criss-crossing lines
century paintings, is often suggested by the juxtaposition that were used to guide sea pilots as they navigated the
of a terrestrial globe and some reference to a deceased waters around Europe. Although Blaeu's chart is quite
ruler.76 Certainly the particular "world" Vermeer selected technical, it is also extremely decorative. Its ornamentation
for his allegory and the way in which he presented it offer includes figures, animals, ships, and a wide variety of
possibilities for interpretation even beyond Ripa's intention. heraldic insignia. Of these, the most prominent on the
chart in Vermeer's painting are the large decorative
VI emblems of Spain, France, and Germany.
Judging from the paintings we have examined so far,The ornate quality of Blaeu's sea chart indicates that
one might assume that Vermeer's interest in cartography charts like these were intended for more than technical
was limited to the cartographic objects themselves. This, purposes. A seventeenth-century catalogue points out that
however, is not the case. A painting known as The Geog- such charts, which were "made according to very exact
rapher (Frankfurt a/M, Stdidelsches Kunstinstitut; Fig. 16),drawing," were also "very useful for framing and hanging
completed around 1668, reveals that Vermeer was also up."79 On the Blaeu chart shown here, we find around the

72 The coat-of-arms of Prince Maurice of Orange, which was part of at the time was deceased - is juxtaposed with a terrestrial globe
- who
the globe's original dedication cartouche, can be seen in Vermeer's
to convey the idea of transience. For an illustration and discussion of
painting. The inscription contained in the large oval below the coat-of-
Pereda's painting, see I. Bergstr6m, "L'Egalit6 supreme," L'Oeil, xcv,
arms reads as follows: "Illustrissimo/ Principi Do Mauritio/ a Nassau,
30, 1962, 94-95-
Principi Au/raico, Comiti a Nassau,/ etc. Gubernatori Pro/vinciarum
77 This chart - one of three such charts published by Blaeu - bears the
Foederatuarfi/ Summoque Praefecto/mari Inferioris Ger/maniae. Domino
title "PASCAARTE/ van alle de Zacusten van/ EVROPA" and
suo/ colendissimo" (To the illustrious Prince D. Maurice of Nassau, measures 66 x 88cm. An undated original (colored) of this chart is
Prince of Orange, Knight of Nassau, etc. Governor of the Federated
Provinces and High Prefect of the Lower German Ocean, his Most preserved in the Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, East Berlin, No. F 131.
The following is a list of eight other charts of Europe (all designed with
Worshipful Master). Below this is noted the original publication privilege, north to the right) that are similar to the sea chart in Vermeer's
which was granted for ten years: "Iod. Hondius Flander. L. M. D. D./
Geographer: (I) "Generale/ PASCAERTE/ ... .," by Cornelis Doetz
Cum privi/legio decem annorum."
(published by W. J. Blaeu), dated 1605, 49 x 59cm (Paris, Bibliothbque
73 This arrangement should be considered in connection with a i7th- nationale, Res. Ge.D. 2427); (2) "Pascaarte . .. van geheel Europa,"
century engraving that shows a portrait of the missionary Francis by W. J. Blaeu, ca. 16io, 57 x 73cm (Utrecht, Geografisch Instituut der
Xavier placed above a globe that bears the inscription: CHI/NA, Rijksuniversiteit); (3) "EUROPA," by Arnold Colom, 68 x 88cm
JA/PAN. This engraving is included in B. Moreti, S. p. FrancisciXauerii... (Greenwich, National Maritime Museum, G.213-3); (4) "PASKAARTE
Epistolarum libri IV Ex hispano in latinum conuersi ab Horatio Tursellino Edito . . . EUROPA.," by Justus Danckerts, 61 x 8Icm (London, British
nouvissima recensita ..., Antwerp, 1657. Vermeer's particular arrangement Library, 1040 [2]); (5) "PASCAARTE ... EVROPA.," by Anthony
of the globe beneath the foot of Faith should also be compared with Jacobszen, 69x87cm (Amsterdam, Nederlandsch Historisch Scheep-
Bernini's placement of the globe under the foot of Truth in the Tomb vaart Museum, A 2535); (6) "PASKAARTE . .. EVROPA.," by Pieter
of Alexander VII. As Philipp P. Fehl, "Bernini's 'Triumph of Truth Goos, 87x67cm (Karlsruhe, Badische Landesbibliothek, F 13); (7)
over England,"' Art Bulletin, LXVIII, 1966, 404-05, points out, Bernini's "PASCAARTE ... EUROPA.," by Willem, Pieter, and Joan Blaeu,
figure of Truth (representing in this context Christian Veritas) rests her dated 1677, 68 x 88cm (Leiden, University Library, P 211 N 2); (8)
right foot on England, which at the time was strongly anti-Catholic. "GROOTE PASCAART... EVROPA.," by Hendrick Doncker, 69 x
74 See note 72 above. 87cm (Dresden, Sdichsische Landesbibliothek, A 15). All of the above
charts, except the one by Danckerts, are printed on vellum.
75 For an interpretation of the globe in Vermeer's Allegory of Faith as a
symbol of transience, see L. Mller, "Bildgeschichtliche Studien zu 78 For a discussion of the origin and popularity of these sea charts of
Stammbuchbildern II. Die Kugel als Vanitassymbol," Jahrbuch der Europe, see W. V. Cannenburg, "A Dutch Chart that Survived the
hamburger Kunstsammlungen, II, 1953, 172, n.77. The Hondius terrestrial Ages," Imago mundi, Iv, 1947, 63.
globe is included in a vanitas painting (Budapest, Szepmuveszeti Mus- 79 "Naar seer exacte Teeckeningen gemaeckt. Alle seer dienstig om
eum, No. 543) by Christiaan Luycks (1632-after 1653); see note 93 gelijst en opgehangen te worden"; see C. a Beughem, Bibliographia
below. mathematica et artificiosa novissima . . . , Amstelodami, apud Janssonio-
Waesbergios, 1688, 4Io. This reference was brought to my attention in
76 For example, in Antonio Pereda's (1608-78) Allegory on Transience
I. C.
(Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum, No. 1072), a portrait of Charles V Koeman, Collections, 29-30.

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544 THE ART BULLETIN

outside border a series of nail holes, indicating that

rapher the
and the large sheet on the table in front of him.
chart was once mounted on stretcher strips and then, as the not enough of the contents of these sheets is
Unfortunately
catalogue suggests, probably placed in a framevisible
suchtoasidentify
we them with specific cartographic sources.
see in Vermeer's Geographer. Nevertheless, the one on the table is of special interest since
The simple black frame on the sea chart in itVermeer's
is the subject of the geographer's study. This sheet - white
Geographer is identical to the frame that appears onside
on one a sea
and amber on the reverse and on the part where
the light shines through - seems to be vellum. In the
chart - also of Europe80so - in Michael van Musscher's
Portrait of Adriaen Corver and Rijcke Theulinghoriginal painting one can distinguish on this sheet faint
(Warsaw,
National Museum; Fig. 18), completed about two years
markings that suggest a nautical map;84 it is similar to the
sea chart
earlier in 1666.81 The sea chart in Van Musscher's on the wall behind the geographer, although less
painting
like the one (mounted on rollers) that appears in decorative.85
his painting If the map on the table is vellum, it may be a
manuscript
cited earlier - Self-Portrait of an Artist in His Studio (Fig. I I)map,
- but not necessarily. In the seventeenth
century,
proves that the use of these charts was not limited to engraved
sea maritime maps - both decorative and
pilots and geographers, for in one of these worksscientific
a sea chart
- were frequently printed on vellum.
In The Geographer,
hangs in the home of a cloth worker82 and in the other, the a display of scientific instruments also
studio of a painter. contributes to the cartographic theme. On the stool in the
right
As the paintings by Vermeer and Van Musscher foreground lies a square, which, like the pair of
demon-
strate, sea charts - whether framed or mounted on rollers
dividers held- by the geographer, is an important instrument
formed an attractive wall decoration. It was evidently for
for both the making and using of cartographic material. On
this reason that publishers made them available to thepost of the window hangs what appears to be a
the center
general public. Vermeer, therefore, would have cross-staff,
had no a device designed for measuring the angle of
elevation of
difficulty obtaining such a chart. In fact, an inscription onthe sun and stars. With the cross-staff, a
geographer
the one by Blaeu tells exactly where this particular itemcould measure the altitude of the sun at noon
could have been purchased.83 and thus derive latitude. The cross-staff was especially
useful at seaby
In Vermeer's Geographer the sea chart is complemented where, in the seventeenth century, the celestial
a large globe, which appears on a cabinet to thebodies left.were
If the
we sole means for determining latitude.
The Hondius
examine this globe closely, we find it is identical to the appropriateness of the instruments and the carto-
graphic
terrestrial globe seen earlier in Vermeer's Allegory objects Vermeer chose for his Geographer indicates
of Faith
that he
(Fig. I3). As in the religious painting, the Hondius was quite
globe is familiar with this scientific material. The
again given a central position in Vermeer's composition.
careful selection of these objects and the way in which they
are arranged
Here, however, the globe - placed in a four-legged stand even suggests that Vermeer may have had
and juxtaposed with an assortment of books -occasion
is treated
to watch cartographers at work.
specifically as a scientific object. Even its decorative
A counterpart to Vermeer's Geographer is a work known as
The Astronomer
cartouches are turned to the side; facing us instead is (Paris, private collection; Fig. 19) dated
Orientalis Oceanus - the Indian Ocean. I668.86 In The Astronomer the prominent gesture of a man
In The Geographer there are, in addition to the globe and seated at a table directs our attention to a colorful and
dramatically lighted celestial globe (Fig. 20). Vermeer's
sea chart, three other items that appear to be maps. These
include the two rolled sheets on the floor behind the geog- detailed rendering of this globe again enables us to identify

"une
80 This chart, identified here for the first time, is by the Dutch carte g6ographique" in the Goll van Franckenstein Sale, I July,
cartog-
rapher Pieter Goos. For further information on this chart, see1833,
noteNo.
77,47; cf. Thor&-Buirger, "Van der Meer," 559. Two prints of
No. 6 above. The Geographer, both made in the 19th century, also show the sheet on
the van
81 For a discussion of this painting, see P. J. J. Thiel, "Michiel table as a map. These prints appear in the following: M. C. Blanc,
L'Histoire des peintres de toutes les dcoles: Ecole hollandaise, ii, Paris, 1861, 3
Musscher's vroegste Werk naar Aanleiding van zijn Portret van het
and H. Havard, Van Der Meer de Delft, Paris, 1888, 7.
ectpaar Comans," Bulletin van het Rijksmuseum, xvII, 1969, 3-36.
82 In his marriage record (26 February, 1644; Amsterdam, City 85 Hofstede de Groote, A Catalogue Raisonne of the Works of the Most
Eminent Dutch Painters of the Seventeenth Century, trans. E. G. Hawke, London,
Archives, D. T. B. No. 677, P-. 90) Adriaen Corver is listed as a "droog-
scheerdersgezel" (cloth shearer). 1907, 1, 584, described the sheet on the table as "a map of the stars" and
in turn entitled the painting The Astronomer. It seems unlikely, however,
83 This Dutch inscription, located in the title cartouche (bottom, that this sheet is a map of the stars since both the globe and sea chart in
center), is translated: "One can buy [this chart] at Amsterdam on the same painting deal with the terrestrial realm rather than the celestial
the Water [now the Damrak] in the verguld Sonnenvijser" (The Golden realm.
Sundial, the name of Blaeu's shop).
86 Similar in both size and formal arrangement, The Geographer and
84 The marks on this sheet were evidently at one time more visible than The Astronomer were described and sold together, from their first mention
they are today. In two consecutive Amsterdam sales in the late i8th and in a sale on 27 April 1713 until late in the i8th century. Cf. Swillens,
early 19th centuries, the sheet on the table was described as a map: "een Vermeer, 58-59-
Landkaart" in the Danser Nyman Sale, I6 August 1797, No. 168 and

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 VERMEER'S MAPS 545

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17 WillemJansz. Blaeu, Sea Chart of Europe. East Berlin, Deutsche

I6 Vermeer, The Geographer. Frankfurt a/M,
Stidelsches Kunstinstitut Staatsbibliothek (photo: Deutsche Staatsbibliothek)

the specific source to which he referred: a globe by Jodocus

Hondius, first published in 160.87 Figure 21 shows an
original of the Hondius globe arranged and lighted in the
same way as the one in Vermeer's painting. Meticulously
recreated on the celestial globe in The Astronomer are the
complex forms of various constellations, some of which are
recognizable. On the upper half of the globe, to the left, is
the Great Bear, in the center, the Dragon and Hercules,
and, to the right, Lyra.
In The Astronomer there are several items that, although
not identified with specific sources, should be mentioned in
connection with the celestial globe. Attached to the cabinet
behind the table is a technical chart whose three circular
forms suggest some type of stereographic projection. On the
table are several books. The open one placed before the
astronomer seems to be a guide for his study of the globe. If
we look closely we can discern on the left page a circular
form that appears to be a diagram or volvelle like those
found in books on astrology.88 Also on the table are an

87 The three known copies of this globe, all dated 16oo, are preserved in
the following collections: Huntington Library, San Marino; Giannini x8 Michael van Musscher, Portrait ofAdriaen Corver and Rijcke
Library, Lucca (cf. Stevens, Globes, Ii, 4-8); and the Nederlandsch Theulingh. Warsaw, National Museum
Historisch Scheepvaart Museum, Amsterdam, No. A 942. The globe in
Vermeer's Astronomer is here compared to the globe from Amsterdam
(Fig. 21) which is hand-colored. The Hondius celestial globe is very
similar to one - also thirty-four centimeters in diameter - published at
about the same time by Willem Jansz. Blaeu. One of the few differences
between the Blaeu and Hondius globes is the costume on the zodiacal fig-
ure of Hercules. On the Blaeu globe, the animal skin worn by Hercules
includes a tail (which appears next to Hercules' right leg) whereas on
the Hondius globe the animal skin worn by Hercules does not include a
tail. Since the latter is the case with the globe in Vermeer's painting, we
can assume that Vermeer referred to the Hondius globe. The only
original of the first state of Blaeu's globe - printed around 1599 - is a
partial set of paper gores in the Harvard College Library. For a dis-
cussion of the Blaeu globe and its relationship to the Hondius globe as
well as an illustration of the gores from the Blaeu globe (showing the
Hercules figure), see D. J. Warner, "The First Celestial Globe of Willem
Janszoon Blaeu," Imago mundi, xxv, 1971, 29-38 and Fig. 3.
88 E.g., P. Apianus, Astronomicum casareum, Ingolstadt, 1540.

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546 THE ART BULLETIN

Cr

Tin

20 Detail of Fig. 19 (photo: Lourmel)

g19 Vermeer, The Astronomer. Paris, private collection (photo:

Lourmel)

astrolabe and a pair of dividers. The astrolabe, a device used

for finding the altitude of stars and other celestial bodies,
is shown here with its front side forward89 and placed against I :

the base of the celestial globe.

Ever since The Astronomer and The Geographer were first
recorded in the early eighteenth century, there has been
confusion about which professions Vermeer intended to
depict in these two works.90 The fact that Vermeer included
an astrolabe and a celestial globe in The Astronomer and a
sea chart(s) and a terrestrial globe in The Geographer estab-
lishes conclusively that these are appropriate titles for the
two scientific professions represented in these works.91
Interestingly, the two Hondius globes that Vermeer used in
his Astronomer and Geographer exhibit a pendant relationship
much as the paintings do themselves. The globes - one
celestial, the other terrestrial - were designed as a pair (each
measures thirty-four centimeters in diameter) and were
originally published and sold together. Evidently Vermeer
had access to, or perhaps owned, a set of these globes. The
price he would have had to pay for two hand-colored globes of
the size he used was - at the time he was painting - about 21 Jodocus Hondius, Celestia
thirty-two guilders.92 Nederlandsch Historisch Sc
Press-Studio)

89 The front side of the astrolabe can be recognized here b

network of star pointers.
90 For a summary of the titles given to these two paint
early 18th century forward, see Swillens, Vermeer, 58-59.
subject, see note 84 above as well as "Astronom oder G
A. Fauser, Die Welt in Hinden, Stuttgart, 1967, 124-27.
91 It should be noted that The Astronomer might also b
Astrologer since the instruments included in this painting
both professions during the 17th century.
92 Cf. Blaeu, Catalogue.

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 VERMEER'S MAPS 547

Perhaps Vermeer's Geographer and Astronomer, like the

pair of Hondius globes, were conceived on the principle of
terrestrial and celestial complements.93 If so, they are
decidedly more than genre scenes. As Gerson suggested:
"Could it be that The Geographer and The Astronomer are
allegories of the application of human thought to the prob-
lems of the earth and the universe ?"94
Indeed, the spirit of investigation that flourished in the
Netherlands at the time Vermeer was painting is evident
in both his Geographer and Astronomer. More specifically,
these two works convey the wonder and excitement
connected with the use of maps and globes during this
period. A similar seventeenth-century appreciation of
cartographic material was put into words by Vermeer's
contemporary Samuel van Hoogstraten (1627-78): "How
valuable a good map is wherein one views the world as from
another world, thanks to the art of drawing."95 This
enthusiasm for cartography parallels in both time and
spirit Vermeer's fascination with specific maps and globes -
an interest that has resulted in one of the richest records of
the great age of Dutch cartography.
Worcester Art Museum

93A pair of the Hondius globes (I6oo00) was used in two other 17th-
century paintings (Budapest, Szepmuveszeti, Nos. 591, 543) that were
designed as pendants. These paintings - one of which (No. 591) features
the celestial globe and the other (No. 543) the terrestrial globe - are both
vanitas still lifes by the Flemish artist Christiaan Luycks (1623 - after
I653).

94 H. Gerson, "Vermeer," Encyclopedia of World Art, xlv, 1966, col. 744-

Other art historians have also commented on the possibility of
an allegorical meaning in Vermeer's Geographer and Astronomer; for
example, E. de Jongh, Zinne- en Minnebeelden, 67, suggests that The
Geographer may have a religious meaning and that the man shown
working with a map may symbolize man's voyage on earth towards
Heaven. De Jongh also notes that the brilliant illumination in this
interior scene may allude to the passage from John, 8:12, "I am the

light of the world .... "

95 "Hoe heerlijk een goede kaert is, daer in men de werelt als uit een
andere werelt beziet, zy heeft het de Teykenkonst te danken," Van
Hoogstraten, Inleyding tot de hooge Schoole der Schilder-Konst: Anders de
zichtbaere Werelt., Rotterdam, 1678, 7. In his painting A View Down a
Corridor, dated 1662 (Dyrham Park, Gloucestershire, National Trust;
reproduced in Apollo, LXXXI, 1965, 362, fig. 2), Van Hoogstraten also
includes a wall map. This map - the specific source of which is yet
unidentified - is a map of the world, complete with allegorical and
costumed figures, topographical views, and a marginal text.

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