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Vários Autores - Deleuze Studies Journal Volume 9 Issue 1
Vários Autores - Deleuze Studies Journal Volume 9 Issue 1
Abstract
In taking up Deleuze’s differential diagnosis by observing Masoch’s
literary practice and extracting his libidinal principles of imperatives,
contracts, fetishism and rituals, I demonstrate Deleuzian libidinal
symptomatology as a specific semiotics in the service of schizoanalysis.
I shall argue that in Masoch the schizoanalytic curettage of the
unconscious is executed as schizoid waiting where the fleeting outer
symptoms of pain–pleasure reveal the masochist’s desired inner splitting
of the senses.
Several critical-clinical inroads to the schizoanalytic project can be
envisaged. Initially, Masoch’s visionary concept of sexualised world
history is supported by his strategic move to the law of the oral mother,
yet then extended by Deleuze’s concept of (inter)maternal symbolic
which speculates on the fantasised rebirth of a sexless or hermaphroditic
man. Finally, the parodic enactment of eros and thanatos functions
as technique of dialectical disguise within the masochist’s scheme of
practising libidinal liberation.
Masochism considered as a state of bodily experimentation which
turns the oedipal law upside down, emerges as a distinct literary genre
in Deleuzian aesthetics.
Rewriting Masochism
Deleuze’s reassessment of masochism orients itself at the Freudian
and Lacanian understanding of masochism as perversion. The focus
is on Masoch’s elaborate execution of libidinal phantasms where
an ambiguous mastery of the self is achieved by submitting to a
libidinal contract of parodic enslavement. However, the symptoms of
submissiveness and the loss of identity are ridiculed and dismissed as
a ploy to pursue an experimental liberation from the oedipal impasse.
The psychoanalytic assumption of masochism as perversion is refuted;
in Deleuze’s terms a libidinal regime of coldness and cruelty reigns in
masochism which is set under the law of the severe, oral good mother
and the denial of the father. The process of de-oedipalisation is achieved
through negating the father’s law, thus granting incest with the mother.
This is never executed in Masoch in a pornographic manner, as happens
in Sade, since Masoch transposes the stages of death and rebirth through
the mother into a mythological setting. Ancient mother rites are enacted
as simulacral phantasms, in a literary style that lends itself to libidinal
symptomatology.6
The schizoanalytic pursuit in Venus in Furs relies on libidinal
phantasms in the form of pure waiting and prolonged suspense which
have become the hallmark of masochism and, as Deleuze maintains,
in an unjustified manner singled out as the syndrome of suffering.
The masochistic instantiation embodies various avatars of Deleuze and
Guattari’s schizo whereby the corporeal symptoms of coldness and
cruelty function as the means to abolish sensuality and provoke the
deathlike stages of the body without organs.7 According to Deleuze and
Guattari’s argumentation in Anti-Oedipus and A Thousand Plateaus,
the schizo takes the road of schizoanalytic de-oedipalisation.8
In literary terms Masoch achieves the schizoanalytic process through
narrative dissociation and schizodicity in splitting and serialising
characters.9 The schizoanalytic curettage of the unconscious is executed
in patterns of waiting and suspense that negate and finally suspend
time.10 The process is aided by framing the story as memoir.
The instantiation of the masochist as schizo is performed by setting out
the contract of submission and experimentation. The dissociation of the
narrative and its atemporality supports the ritualisation of the schizo’s
progress in the libidinal journey while the parodic enactment of death
and rebirth, as a game of eros and thanatos, completes the process of
schizoanalytic de-oedipalisation.11
Libidinal Symptomatology in Deleuze’s Masochism 5
Evaluating Schizoanalysis
In Anti-Oedipus Deleuze and Guattari offer several, not easily reconciled
evaluations of schizoanalysis.12 In part four of the polemical work
they propose a balance of positive and negative goals to be reached
simultaneously. If set into the frame of the first part of Anti-Oedipus
which models the process of desiring production, the positive aims of
inquiring into one’s desiring machines, their form and their function,
comprise a task of self-exploration. Triadic desiring machines act as the
propelling force of desiring production while their functions are termed
libido, numen and voluptas. The first machinic prong drives the desiring
production, the second creates the body without organs and the third
prong produces an ephemeral subject and its enjoyment (Deleuze and
Guattari 2004a: 22–3). Viewed from the processual angle, the triadic
model of libidinal functioning takes the form of actions as connection,
disjunction and consumption or consummation.
The processual evaluation in the first part of Anti-Oedipus and the
programmatic evaluation in the fourth part are strategically connected.
What sets the later evaluation apart is the negative task of schizoanalysis
as curettage of one’s unconscious. The scouring of the unconscious
demands a shift from the phallic, oedipal ‘line of castration’ to a
‘matrical fissure’ (Deleuze and Guattari 2004a: 328–9). The promotion
of the schizo as the result of a successful process of schizophrenisation
and de-oedipalisation figures in all parts of Anti-Oedipus and is aligned
with the creation of the body without organs while the link between
the schizo’s instantiation and the curettage of the unconscious demands
further inquiry.
Another thread within the theorisation of schizoanalysis evokes the
unconscious as orphan and producer (Deleuze and Guattari 2004a:
328–9) that refutes the Freudian idea that the unconscious is created
by repressed ideas engendered in the process of oedipalisation.13
In Deleuze’s libidinal theory, desiring machines as the acting parts of
desiring production are evoked in the literary work of Hölderlin, Kleist,
Lenz, Artaud, Kafka, Proust and Masoch (Deleuze and Guattari 2004a:
22–3). The process of positive schizophrenisation, producing the scoured
schizo, is the theoretical link to the aesthetic-literary aspect of Deleuze
and Guattari’s schizoanalysis. The named writers and some philosophers
such as Nietzsche and Spinoza present in their work, topically and
stylistically, libidinal features which symptomatically express their
avoidance of ingrained discursive patterns. These singular figures
6 Erika Gaudlitz
Pseudo Romanticism
Stylistically, the blend of mysticism and eroticism represents Masoch’s
romanticism since he borrows topoi such as dreamscapes, moonlit park
scenes, evocative paintings and the metaphor of travelogue to Italy. The
characteristics of masochism, excess, cultivated anxiety, exhibitionism
of pain, suffering and martyrdom (Deleuze 2006: 33–4, 69, 70–1, 133),
are clothed in pseudo romantic ways. Excessive fantasies erode Masoch’s
texts from the inside, thus voiding them of realistic details. Phantasy
as the libidinal principle of masochism reigns in dreamt, dramatised
and ritualised scenarios. The romanticising experience of the masochist
exemplifies the schizo’s attitude of liberation where libidinal strength is
gained out of affective denial.
Notes
1. Cf. Deleuze [1994; 1977; 1973] 1997a: 183–92; Deleuze [1989] 1997b: 53–5;
Deleuze [1967] 2004c: 131–4. See for exegesis: David-Ménard 2005; Bogue
2007: 107–12; Alliez 2010: 117–30; Geyskens 2010: 103–15.
2. Cf. Freud 1919: SE, XVII, 175–204; 1924: SE, XIX, 159–70. Lacan [1963]
2006: 645–68; see for exegesis: Baas 2003: 34–66; Verhaeghe 2007: 29–49.
Reik [1941/1949] 1962. Bataille 1985; see for exegesis: Shaviro 1990; Hill 2001;
Kaufman 2001. Blanchot 1989. Klossowski 2007; see for exegesis: Deleuze
2004a: 280–301.
3. ‘Oedipus [. . . ] led to the point of autocritique; [. . . ] the necessity of a scouring of
the unconscious, schizoanalysis as a curettage of the unconscious [. . . ]’ (Deleuze
and Guattari 2004a: 328–9).
4. The Proust treatise (Deleuze 2000) sets out four sign systems: classes of society,
love and sexuality, the senses, and the arts, read as a symptomatological
diagnostic of the crumbling pre-World War I society. See for exegesis: Beistegui
[2007] 2012.
5. ‘It is the function of the libido to invest the social field in unconscious forms,
thereby hallucinating all history, reproducing in delirium entire civilisations [sic],
races, and continents, and intensely “feeling” the becoming of the world [. . . ]’
(Deleuze and Guattari 2004a: 108).
6. Cf. Deleuze 2004a: 280–301. See for exegesis: Blanchot 1997: 169–82; D. W.
Smith 2012: 325–38.
7. Cf. Sontag 1981: 11–70. See for exegesis: Chiesa 2006: 336–64; Dolar 2006:
312–35.
8. Cf. Deleuze and Guattari 2004b: 165–84.
9. Inside the framing (Deleuze 2006: 143–50, 270–1) four scenarios are staged:
Carpathia (151–204), Austria and Italy (205–35), and Florence (236–46,
247–69), each centring on the third rival of the masochistic assemblage: the
Russian prince, Prince Corsini, the German painter, and ‘the Greek’.
10. Through repetition the unconscious is drawn into actualisation that occurs
habitually in a passive manner; then libidinally and in memory, evoked as eros
and mnemosyne (Deleuze 2004b: 133–9), and finally in obeying the death drive,
evoked as thanatos (Deleuze 2004b: 135–40).
11. Cf. for libido and libidinal drives, 29th Series (Deleuze 2004d: 233–40); for
death rather than eros and thanatos, 21st Series (169–75, esp. 172–4). Freud
did not use the term thanatos or rarely (Laplanche and Pontalis 2006: 447).
Libidinal Symptomatology in Deleuze’s Masochism 19
The 29th Series examines the Oedipus while drawing on Freud 1920: SE,
XVIII, 1–64; 1923: SE, XIX, 1–66, and Blanchot’s double notion of death
(Blanchot 1989).
12. Cf. Deleuze and Guattari 2004a: 108, 293–4, 301–421. For Kafka, see Deleuze
and Guattari 2004a: 212–3, 216, 231–3. See for exegesis: Deleuze and Guattari
2006: 43–52, 72–80. For schizoanalysis see: Holland 1993; Genosko 1998:
175–90; Buchanan 2000; Genosko 2002; Holland [1999] 2005; Watson 2009:
1–14. See for exegesis: Bosteels 1998: 145–74. See Guattari 2011, 2013.
13. ‘If repetition makes us ill, it also heals us; if it enchains and destroys us, it also
frees us, testifying in both cases to its “demonic” power. All cure is a voyage to
the bottom of repetition’ (Deleuze 2004b: 20–1). Deleuze draws on Freud 1914:
SE, XII, 145–56; 1920: SE, XVIII, 1–64.
14. Cf. for exegesis: Buydens 2005; Gaudlitz 2010: 183–205; Gaudlitz 2011;
Zourabichvili 2012.
15. Cf. Krafft-Ebing 1959. Freud 1919: SE, XVII, 175–204 (early stance); 1924: SE,
XIX, 159–70; 1927: SE, XXI, 147–58 (later stance). Grunberger 1979; Deleuze
2006: 37–46. There is a persistent interest in masochism and sadomasochism
running counter to Deleuze’s propositions. Cf. Byrne 2014. See for exegesis:
Finke and Niekerk (eds) 2000; Van Haute and Geyskens 2012.
16. Cf. Deleuze 2006: 9–14, 38. See Bensmaïa [1975] 2006: ix–xxi. Deleuze
proposes that the 1848 revolutions across Europe serve as background to
Masoch’s writings as the French revolution (1789–91) does to Sade’s works.
17. ‘The two principal male figures in Masoch’s work are Cain and Christ [. . . ]
Christ is not the son of God, but the new Man [sic]; his likeness to the father
is abolished, he is “Man on the Cross, who knows no sexual love, no property,
no fatherland, no cause, no work . . . ”’ (Deleuze 2006: 96–100, 131). See for
messianic and cabbalist themes, Sabattai Zwi and self-mortification: Deleuze
2006: 98–9, 177–80.
18. Cf. Deleuze 2006: 222–4, 232–3.
19. Deleuze does not quote Bachofen (1967) but follows Gordon 1946. For ‘the
sexualisation of world history’, see Deleuze 2006: 37–8. For the procedure from
‘schema’ to ‘problem’, see Deleuze 2006: 53, 273–6.
20. Masoch represents Nature as steppe, sea and mother. For the world-historical
reading, see Deleuze 2006: 54. Deleuze follows Bergler’s thesis that the core of
masochism is the oral mother (Deleuze 2006: 55, 63). See Bergler 1959.
21. Masoch’s notion of ‘the true Samartian Woman’ typifies the masochist situation:
‘she wears furs, she wields a whip, she treats men as slaves’ (Deleuze 2006:
47, 273–6). Deleuze amalgamates insights from Masoch’s work, Bachofen’s
historical criteria and Bergler’s psychoanalytic speculations (Deleuze 2006:
50–5).
22. (1) Aulagnier’s thesis (no date) restores an active role to the mother. For Lacan,
foreclosure operates in connection with the father (the Name-of-the-Father). (2)
Gordon’s thesis (1946) on sexual initiation and religious evolution is indebted to
Bachofen. (3) Grunberger’s psychodynamic theory of masochism (1954/1979)
does not accept the maternal–oral aetiology Deleuze espouses in following
Bergler. (4) Lagache’s (Lacanian) thesis (no date) is based on the structure of
the personality. (5) Klossowski’s literary work focuses on the difference between
sadistic and masochistic prostitution fantasies. Deleuze draws on a wide range
of texts but does not provide exact sources for Aulagnier and Lagache. See
Deleuze’s endnotes Nos 11, 13, 15, 18, 33 and 41 (Deleuze 2006: 135–8). See
Bachofen 1967; Grunberger 1979; Klossowski 2007.
23. ‘Desire or delirium [. . . ] is [. . . ] a libidinal investment of an entire historical
milieu, of an entire social environment. What makes one delirious are classes,
20 Erika Gaudlitz
peoples, races, masses, mobs. [. . . ] We say that the schizophrenic has to deal not
with the family, nor with his parents, but with peoples, populations, and tribes.
We say that the unconscious is not a matter of generations or family genealogy,
but rather of world population, and that the psychoanalytic machine destroys
all this’ (Deleuze [1973] 2004a: 274–80, 275). See for exegesis: Girard 2001:
679–712.
24. Deleuze draws on Reik who insists that the mother image is the father in disguise.
‘The Greek’ acting in accordance with the woman is a second level substitute for
the father. For Deleuze the masochist is not ‘disillusioned’ but ‘disfantasized’
[sic] (Deleuze 2006: 65).
25. The first contract states established habits in the masochist assemblage; Severin’s
response to the supplementary contract asking for suicide elicits hesitation and
doubt: ‘A profound horror gripped me on reading these lines’ (Deleuze 2006:
221).
26. Severin’s libidinal status is mirrored in mythological scenarios: Titian Venus
with the Mirror; paintings by Raphael, Carravaggio and Rembrandt; artistic
stories: Manon Lescaut and the Chevalier. The statue of Venus (or Aphrodite
of Milo), cold and eternalised (Deleuze 2006: 153), embodies the ideal woman.
Dreamscapes evoke romantic settings (Deleuze 2006: 156–7), taking on a darker
mood when the libidinal trajectory changes (Deleuze 2006: 214).
27. The Deleuzian expression of ‘supersensuous sentimentality’ draws on Masoch’s
allusion to Goethe’s Faust where Mephistopheles (the devil) taunts Faust
for claiming to be ‘supersensual’ (übersinnlich) while giving in to his
impulsive attraction to Margarete (Gretchen) (Deleuze 2006: 151, 178–9, 188).
Supersensuality can be read as supercarnality, conform to the theological
perception of flesh, sensualitas (Deleuze 2006: 21). At instances, Deleuze equates
idealism and supersensualism in Masoch (Deleuze 2006: 32). The combination
of flesh and feeling in ‘supersensuous sentimentality’ expresses an aspect of
libidinal symptomatology where the inner feeling (sentimentality) struggles with
the outer flesh (sensuality). Deleuze reads this as the icy coldness of the woman-
torturer and later in terms of the split of eros and thanatos (inner heat and outer
coldness).
28. Cf. the fluid gender roles in Masoch’s story of the adventure with Ludwig II
(Deleuze 2006: 281–93).
29. Deleuze identifies the father in two roles, within the masochist assemblage and
in the third rival, the sadistic transvestite man. Masoch’s life and work were
dominated by finding the ideal woman-torturer and the third party, called ‘the
Greek’ (or Apollo) (Deleuze 2006: 11, 48, 64, 66). ‘ “In Paris he has been seen
dressed up as a woman, and men were showering him with love letters”. The
second aspect is virile and marks on the contrary the end of the fantasy and of
the masochistic exercise’ (Deleuze 2006: 64). For the full fantasised situation,
see Deleuze 2006: 250.
30. In some masochian novels the acts of suspension are acted out as scenes of
hanging and crucifixion.
31. Deleuze cites a typical masochist fantasy: ‘a woman in shorts is pedaling [sic]
energetically on a stationary bicycle; the subject is lying under the bicycle, the
whirring pedals almost brushing him, his palms pressed against the woman’s
calves [. . . ] All the elements are conjoined in this image, from the fetishism of
the woman’s calf to the twofold waiting represented by the motion of the pedals
and the immobility of the bicycle’ (Deleuze 2006: 72). Another example has
Masoch arranging to have a healthy tooth pulled while his wife, dressed in furs,
stands before him with a threatening air.
32. Cf. Reik 1962: 44–91; Deleuze [1994; 1977; 1973] 1997a: 183–92.
Libidinal Symptomatology in Deleuze’s Masochism 21
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Cicero’s De Fato in Deleuze’s Logic
of Sense
Abstract
The arguments of the Stoic Chrysippus recorded in Cicero’s De Fato
are of great importance to Deleuze’s conception of events in The Logic
of Sense. The purpose of this paper is to explicate these arguments,
to which Deleuze’s allusions are extremely terse, and to situate them
in the context of Deleuze’s broader project in that book. Drawing
on contemporary scholarship on the Stoics, I show the extent to
which Chrysippus’ views on compatibilism, hypothetical inference and
astrology support Deleuze’s claim that the Stoics developed a theory of
compatibilities and incompatibilities of events independent of corporeal
states of affairs.
Keywords: Deleuze, Stoicism, sense, event, incorporeals, Cicero, fate
More recently, Caston has proposed that we should say the Stoics
make incorporeals ‘supervene’ on corporeal states in a way that
anticipates contemporary discussions in analytic metaphysics and the
philosophy of mind. For example, as Caston renders it, Chrysippus
is reported to have said that ‘sayables [lekta] . . . are supervenient on
thought (paruphistamenon tê dianoia)’ (Sextus Empiricus 1842a: 8. 12;
Caston 1999: 207, n.126). The Stoic terminology is consistent between
Diogenes and Sextus; ‘paruphistamenon’ is grammatically related to
‘huphistasthai’. While Caston doubts that Stoic ‘paruphestatai’ means
the mere parasitism of incorporeals on bodies, he suggests that the ‘Stoic
usage of the term may not require anything stronger than the covariation
involved in supervenience’ (Caston 1999: 207, n.126). Either way,
the relation between incorporeals and bodies remains an asymmetrical
dependency. Incorporeals follow bodies and not the other way around.
There is one notable minor exception to the dominant view that
incorporeality depends on corporeality. Marcelo Boeri (2001) argues
that the asymmetrical dependency of incorporeals on corporeals is
‘not consistent with Stoic philosophy as a whole’ (Boeri 2001: 727).
Rather, we should recognise a ‘reciprocal dependence’ between bodies
and incorporeals (728). Boeri suggests, for example, that the Stoics
understood the incorporeal time not as dependent upon relations among
bodies but as the ‘necessary condition’ for the interactions among
bodies to take place (729).1 Lekta likewise, Boeri thinks, exercise a
reciprocal influence upon bodies: ‘Sayables also play a crucial role in
the constitution of the real and corporeal world, for one of their basic
functions consists in establishing the logical-linguistic relations which
permit us to categorise the object, so that we can know it’ (732).
Deleuze’s reading of Stoicism will be of interest to Stoic scholars like
Boeri to the extent that he provides a reconstruction of Stoicism in the
light of which Boeri’s interpretation is readily defensible. For Deleuze,
incorporeals (specifically, lekta) are not merely dependent, sterile by-
products of causal networks among existing bodies, but exercise a power
that Deleuze calls ‘quasi-causal’ (Deleuze 1990: 94).2
28 Michael James Bennett
The Stoics define causes as bodies: anything that acts or can be acted
upon must exist and be corporeal. But they also speak of something else,
‘that of which a cause is a cause’, which is an incorporeal predicate:
The Stoics say that every cause is a body which becomes the cause to a body of
something incorporeal. For instance, the scalpel, a body, becomes the cause to
the flesh, a body, of the incorporeal predicate ‘being-cut’. (Sextus Empiricus
1842a: 9. 211; Long and Sedley 1987: 333)
Michael Frede explains that the question facing the Stoics was whether
or not causes are items like explanations, linguistic statements or facts,
what he calls ‘propositional items’ (1980: 221–3). On the basis of their
corporealist thesis, the Stoics reject the prevailing view (with its roots in
Plato and Aristotle) that explanatory propositional items count as causes
in the full sense (223). For the Stoics, if causes are to exist then they must
be bodies. Explanations have no direct causal power. Causes are bodies
and what causes cause are effects, specifically understood as predicates
becoming true of bodies.
events (confatalia). Deleuze takes from Cicero the idea that effects
have relations of compatibility and incompatibility among themselves,
relatively independent of the corporeal activities of causes. We want to
see how Deleuze defends this view. Deleuze asserts that a full account of
the Stoic event involves explaining a double causality: ‘The Stoics saw
clearly that the event is subject to a double causality, referring on the
one hand to mixtures of bodies which are its cause and, on the other, to
other events which are its quasi-cause’ (94).
The equation of incorporeal lekta with events, and the emphasis
on the quasi-causality of lekta, are the two key facets of Deleuze’s
interpretation of Stoicism. In order to understand Deleuze’s conception
of the relative independence of effects/events we have to explain a bit
more about his thinking about sense. Deleuze explains that the nature of
quasi-causality has to be understood in terms of sense as well as paradox:
We have tried to ground this second causality [quasi-causality] in a way which
would conform to the incorporeal character of the surface and the event. It
seemed to us that the event, that is, sense, referred to a paradoxical element,
intervening as nonsense or as an aleatory point, and operating as a quasi-
cause assuring the full autonomy of the effect. (Deleuze 1990: 95)
Deleuze means here that the sense of a term (for example a name like
‘Aristotle’) is produced by a disjunction between two series, the series
of events or sense, and the series of beings or reference. There is no
one-to-one correspondence between reference and sense, and no reason
to think there should be one. Predicates belonging to the sense-series
(‘pupil of Plato’, ‘teacher of Alexander’) can vastly exceed the term in
the denotation-series to which they are supposedly parallel: Aristotle that
physical man. Construed this way, Deleuze’s claims would be basically at
32 Michael James Bennett
home in Frege’s famous essay as well, since for Frege any given reference
can have a multitude of senses.7
Deleuze claims that that the relative independence of sense with
respect to relations among bodies has to do with the way sense borrows
the productive or genetic power of the paradoxical element: ‘as soon
as sense is grasped, in its relation to the quasi-cause which produces
and distributes it at the surface, it inherits, participates in, and even
envelops and possesses the force of this ideational cause [sc. the quasi-
cause]’ (Deleuze 1990: 95). Sense acts as a quasi-cause when it borrows
this force. Sense is ‘quasi-causal’ because it is paradoxical. The operative
paradox here is what Deleuze calls ‘Frege’s paradox’ (29), the indefinite
proliferation of senses of a referent, and also names for those senses.
Once we understand the character of structure, Deleuze thinks, then
we can understand the reciprocal production of sense and the other
characteristic relations of the proposition: denotation, manifestation and
signification (12–14; compare Voss 2013: 19–20). Deleuze argues that
reconciling these two aspects of sense (its being produced as a mere effect
of bodily causes and its ‘genetic power’) requires moving from a formal
logic to a ‘transcendental logic’, which would be the titular ‘logic of
sense’ (Deleuze 1990: 95–6).
By transcendental logic Deleuze means a logic that seeks the
necessary conditions of a given phenomenon. The phenomenon of which
Deleuze thinks the Stoics articulate the transcendental condition is real
experience. That is to say that the transcendental logic Deleuze discovers
in the Stoics and structuralism is distinct from Kantian transcendental
logic. Deleuze contrasts what he calls ‘real experience’ with the ‘possible
experience’ to which Kantian transcendental arguments accommodate
everything (Deleuze 1994: 154). The problem with Kant, Deleuze
thinks, is that seeking out the conditions of possible experience pre-
emptively judges experience in terms of a presupposed form of possibility
itself. In short, Kant presupposes a reason to think there should be
correspondence between series. Deleuze says this in a couple of ways:
Kant thinks of the transcendent condition ‘in the image of’ what it
conditions (Deleuze 1990: 105), and Kant’s conditioning is merely
‘extrinsic’ (Deleuze 1990: 97; Deleuze 1994: 180) since it applies an
‘external’, pre-given metric to experience. Just as, in Difference and
Repetition, Deleuze criticises Kant for subordinating his account of
human experience to the ‘hypothetical form of possible experience’
(196), in The Logic of Sense, Deleuze criticises whoever remains satisfied
by the closed circle of denotation and signification for investigating
no farther than the, so to speak, hypothetical form of possible truth.
Cicero’s De Fato in Deleuze’s Logic of Sense 33
For Deleuze, the fact that the Stoics locate truth in sense-relations
between subsistent lekta devoid of existence provides truth with such an
‘element of its own’ (namely sense). Deleuze seems to suggest that the
34 Michael James Bennett
III. Fate
For the productive relations between sense–events and states of affairs,
the Stoics adopt the technical term ‘fate’. It is helpful to understand
Deleuze’s claims about the relative autonomy of the series of events by
comparing them with the reconstructions of Stoic causal theory from
other contemporary commentators. Suzanne Bobzien’s (1998) study
of Stoic determinism hints that the Stoics could have recognised that
incorporeals play a quasi-causal role, specifically in helping to determine
what events occur ‘by fate’. Bobzien maintains that for the Stoics there
are two main types of interaction between bodies: change or motion
(kinêsis), on the one hand, and sustenance (skhesis), on the other.
Chrysippus reportedly said that ‘none of the parts [of the universe] can
be moved or sustained [kinêsthêsetai ê skhêsei] otherwise than according
to its common nature’ (Plutarch 1976b: 1050d). The common nature
of the universe, Plutarch sarcastically explains, includes for the Stoics
sustained conditions (skheseis) like ‘vices, diseases, greed, hedonism
[etc.]’, as well as motions (kinêseis) like ‘adulteries, thefts, betrayals,
[and] homicides’, all of which he implies are consistent with Stoic
divine providence. The point to emphasise here, though, is that since
Cicero’s De Fato in Deleuze’s Logic of Sense 35
there are two kinds of bodily interactions at work, there are two types
of cause: causes producing change, and causes sustaining qualitative
states. Bobzien perspicaciously notes that in the Stoic causal schema,
kinêseis and skheseis are therefore incorporeal effects of bodily causes
(Bobzien 1998: 22). This also means, Bobzien argues, that motions
and sustained conditions are events (gignomena), and she underscores
how with Plutarch and Cicero the terms ‘motions’, ‘conditions’ and
‘events’ are used almost interchangeably (26).8 Nevertheless, Bobzien
doubts that gignomenon is a well-defined technical term (26). Despite
Bobzien’s unwillingness to say that the Stoics have a well-articulated
theory of events, her work suggests the rudiments of such a theory and
locates its clearest expression exactly where Deleuze does, in Cicero’s
De Fato.
Bobzien claims that in discussing the Stoic theory of events she
merely restates the ancient ‘vagueness’ about gignomena by ‘using non-
committal words like “thing”, without trying to clear up the Stoic
mess’ (Bobzien 1998: 27). Using the vague term ‘thing’ is a reference
to Chrysippus’ response to the so-called ‘lazy argument’ (argos logos),
recorded by Cicero. The lazy argument offers an objection to the
hypothesis that everything occurs according to fate and runs roughly
thus:
[1] If it is fated that you will recover from an illness, whether or not
you consult a doctor, you will recover.
[2] If it is fated that you will not recover from an illness, whether or not
you consult a doctor, you will not recover.
[3] In any case, it is pointless to consult a doctor. (Cicero 1942: 28–9)
to be fated, the second must also be fated. Similarly, the event ‘Milo
will wrestle at Olympia’ is co-fated with ‘Someone will wrestle Milo at
Olympia’, since wrestling at Olympia is not something Milo can do by
himself. Events that are connected in this way are called ‘confatalia’,
co-fated things (Cicero 1942: 30).
But fate, for the Stoics, seems like an affair of bodies or causes only,
not events or effects. Chrysippus defines fate (heimarmenê) as a ‘chain
of causes’ (heirmos aitiôn or, in Latin, series causarum).9 We should
not project onto this image a modern conception of causality: the Stoic
causal chain is not a ‘sequence of events, each of which is cause to its
successor and effect of its predecessor’ (Meyer 2009: 73). Stoic effects
are not bodies, and so events cannot act directly as causes. Rather the
Stoic ‘chain of causes’ refers to a ‘cosmic sympathy . . . a complex set of
relations of causal influence between the various bodies of the cosmos’
(73). Causes ‘chained’ together are various quanta of the divine physical
body (pneuma) mixed in existing individuals. The ‘chain of causes’ is
‘Fate, qua pneuma in all things’ (Bobzien 1998: 50). In this causal chain,
there is nothing incorporeal, it seems.
Bobzien, however, reconstructs Stoic causal chaining in a way that
involves incorporeal effects. She wants to say that effects, in a manner
of speaking, exert influence on, or are causally relevant for, the activity
of future causes. She begins by suggesting that ‘any body that is (and
insofar as it is) a cause in the chain or partial network that leads up to
a later effect may be said to be (at least partially) causally responsible
for that motion’ (Bobzien 1998: 51). Her idea is that ‘three-place’ Stoic
causal relations can be serially chained thus:
Body [1] → Body [2] → Effect [1]
Body [2] → Body [3] → Effect [2]
two events is quasi-causal, not causal. Going to the doctor does not
cause you to get better.
As we shall see in detail, Deleuze seeks to draw out in Stoic fatalism
is the way in which the silent compatibilities among events depend
on the aleatory power that events borrow from paradox. Non-causal
compatibilities and incompatibilities are the ‘communications’ among
events effected to the extent that events borrow the power of structural
floaters or paradoxical elements (Deleuze 1990: 50).
1. Every true proposition about the past is necessary (that is, it will not
become false).
For example, the true proposition ‘These words were written in
Montréal’ will not become false for any reason. This premise looks
intuitively acceptable, for how could a true event in the past become
false? It would have to have not occurred, which is absurd.
Cicero’s De Fato in Deleuze’s Logic of Sense 41
2. An impossible proposition (that is, a false proposition that will not become
true) does not follow from a possible one (a proposition true at present or
at some time in the future).
Given how Diodorus has defined his modal terms, this premise appears
to be straightforwardly valid.
3. There is no possible proposition (or event) that is not true or will not be
true. This last point appears to imply that everything possible either is or
will be true.
Consider a possible proposition about the future: ‘this ship will arrive
safely in port.’ Diodorus thinks, if such a proposition is possible then it
will be true. And it is clearly a possibility. But what if the ship sinks?
Diodorus’ modal definitions make it difficult to conceive of how a true
proposition could become false, even a proposition about the future.
And so, true possible propositions stray dangerously close to necessary
ones – true propositions that will not become false.
Whether or not Diodorus was merely attempting a modest definition
of modal terms in relation to each other, without actually identifying
the actual, the possible, and the necessary (Sedley 1977: 99), Cicero
represents Diodorus in the De Fato as a strict necessitarian against whom
Chrysippus reacts (Cicero 1942: 13, 17).
Chrysippus specifically objects to the way Diodorean principles
require denying that ‘counterfactual possibilities’ (possibilities that are
not true now and might not be in the future) and ‘factual non-necessities’
(true present propositions that may become false in the future) can ever
obtain (Bobzien 1998: 106). Things that will not be true are not even
possible. Contingent propositions about the future, whose contradiction
is also possible, have no place in Diodorus’ modal world.
Chrysippus, in contrast, allows for possibilities of the kind Diodorus
refuses, and thus breaks with the perceived necessitarianism in Diodorus
(Cicero 1942: 13). Chrysippus affirms that ‘This jewel will be broken’
is a possible proposition about the future of a currently unbroken
jewel even if the jewel in question will not become broken. In order to
allow for such contingencies, Chrysippus supplements Diodorus’ modal
definitions: for Chrysippus the possible is what is ‘capable of being true,
where there is nothing hindering its being true’.16 The exact nature of
what ‘hinders’ propositions from being true is sometimes unclear. But
there is a report that the Stoics maintained it is possible for grain chaff
to burn in the open air, but impossible when the chaff is submerged
in water.17 It looks here like the external circumstances hindering
possibilities and impossibilities are instances of brute corporeal causality.
Chrysippean modality has been understood in this way: Sedley implies
42 Michael James Bennett
They will not employ conditionals expressing their observations thus: ‘If
someone was born at the rise of the dog-star, then he will not die at sea’, but
rather they will state them in this way: ‘It is not the case both that someone
was born at the dawn of the dog-star and that he will die at sea.’ (Cicero
1942: 15, author translation)
by means of certain signs disclosing what will follow. (Cicero 1923: 1. 127,
author translation)
texts), but there are texts that support Deleuze, and Deleuze can be
seen as contributing to Stoic scholarship today precisely because of the
temerity of his reading. I am thinking principally of a passage from
Sextus Empiricus, which Long and Sedley recognise hints at a Stoic
theory of the quasi-causality of events (Long 1987: 165):
[the Stoics] say, just as the trainer or drill-sergeant sometimes takes hold
of the boy’s hands to drill him and to teach him to make certain motions,
but sometimes stands at a distance and moves to a certain drill, to provide
himself as a model for the boy – so too some appearances touch, as it were,
and make contact with the commanding-faculty to make their printing in it,
as do black and white, and body in general; whereas others have a nature
like that of the incorporeal sayables [asômata lekta], and the commanding-
faculty is impressed in relation to them, not by them [ep’autoîs . . . kai oukh
hup’autôn]. (Sextus Empiricus 1842a: 8. 409; Long 1987: 163, translation
modified)
V. Conclusion
Deleuze’s insight lies in perceiving that the Stoic ontological
stemma – the division of ontology into existent and non-existent
‘somethings’ – constitutes a structure in which the causal relations among
existents and the quasi-causal relations among ‘subsistents’ reciprocally
presuppose one another, like two sides of a surface (Deleuze 1990:
22, 25). Deleuze admires the Stoic theory of ‘silent compatibilities
and incompatibilities’ of events articulated in terms of compatibilist
fatalism and astrological divination. Primarily, Deleuze maintains that
these Stoic quasi-causal compatibilities must be understood as distinct
from the straightforward relation between propositions and universal
or general concepts. On Deleuze’s reading, the main difference between
the three kinds of compatibilities and incompatibilities between things
in Stoicism (corporeal, conceptual and evental) is that the first two are
subjected to specific laws and rules of convergence, while the third is
Cicero’s De Fato in Deleuze’s Logic of Sense 53
Notes
1. Boeri singles out a testimony in Clement of Alexandria as the lone extant
record of a Stoic view in which time counts as a cause. Clement takes the
process of a child learning as an example. The child’s father, Clement says,
is the ‘prokatarctic’ cause, affording the occasion for learning, the teacher
the ‘sunektic’ (or perfect) cause, the child’s character a ‘cooperating cause’
(sunergon), and time is the cause ‘sine qua non’ (hôn ouk aneu), the phrase
54 Michael James Bennett
19. Compare Bobzien’s discussion of the Chrysippean confatalia ‘Laius will have
a son, Oedipus’ and ‘Laius will mate with a woman’, as well as ‘Milo will
wrestle at Olympia’ and ‘Someone will wrestle Milo at Olympia’ (Bobzien 1998:
217–22), which she considers to be disanalogous (despite what Chrysippus says)
to the terms in Chrysippus’ response to the ‘lazy argument’, precisely because the
relations between the former (but not the latter) are readily apprehensible on the
basis of universal relations of necessary conditionality (201–2, 222). Regarding
‘types’, Bowden plausibly argues that Deleuze is referring to the appendix to
Russell’s Principles of Mathematics (Bowden 2011: 53, n.69).
20. Eusebius, Praeparatio Evangeliae, 4.3.2 (Long and Sedley 1987: 338).
21. Augustine’s use of the verb ‘significare’ and in general the Stoic use of the term
‘sign’ to describe relationships among propositions qua events is distinct from
what Deleuze calls ‘signification’, the relationship between propositions and
universal concepts. Rather, the astrological signum is what Deleuze calls the
‘pure sign’, identified with ‘sense expressed as an event . . . [which] emanates
from nonsense as from the always displaced paradoxical instance’, and quite
distinct from signification (Deleuze 1990: 176).
References
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(ed.), trans. John L. Ackrill, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Augustine (1963) City of God, Books 4–7, trans. William M. Green, Cambridge,
MA: Loeb.
Beaulieu, Alain (2005) ‘Deleuze et les stoïciens’, in Alain Beaulieu (ed.), Gilles
Deleuze: heritage philosophique, Paris: PUF, pp. 45–72.
Bobzien, Suzanne (1998) Determinism and Freedom in Stoic Philosophy, Oxford:
Clarendon.
Boeri, Marcelo D. (2001) ‘The Stoics on Bodies and Incorporeals’, The Review of
Metaphysics, 54:4, pp. 723–52.
Bowden, Sean (2011) The Priority of Events: Deleuze’s Logic of Sense, Edinburgh:
Edinburgh University Press.
Caston, Victor (1999) ‘Something and Nothing: The Stoics on Concepts and
Universals’, Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy, 17, pp. 145–213.
Cicero (1923) ‘On Divination’, in Cicero: On Old Age. On Friendship. On
Divination, trans. William A. Falconer, Cambridge, MA: Loeb.
Cicero (1942) ‘On Fate’, in Cicero: On the Orator: Book 3. On Fate. Stoic
Paradoxes. On the Divisions of Oratory, trans. Harris Rackham, Cambridge, MA:
Loeb.
Cicero (1949) ‘Topics’, in Cicero: On Invention, The Best Kind of Orator, Topics,
trans. Harry M. Hubbell, Cambridge, MA: Loeb.
Clement of Alexandria (1869) ‘Stromateis VIII’, in Wilhelm Dindorf (ed.), Clementis
Alexandri Opera, Oxford: Clarendon Press, vol. III, pp. 350–78.
Deleuze, Gilles [1968] (1994) Difference and Repetition, trans. Paul Patton, New
York: Columbia University Press.
Deleuze, Gilles [1969] (1990) The Logic of Sense, Constantin V. Boundas (ed.),
trans. Mark Lester with Charles Stivale, New York: Columbia University Press.
Diogenes Laertius (1925) Lives of Eminent Philosophers: 2 Vols, trans. Robert D.
Hicks, Cambridge, MA: Loeb.
Dummett, Michael (1993) Origins of Analytical Philosophy, Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University Press.
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Voss, Daniela (2013) ‘Deleuze’s Rethinking of the Notion of Sense’, Deleuze Studies
7: 1, pp. 1–25.
Williams, James (2010) ‘On the Problem of Selection of Events for Deleuze and
Davidson,’ in Jack Reynolds, James Chase, James Williams and Edwin Mares
(eds.), Postanalytic and Metacontinental: Crossing Disciplinary Divides, New
York: Continuum, pp. 203–15.
Riemann–Weyl in Deleuze’s Bergsonism
and the Constitution of the Contemporary
Physico-Mathematical Space
Abstract
In recent years, the ideas of the mathematician Bernhard Riemann
(1826–66) have come to the fore as one of Deleuze’s principal sources
of inspiration in regard to his engagements with mathematics, and
the history of mathematics. Nevertheless, some relevant aspects and
implications of Deleuze’s philosophical reception and appropriation of
Riemann’s thought remain unexplored. In the first part of the paper
I will begin by reconsidering the first explicit mention of Riemann
in Deleuze’s work, namely, in the second chapter of Bergsonism
(1966). In this context, as I intend to show first, Deleuze’s synthesis
of some key features of the Riemannian theory of multiplicities
(manifolds) is entirely dependent, both textually and conceptually,
on his reading of another prominent figure in the history of
mathematics: Hermann Weyl (1885–1955). This aspect has been largely
underestimated, if not entirely neglected. However, as I attempt to
bring out in the second part of the paper, reframing the understanding
of Deleuze’s philosophical engagement with Riemann’s mathematics
through the Riemann–Weyl conjunction can allow us to disclose some
unexplored aspects of Deleuze’s further elaboration of his theory of
multiplicities (rhizomatic multiplicities, smooth spaces) and profound
confrontation with contemporary science (fibre bundle topology and
gauge field theory). This finally permits delineation of a correlation
between Deleuze’s plane of immanence and the contemporary physico-
mathematical space of fundamental interactions.
Riemann rejects the opinion that had prevailed up to his own time, namely,
that the metrical structure of space was fixed and inherently independent of
the physical phenomena for which it serves as a background (indépendante
des phénomènes physiques qui se déroulent dans son sein), and that the
real content takes possession of it as with residential flats. He asserts, on
the contrary, that space in itself is nothing more than a three-dimensional
manifold devoid of all form (une multiplicité tridimensionnelle amorphe); and
that it acquires a definite form only through the advent of the material content
filling it and determining its metric relations. (Weyl 1952: 98/84)
How to found the metric of physical space? If this space were discrete, a
natural class of metrics would be imposed immediately because the discrete
tolerate only a limited proximity for each of the elements. But space is
given as a continuous manifold in mathematical physics, if one admits the
possibility of communication between monads, communication provided
by the transmission of signals that follow the path of greatest proximity.
(Châtelet 2010: 91; emphasis in original on the word ‘continuous’)
But the problem lies elsewhere. As we have seen, the admission of local
interactions corresponds to Riemann’s field–theoretical approach to
mathematical physics. This entails the idea of action by contact, contrary
to the idea of action at a distance assumed in Newtonian mechanics.
Nevertheless, and here is the point, to admit local interactions involves at
the same time a criticism addressed to one of the fundamental conditions
of Leibniz’s monadology: the condition of absolute closure which defines
the monads (see Deleuze 1993: 22–26, 81–2). Contrary to Newton
(or more prudently, to the Newtonians), Leibniz advocated the idea
of action by contact, as something expressing the physical mechanism
of extrinsic movement. However, since each monad, in its closure,
integrally includes the totality of the world, all action must necessarily
be internal to the monad. Consequently, in Leibniz’s metaphysics there
is by no means, in the narrow sense, a proper idea of interaction between
monads.
It follows that Riemann’s hypothesis, regained and proven in modern
physics, compels the rejection of the condition of closure which defines
Leibnizian monads, demanding on the contrary a condition of opening.
This ‘openness’ implies, according to Châtelet, ‘communication’ and
‘coexistence’, founded in the infinitesimal (differential) proximity of
interactions. In other words, and in terms later resumed by Deleuze (see
Deleuze and Guattari 1987: 485, 493, 574), ‘differentiation’, Châtelet
writes, ‘propagates step-by-step (de proche en proche) in this community
of monads which involve tactile relations described by a kind of tension
which might be called connection’ (Châtelet 2010: 90; emphases in
original). Now, without entering into technical details, it is nevertheless
important to understand the origin and meaning of the term ‘connection’
as used here by Châtelet for describing interactions.
case the fibre bundle defines what is known as a principal fibre bundle).
The total space is composed by the fibres F, in correspondence with each
point x of the base space. The simplest example of a fibre bundle is
the so-called product space (E being equal to the product of B with F),
which is a trivial fibre bundle; for example, a cylinder, with a circle as a
base space and a line segment as the fibre. A classical example of a non-
trivial fibre bundle, in contrast, is the Möbius strip, which resembles the
product space locally, but not globally (it is ‘twisted’). It is important to
note first that each fibre is in itself an m-dimensional manifold. Thus, a
fibre bundle is not simply a multi-dimensional space as any Riemannian
or other topological spaces generally are, but a (n+m)-dimensional space.
Second, and most importantly, the total space is in contact with the
base, through the bundle projection (a continuous map) – the third basic
component of the fibre bundle – which acts from the total space E to the
base space B ( : E → B). This means that the total space is extrinsic,
in Lautman’s sense, to the base space, but not external to it. In other
words, the total space is formally distinct from, and irreducible to, the
base space, but this does not imply that the total space need be conceived
as a higher-dimensional ambient space in which the base space would be
embedded. On the contrary, each fibre of the total space is an internal
space, constituting the internal dimensions of the fibre bundle, although
they are the extra dimensions of it. Finally, a bundle connection is an
additional geometric structure that permits to compare infinitesimally
neighbouring fibres and to describe the paths connecting them.
The topology of fibre bundles marks a theoretical renewal of
Riemannian geometry. However, it must be noted that during the
1950s, when fibre bundle theory and gauge field theory had achieved
their modern formulation, such theories were completely independent
and unrelated to each other despite their common origins (Riemannian
geometry, Einstein’s general relativity and unified field theories). For this
reasons, what is more important to stress here is that in the mid-1970s
the physicists T. T. Wu and C. N. Yang were astonished to realise that
gauge theories could be reframed and adequately formulated precisely
through the mathematics of fibre bundle topology; we shall return
to this in more detail. Moreover, this profound relationship between
physical theories and topological–geometrical structures allowed for
the understanding of a similarity between gauge theories and the
theory of general relativity itself (see Cao 1997: 334). Ultimately, these
extraordinary results have finally led to a new and more profound
understanding of the interdependence between mathematics and physics.
Riemann–Weyl in Deleuze’s Bergsonism 77
and gluons. In gauge theory, force fields are known as gauge fields.
Since these are the quantum fields that describe (non-gravitational)
fundamental interactions, namely, electromagnetic, weak and strong
forces, gauge fields are also defined as interaction fields. While fermions
are actual quanta of matter (that is, the constituent of ‘ordinary’ matter),
bosons are conceived as virtual quanta of force (interaction), and are
called gauge bosons. Gauge bosons are virtual particles responsible for
the transmission of interactions. For instance, photons are the gauge
bosons that mediate electromagnetic interactions. In a nutshell, gauge
theory can then be thought of as the quantum field theory of matter
(matter fields) and force (force fields).
However, more important are the interactions between matter and
force. Indeed, one of the key aspects revealed by quantum field theory
is that in order for a quantum particle to exist, it must interact with
some quantum field. In other words, a universe without interactions can
not exist at all. Accordingly, since quantum particles are manifestations
of interacting quantum fields, gauge theory is the theory that describes
the dynamic processes of interaction between matter (matter fields) and
force (force fields).
A quantum particle (as a quantum of matter field) interacting with
a gauge field (force field) is affected by it. The resulting effect is
observable as a change in the internal states of the particle (for
example, a phase change in the wave function). What is the effective
cause of this change? In classical field theories (Maxwell’s theory of
electromagnetism, for instance), changes were entirely ascribed to the
influence of the (electromagnetic) field, or rather, its strength, that is, the
intensity of the field. Mathematically, however, the problem is that for
calculating the field strength one has to introduce some potential (for
example, the electric scalar potential and the magnetic vector potential
in the case of electromagnetism) in the form of potential functions,
which allows to represent the ‘tension’ (to use Châtelet’s expression in
a previously quoted passage) of the field. The fundamental potentials in
gauge theory are called gauge potentials. What is their more precise role
and why are potentials problematic?
The point is that potentials have always had an ambiguous status
within physics, beginning with their well-known ‘arbitrariness’. The
electric and magnetic potentials in Maxwell’s equations, for instance, are
invariant under a gauge transformation, that is, they leave the electric
and magnetic fields completely unchanged. Thus, are the potentials
actual physical entities, as fields are, or are they simply useful, but
conventional and arbitrary mathematical devices permitting calculations
Riemann–Weyl in Deleuze’s Bergsonism 79
and incompossible totalities that pull them outside’ (Deleuze 1993: 81).
However, this outside, as we shall see, is not an external, supplementary,
dimension, but the intrinsic opening to the field of interactions, to
‘changing captures’ (81), in which ‘the monads penetrate each other, are
modified’ (137).
As a consequence of this affirmation of openness and interaction
in accordance with contemporary science, Leibniz’s ‘monadological’
metaphysics, as Deleuze had underlined already in A Thousand Plateaus,
must be replaced by a new ‘nomadological’ perspective (see also
Plotnitsky 2009: 206):
Guattari 1987: 9). For this reason, Deleuze, following Lautman, opposes
the connection of Riemannian spaces (‘accumulation’), or smooth
spaces, with what he terms ‘Euclidean conjunction’ (486, 573, n.19).
Indeed, the latter, Deleuze argues, consists in overlaying ‘upon each
point of smooth space a tangent Euclidean space endowed with a
sufficient number of dimensions’ and then in reintroducing ‘parallelism
between two vectors, treating multiplicity as though it were immersed in
this homogeneous and striated space’ (373, 556, n.39). The ‘Euclidean
conjunction’ to which Deleuze refers corresponds therefore to nothing
other than Levi-Civita’s parallel transport of vectors on Riemannian
manifolds (that is, an ‘Euclidean connection’ in Cartan’s terminology),
which, as we have seen, precisely implied an extrinsic and external
viewpoint, opposed to Riemann’s intrinsic differential geometry.23 Thus,
I would suggest, Deleuze’s field of interactions (and connections) and
the multiplicities might be then conceived of more adequately as a (non-
trivial) fibre bundle, in which the base space would correspond to the
multiplicities and the total space to the internal (extra) dimensions of
interactions and connections, a virtual field of ‘heterogeneous potentials
and intensities’ (Deleuze 1994: 50).
This entails that the condition of opening affirmed by Deleuze does
not imply that the field of interactions (and connections) constitutes
an external space with respect to the multiplicities, while defining a
proper and irreducible ‘milieu’. To better understand this point, let us
return briefly to Deleuze’s interpretation of Leibniz’s monadic structure.
Despite the condition of closure, Deleuze shows that even Leibniz’s
monad possesses ‘a minimum of outside’, however, as he states, ‘a
strictly complementary form of outside’ (Deleuze 1993: 111). What is
of interest to us is that, in elucidating this kind of complementarity,
Deleuze refers to the topological property of ‘unilaterality’ of the monad,
which implies ‘a torsion of the world, an infinite fold, that can be
unwrapped (se déplier) in conformity with the condition [of closure]
only by recovering the other side, not as exterior to the monad, but
as the exterior or outside of its own interiority’ (111/149). The topology
that Deleuze has in mind here is thus precisely that of a Möbius strip
(see also Deleuze 1990: 20, n.10, 337), which, as we have seen, is itself a
non-trivial fibre bundle. Indeed, in The Logic of Sense Deleuze, following
Lautman, had already underlined that to grasp the one-sided character of
the Möbius strip it is necessary to split it ‘by unfolding it in its length (en
le dépliant dans sa longueur), by untwisting it (en le détordant)’ (Deleuze
1990: 20/31; translation modified). According to Lautman, this proves
that the unilaterality is an extrinsic (or ‘relational’) property ‘since, to
Riemann–Weyl in Deleuze’s Bergsonism 83
be realised, it is necessary to split the ring and untwist it, which implies
a rotation around an axis exterior to the surface of the ring’ (Lautman
2011: 117). For this reason, Deleuze maintains it is only by ‘unfolding’
the surface that ‘the dimension of sense [i.e. the outside] appears of
itself, in its irreducibility, and also in its genetic power’ (Deleuze 1990:
20). Nevertheless, it can be shown that the unilaterality is reducible to
the Möbius strip’s intrinsic property of being non-orientable, that is,
‘folded’ and ‘twisted’ (non-trivial) in itself (see Lautman 2011: 117–8).
Therefore, the outside is strictly complementary (not exterior, or rather,
not external) to the monad because, as with a Möbius strip, the extrinsic
property of unilaterality is equivalent to the intrinsic property of non-
orientability. At the same time, however, this equivalence does not
eliminate the difference and heterogeneity (irreducibility) of the outside
with respect to the monad.
Deleuze conceives of the relationship between the field of interactions
(and connections) and the multiplicities, in the same manner. If there
is between them a reciprocal irreducibility, which assures an extrinsic
(outside) dimension of openness, at the same time, they also possess
a strict complementarity that prevents any kind of transcendence. The
field of interactions (and connections) corresponds then to what Deleuze
calls the ‘plane of consistency’ of multiplicities, which defines precisely
their internal exteriority; that is, their pure immanence. Indeed, the
plane of consistency constitutes the ‘outside of all multiplicities’, whose
dimensions ‘increase with the number of connections that are made
on it’ (Deleuze and Guattari 1987: 9), while remaining a single, pure
plane of immanence: the ‘not-external outside and the not-internal
inside’, or simply, the ‘absolute outside’ (Deleuze and Guattari 1994:
59–60). Ultimately, the topology of Deleuze’s plane of immanence, as
field of interactions and connections, and the multiplicities which fill it,
appears to be that of a kind of folded and twisted (non-trivial) fibre
bundle, which finds its correlate in the physico-mathematical space of
contemporary science.
Notes
1. The most important studies on Deleuze and Riemann are Plotnitsky 2006 and
2009. In general, for Deleuze’s engagement with mathematics and science, see
DeLanda 2002; Duffy 2006; Marks 2006.
2. All page references to Deleuze’s works are made distinct by the use of the slash,
referring first to the English version and secondly to the French. This is true in
general of all authors quoted.
84 Martin Calamari
3. The French edition of 1922, as well as the English edition of 1952, correspond to
the 1921 fourth enlarged German edition of Weyl’s book, originally published
in 1918. For a detailed analysis of Weyl’s masterwork see Scholz and Coleman
2001.
4. In general, see Laugwitz 2008; specifically, Boi 1992; Scholz 1992; Monastyrsky
2008.
5. The example of colour, as a continuous manifold, is already present in
Riemann’s lecture (see Riemann 2007: 653). Deleuze’s other source for this point
(as in general for Riemann’s theory) is certainly Jules Vuillemin, which refers to
Helmholtz (see Vuillemin 1962: 409, n.2).
6. Deleuze’s source for the differential quadratic form of a Riemannian space is
Lautman (2011: 97–8), which depends on Cartan and Weyl. See Weyl 1952: 90.
7. For discussion on Riemann’s distinction see, for example, Laugwitz 2008:
305–8, and in relation to Deleuze, Plotnitsky 2006.
8. The French term ‘amorphe’ would become a typical Deleuzian characterisation
of Riemannian manifolds, as well as of smooth spaces (see Deleuze and Guattari
1987: 476, 477, 485, 488). See also Lautman 2011: 98, and for an analysis,
Plotnitsky 2006.
9. On Riemann and Leibniz see Laugwitz 2008, but also, in relation to Deleuze,
see Plotnitsky 2009.
10. This correlation established by Weyl between Riemannian geometry and
Faraday–Maxwell field theory is also analysed by Charles Alunni (2006),
showing its relevance for Bachelard.
11. Originally published in 1979, this paper is now included in the new edition of
Châtelet’s works (see Châtelet 2010: 85–94). All quotations of Châtelet are my
translations.
12. Note that the phrase by Riemann to which the ‘Proustian’ title of Châtelet’s
paper refers is precisely that which we encountered in Weyl, and that Deleuze
synthesises in Bergsonism.
13. For an introduction to fibre bundles and bundle connections, see, for example,
Isham 2001: ch. 5, 6; Penrose 2005: ch. 15. For an historical account see
Bourguignon 1992.
14. For all these aspects see Coleman and Korté 2001. For an historical
reconstruction of Weyl’s theory in the framework of the attempts of unified field
theories in the early twentieth century, see the excellent study of P. V. Vizgin
2011.
15. Note, en passant, that Ehresmann, the first great scholar of Cartan, was a close
friend of Lautman. On the relevance of this friendship for Lautman’s philosophy
of mathematics, see the challenging remarks laid out by Fernando Zalamea in
his introduction to Lautman’s works (Lautman 2011: xxxv, 267, n.14).
16. For the historical developments of fibre bundle topology from the strict
mathematical (algebraic and topological) viewpoint see Dieudonné 2009.
17. As Châtelet himself observes, ‘modern presentations of general relativity by the
mathematical physicists utilize always more the language of “fibred spaces”
(“fibrés”)’ (Châtelet 2010: 290, n.15).
18. For indications about the various versions and published forms of this paper see
Châtelet 2010: 302.
19. It is clearly beyond the scope of the present paper to provide a detailed discussion
of gauge theory. For a detailed account see Zeidler 2011, and for philosophical
analyses see Brading and Castellani 2003; Healey 2007.
20. Note that, in another important paper, Châtelet too, discusses the
Aharonov–Bohm effect, considering it as a compelling example of the new
Riemann–Weyl in Deleuze’s Bergsonism 85
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Kanafani in Kuwait: A Clinical
Cartography
Abstract
The trope of Kuwait runs through numerous stories by Palestinian
writer Ghassan Kanafani, including his well-known novella, Men in the
Sun. Using Deleuze’s clinical methodology, this paper maps Kanafani’s
Kuwait stories symptomatically to determine what the legacy of the
Kanafani effect might be for contemporary Kuwait. It considers what
his textual conjunction of affects and percepts did at the time and
whether they can do anything now. Kanafani’s position as a seminal
figure within Palestinian national and resistance literature is well-
recognised; however, his specific location in Kuwait at a key period of
its development is generally overlooked. His clinical diagnosis of the
relationship between Kuwait and Palestinians in the 1940s and 1950s
can provoke a reconsideration of that early period, especially relevant in
light of post-1991 events. In addition to his writing, his actual presence
in Kuwait in the second half of the 1950s expresses an early promise
of Kuwait as an open and cosmopolitan place soon betrayed and today
mostly forgotten.
Keywords: Ghassan Kanafani in Kuwait, Deleuze’s literary clinic,
symptomatology, health, cartography, fabulation, Kanafani effect
In Ghassan Kanfani’s most well-known novella, Rijal fi al-shams (Men
in the Sun), Abu Qais, one of three men who die in a water tank in
the process of being smuggled across the desert from Basra to Kuwait,
describes Kuwait as a destination full of ‘all the things he had been
deprived of’ (Kanafani 1983: 13/46).1 He believes that ‘what only lived
in his mind as a dream and a fantasy existed there’ (Kanafani 1983:
Deleuze Studies 9.1 (2015): 88–111
DOI: 10.3366/dls.2015.0175
© Edinburgh University Press
www.euppublishing.com/journal/dls
Kanafani in Kuwait: A Clinical Cartography 89
13/46). It is, unlike Palestine, a place with no trees but ‘with sacks of
money’ to compensate (Kanafani 1983: 13/46). The trope of Kuwait
looms large in a number of Kanafani’s stories. It is more than a locale
or destination; it becomes a place-holder for what has been lost. In
Kanafani’s nuanced depictions, however, Kuwait never quite lives up
to expectation. As it turns out, and as Kanafani’s texts demonstrate
early on, Kuwait can provide no viable solution to Palestinian
woes.2
The 1948 Nakba coincided with the period of Kuwait’s oil production
and its efforts to establish the institutions necessary for its imminent
independence as a nation-state. Kuwait opened its doors to Palestinian
immigrants who were experienced, highly educated and fully equipped
to help Kuwait through its passage into modernity, which they did.
On the surface, this symbiotic relationship flourished for decades, and
the years of Kanafani’s stay correspond with the beginning of this
unique aggregate. The Palestinian community in Kuwait developed into
a vibrant, self-sustaining entity. It was responsible for the financial
support of Palestinian refugee communities all over the Arab world. It
was culturally and socially dynamic, with organisations championing the
preservation of Palestinian handicrafts, the development of Palestinian
children’s education, and the advocacy of Palestinian women’s rights,
among many other things. Perhaps most significant was the community’s
political contributions; Fatah was founded in Kuwait by Yasser Arafat,
who came in 1957 as a teacher, like Kanafani and so many other
prominent Palestinian intellectuals and future activists and leaders.
However, as the aftermath of the Iraqi invasion suggests, something
other than mutual benefit must also have been taking place. I suggest
it is this other relation between Palestinians and Kuwait that Kanafani’s
texts diagnose.
Deleuze argues that writers, like doctors, are ‘astonishing
diagnosticians or symptomatologists’ (Deleuze 1990: 237). He explains:
actual presence in Kuwait in the second half of the 1950s, on the cusp
of Kuwait’s independence from Britain, expresses an early promise of
Kuwait as an open and cosmopolitan place, a promise which, since the
turn of the millennium, has been mostly forgotten.
I. Literary Clinician
In 1948, with Acre, the town of Kanafani’s birth, occupied by Zionists,
he and his family fled to southern Lebanon, eventually ending up in
Damascus. Kanafani was twelve years old at the time. In 1952, at
the age of sixteen, Kanafani taught Palestinian refugee children at a
United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) school, while
simultaneously studying Arabic Literature at Damascus University. It
was during this pivotal early period that Kanafani began to write stories
and to become active in politics – the twin preoccupations of his life. In
1955, not yet twenty, Kanafani moved to Kuwait to join his brother
and sister. Like so many Palestinians, including the narrator of his
epistolary story, ‘Waraqa min Gaza’ (‘Letter from Gaza’), Kanafani was
under contract with the Kuwait Ministry of Education. In addition to
teaching art at al-Ghazali public school, Kanafani started to publish
short stories in earnest during his six-year stay. Among others, some of
these stories include: ‘Waraqa min Gaza’ (‘Letter from Gaza’); ‘Lulu fi
al-Tariq’ (‘Pearls in the Street’); ‘Ard al-Burtuqal al-Hazin’ (‘The Land of
Sad Oranges’); ‘al-Qamis al-Mesruq’ (‘The Stolen Shirt’); ‘Ka‘k ‘ala al-
Rasif’ (‘The Cake Vendor’); ‘Fi Janazeti’ (‘In My Funeral’); and ‘Mawt
Sarir 12’ (‘Death of Bed 12’). His story ‘The Stolen Shirt’ won the Kuwait
Literary Prize in 1958. Kanafani was also an active journalist during his
time in Kuwait. He regularly published articles in Kuwaiti magazines
and in Kuwaiti newspapers, such as al-Taleea. Kanafani associated with
members of Kuwait’s liberal intelligentsia and Arab nationalist activists,
including Ahmed al-Khatib (founding member of the Arab Nationalist
Movement [ANM] with George Habash and other key figures in 1951).
In 1960, Kanafani left Kuwait to Beirut to join the editorial staff of
George Habash’s new political magazine, al-Hurriyya.
Significantly, as Karen E. Riley mentions in her biographical preface
to Kanafani’s collection of stories, Palestine’s Children, Kuwait was also
where the writer was first diagnosed with severe diabetes. If at twelve
Kanafani was forced to confront the fragility of a homeland, in his early
twenties he was faced with the transience of life itself. In a letter sent
from Kuwait to a friend, he wrote:
92 Mai Al-Nakib
When I was twelve, just as I began to perceive the meaning of life and nature
around me, I was hurled down and exiled from my own country. And now,
now, just as I have begun to perceive my path . . . along comes ‘Mr. Diabetes’
who wants, in all simplicity and arrogance, to kill me. (Quoted in Riley
2000: 5; see also al-Naqib 1972: 196)
in advance what would prove to be the case three decades later.6 Even
further, as we shall see, the breadth of symptoms Kanafani’s stories map
suggests that his prognosis applies not only to the particular condition
of Palestinians in Kuwait but to Kuwait itself and, more broadly, to all
its contemporary and future citizens and residents.
Kuwait as percept in the aforementioned stories is not reducible to
mere setting or backdrop. Over and over again, Kuwait is figured as
the promised land that never fails to disappoint. For example, in one
of his earliest stories from 1956, ‘Letter from Gaza’, Kuwait appears
as an escape but only in the sense of a temporary layover on the way to
bigger and better things: to ‘green California, far from the reek of defeat’
(Kanafani 1983: 87/344). The unnamed narrator portrays his experience
in Kuwait as follows:
My life there had a gluey, vacuous quality as though I were a small oyster,
lost in oppressive loneliness, slowly struggling with a future as dark as the
beginning of the night, caught in a rotten routine, a spewed-out combat
with time. Everything was hot and sticky. There was a slipperiness to my
whole life, it was all a hankering for the end of the month. (Kanafani 1983:
87/343)
Kuwait promises money, but the gifts the unnamed narrator brings back
to Gaza are of no use to his thirteen-year-old niece, her leg recently
amputated from the thigh as a result of an Israeli bomb (Kanafani 1983:
89/349). ‘Letter from Gaza’ extracts Kuwait’s sticky vacuity as affect in
the assemblage between, on the one hand, desperate people and, on the
other, a place they create in their imagination first and then, over the
years, with the sweat of their labour, but to no avail. Life in Kuwait,
even with a secure job, remains slippery; no roots can be set down. The
future is dark and as difficult to pry open as an oyster shell. The story
ends with the narrator back in Gaza – the place he has always hated for
its failures, has always dreamed of fleeing – imploring his friend to come
back. Gaza is described in much the same terms as Kuwait – ‘closed like
the introverted lining of a rusted snail-shell thrown up by the waves on
the sticky, sandy shore by the slaughterhouse’ (Kanafani 1983: 88/344).
However, this story suggests it is nonetheless better for Palestinians than
Kuwait can ever be, despite its promise of wealth and the mobility wealth
brings.
In another early short story, ‘Pearls in the Street’, from 1958, one
of the narrators, Hasan, states that people back home describe the
unnamed Gulf city where he works as the ‘valley of gold’ (Kanafani
2004: 97/158). The unnamed country’s oil fields and pearls give it
Kanafani in Kuwait: A Clinical Cartography 95
‘I told him the wheel that revolved here was legendary for its harshness
and didn’t give a damn for individual human beings. Hunger, I told him, was
merely an amusing spectacle for people living in luxury; people here were
straining after every penny and didn’t turn back to look at the others crawling
behind them.’ (Kanafani 2004: 97/158)
In a year or two he’d return to Oman and swagger through the alleys of
Ibkha wearing a brilliant white aba with a golden hem, like the one he’d
seen draped across the shoulders of one of the notables of Ras el-Khaymah.
(Kanafani 2004: 120/139)
The estranging quality of the unfamiliar city could well apply to any
alien locale, any difficult immigrant experience. However, the affects of
hopelessness and disconnection from others (described as enemies who
obstruct rather than enable dreams) are extracted over and over again
in Kanafani’s Kuwait stories. Kuwait’s lack of connectivity to itself (in
the form of links to its past or future) and to those who are helping
to constitute its modernity (those who come to build better lives for
themselves) limits what the nation-state might become. Like the other
stories mentioned, ‘Death of Bed 12’ suggests Kuwait’s trajectory is a
trap – a road that circles a wall that embraces everything.
The narrator comes to this diagnosis in a hospital by way of an
encounter with another’s death and his own illness. His experience
opens up what he calls ‘holes’ or ‘ulcers’ in his head (Kanafani 2004:
113/127–8). It allows him to recognise the extent to which ‘the problem
Kanafani in Kuwait: A Clinical Cartography 97
The novella is told from the perspective of the four main characters.
The third-person omniscient perspective used throughout is primarily
subjective, but at times it pulls back into objective mode. At other times,
without warning and within the same paragraph, it slides into second-
person, addressing the character directly (Kanafani 1983: 9–10/37–8).
Thoughts occasionally merge together. For example, riding through the
desert heat, their thoughts about Kuwait are presented simultaneously,
and it is not clarified who is thinking what:
They used to be told that someone wasn’t coming back from Kuwait because
he’d died; he’d been killed by sunstroke. [. . . ] This desert was like a giant in
hiding, flogging their heads with whips of fire and boiling pitch. But could
the sun kill them and all the stench imprisoned in their breasts? The thought
seemed to run from one head to another, laden with the same suspicions.
(Kanafani 1983: 48/131–2; see also 46/129)
Edward Said argues that Men in the Sun’s temporal instability expresses
how:
impelled by exile and dislocation, the Palestinian must carve a path for himself
in existence, which is by no means a ‘given’ or stable reality for him. Like the
land he left, his past seems broken off just before it could bring forth fruit; yet
the man has family, responsibilities, life itself to answer to, in the present. Not
only is his future uncertain; even his present situation increases in difficulty.
(Said 2000: 52–3)
Just before Abul Khaizuran seals the three men in the tank as they
cross the border into Kuwait, he notes the time – half-past eleven – and
promises them their ordeal will take no more than ‘seven minutes at the
outside’ (Kanafani 1983: 49/133). In fact, because of the licentiousness
of the border guards, Abul Khaizuran cannot reopen the tank until
nine minutes to twelve. As he does so, he catches sight of his wrist
Kanafani in Kuwait: A Clinical Cartography 101
watch: ‘The round glass had cracked into little pieces’, an indication
of the futility of chronological clock time – and the normative political,
social and economic order it facilitates – as a panacea for Palestinian
suffering (Kanafani 1983: 53/141). In contrast, Kanafani’s durational
depiction of time provides a potential beacon for a people-to-come. That
Abul Khaizuran comes back to replace his own cracked wrist watch
with Marwan’s suggests that a durational conception of time does not
prevail. Nonetheless, Kanafani’s ‘de-chronologisation’ of time constructs
an untimely experiment for future actualisations (Baugh 2000: 52).
‘In great works, all moments of time are virtually present at once,
and can be actualised in infinite ways, in any order; this potentially
infinite becoming-actual thus constitutes a different order of time than
chronology or history’ (Baugh 2000: 52; see also Deleuze 1995: 152–3).
The quest for political reform in Kuwait during the 1950s marked a new
departure. Its protagonists were no longer restricted to the merchant notables
who had been central to the Majlis movements of 1921 and 1938. They
now included some of the young educated men who had been abroad and
had remained abreast of events in the rest of the Arab world; they were
also stimulated by the presence in Kuwait of young, politically sophisticated
Egyptians, Lebanese, Palestinians and Iraqis, who were working there. [. . . ]
Political participation also became attractive to the newly formed labour
force, which included workers in the Kuwait Oil Company as well as those
engaged in construction and development projects. (Zahlan 1998: 41)
The political aspirations of these groups together with the strong support
of the Amir, Sheikh Abdullah al-Salim al-Sabah, would culminate in
the formation of the National Assembly in 1962. The tremendous
economic boom brought on by the export of oil beginning in 1946
made it possible for the government to establish an extensive welfare
state (redistributing oil wealth to the population); to finance major
construction and infrastructural development projects; and to introduce
a public education system which would enable Kuwait to ‘transition
from a largely illiterate to a literate society [. . . ] within a couple of
decades’ (Zahlan 1998: 40). As Zahlan notes, this period in the 1950s
was also when Kuwaitis were first exposed to events and ideologies in
the rest of the Arab world, including Nasserist pan-Arabism, the Suez
war in 1956, the revolution in Iraq in 1958 (and the establishment of a
republic there), among others (Zahlan 1998: 46–7).
A quick perusal of popular Kuwaiti magazines and newspapers from
the period provides a unique glimpse at the dynamic and progressive
sensibility of the time. The most well-respected Kuwaiti magazine,
al-‘Arabi, is a case in point. Founded by the Kuwait Ministry of
Information in 1958, al-‘Arabi appointed Egyptian scholar Ahmad Zaki
as its editor. One of its aims was to promote pan-Arabism through
104 Mai Al-Nakib
place, decipherable in the 1950s and early 1960s not only in its
magazines and newspapers but through its multicultural population, its
canny modernising strategies, its infrastructural projects, its potentially
egalitarian political institutions, its emphasis on and socialisation of
healthcare and education, and so on. This amnesia confirms the percepts
of Kuwait extracted by Kanafani’s stories discussed above and reveals
that, unfortunately, Kanafani’s diagnosis went unheeded. As Baugh
points out, ‘a work may work for a reader at some times and not others,
and whether and how a work works depends on the forces and resources
the reader brings to the encounter’ (Baugh 2000: 53). Kanafani’s early
fabulations of Kuwait invented a people missing at the time: on the one
hand, a community of Kuwaitis able to perceive those residing within
their borders – Palestinians among others – as potential Kuwaitis and, on
the other, a community of Palestinians able to perceive Kuwait – despite
its wealth and promise – as problematic in the future precisely because of
these missing Kuwaitis. Kanafani’s fabulations diagnose the aftermath
of the Iraqi invasion on the Palestinian community in Kuwait. The
aftermath of the invasion, in turn, helps diagnose the ostensibly
unrelated sectarianism and political divisions currently on the rise within
the country. The adverse effects of both are related, I would argue, to
the dichotomising theorisation and exclusionary practice of citizenship
in Kuwait.12
Remembering Kanafani and his legacy – what Barbara Harlow calls
a revolutionary writer’s ‘after life’ – can provide a more critically astute
sense of the present than currently prevails (Harlow 1996: 7). While
this understanding will not likely transform the present or, for that
matter, redeem the past, the act of ‘cultural recall’ itself may help prepare
the conditions for a more ethical and flexible future (Bal 1999: vii).
There are small signs that such a process may, in fact, be underway.13
A recent art show sponsored by a governmental organisation, the
Kuwait National Council for Culture, Arts, and Letters, and produced
by the privately owned MinRASY Projects engaged the question of
memory and forgetting in relation to the missing Palestinian community
in Kuwait. The compelling two-part show (comprised of Museum of
Manufactured Response to Absence, featuring artworks by over twenty
different artists, and Unplified by Lebanese sound artist Tarek Atoui)
was installed at Kuwait’s Museum of Modern Art in May 2012. As
mentioned in the exhibition notes, Unplified, a sound installation piece,
was inspired by Kanafani’s Men in the Sun. The work was installed in
two connected, unairconditioned, blindingly white portable cabins on
the museum grounds. The first room contained an audio and visual
106 Mai Al-Nakib
The men may have knocked on the sides of the tank, but their knocking
would have been swallowed up by the desert, in much the same
way that Kanafani’s own diagnosis of Kuwait has been swallowed up
and forgotten. By forcing especially Kuwaiti visitors to listen to the
experience of the men in the sun – that is to say, the missing Palestinians
and their forgotten legacy – Unplified echoes back across the desert the
long overlooked potential of Kanafani’s early diagnosis of Kuwait. It is
too late for the vibrant community of Palestinians that existed in Kuwait
before 1991. But it may yet be possible for the Kanafani effect to make
a difference to Kuwait.
Notes
1. In all references from Kanafani’s texts, the first page refers to the English
translations, the second to the original Arabic texts. All Arabic references from
Men in the Sun are from Kanafani (1999), while all Arabic references from the
short stories are from Kanafani (1987).
2. I would like to acknowledge that this work was supported by Kuwait University
Research Grant No. AE03/12.
3. According to Deleuze, ‘Maps should not be understood only in extension, in
relation to a space constituted by trajectories. There are also maps of intensity,
of density, that are concerned with what fills space, what subtends the trajectory’
(Deleuze 1997: 64). The clinical cartography I chart here in relation to Kanafani
is, thus, a ‘list or constellation of affects, an intensive map’; in other words,
a becoming (Deleuze 1997: 64). But, as Deleuze explains, art’s intensive map
Kanafani in Kuwait: A Clinical Cartography 107
(a map of virtualities) ‘is superimposed onto the real map, whose distances
[parcours] it transforms’ (Deleuze 1997: 67). This is the actualisation of virtual
literary effects, the clinical practice of literature.
4. Reading literature for effects rather than for meaning shifts the critical process
from the exegetical to the practical. The Kanafani effect (Kanafani’s literary
construction of singular affects and percepts) is not reducible to any single
feature or outcome, or to Kanafani as author or subject. The Kanafani effect
(as non-personal extraction) can combine with various bodies (organic, social,
political and philosophical, among others) as a machine, producing a range
of unpredictable new modes of life (even more effects) (Deleuze 2000: 153).
Deleuze states, ‘All these things have proper names, but the proper name does
not designate a person or a subject. It designates an effect, a zigzag, something
which passes or happens between two as though under a potential difference: the
“Compton effect”, the “Kelvin effect”’ (Deleuze and Parnet 1987: 6; see also,
Deleuze 2000: 164–5). For a discussion of the link between the singular author
and the people to come, see Tynan 2012: 153–72.
5. As Barbara Harlow points out, Kanafani was the first to apply the term
‘resistance’ (muqawama) to Palestinian Literature in 1966 in his study Adab
al-Muqawama fi Filastin al-Muhtela: 1948–1966 (Literature of Resistance in
Occupied Palestine: 1948–1966) (Kanafani 1982; Harlow 1987: 2). His own
literary output is most often considered as national or resistance literature
and in terms of its political implications (Abbas 1972; al-Mansur 1972:
205, 217–21; Siddiq 1984; Harlow 1987: 2–4, 86–92, 196–76; Coffin 1996;
Harlow 1996: 45–75; al-Naqib 1999; Hamdi 2011; among many others). While
Kanafani acknowledged that his writing dealt specifically with Palestinian issues,
he regarded his work as expressing wider human concerns, ultimately not
reducible to Palestine or to Palestinians alone (Kanafani 1974: 138; Meyer 2001:
26–7).
6. Kanafani’s friend Fadl al-Naqib argues that artists and intellectuals of resistance
(including Kanafani, Nagi al-Ali, and others) have the special capacity to detect
future danger before the majority do (al-Naqib 1999: 208). He states, ‘Ghassan
Kanafani’s greatness was his ability to predict early on the major setbacks to
nationalism by observing the faults of ordinary individuals in everyday life’
(author’s translation) (al-Naqib 1999: 210). Al-Naqib goes on to illustrate
how Kanafani’s textual ‘after life’ (to use Barbara Harlow’s term) continues to
produce effects on the lives of Palestinians (Harlow 1996: 7; al-Naqib 1999:
214–16). My study considers whether the Kanafani effect can be actualised in
Kuwait.
7. For an analysis of the figure of oil in Kanafani’s Men in the Sun, see McLarney
(2009: 177–89).
8. Deleuze similarly describes the holes or gaps in people’s lives as the places
where ‘movement takes place’; that is, places where some kind of realisation
or transformation occurs (Deleuze 1995: 138). The narrator’s time in hospital
constitutes such a hole and through it he transmutes conventional, hierarchising
understandings of identity.
9. Sectarian divisions between Sunni and Shi‘a Muslims in Kuwait are based less on
religious differences than on political affiliations. The Shi‘a minority (about 30
per cent of the Kuwaiti population) generally supports the government, while a
substantial portion of the tribal Sunni majority (between 50 to 60 per cent of the
Kuwaiti population) has more recently constituted itself as part of the opposition
to government policies. It should be kept in mind that historically the latter
group was more aligned with government causes; however, the recent boycott
of the December 2012 election by the opposition demonstrates this support can
108 Mai Al-Nakib
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Arendt and Deleuze on Totalitarianism
and the Revolutionary Event: Among the
Peoples of the Fall of the Berlin Wall
Abstract
Gilles Deleuze and Hannah Arendt are two thinkers who have theorised
the exceptionalism of the revolutionary moment. For Deleuze, it is the
moment of the people to come. For Arendt, it is the moment of the
freedom of political action. In the decades since the fall of the Berlin
Wall there has been extensive debate on how to remember the German
Democratic Republic (DDR) and how to understand the events leading
up to its demise. Arendt’s analyses of totalitarianism, natality and the
public sphere provide points of orientation in an attempt to clarify the
nature of the DDR, the dishonesty of its evaluation in the West as well as
the transitory purchase of its legitimating discourse on later generations
of its citizens. Deleuze’s reinvigoration of the revolutionary sense of
the term ‘people’ sets it in defiance of prevalent notions of popular
sovereignty and therefore facilitates a different reading of the protests
against the so-called people’s republic of the DDR: something else was
at issue besides the substitution of one state form for another.
The people ought to fight on behalf of the law no less than in defence of the
wall.
Heraclitus, Diels and Kranz 1985: B44
The death-knell for becoming conscious was precisely the consciousness that
there were no people, but always several peoples, an infinity of peoples, who
remained to be united, or should not be united, in order for the problem to
change. It is in this way that third world cinema is a cinema of minorities,
because the people only exist in the condition of minority, which is why they
are missing. (Deleuze 1991: 220)
The first person plural of the statement ‘Wir sind das Volk’ is,
however, an articulation not so much of unity as of disunity. The anti-
government provocation of the placards is that they affirm a contest
among claims to the title of ‘people’. The regime, which had for decades
presented itself as the instrument of popular sovereignty, was now being
challenged to acknowledge the speciousness of its self-presentation. The
placards parodied the collective utterances of the East German state,
impugning their right to speak on behalf of the populace. That the
placards did not explicitly read ‘We are the people, not you’ is of course
insufficient to save the notional unity of popular sovereignty: the people
that mythically came to power in the bourgeois and Marxist revolutions
of the eighteenth and twentieth centuries could no longer be expected to
rally together. As a counter-assertion in the age of popular sovereignty,
the insurrectionist slogan ‘We are the people’ attests that the people
is missing. This moment in recent European history, which has been
so zealously commandeered for the narrative of nationalism and the
vindication of capitalism, calls out for a different reading.
In what way was 1989 a revolutionary event? Both Deleuze and
Arendt caution against the condemnation of revolutions on the basis
of whatever bloodstained aftermaths they chance to have.1 Needless
to say, the fall of the Berlin Wall and the assimilation of the old East
Germany into the Federal Republic do not compare with the revolutions
of 1789 and 1917 and the ferocity of the Jacobin Reign of Terror and
the Stalinist purges. But the caution relevant to a potentially censorious
interpretation of 1989 is that the uprisings should likewise not be
114 James Phillips
372). Yet if the tag ‘le peuple manque’ transgresses the norms of what
constitutes a paraphrase, does Deleuze’s proposition that the people
is missing need a precedent? Perhaps the citation of Klee has thrown
readers off the scent of another thinker with whom Deleuze’s thesis can
be argued to be in dialogue.
For Deleuze, the people is not a given or even a programme, but rather
as the revolutionary event they irrupt into the temporal continuum: it
is the moment that Benjamin, in a complementary discourse, calls the
‘leap in the open air of history’ (Benjamin 2003: 395). For Arendt,
comparably, the fact of human plurality escapes us in its proper
dimension until the revolutionary moment that sees us entering upon
the freedom of acting in concert. Both Deleuze and Arendt politicise
the disruption of historical necessity that in Kant is a feature of the
moral act and that, earlier still, in Catholicism was a characteristic of the
miracle. Deleuze speaks of the uncanny where Arendt invokes freedom.
Neither subscribes to a discrete substantialisation of what irrupts into
history – it is not another world (the Kantian transcendental self or
divine intervention) that appears to intrude upon this one so much as
an exception that this world uncovers within its own regularity. Without
another world as its Kantian or divine guarantor, the revolutionary event
cannot be taken for granted in defiance of its historical unpredictability
and fortuitousness. It is not written into the structure of Arendt’s and
Deleuze’s worlds that a revolution will come about. A corollary of this
is that the sense of a revolutionary moment cannot be extrapolated from
what has preceded it, from what has attained the status of a norm. Ready
answers to the question ‘What is happening?’ that seek to write the event
back into the continuum of history fail to do justice to the event. These
answers, which were quick to propose themselves in the aftermath of
the fall of the Wall, crowd out the openness of sense itself, that exposure
of sense which has been a recurring concern for Jean-Luc Nancy no less
than for Deleuze.
For Deleuze, the political paradigmaticity of the events in France in
May 1968 is, so to speak, their non-paradigmaticity. No pre-existing
agenda was actioned and no new constitution issued from a popular
assembly: as a result, the becoming of the revolutionary moment – or, as
Arendt puts it, its freedom – was all the more manifest. In this regard,
the protests in East Germany in 1989 achieved both too much and
too little. They successfully toppled a regime that had proved itself
in the past not averse to violent crackdowns, while they also failed
to affect in any fundamental sense the course that Bonn set for the
integration of the old East Germany into the Federal Republic: the
Arendt and Deleuze on the Peoples of Revolution 117
success disguised the failure. If the events of 1989 have not attracted the
theoretical engagement from the Left that May 1968 has inspired, this
is largely because of the outcome in which, like a grotesque inversion
of the Marxist model, communism (however nominal) was overthrown
in favour of capitalism (however modulated by liberal democratic
institutions). But the outcome, as Arendt and Deleuze stress, is not
the event itself. By means of an inevitably potted history of the DDR,
a tracing of the lineaments of the people missing within a so-called
people’s republic might furnish the makings of an alternative to both
totalitarianism and capitalism. To take a first step toward ascertaining
how the people of the slogan ‘Wir sind das Volk’ might function as a
polemical concept, it is necessary to sketch the uses to which the East
German Government put the term ‘Volk’.
communication – does not apply in the case of the DDR, where much of
the country had access to West German TV and radio: an ideological
consistency of the nation cannot be inferred from the ideological
consistency of the SED, just as free speech conversely cannot be identified
with the intrusion of foreign media voices.
Hannah Arendt, in a response to a paper on totalitarianism that
Friedrich delivered at a conference in 1953, took issue with Friedrich’s
failure to register what for her was the defining destructiveness of
totalitarianism.6 In Arendt’s conception, the novelty of the regimes of
Hitler and Stalin is that the causa finalis of these regimes was death.
Murder has ceased to be a means to an end, such as the maintenance
in power of a despot or tyrant, and has become the ratio essendi – no
one is to be spared. In The Origins of Totalitarianism, Arendt suggests
that totalitarianism requires a single suicidal regime in control of the
entire planet. The concentration camps are experiments, miniatures of
the world that would exist under such a regime (Arendt 1967: 458).
What Arendt can thus be said to glimpse in the dictatorships of Hitler
and Stalin is not the reality of totalitarianism, which would be the
extinction of the human race, but its possibility. Arendt’s examination
of totalitarianism endeavours to hold on to the radical newness of
this possibility and threat. As Martin Sabrow notes, Arendt’s theory
of totalitarianism, unlike Friedrich und Brzezinski’s, is not an attempt
at description (Sabrow 1998: 54). It is a warning – its verification as a
description would be also its invalidation, on an earth where there is no
one for whom any sentence whatsoever could be true.
Under totalitarianism the line of engagement with which the old forces
of reaction and revolution were familiar loses its pertinence, and the facts
of the matter, rather than scarecrows decked with the trappings of past
conflicts, need to be faced. Friedrich and Brzezinski’s schema is not alone
in writing totalitarianism back into the continuum of European history,
as though the oprichniki under Ivan the Terrible return in twentieth-
century guise as the KGB or the party of the Medici is a meaningful
precursor of the one-party rule of totalitarian dictatorships. In Roberto
Rossellini’s Roma, città aperta (1945), a film whose realist credentials lie
elsewhere, the novelty of Nazism is not grasped, for at a time when the
liberation of the camps did not result in freedom for their homosexual
prisoners, the danger posed by two officers of the Gestapo is translated
into the more familiar danger believed posed by a homosexual and
a lesbian. Jonathan Littell’s novel The Kindly Ones (first published
in French as Les Bienveillantes in 2006), in which the protagonist
is an officer in the SS as well as a homosexual, is recent evidence
122 James Phillips
Totalitarian government, like all tyrannies, certainly could not exist without
destroying the public realm of life, that is, without destroying, by isolating
Arendt and Deleuze on the Peoples of Revolution 123
It is precisely as that which can never be made whole, as that which can
never be assigned its determinate place within the totality of what is, as
the non-totalisable space of the possibilities of action in distinction from
124 James Phillips
bare actuality, that the political opens itself up. It is here that a people, in
Deleuze’s sense, is invented. While it never ceases to be missing inasmuch
as it foregoes sovereignty and recognition as a determinate identity, what
was viewed as its privative condition now assumes an affirmative charge.
Arendt’s own account of political action, elaborated in the wake of her
study of totalitarianism, tellingly privileges the non-total, the disruptive,
as Friedrich Pohlmann contends:
away of the rights of the legal person, and the calculability of responses
under institutionalised terror are only steps on the way, not the goal
itself. For Arendt, as Margaret Canovan puts it, totalitarianism was a
hurricane, rather than a frozen mountain lake (Canovan 2000: 26).
Arendt’s is only one voice in the debate over the nature of
totalitarianism. The lack of consensus regarding the delimitation of the
term makes room for a freewheeling, pejorative use: the DDR can be
drawn into a murky class with Stalinist Russia and any effort to extricate
it, especially in West Germany prior to the fall of the Wall, risked
being cried down as morally and factually obtuse apologetics. Deleuze
and Guattari, even as they differ from Arendt in their handling of the
term ‘totalitarian’, differ furthermore from the Western government
discourse that reserved the term for the nations of the communist
bloc: in A Thousand Plateaus it is Pinochet’s Chile that they offer
as an example of the totalitarianism of the anarcho-capitalist state
(Deleuze and Guattari 2004: 510–11). In the tit-for-tat exchanges of
the rhetoric of the Cold War, the BRD was, for its part, depicted
in the East German media as the continuation of National Socialism.
This was, of course, to overlook a great many changes, such as the
institutional checks in the federal system to any new centralisation of
power (the DDR remained far more centralised). The depiction also
involved misreading the similarities between monopoly capitalism in
post-war West Germany and monopoly capitalism in 1930s Germany,
as though the economocentric picture of National Socialism frequent
in communist assessments in the 1930s, according to which National
Socialism was the favoured political instrument of monopoly capitalism,
held good despite the expropriations and universal devastation of the
1940s. With a broad brush the SED painted all opponents, internal and
abroad, as fascists. No doubt the Adenauer government in Bonn exposed
itself to criticism through the leniency and lethargy with which it went
about bringing former Nazis to trial. Under the Soviets in the East,
between 150,000 and 200,000 people ended up in internment camps as
suspected Nazis: between 70,000 and 80,000 died, around 10,000 were
sentenced to 25 years’ forced labour, and around 40,000 were deported
to the USSR. In the BRD, by contrast, 5,866 cases had come before
the courts by 1955. The differences between the penalties meted out in
the East and in the West are vertiginous. In 1950, for instance, a West
German de-Nazification board categorised Wilhelm Stuckart as simply a
‘fellow traveller’, even though eight years earlier he had represented the
Reich Ministry for the Interior at the Wannsee Conference, where the
extermination policies that led to the deaths of millions were drafted. In
126 James Phillips
1952 he was fined 50,000 DM. The presence in the uppermost echelons
of the Adenauer government of Hans Globke, who with his former
superior, Wilhelm Stuckart, had compiled in 1936 the first official
commentary on the Nuremberg Race Laws and who testified for the
latter in his post-war trial, was indicative, for Arendt as for the DDR,
of a pervasive reluctance in West Germany to see justice done. In East
Germany, the attitude adopted was uncompromising: even buildings
considered tainted by Germany’s imperialist past were found guilty, so to
speak, and levelled in line with an agenda of Vergangenheitsbewältigung
durch Abriss (coming to terms with the past through demolition). The
DDR, unlike the BRD up until 1996, observed a day of remembrance
for the victims of fascism11 and it paid survivors of anti-communist
persecution an augmented pension, which the federal government, after
the fall of the Wall, scaled back.
Sharing the scorched earth of the Nazi state as their site of genesis, the
DDR and the BRD exhibit a range of responses to the problem of how
a nation disentangles itself from totalitarianism. For all the zeal with
which the DDR addressed the problem, and on which it prided itself and
took the Federal Republic to task, the regime was markedly unsuccessful
in avoiding the appearance, both domestically and internationally, of a
police state. This is not ironic, for that against which the DDR exerted
itself was not totalitarianism in the broad sense, but National Socialism:
the very term ‘totalitarianism’, with its broader sense, was denounced
in the communist bloc as a trope of Western political rhetoric. On its
guard against any resurgence of German imperialism, the DDR showed
less sensitivity on the question of its own role in Soviet imperialism – or,
to put it otherwise, in contrast with its Western critics, it made more
of the difference between an imperialism grounded on the enslavement
and eradication of ‘alien’ peoples and an imperialism at least promising
proletarian revolution.
For the SED, coming to power in defeated Nazi Germany with
the backing of the Red Army rather than a popular mandate, their
initial suspicion of lingering fascist tendencies among the citizens of the
DDR consolidated into an unbridgeable gulf between the government
and the population at large. The SED drew the legitimacy of its rule
from the people of Marxist doctrine. To be voted out of power by a
people of fascist sympathisers was not a meaningful possibility, since
no political legitimacy could spring from a people blindly sacrificing
itself to the interests of racists and imperialist adventurers: such a
people did not know itself and could not speak in its own name. From
certain angles, the SED ruled not so much for the populace of the
Arendt and Deleuze on the Peoples of Revolution 127
DDR as in spite of them. Having spent the Nazi period in exile in the
Soviet Union, many leading figures in the SED did not share the guilt,
real or imagined, of those who had remained in Germany. The writer
Christa Wolf wrote often of the unquestionable moral authority that
the communist veterans enjoyed over a generation that felt gagged by
complicity in the crimes of Hitler’s regime.12 This image of the DDR as
a martyrocracy, as a country whose leadership’s claim to legitimacy lay
in its sufferings under the preceding dictatorship, of course glosses over
a great deal, and for the generation born after the overthrow of National
Socialism feelings of culpability were far less likely to get the better of
dissent.
rule. In 1945 the number of Soviet soldiers in the region was roughly
450,000 and had dropped by October 1990 only to 363,690.
That the DDR was a client state could have escaped no one. Tactlessly,
the Soviet ambassador was even in the habit of calling in the SED
leadership to deliver instructions. But the SED did make some attempt
to appear more than the puppet government of a foreign occupying
power. Against the foreignness of the regime’s military foundation with
its refusal to submit itself to the law of the land could be played off the
Germanness of Marx and Engels, the regime’s theoretical foundation. In
its search for a German revolutionary pedigree, the DDR took its cue
from Engels and claimed the sixteenth-century Anabaptist theologian
Thomas Müntzer as its own, placing his likeness on the 5 Ostmark note.
Whether the argument for self-subsistence originated with the SED is
open to debate: in her analysis of the Hungarian Revolution, Arendt
detects in the masquerade of the satellite system a Soviet initiative for the
mollification of Western fears of imperialist expansion (Arendt 1958b:
507).
For both sides in the Cold War, the DDR was something of a
fiction. The framers of the 1949 Basic Law (Grundgesetz) of the Federal
Republic took care not to formalise the separate legal existence of the
Soviet Occupation Zone and, once it was no longer propped up by
the Red Army, the DDR’s inability to stand on its own was obvious.
Paradigmatically – and that is to say, simplistically – the DDR was the
state apparatus reduced to violence. It invites being cast as the example
of one end of the scale showing the inverse proportion between popular
support and state violence. For the purposes of taxonomic shorthand, it
is the state that existed solely as violence and the threat of violence, the
disciplinary violence of despotism rather than the genocidal violence of
Arendtian totalitarianism. Viewed in such terms, the DDR is nothing
new and belongs to the long history of foreign military occupations
with their attendant home-grown collaborators. The DDR, which had
never trusted itself to popular support, did not collapse because this
support was withheld. For various reasons, among which have to be
counted the billions of DM from Bonn, the Soviet leadership let the
regime disintegrate. The iconic image of revolution, where the palace
guards switch sides and go over to the people, renouncing violence in
favour of power, as Arendt understands it, has limited application to the
events of 1989.
And yet we should not be too quick to bury past becomings in
history. For the space of the protests, as the people’s republic of the
DDR shatters and the BRD has not begun to pick up the pieces,
132 James Phillips
Acknowledgements
This research was supported under Australian Research Council’s
Discovery Projects funding scheme (project number 0771619).
Notes
1. See Deleuze 1995: 171: ‘They say revolutions turn out badly. But they’re
constantly confusing two different things, the way revolutions turn out
historically and people’s revolutionary becoming.’ See Arendt 1963: 49: ‘The sad
truth of the matter is that the French Revolution, which ended in disaster, has
made world history, while the American Revolution, so triumphantly successful,
has remained an event of little more than local importance.’
2. The panel’s deliberations and conclusions are documented in Sabrow et al. 2007.
3. At certain points in The Origins of Totalitarianism, Arendt’s attention to
the concept of totalitarianism – as distinct from its empirical evidence – lends
her writing an eerily prescriptive tone. See, for instance, Arendt 1967: 448:
‘Under no circumstances must the concentration camp become a calculable
punishment for definite offenses.’ It is as though the regimes of Hitler
and Stalin are themselves but approximations of what Arendt designates
‘totalitarian’.
4. The Origins of Totalitarianism is the consciously paradoxical attempt
to provide the background for something nonetheless unprecedented. See
Arendt, ‘On the Nature of Totalitarianism: An Essay in Understanding’,
undated typescript, Library of Congress, MSS Box 76, 7: ‘The elements
of totalitarianism form its origins if by origins we do not understand
“causes.” . . . Elements by themselves never cause anything. They become
origins of events if and when they suddenly crystallize into fixed and definite
forms.’
5. Arendt did not coin the word ‘totalitarian’, but in response to events she
reorientated its definition. As it was from early on in its history applied to
both communist and fascist regimes, it lent itself to denoting the wholesale
destructiveness that was a common feature of Hitler’s and Stalin’s dictatorships.
134 James Phillips
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136 James Phillips
. . . the nature of certain atomic elements which claim to account both for the
formation of wholes and the variation of their parts . . . it is . . . a combinatory
formula supporting formal elements which by themselves have neither form,
nor content, nor given empirical reality, nor hypothetical functional model,
nor intelligibility behind appearances. (Deleuze 2004: 173)
These structural ‘objects’ are ‘irreducible to the orders of the real and
the imaginary, and deeper than they are’ (173). The second criterion
is ‘Local or Positional,’ which is ‘not a matter of a location in a real
spatial expanse . . . Space is what is structural, but an unextended,
pre-extensive space, pure spatium constituted bit by bit as an order of
proximity . . . ’ (174). ‘Atomic elements’ defined in terms of their position
(or ‘distance’) in relation to other such elements could not better describe
the objects of post-tonal theory (which nowadays has been extended to
tonal repertoires as well). Campbell’s concept of pitch space not only
avoids any confrontation with conventional music theory – it apparently
confirms music theory’s structuralist pitch space unproblematically. It
is ‘interior’, and yet, as noted below, Campbell also claims a kind of
autonomous existence for music outside perception.
We are brought, then, to Campbell’s exposition on musical time.
Relying as he does on A Thousand Plateaus Campbell hovers around the
trap of taking Boulez’s notion of smooth and striated time as a paradigm
for understanding musical temporality. Of course the smooth and the
striated is a way of conceptualising process, continuously forming one
from the other. From the point of view of hermeneutics or analysis
smooth space is primary. It allows thought to freely follow processes
of de/re-territorialisation. Striated space (and/or a spatial conception
of time) as a pseudo-ontological condition belongs to the State, where
the actual is overcoded with empty grids, and ‘difference in general’, or
identity, is inscribed in each space.
This confusion is directly related to the privileging of contemporary
Western art music which, in many of its incarnations, attempts to banish
rhythmic regularity (or pulse) altogether. If one simplistically holds that
the smooth is superior to the striated and, further, that pulsed music is
142 Reviews
References
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Reviews 145
others have argued previously, Hulse himself (2010) and Nesbitt (2010),
to take only two examples, all of musical history can be viewed as a
series of perpetual becomings. The philosophy of Deleuze is radical in
approach and, for better or worse, I believe that this radicality is shown
clearly but not exclusively in the experimental approaches highlighted in
the chapter. Hulse writes that ‘the question must remain how Deleuzian
thought applies to any music. All music “molecularises”, “deconstructs”
and “dissolves” itself.’ I am not so sure, subscribing as I do to the
Frankfurt School concepts of sedimentation and reification, as applicable
in the musical domain as elsewhere. While I agree wholeheartedly that
European modernism comprises only a small subset of music, not all
music is sufficiently molecular to relate in any meaningful way to the
spirit of what Deleuze and Guattari have in mind, though we do not have
to restrict ourselves to the subset of music that is musical modernism.
On the question of musical space, there is nothing of the Cartesian
about the terminological reduction of the multiplicity of musical spaces
to the interior and exterior. This abbreviated terminology simply
acknowledges that music can be conceptualised in a great number of
spatial senses and we need to be clear what exactly is being discussed.
No claim is made for the detachable reality of the pitch-space that
makes up the substance of the chapter; the claim is that this is the way
music has historically been thought of and that it needs to be addressed.
Hulse is quick to criticise terms that seem insufficiently defined yet he is
equally summary in describing ‘perception of sound’ as ‘the immanent
movement of actual-virtual becomings’, a description which I like but
which nevertheless raises equally problematic questions on the nature
of this movement. His judgement that ‘we do not perceive sounds in
terms of locational relationships with non-present sounds’ seems rather
dogmatic and limiting in prescribing unnecessary boundaries on the
workings of perception. I prefer to maintain the possibility of a number
of equally valid models of musical perception (including the spatial).
The reduction of the discussion of musical space to a complete theory
of listening which would be no more than ‘the idea of hopping around
a pre-given striated space’, is merely glib, reflects Hulse’s very different
preoccupations, and does little to address the actual content of the chap-
ter. At no point are smooth and striated spaces (as described in the book)
taken for the whole musical fact and their partiality is acknowledged.
Hulse is mistaken in imagining that Boulezian/Deleuzian concepts of
pitch space, or my discussion of them, have their origin in the work of
certain modernist American composers or theorists. Interesting though
that particular discussion might be, the concerns of North American
Reviews 149
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