Professional Documents
Culture Documents
CHANDLER
OSPREY
MILITARY CAMPAIGN SERIES 31
YARMUK 636AD
THE MUSLIM
CONQUEST OF SYRIA
DAVID NICOLLE
DAVID NICOLLE was born in
1944, the son of the illustrator
Pat Nicolle. He worked in the
BBC Arabic service for a
number of years, before going
'back to school', gaining an
MA from the School of Oriental
and African Studies, London,
and a doctorate from
Edinburgh University. He
later taught world and Islamic
art and architectural history
at Yarmuk University, Jordan.
He has written many books
and articles on medieval
and Islamic warfare, and has
been a prolific author of
Osprey titles for many years.
David lives and works in
Leicestershire, UK.
First published in (Great Britain in review, as permitted under the ISBN 1-85532-414-8
For a catalogue of 1994 by Osprey, an i m p r i n t of Reed Copyright Designs and Patents Act,
all books published by Consumer Books Limited. Michelin 1988, no part of this publication may Produced by DAG Publications Ltd
House, 81 Fulham Road, London be reproduced, stored in a retrieval for Osprey Publishing Ltd
Osprey Military,
SW 3 6RB and Aukland, Melbourne. system, or transmitted in any form or Colour bird's eye view illustrations by
please write to by any means electronic, electrical,
Singapore and Toronto. Peter Harper
The Marketing Manager, chemical, mechanical, optical, Cartography by Micromap.
Consumer Catalogue Dept., photocopying, recording or otherwise
© 1994 Reed International Books Wargaming Yarmuk by Ian Drury.
Michelin House, 81 Fulham without prior permission of the
Limited. All rights reserved. Apart Mono camerawork by M&E.
Road, London SW 3 8RB. from any fair dealing for the purpose copyright owner. Enquiries should be Reproductions North Fambridge,
of private study, research, criticism or addressed to the Publishers.
Essex.
CONTENTS
North of the Yarmuk river (modern-day Syria Natural features and man-made communi
and Lebanon), Byzantine local government and cations played a vital role in the Muslim Arab
defence were based upon cities, some of which had conquest of Syria. In the north, mountains were the
existed (or thousands of years. Southern Syria and only real barriers, running parallel to the coast and
what are now Jordan, Israel and the occupied then eastwards along the Anatolian foothills. In the
territories of Palestine included huge Byzantine centre and south deep valleys cut through the
Imperial estates as well as flourishing cities and plateau. All ran east-west except for the
church lands. Syria also had a very military north south Jordan and Biqa'a valleys. Emesa
appearance, all cities being strongly walled and (Hims) was the most important communications
some having large permanent garrisons. In the and military centre in Byzantine mirth-central
north these faced the threat of Persian invasion, Syria, Caesarea Maritima (Qaysariya) being the
while in the south any political disruption could main defensive base in Palestine. The Roman road
encourage raiding by bedouin tribes. system was still in reasonable repair, vet it still took
Syria, along with much of the rest of the several days to get infantry from Caesarea to Gaza
Byzantine Empire. had suffered a series of blows (Ghazzah). Cavalry, who were now the most
since the mid 6th century: earthquakes, plagues, important part of the army, moved faster by riding
economic decline, Sassanian Persian invasions and a on cleared areas on each side of the paved Roman
generation of Sassanian occupation. Worst of all roads. The most important such road ran from
were earthquakes and plagues. A series of epidemics Egypt to Damascus. North of al Lajjun in Palestine
starting in 540 cut the population b\ a third in the
towns infested with plague-carrying rats. Mean ▼ Among many mosaics town has a defensive wall
while the tented nomads escaped virtually in Jordan are these with towers and a church,
stylized views of fortified usually with a dome.
unscathed. There was, in fact, a large Arab-
towns dating from around ( Museum store, Mt.
speaking population within Byzantine Syria, many 650, a few years after the Nebo, Jordan; author's
being Christian while others were Jewish or pagan. battle of Yarmuk. Each photograph)
BYZANTINE SYRIA: THE ARENA OF CONFLICT
◄ Umm al Jimal, an
almost deserted 'dead city'
on the edge of the desert in
northern Jordan, was
probably controlled by the
Christian Arab Ghassanids
in Byzantine times. This
tower in what is popularly
called the 'barracks' is
decorated with Christian
crosses. It was built around
AD 412 and includes two
early examples of
machicolations from which
rocks could be dropped on
an attacker. (Author's
photograph)
who, persecuted by Christians and Jews alike, had The Arabs: the Neglected Neighbours
risen in support of the Sassanian Persian invaders
and would soon help the Muslim Arabs. Paganism The Arabic-speaking peoples of the Arabian
would survive in Syria for another century and a peninsula and neighbouring areas followed many
half under Muslim rule. The ancient Maiumas religions and different ways of life. Some lived in
'water festival' was still held at Gerasa (Jarash) as towns as merchants or craftsmen, but most were
late as 535, though the old orgies involving dancing fallahin peasant farmers in the oases of Arabia, the
girls and public nude bathing had been toned down fertile hills of Yemen or the villages of Byzantine
and given a new Christian guise. Syria and Sassanian Iraq. Even among the nomads
During the Sassanian Persian invasion of the there were important distinctions between the
Byzantine Empire the old Byzantine army collapsed camel-raising true badw (bedouin) of the deep
and a new Emperor, Heraclius, had to rebuild it desert, the sheep- and camel-raising swayih of the
from shattered fragments. This he did with grassy steppes, and the ra'w semi-nomads on the
remarkable success. Ironically, he set out on his epic fringes of the cultivated zone. Recent research
reconquest of the Middle East in the same year, 622, shows that there were plenty of small villages or
that an obscure Arab religious leader fled from his farms well beyond the Romano-Byzantine frontier
home town of Makka to seek sanctuary in the in what are now Syria and Jordan. Nor were Arab
neighbouring town of Yathrib (later to be known as nomads ever excluded from the settled areas, while
Madina). That year of 622 would become year 1 AH the degree of conflict between nomad and farmer
in a new Muslim calender, the year in which the has been greatly exaggerated, often for modern
Prophet Muhammad made his Hijra or escape to set political reasons. Within the desert, tribes normally
up the new religious community of Muslims. migrated across each other's territory by peaceful
agreement rather than constantly fighting each
The early 7th century was also a time of
other.
quickening military change in the Byzantine Empire
after centuries of stagnation, and Byzantium was One technological development had an immense
certainly not in a state of collapse when it faced the impact on the balance of power in the steppes and
new challenge from Arabia. On the other hand, the desert. This was the wood-framed North Arabian
Byzantine army was unprepared for an attack from camel saddle, which was secured on top of the
such an unexpected direction. animal's hump - the older so-called South Arabian
ORIGINS OF THE CAMPAIGN
saddle lacked a frame and was placed behind the ▲ The Syrian and to nomadic bedouin. Such
hump. Though adequate for peaceful purposes, the Arabian deserts were not areas of shattered
old type was no use in war. Once the richer camel- a vast empty area into volcanic rock covering
which Muslim Arab hundreds of square miles
raising tribes adopted the new saddle it became very
armies could retreat at exist in Arabia, Syria,
difficult for neighbouring empires to control the will. Many parts, Iraq and, as here, in
tribes. Both Byzantium and Sassanian Persia came particularly the harra or Jordan. (Author's
to rely on Arab allies to control the desert, and in lava plains, are still photograph)
Byzantine Syria the last of these allies were the virtually impassable even
Ghassanids. To the Byzantines these Ghassanids
were mere frontier auxiliaries, but within Arabia sought refuge among the Christian Arab tribes
they were often seen as great kings. Their tribal during the Sassanian invasion of Palestine.
leader or shaykh was called the Strategos Parembolon Christianity was similarly spreading in Yemen to the
'Commander of nomad auxiliaries' by Byzantium, south. Even in Oman, in eastern Arabia,
the Arab hira or encampment being called a Christianity had been recorded since the 4th
Parembole in Greek. The Ghassanid federation of century. Most of the people of present-day Iraq may
pro-Byzantine tribes was shattered by the Sassanian also have been Christian by the early 7th century.
conquest and had not yet been rebuilt when the
Despite the spread of Christianity among the
Muslim Arabs erupted on to the scene.
Arabs, the Byzantines still looked upon their desert
Meanwhile the Ghassanids were by no means neighbours as barbarians, set apart by their nomadic
the only Christian Arab tribe. For many years way of life, and the Greeks had little real knowledge
Byzantium had insisted that tribes become of the Arabian peninsula. Their image of the Arabs
Christian in return for Byzantine support. In Arabia was stuck in an outdated mould, describing them as
itself wandering monks spread the Gospel by 'wild untamed beasts', 'beastly and barbarous
preaching at annual tribal fairs. Muhammad himself enemies', the Old Testament 'hosts of Midian' or as
was a native of the Hijaz, and there were Christian agents of Divine Wrath. At first, Christians did not
monasteries in the north of this area serving as realize that Islam was a new religion, seeing it as
centres of Byzantine influence. More monks also just another Judeo-Christian heresy.
▲ The parched Wadi southern Jordan. The Persian orbit. By the mid-6th century Lakhmid-
'Araba valley, south of Muslims used the tiny Sassanian control may theoretically have reached
the Dead Sea, separates oasis of Gharandal in the
Najran in northern Yemen, while in Oman local
southern Palestine from Wadi 'Araba as a base.
ancient Moab, now (Author's photograph) shaykhs known as the Julanda ruled as Lakhmid-
Sassanian clients. T h e Sassanians' defeat by the
Within Arabia there had, of course, been many Emperor Heraclius of Byzantium undermined their
other changes. T h e northern Arab peoples had power within Arabia, and in the period of near
learned much from both Byzantines and Sassanians, anarchy that followed a great deal of weaponry fell
particularly in warfare, and they could face the into the hands of other Arab tribes. Meanwhile
troops of these neighbouring empires on equal Makka gradually emerged as a new power centre.
terms. To the south, Yemeni society was headed by
an aristocracy) of kabir clan chiefs, qail princes, and The Coming of Islam
the military satraps who governed the country
following its conquest by the Sassanian Persians. Into this fluid political and religious situation came
This was a relatively rich area, but the lucrative the Prophet Muhammad who started to preach the
incense trade had virtually ceased since the new faith of Islam.* Muhammad's mission and his
Romano-Byzantine Empire had become Christian. rise to political power coincided with the Sassanian
Nevertheless, Meccan merchant families, like the occupation of Syria. While the reconquering
Quraysh who dominated the city until the coming of Byzantines rebuilt a confederation of allied tribes to
Islam, were prosperous and owned property within the n o r t h , Muhammad attracted Arab tribes to
Bvzantine-ruled Syria. Islam in the Hijaz. The rulers of Yemen to the
On the other hand, there were many times when south, Bahrayn on the Gulf coast and Oman in the
Sassanian Persian influence was stronger than that east also accepted Islam in recognition of the new
of Byzantium, and from their capital at Ctesiphon
(more correctly Tyspwn in M i d d l e Persian) the * It is important to note that, for Muslims, Islam is not a 'new
faith'; it is the first religion given by God to Adam. For
Sassanian Emperors encouraged their own Arab Muslims, Muhammad merely brought back the original True
allies, the Lakhmids, to bring Arabia within the Faith to a misguided world.
ORIGINS OF THE CAMPAIGN
dressed as Byzantine their helmets are covered his shield has a lion's armour, but their helmets
soldiers. It is unclear with decorative caps, one head boss identical to a are very different and
whether Byzantine troops corner of the leading 4th century Sassanian reflect those worn by late
actually wore such figure's helmet still being shield-boss now in the Sassanian troops. (Met.
elaborate Roman-style visible beneath this cover. British Museum. On the Museum of Art, New
armour, except perhaps Goliath at the centre is right two Philistine York; author's
elite guardsmen. It is dressed in Romano- warriors again have photographs)
interesting to note that Byzantine style though Romano-Byzantine mail
fought hard against Byzantium's Sassanian enemies. pride in their origins. A later Byzantine Emperor,
He survived the battle of Yarmuk and for a time Nicephorus (802-11), was himself descended from
made peace with the new Muslim rulers of Syria. Jabala the Ghassanid.
But then Jabala quarrelled with the Caliph 'Umar
and left for Byzantine territory, taking many of his
The Muslim Commanders
fighting men with him. He eventually settled in the
strategic frontier area of Charsionon (Cappadocia) A great deal was recorded about the men who led
in central Anatolia where his descendants and their the Muslim Arab conquest of Syria, their deeds,
followers proved their worth against future Muslim characters and individual foibles, but it is almost
raids. They lost their Arab language but never their impossible to separate fact from fiction.
THE OPPOSING LEADERS
'Umar, the second Caliph of Islam, was lover of money and not very religious, Khalid was
respected rather than loved. He was a man of nevertheless one of the greatest tacticians in military
exceptional moral strength, high intelligence and history. He was known as the 'Sword of God' (but in
great political skill. Though autocratic, he remained Arabic, that most subtle of languages, this implies
humble in his dress and private life. Muslim that Khalid was merely a weapon to be wielded by
expansion began under his predecessor, Abu Bakr, greater men). Although Khalid had shown a streak
but 'Umar then directed the greatest period of of brutality during the Riddah Wars within Arabia,
conquest, controlling his military leaders by his own he may later have been the first Muslim leader to
power of command. impose the relatively light jizyah tax on enemies
'Umar also laid the foundations for a regularly who surrendered voluntarily, using this money to
organized and paid Muslim army with the Diwan pay his troops.
military list, a register of all men eligible for military Abu 'Ubaida could hardly have been more
stipends. On the one hand 'Umar founded several different to the fearsome Khalid. Pious but lacking
new amsar military centres, some of which military skill, Abu 'Ubaida was nevertheless a man
developed into great cities. On the other he ensured of considerable common sense. 'Umar probably put
that horses captured in Syria, one of the ancient him in charge of the invading Muslim Arab armies
world's main horse-breeding areas, were system in Syria for political reasons, describing him as 'the
atically collected before every new military faithful guardian of the people'. He had been much
operation, since the first Muslim armies were
acutely short of cavalry. ▼ Qasr al Hallabat: a into a monastery and the
fortress in the Jordanian Muslim Umayyads
Khalid Ibn al Walid was a very different man
desert, which originally transformed it into a
and had once been one of the Prophet formed part of the Roman 'desert palace'. (Author's
Muhammad's most effective military opponents. limes (frontier defences). photograph)
Impetuous, fearless, occasionally unscrupulous, a The Byzantines turned it
THE MUSLIM COMMANDERS
Having lost its independence in the 5th century, have had a Hira or encampment of semi-settled
Armenia was occupied by Byzantine and Sassanian bedouin next door serving as a local defence force.
garrisons. An indigenous military aristocracy
consisted of a higher nobility of Ishkhans and lesser
The Organization of Byzantine Armies
barons known as Nakharars. Each noble had his own
military following of Azatani minor aristocrats and The Byzantine army clung to its Roman traditions
Sepouh freemen, normally equipped as cavalry. of organization and discipline. The philosophy of
Their military reputation was very high, and separating civil and military authority, though
Armenian troops had become increasingly sometimes abandoned in times of danger, was also
important to the Byzantine army. Nakharars were designed to give army leaders a free hand. In
encouraged to settle in western Anatolia and contrast, a concentration of power in the hands of
European Thrace, while in the east Heraclius the Emperor led to a widespread 'psychology of
recognized David Saharouni as a quasi-independent dependence' which had a profound impact on
Armenian princeling in return for Saharouni's help military initiative.
against the Muslims.
Beneath the Emperor himself a Magister
By the late 6th century there was not much Militum per Orientem commanded all troops in the
difference in status between various Byzantine units. eastern part of the Empire. The basic administrative
Nevertheless the Optimates did form a cavalry elite. and tactical unit was the tagma, theoretically
They appear to have been recruited from the best of consisting of 300 men. Ten tagmatas formed a meros
the old Gotho-Graeci, descendants of Ostrogoths (regiment), which could also be divided into three
who settled inside the empire after being driven moera, while three meros formed an army. Though
from Italy by invading Lombards. Based in Bythnia the terminology was complex there was clearly a
in north-western Anatolia, they formed a corps of coherent command structure during the 6th-7th
heavy cavalry equipped in the Germanic manner. In centuries. Senior officers ranged from the
Syria, ex-Sassanian Persian troops formed part of commanding Comes or Tribunis, and Vicarius
the garrisons at Heliopolis (Ba'albakk) and Emesa (second in command), to the Senator, Ducenarius
(Hims) but most of the troops within Syria seem to and Centenarius. The old Roman centurion rank had
have been of Arab origin. Many towns appear to become the Byzantine Ekatontarch, the most senior
► Here a mounted
Christian warrior saint is
flanked by two angels on a
6th century Coptic relief
carving. He appears to
wear scale armour, though
this could be a stylized
rendition of mail. (Coptic
▲ There is still a lot of hung on a baldric and a responsible for dress and discipline. Surprisingly,
argument about where the long bowcase of a Central given the Byzantine Army's proud Roman heritage,
famous 7th century Asian type that would
its discipline was now regarded as inferior to that of
'Ashburnham Pentateuch' normally only be used by
was made: Egypt, Italy or a horseman. ( B i b . Nat.. the Sassanian Persians. Problems with discipline
North Africa. Here Esau Ms, Nouv. Acq. Lat. 2334, probably lay behind the emphasis given to this
carries archery equipment Paris) subject in military manuals such as the Strategikon
consisting of a quiver written by or for the Emperor Maurice.
By the late 6th century, troops were paid
of whom was second in command to a Comes and annually, probably at the start of winter, and despite
might also be known as a Vicarius. Lociservator was irregular payment the men still relied on this during
the general term for any deputy officer, while an the reign of Heraclius. The army was armed, fed
Optio was now a quartermaster. Auctenta and and largely mounted by the state, with each
Bandiforus were ranks normally only found in the provincial arsenal under a Sakellarios. On campaign,
east. The Biarchus, Circitor and Semissalis were local cities were clearly expected to furnish
junior officers, the Campiductor a regimental drill provisions but were often unhappy about doing so.
officer, Draconarii and Signiferi standard-bearers, The supply of horses could be an even greater
Tubatores trumpeters, Ilarches supervised junior problem, these being the responsibility of the Comes
officers and the NCOs who led a Dekarchia (platoon stabulii.
or section). There were many specialist The core of the Byzantine Army consisted of
administrative officers ranging from the primicerius the Comitatus, basically the Emperor's own force of
(adjutant) to a Comes and the domesticus, who could well-equipped mercenaries. The Scholae (palace
be the adjutant of a high official or a member of the guard) had become a parade unit, though it
Protectores (palace guard), to the solely remained a source of recruits for high ranking
administrative Pentarchai and the Tetrarchai positions, and within the Scholae the Candidati
THE ORGANIZATION OF BYZANTINE ARMIES
formed an elite, wearing distinctive white uniforms. many old ceremonial banners and, in contradiction
The Excubitores were now the real imperial infantry to the teachings of the early Church, icons were also
guard. Foideratoi formed the elite of front-line used to instil religious fervour and raise morale.
troops, while the Optimates formed an elite reserve Under Heraclius the most effective regiments in
closer to the capital. Lower in quality and status the east were those in Armenia. The Byzantines
were the Bucellarii, most of whom Maurice had were masters of absorbing new military ideas, and
grouped into one large cavalry Tagma unit of the Heraclius seems to have been influenced by his
field army. Even so, these Bucellarii were still better Sassanian foes, for example when the elite armoured
equipped than the bulk of the Byzantine army. The cavalry were formed into larger units. Nevertheless,
question of whether there were still militarily the bulk of the Byzantine army still consisted of
effective limitanie (frontier auxiliary units) in Syria spear-armed infantry. A new Praesental Imperial
remains unanswered. Army was now mustered in central Anatolia to serve
Even though the Byzantine Army no longer had as a mobile force. Considerable debate surrounds
real uniforms, it clearly, retained a regular unit the question of when the Byzantine themes, or
identification system, each with different shield military provinces with their own local armies, first
colours. Nags may have been more important, appeared. Something akin to a theme was established
coming in various sizes, shapes and colours. by Heraclius in 626-8 but was still a regional army
Byzantine flags were used to control movement, as rather than a province. Known as the Opsikion, it
rallying points and to indicate where a unit should was based in western Anatolia and may have
erect its tents. Standard-bearers or bandiforii were reflected the Sassanian empire's system of separate
selected from the bravest and most intelligent men. armies responsible for each frontier.
They wore additional armour for their face and The Ghassanid Arab phylarch or Byzantine
hands, with a second man in support should the frontier ally used his annona or payment in gold to
bandiforus fall. The Byzantine Empire also had keep his people loyal, subsidize allied tribes and
The largely Christian Arab tribes of Syria were ordinary tribal warrior beside him also has a late
richer than those of the Arabian peninsula. They Roman helmet, though he wears his hair in long
were also militarily much more sophisticated and 'Saracen' ringlets. He is dressed in the long izar
better equipped. As a result both the Byzantine body-wrap which survives to this day as a Muslim
Empire and the rising power of Islam were eager to pilgrim's garb. His large infantry bow is of partially
win their support. Here a tribal leader is armed and composite construction whereas his leather-edged
armoured with Byzantine equipment, worn over a shield is a simple piece of wickerwork. (Angus
tunic and trousers that show Persian influence. The McBride)
BYZANTINE TACTICS
► An archer shoots at a
lion, using a composite bow.
He holds a second arrow in
his left hand. (In situ,
Church of the Deacon
Thomas, 'Ayn Musa, near
Mt. Nebo, Jordan.)
► A huntsman with a
double-ended spear fights
an unseen animal. His
tunic has decorative claves
(patches) indicating that
he is a member of the
military elite. (In situ,
Chapel of Ippolito, Church
of the Virgin, Madaba,
Jordan; photographs via
Studium Biblicum
Franciscanum)
maintain a small guard unit as well as auxiliary Jordan and Palestine, mostly well within the
troops under local Arab officers. In summer the frontiers of the Byzantine Empire. For a campaign
main Ghassanid leadership lived in settled villages the Ghassanid tribesmen would leave their flocks in
or in small fortified palaces, the most important of the hands of herdsmen and would place themselves
which was at Jabiya on the Golan plateau, close to at the disposal of the relevant Byzantine
the future battlefield of Yarmuk. These were used as commander.
masani (military bases) to overawe the nomads, and
some seem to have had small barracks. The Golan
Byzantine Tactics
plateau was, in fact, popular with the Ghassanids,
and they had several camping grounds in the area. Byzantine generalship was in many ways more
Other Ghassanid centres were in northern Syria, Greek than Roman, more intellectual and with less
emphasis on fierce discipline. Several new military Recent experience against the Sassanians had
manuals also date from this period, the most famous led the Byzantine army to expect extended
being the Strategikon of the Emperor Maurice. It may, campaigns and to avoid big battles, relying on
however, have been written early in Heraclius's cautious generalship, ambushes and guerrilla tactics.
reign as a practical book for officers before the great In Syria and Palestine the Byzantines relied on
war against the Sassanians. The army relied on defence in depth supported by small mobile forces
highly trained, mobile and well equipped forces, a to wear down an enemy. The civilian population was
large part consisting of cavalry and mounted expected to take refuge within walled towns. In fact,
infantry armed with spear, sword, bow and shield. raids rather than invasions were expected, and these
Such forces campaigned over great distances. could be dealt with by local garrisons, while long-
Nevertheless it took several months to move elite range patrolling was left to Arab auxiliaries such as
the Ghassanids.
forces from the capital to Palestine, while even the
moving of local troops risked imposing new burdens In battle, archery with the recentIy introduced
of billetting and provisioning on the local heavier Avar bow was the most important offensive
inhabitants. After a long move, men and animals tactic. Archery training emphasized power and
needed a long rest, and the Byzantine army, not accuracy rather than the speed of shooting, this
being a self-sufficient force, depended on exposed being considered a matter of practice. Men were
supply lines. also trained to use three different archery draws to
In dangerous or uncertain territory a Byzantine avoid fatigue.
army was preceded by light cavalry skirmishers, and Infantry and cavalry were trained to change
at night a field-fortification was erected using supply front, turn and wheel, the failure of one such tactic
carts. Byzantine encampments differed from Roman perhaps precipitating the Byzantine defeat at
camps in having more and smaller gates for cavalry Yarmuk. Traditionally, Byzantine cavalry drew up in
sorties. According to the Strategikon, the wagons
▼ Archetypal army century Byzantine
surrounding a camp were defended by archers.
formations: A: Late 6th infantry (based on the
Behind them was a 10-15 metre wide space, then to early 7th century 'Strategikon' attributed
the tents of the heavy infantry, those of the cavalry Byzantine cavalry; B: to the Emperor Maurice);
and finally a large open space at the centre. Late 6th to early 7th
Front
A
400m B
Commander
& guards
Javelins
Spearmen
Defensores
Cursores Cursores
BYZANTINE WEAPONRY
three extended divisions, but new formations in the rectangular formations. The front rank would have
Strategikon were designed to be more shields one and half metres wide so that they could
manoeuvrable. Two types of troops were involved: overlap and form a 'shield wall'. Byzantine light
the Cursores, who advanced in open order to attack infantry, with slings, bows or javelins, operated as
with bows and then retreat if counter-charged; and skirmishers to harrass enemy cavalry or operate on
Defensores, who protected these archers. The flanks the flanks.
largely consisted of Cursores, the centre of Byzantium was regarded as particularly strong
Defensores. The other role of Byzantine heavy in siege warfare, frontiers and rear areas were
cavalry was to pin down the front of an enemy covered by walled cities, with many smaller castella
formation while light cavalry worked around their providing defence in depth, while in Syria there had
flanks and rear. been a noticeable militarization of the local
Armour for cavalrymen and horses was mostly administration. A little known mid-6th century
for protection against archery, and Cataphracti Byzantine military treatise, probably written by an
remained the cavalry elite. But the most typical late army engineer, described the role of frontier forts as
6th century Byzantine horseman was a 'composite' observation points and places where troops could
lance-bow trooper equipped in an essentially assemble before a raid. If attacked, a garrison would
Persian-Turkish manner. Horse-archery was, of drop powdered lime, boiling water or hot ashes on
course, more accurate when the animal was standing the enemy. Melted (not 'boiling') pitch, with or
still, but whatever the circumstances a horse-archer without sulphur, could be poured on an enemy's
was always vulnerable if attacked from the right by a wooden siege engines and then set ablaze. The walls
lancer. Hence formations constantly tried to of a fort could be protected with padded mats
outflank each other while defending their own right pegged to the top of the walls or by netting hung
with reinforcements. Much has been made of the one metre outside the wall. Artillery on walls and
disadvantages suffered by cavalrymen before the towers also defended the gates.
introduction of stirrups, particularly those armed The use of terror in warfare was more highly
with spears. It was, however, clearly possible to use developed in 'civilized' Byzantium than among its
these weapons effectively without stirrups if the less advanced neighbours. While military manuals
rider had some kind of supporting saddle, and a like the Strategikon laid down rules to stop troops
two-handed manner of wielding the spear had been doing unnecessary damage, it was common for the
used in the Middle East since post-Hellenistic heads and hands of defeated enemies to be paraded
times. in public. On other occasions captives were publicly
The main infantry strength of Byzantine armies tortured and then executed in full view of an enemy
lay in their bowmen. Infantry archers had been the in order to inspire fear.
main strength of Syrian armies throughout the
Roman period, their primary role being to disrupt
Byzantine Weaponry
enemy cavalry and hamper their ability to deliver a
charge. According to Byzantine military manuals Byzantium was always short of iron, and in the 6th
the first two ranks of infantry archers shot at the century the manufacture of weaponry, or at least of
horses' legs, the rear ranks aiming high to drop their armour, had been made a state monopoly in
arrows on the enemy, who could not use their Armamenton (arsenals) established in cities such as
shields to protect themselves and their animals at Alexandria, Antioch and Damascus. Swords may
the same time. This long established Middle have been made more widely, and hunting weapons
Eastern tradition of infantry archery would decline like bows would have been readily available, the
in the face of Central Asian archery traditions from provinces of Syria, Palestine and Arabia perhaps
the late 7th century onwards, but it was still being the main areas of bow making throughout the
important during the Yarmuk campaign. In the Roman and Byzantine periods. In fact, Byzantium's
Strategikon foot soldiers consisted of heavy shortage of arms meant that enemy weaponry was
Skoutatoi and light Psiloi, normally drawn up in always carefully collected - Sassanian equipment
◄ Byzantine weaponry. centuries. (Castle
A: Two-piece iron helmet Museum, Karak,
from Hadithah on the Jordan); D: Iron
Dead Sea, 4th-7th spearhead from Corinth,
centuries. (Castle 6th-7th centuries.
Museum, Karak, ( A r c h a e o l o g i c a l Museum,
Jordan); B: Cavalry Athens, Greece); E: Iron
sword, almost two metres axe-blade from Butrint,
long and probably 6th-8th centuries.
symbolic, from (Museum of Archaeology,
Aphrodisias, 6th-7th Tirana, Albania); F:
centuries. (Archaeological Gilded bronze shield-boss
Museum, Aphrodisias, from Nocera Umbra, 7th
Turkey); C: Iron dagger century. (Museo dell'Alto
with bronze guard from Medio Evo, Rome, Italy).
Hadithah, 4th-7th
Although the Byzantine army was much larger than The first Muslim conquests were carried out by
that of the Muslim Arab invaders, the sizes of the selected warriors, not by mass tribal migrations.
forces Heraclius could put into the field were Nevertheless, the entire male Muslim community
smaller than those of a century earlier. On the eve of had theoretical military obligations; the term jaysh
the Muslim invasion there were probably 10-20,000 referring to something like a 'people's army'.
elite troops around the capital Constantinople, 'Asabiya or tribal loyalty was very strong and
25,000 second rate troops in Egypt, a further contributed to the remarkable morale of Muslim
5-10,000 in Africa, 5-10,000 in Byzantine Italy, Arab troops during the early campaigns. However,
8-10,000 in the Balkans, 5.000 on the Medit the Arabian tribes had very limited manpower
erranean islands, 12,000 tied down in Armenia (of resources, with only their greater mobility and
whom only 5-8,000 were available for duty fighting ability to compensate for their lack of
elsewhere), 1-2,000 in Isauria and Cilicia, 8,000 in numbers.
Upper Mesopotamia, 5,000 in northern Syria, plus Most fighting men in Arabian towns and oases
5,000 in Palestine and Arabia. A further 6,000 fought as infantry in an essentially defensive
tribesmen from allied Arab phylarchs could be manner, and with the coming of Islam they enjoyed
added to this total. a higher military status than the unreliable nomadic
At most, 50.000 non-Arab troops could be used bedouin cavalry whose conversion was often only
against the Muslims, but hall of these were tied skin-deep. Very little is known about Arab
down in garrisons or defending communications. horsemen during this early period. The pre-Islamic
Many of the remainder were unavailable because the Arab Lakhmid rulers on the frontiers of Iraq seem
Empire could not pay them. In fact 6-7th century to have relied on Sassanian Persian asawira
Byzantine expeditionary forces never exceeded (professional cavalry) rather than tribal troopers,
20-30.000 troops cavalry and infantry. The larger and the Sassanians also sent asawira to bolster Arab
garrisons ranged from around 1,500 at Antioch to allies in Yamama (north-eastern Saudi Arabia),
several hundred at Chalcis (Qinnasrin) and 200-300 Oman and Yemen. A force of 800 asawira fought its
mobile troops at Caesarea Maritima (Qaysariya). way to Yemen in the mid-6th century and the
Most other garrisons consisted of one or two descendants of a Sassanian occupation force were
hundred men, often assimilated into the local still there when the Prophet Muhammad's troops
population. conquered the country. Now known as abna', they
fought hard for Islam during the Riddah Wars and Muslim Military Organization
probably during the great Muslim Arab conquests
that followed. The word jihad, despite the way it is used by
The indigenous armies of southern Arabia modern journalists, never simply meant 'Holy War'.
were organized in a different manner from those of It was, and still is, the struggle to strengthen Islam
the north. There was a fully developed state both within an individual's soul and in the world at
apparatus with kings and an ashraf (nobility) large. The great 'Umar, second Caliph of Islam, is
including qails or (tribal 'dukes') responsible for credited with formalizing rules of behaviour for his
law and order. In this they were supported In soldiers, and though they clearly have their roots in
hereditary classes of administrators and warriors. the Quran these instructions are remarkably similar
The Yemeni military system soon provided large to those in Byzantine military manuals such as the
numbers of infantry, including camel-riding Strategikon.
mounted infantry, to the Muslim armies. In fact, Operations were carefully planned and
Yemeni troops played a significant role in the coordinated. Volunteers were summoned from
conquest of Byzantine Syria. specified tribes, but they then served in organized
Nor did these first armies only include armies, not tribal hordes. Troops mustered at
Muslims. Christian Arabs fought for Islam against specified points usually near Madina, the first
the Sassanians in Iraq, while the first Muslim capital of the new Islamic state, before the armies
invaders of Byzantine territory may have been were sent where the Caliph decided. There is,
helped by Jewish Arab tribes in what is now however, little information about the muqatila
southern Jordan. Non-Arabs also played a part. At ('fighters') themselves during this early period.
one time the Ahabish (paid warriors) of Makka were Some families went with the army to look after
thought to have been Abyssinian slaves; they are flocks for food, tend the wounded and maintain
now known to have been drawn from a morale, but there were never many of them. The
confederation of small tribes including men of tribal structure was the basis of military
African origin. One tradition states that 'Amr Ibn al organization, the men being paid through their
Amr had black soldiers with him when he invaded tribe, and when 'Umar visited Syria the troops were
Egypt a few decades later. There were also many ordered to present themselves by 'Ashira or clan.
Semitic but non-Arab peoples near the coasts of There was also a parallel non-tribal organization
what are now Oman, Hadramawt, Dhufar and within the army based upon military functions such
Yemen. Some still live in Dhufar. as cavalry or infantry.
Less is known about the early Islamic command
structure than that of the Byzantine army, and it was
probably much less elaborate. Walis (provincial
governors) were, however, responsible for preparing
and organizing regional armies, estimating their
costs and sending them against the enemy. These
walis divided any booty gained, retaining one fifth
for their own administrative costs. The structure of
armies may have reflected Byzantine practice. An
amir (commanding officer) appointed divisional or
field commanders known as umara al tabiya under
whom were the umara al ashar ('commanders of
tens'). Other officer ranks included ashab al rayat
('standard bearers'), quwwad ('leaders') and the ru'us
al qaba'il ('tribal chiefs').
The chain of command is unclear but may have
gone from the amir to field commanders.
THE OPPOSING ARMIES
c Front
Swordsmen
Cavalry in
Spearmen
tribal units Archers
ditches and sandy desert. Even with the wood- ▲ Mid-7th century Arab-Islamic army (after A. von
framed north Arabian saddle, camels could not Pawlikowski-Cholewa)
make proper cavalry charges and were notoriously
unresponsive to their riders' commands. Camels anchoring their infantry positions on natural
did, however, carry provisions, mules being found obstacles like hills or lava plains while the small
more suitable in the mountains. Muslim cavalry forces were reserved for outflanking
Traditional Arab warfare consisted of raids movements. Their emphasis on defensive infantry
designed to weaken an enemy's ability to survive in a tactics naturally affected the battle-array used,
harsh climate. Casualties were small, with a code of which tended to be simple. Men were drawn up in
military conduct intended to minimize unnecessary Sufuf (ranks) and would also advance in line of
losses. Such warfare led to an intellectual approach battle. Whether or not the fully developed Khamis
that admired crafty stratagems and also accepted ('five division') plan was used before the Umayyad
that withdrawing before a superior force was period is unclear, but it seems to appear at Yarmuk.
honourable. Islam expanded upon this military The same was true of the tabi'a ('close formations').
heritage and the siyar ('rules of war') were based The five divisions of Khamis were the muqaddama
upon a typical condemnation of all forms of excess. (advance guard), qalb (centre), maimanah (right
The Muslims also introduced a new obedience to wing), maisarah (left wing) and saqah (rearguard).
orders and a willingness to accept higher casualties. A century or so later, Arab divisional units were
Almost all battles were associated with roads, a described as being a bowshot apart, companies
factor unnoticed by scholars, who have assumed that taking turns to fight so as to conserve energy.
the highly mobile Arabs were uninterested in Against the Sassanians in Iraq, the Muslim Arab
traditional arteries of communication. In most cases infantry were, on at least one occasion, placed at the
the Muslim Arab armies fought defensively, centre with mixed cavalry and infantry divisions on
the flanks. A unique document from 647 states that The Arabs had long been known for their use of
Muslim infantry were more heavily armoured than noise to intimidate a foe. The normal Muslim
the cavalry, and various accounts of early Muslim battle-cry of Allahu Akbar ('God is most Powerful')
heroes show that the most common wounds were to could be repeated as a signal for prearranged action
the lower legs and feet, the least common to for example, firstly for men to don their armour,
shoulders, hands or torso. Many lost eyes to arrows, secondly for units to get in position, thirdly to send
while others died from arrows in the throat. Such forward the mubarizun (champions) and lastly to
evidence suggests infantry combat using swords and indicate a general advance. Duels between
large shields, with archery as an important champions had been a feature of pre-Islamic Arab,
sccondary threat. Byzantine and Sassanian warfare for a long time.
TACTICS OF THE MUSLIM FORCES
Yarmuk) said, " H e who constantly leaps and In camp the Muslim Arabs left their camels
dismounts will not grow weak".... According to with servants. The only other information about
'Umar when the Muhajirun and the Ansar (two of Arab encampments concerns their tents and the
the first groups of Muslims during Muhammad's heavy tent-poles, which could be used as weapons in
own lifetime) increased in number they included an emergency. Early Muslim Arab armies are also
many whose habits were foreign, but they removed popularly believed to have been incapable of siege
their stirrups and started mounting their horses by warfare, but this is again a misunderstanding.
leaping on them.' Settled Arab tribes clearly had some siege
The Arab spokesman saw no reason to comment capabilities. Several of the tallest houses in the
on the famous short swords of the early Muslim Ghassanid town of Umm al Jimal were intended to
Arabs. be defensible and still have machicolations from
WEAPONRY OF THE MUSLIM FORCES
◄ Late Sassanian
Asvaran cavalry and a
Berber tribesman. A
number of Sassanian
Persian troops were left in
Syria after the Byzantine
reconquest and they then
fought for the Byzantines
at Yarmouk. Many others
would soon be recruited
into Muslim ranks in Iraq
and Iran. In addition to
his low-domed iron helmet
this horseman is protected
by a lamellar bard
covering only the front of
its body, neck and head.
This horseman's use of
wooden stirrups raises the
unsolved question of when
and where the Persians
first adopted stirrups.
Berber troops supported
Heraclius in his original
struggle for the Byzantine
throne. This warrior is,
however, equipped in the
simplest style used by
ordinary Berber
tribesmen. (Angus
McBride)
which missiles could be dropped. Written sources ▲ Some Coptic ivory stirrups. The short sword
mention similar tribal houses in Madina, defended carvings made after the and extremely simple
Muslim conquest of form of bridle may
by archers and rock throwers on the roof. Some of
Egypt, like this situla indicate Arab influence.
these oasis houses even had their own stone- probably dating from the (Walters Art Gall.,
throwing engines and rams to attack rival houses. 7th or 8th century, do Baltimore)
Ta'if, supposedly the 'only fortified town in Arabia', show horsemen using
had a wall of brick or stone bonded with mud and
surrounded by a deep ditch. To the south, Yemen terms, were the generally preferred tactics. Even so,
had been a land of castles and fortified towns for the Muslims used a stone-throwing manjaniq
centuries, while Oman also had several large (mangonel) against the walls of Damascus as early as
fortifications. Most of the early Muslim conquests 635.
were, in fact, achieved by siege warfare rather than
by large-scale battles. Prolonged blockades, luring a
garrison out into the open to be destroyed, Weaponry of the Muslim Forces
capturing enemy leaders for ransom, or harrying the The dress of early Muslim warriors would have
agricultural surroundings to force a town to make
reflected their immediate cultural background.
THE OPPOSING ARMIES
Whereas the Arab nomad wore a long izar cloth ► Muslim weaponry. A: 'Sword of the Caliph
wrapped several times around his body, urban Arabs Late Sassanian-early 'Umar' with later hilt,
Islamic segmented helmet traditionally mid-7th
and those living closer to the Byzantine and
from Nineveh, 5th-7th century. (Islamic
Sassanian frontiers would often have dressed in the Reliquary, Topkapi
centuries, (British
same tunics and cloaks as their neighbours. Sirwal Museum. London, Palace Museum,
(trousers) would soon become the mark of a soldier England); B: Late Istanbul, Turkey); G:
and were of Persian origin, while the Yemeni elite Sassanian-early Islamic Late Sassanian or early
wore silks and cosmetics to the disgust of more segmented helmet from Islamic sword from
Nineveh, 7th century, Oman, 5th-7th centuries,
pious Muslims.
(British Museum, (location unknown); H:
During the Middle Ages it was almost London, England); C: 'Sword of Khalid Ibn al
obligatory for a Muslim Arab to shave his head, but One-piece iron helmet Walid' with later hilt,
in pre-Islamic times the Arabs wore long hair, and from Varaghsah, traditionally mid-7th
Transoxania, early 8th century. (Islamic
this still seems to have been the case among many
century. (Museum of Reliquary, Topkapi
early Muslims. Even a senior military leader could Palace Museum,
Uzbek History,
still wear his hair in four stiff plaits. It was the loose Istanbul, Turkey); I: Iron
Samarqand,
'imama (head cloth) that distinguished the northern Uzbekistan); D: One- dagger with bronze guard
and central Arabs, but this was not yet a true turban piece reed 'Bow of the from Pella, early-mid-8th
in the later medieval or modern sense. It was Prophet Muhammad', century (location
traditionally mid-7th unknown); J: iron sword-
probably normal to wear some form of cap beneath
century. (Islamic guard from al Rabadhah,
an 'imama - Khalid Ibn al Walid was to lose just 7th-9th centuries. (Dept.
Reliquary, Topkapi
such a favourite red cap during the battle of of Archaeology, King
Palace Museum,
Yarmuk. Heavy leather sandals were also typical of Istanbul, Turkey); E: Sa'ud University, Saudi
the early Muslim Arabs, Roman type sandal boots 'Sword of the Caliph Arabia); K: iron knife
also having been found in the graves of pre-Islamic 'Uthman' with later hilt, with wooden grip from
traditionally mid-7th Qasr Ibrim, Nubia, 8th-9th
Arab auxiliary troops in Jordan.
century. (Islamic centuries. (British
The weaponry of the early Muslims is likely to Reliquary, Topkapi Museum, London,
have been as mixed as their costume. During the Palace Museum, England)
immediate pre-Islamic period most Arabian military Istanbul, Turkey); F:
equipment seems to have come from Syria, Iraq,
Armenia and Yemen; a great deal more would then southern Iraq was the base for operations in Iran.
have been captured during the early conquests. Although Najran was famous for its leather, the
Much armour made in Iraq, along the Gulf coast, in swords of Yemen appear to have been made from
Oman and Yemen was of hardened leather scale or imported ingots of high quality Indian wootz, an
lamellar construction rather than of iron. The early form of steel. Other, inferior, blades were
largely Christian town of Najran in northern Yemen made elsewhere in Arabia and along the borders of
was already an important centre of arms Syria. Long-shafted spears were made locally from
manufacture during Muhammad's lifetime, but the reeds of the Gulf coast. Bows were also made in
again it was famous for leather rather than for iron. various parts of Arabia, the most typical being the
The peace agreement that Najran made with its Hijazi bow. It could be of one piece of wood, or two
Muslim conquerors stipulated that the town supply strips joined back to back, and it was up to two
30 sets of armour, 30 horses and 30 camels for metres long when unbraced - roughly the same size
operations along the Gulf coast or in Yemen. The as the famous English longbow.
Caliph 'Umar soon transported the Christians of
The nomads always depended on settled people
Najran to southern Iraq. This was already a largely
for metal goods, and the many annual tribal fairs
Christian area and, rather than being intended to
held around Arabia served as distribution centres.
remove a potentially subversive non-Islamic
Another tradition suggests that powerful Jewish
population, it was more likely to have reflected the
Arab tribes in northern Hijaz served as a channel
Najranis' role as skilled armourers at a time when
for weaponry from the pro-Byzantine Ghassanids
WEAPONRY OF THE MUSLIM FORCES
Composite cavalry, equipped as both horse-archers and barbarity characteristic of the Christian early
and close-combat spearmen, were the shock troops of Byzantine Empire. His style of costume eventually
the early 7th century Byzantine Empire. Many evolved into medieval church vestments. Around his
Byzantine soldiers also seem to have adopted the neck is a heavy gold necklace marking his rank. But
Persian fashion of wearing a decorative cap over he also raises aloft the severed hand and head of a
their helmet. The unarmoured military commander defeated rebel - another Byzantine practice. (Angus
shown here illustrates the mixture of magnificence McBride)
THE SIZE OF MUSLIM FORCES
by Sassanians and some of their Muslim Arab horsemen with both short Arab swords and longer
conquerors were very expensive. Sassanian cavalry blades. Meanwhile the dagger, in
A conversation attributed to the Caliph 'Umar Arabia as in Iran, was a personal weapon and the
and 'Amr Ibn al As summed up the early Islamic last line of defence.
warrior's opinions on the merits of various weapons.
'The javelin?' asked Amr. 'It is a brother which
The Size of Muslim Forces
might betray you.' 'The arrows?' 'Arrows are
messengers of death which might miss or might hit.' The total Muslim number of fighting men during
'The shield?' 'That is the protection which suffers the Caliphate of 'Umar may have reached 50,000,
most.' 'The coat of mail?' 'Something which keeps but the size of the armies that invaded the huge
the horseman busy, is a nuisance to the foot soldier neighbouring empires was often tiny. The first
but is in all cases a strong protection.' 'The sword?' armies sent into Byzantine territory soon proved to
'It might be the cause of your death!' be too small, although there were several separate
Most shields were clearly of leather, mostly Muslim forces operating in Syria and Palestine.
camel- or cow-hide, and would be kept supple Those of Shurahbil, Yazid and subsequently Abu
with oil as had been done in the Middle East since 'Ubaida each had around 7,000 men and 'Amr only
the days of the ancient Hebrews. Infantry spears 3,000. This total included cavalry forces, some 3,300
were about two and a half metres long, those of Quraysh, 1,700 from the bedouin Sulaim tribe and
the cavalry up to five and a half metres. A wife's around 700 of the Murad tribe from Yemen. After
veil could be tied on as a pennon, a typically Khalid Ibn al Walid led his reinforcements across
romantic Arab idea that later spread to medieval the desert from Iraq, the Muslims were able to
Europe. Javelins were used, particularly by Yemeni concentrate 15-18,000 men at the battle of
troops. Ajnadayn, where they defeated 9-10,000
The sword was by far the most prestigious Arab Byzantines. Estimates of the size of the Muslim
weapon and was a short infantry weapon like the Arab army at Yarmuk vary from 20,000 to 40,000,
Roman gladius. Some Arab warriors carried two but it was probably more like 25,000 and this time
swords, though this might have referred to they were greatly outnumbered by the Byzantines.
Initially - before the defeat of the local forces at drive them out by force. This had no difficulty in
Ajnadayn - the Byzantines relied on a traditional rolling the invaders back from northern and central
defensive system to confine and repel the invaders; Syria. The great Byzantine army then established a
after Ajnadayn the Byzantine strategy would revert base near Yaqusah, close to the edge of the Golan
to passive reliance on fortified towns, avoidance of Heights, protecting the vital main road from Egypt
major battles and the use of natural barriers such as to Damascus. The base was protected by deep
rivers and dry valleys. But some fortifications would valleys and precipitous cliffs, well supplied with
not be strong enough to resist a determined attack water and grazing. This area lay at the heart of Bilad
without the support of the mobile forces, dispersed al Sham, the land of 'Greater Syria', and was
at Ajnadayn. Meanwhile, the Byzantine authorities important enough for both sides to risk a major
hoped that the Muslim invaders would weary, as battle. But the Byzantines delayed committing
previous desert raiders had done The fact that themselves, perhaps hoping to undermine the
enemy by negotiation in time-honoured Byzantine
these invaders did not do so resulted from the
fashion. When at last the Byzantines did make their
greater commitment provided by their new Muslim
move they probably did so after realizing that the
religion - a factor the Byzantines failed to
Muslims were growing stronger, not weaker. Their
recognize.
main effort was then directed towards the invaders'
When the Muslim Arab threat failed to encampments.
evaporate, Heraclius mustered a very large army to
The M u s l i m Arabs, despite defeating the local Byzantines, the Muslims then looked for a decisive
Byzantine forces at Ajnadayn, had to take the battle.
fortified towns or lose the war. Yet at first they Throughout the campaign the Arabs used ruses
avoided large cities and major Byzantine forces. and ambushes to draw their enemy into the open,
'Umar wanted to win over the powerful Syrian almost always successfully. This was to be very
tribes before attempting anything more ambitious. obvious in the great battle of Yarmuk itself, where
Only then would Muslim strategy change. In this the Muslim Arabs, having studied the ground in
second phase, the Caliph's armies would aim at detail, would lure the Byzantines into a series of
the great cities themselves, most notably costly assaults before turning the deep valleys and
Damascus and Emesa (Hims). Unlike the cliffs into a catastrophic trap.
THE C A M P A I G N
Ajnadayn, Pella and Damascus caught the imagination of all chroniclers, but its
details remain confused and there is still debate
Ajnadayn was to be the first large battle between about the exact route. Nevertheless, Khalid entered
Muslim and Christian armies. The Muslim Arab Syria behind the main Byzantine defending forces,
armies are said to have set out from Madina early in taking the strategic fortified town of Busra almost
634 but are more likely to have left the previous without a fight.
autumn. After some raiding, their first serious clash Khalid's force was small, only 500-800 men,
with Byzantine troops occurred at Dathin, near but it consisted of troops whose loyalty to Islam was
Ghazzah, on 4 February. The Emperor Heraclius, absolute. They seem to have been fast-moving
then at Emesa, now sent a substantial force to camel-riding infantry with a few cavalry, and their
Caesarea Maritima, the main military base in arrival instigated a new phase in the conquest of
Palestine, where it probably joined units already Syria. Next they joined the forces of Yazid and
stationed in the area. A Byzantine fleet also seems Shurabil operating east of the Jordan valley and
to have sailed down the coast in support. T h e together marched to a pre-arranged mustering in
Muslim commanders in southern Palestine in turn the Wadi Simt, linking up with the army of 'Amr
requested reinforcements. Ibn al As operating in southern Palestine at a place
that came to be known as Ajnadayn.
Khalid Ibn al Walid had been operating in Iraq
and was now ordered to cross the desert to Syria. The Byzantines, despite being very close to
He arrived in the Damascus area with a small elite their own lines of communication, took two months
unit to defeat a local force of Ghassanid auxiliaries to gather their troops but were still caught unawares
at Easter, 24 A p r i l 634. Khalid's desert march by the biggest Muslim army yet assembled against
them. Here a road from the Mediterranean to the dry bed of the River Simt. The Byzantine army,
Jerusalem ran thought the Wadi Simt valley, which led by Heraclius's brother Theodore, expected the
was moderately broad with sloping, though not support of local Arab auxiliaries but received very
precipitous, sides. The battle probably took place little. The Byzantine force may have included the
west of Bayt Natif, close to the t w i n villages of Caesarea garrison under that city's military
Jannaba East and Jannaba West, in July or August governor, Sergius, but other chronicles suggest that
634. The Muslims may have adopted a defensive this Sergius had been killed in February. There is
position west of Bayt Natif, where the road crossed also confusion about an officer named Vardan, who
◄ Khalid Ibn al Walid,
hurrying front northern
Jordan to reinforce 'Amr
Ibn al As in southern
Palestine before the battle
of Ajnadayn, may have
marched down this steep
and rugged valley, the
Wadi Karak. He would
then have gone around the
southern end of the Dead
Sea, which is visible in the
distance. (Author's
photograph)
is said to have been at Ajnadayn; but he may have told to defend the camp should the need arise.
been one and the same as Sergius. The name Khalid and the Byzantine commander made
Vardan itself suggests an Armenian origin. One morale-boosting speeches, the surviving texts of
officer killed at Ajnadayn held the senior rank of which are almost certainly apocryphal. The exploits
Cubicularius or perhaps Sakellarios and seems to of several individuals from each of the armies
have been Theodore's deputy commander. recorded in Arab chronicles probably recall real
Very few hard facts are known about this battle, events in exaggerated form. A Christian Arab, for
which is shrouded in pious legend. The Muslims, example, was sent by the Byzantines to spy on the
commanded either by 'Amr Ibn al As or by Khalid Muslim camp, coming back with glowing reports of
Ibn al Walid, decided to meet the Byzantines head- the enemy's morale. A Christian bishop in a black
on for the first time. The result was a hard-fought hat tried to negotiate a M u s l i m withdrawal, to
battle without much manoeuvring but with high which Khalid replied by offering the traditional
casualties on both sides. The most convincing, choice of conversion to Islam, payment of jizyah
though still hypothetical, reconstruction runs as (tax) or battle. A young Muslim named Zarrar Ibn
follows. al Azwar, first recorded as a tax collector at the
Both armies were arrayed in extended lines, outbreak of the Riddah Wars, was already known as
with their camps to the rear. T h e Muslims, and a fine warrior; he made a reconnaissance of the
almost certainly the Byzantines, were divided into Byzantine position but, instead of riding straight
three divisions with a flank guard on each wing. back as Khalid ordered, turned on his Byzantine
Mu'az Ibn Jabal commanded the Muslim centre; pursuers and slew several.
Sa'id Ibn 'Amir the left; 'Abd al Rahman, son of the The battle itself began with a barrage of arrows
Caliph Abu Bakr, the right. Shurahbil led the vital and sling-stones from units stationed ahead of the
left flank guard, but the name of the man who led main Byzantine army. T h e Muslims were not
the right flank guard is unknown. Behind the permitted to reply, but one warrior was sent
centre, protecting the Muslim camp, a reserve was forward, presumably to maintain Muslim morale.
led by Yazid. Khalid, 'Amr and other senior leaders Again it was Zarrar. He is likely to have been the
and 'champions' remained near the centre. The leader of a group of elite champions rather than
Muslims were instructed to shoot showers of arrows taking on the Byzantines alone. Normally he fought
as units, not individually, and the women were also unarmoured, becoming known as 'The Naked
► The well preserved 6th
century Syrian 'Vienna
Genesis' includes several
interesting military
details. 'Esau' or 'Jacob'
looks much like any
member of a Byzantine
army supply train. His
mule has a typical pack
saddle of a type that
would still appear seven
centuries later in Islamic
manuscripts.
Byzantines suffered large casualties at Ajnadayn, Byzantines! This the Emperor Heraclius angrily
but the bulk of the shattered army escaped, fleeing refused. He wanted revenge. Meanwhile 'Amr Ibn al
to the walled cities. From then on, the Byzantines As took over a large estate near Bayt Jibrin, not far
were wary about facing Muslim forces in the open, from Ajnadayn. This he named after one of his
while the latter raided far and wide. After the followers, 'Ajlan, who may have fallen in the battle.
nearby town of Bethlehem fell to the invader, the News of the Battle of Ajnadayn reached the
Patriarch Sophronius of Jerusalem railed against Caliph Abu Bakr on his deathbed. By then many
'the sword of the Saracens... beastly and barbarous... Byzantine cities were crowded with demoralized
and filled with every diabolic savagery'. Meanwhile refugees. Muslim forces strengthened their hold
the Muslims took a more practical view of their over the countryside, though avoiding the coast,
success and even tried to sell their booty back to the which was vulnerable to counter-attack from the
sea. On the other side the Byzantines still expected Empire. He also moved to Antioch, away from
these Arab raiders to return to the desert and relied vulnerable Emesa. There he set about raising a large
on defensive strategy. army. Heraclius appointed new field and garrison
The following months saw blockades, commanders, but many of these newcomers lacked
negotiations, raids and secret communication local knowledge, causing friction with the indig
between Muslim leaders, Byzantine commanders enous people. The fortifications of Ghazzah,
and city notables but no major assaults against Ba'albakk and perhaps other places were
walled defences. Meanwhile Heraclius was not as strengthened, and there seems to have been a
apathetic as some of his critics maintained. He sent militarization of urban leadership.
letters to the main cities reminding the people of The Muslim armies had split up after their
Byzantium's recent victories over the Sassanian victory at Ajnadayn, a substantial force under
◄ The battle of Ajnadayn
probably took place near
the now-deserted Arab
village of Bayt Natif where
the Roman road crossed the
Wadi Simt. The valley also
narrows at this point,
making it a natural
defensive position for the
Muslim army. This picture
is taken from the ruined
tomb of Shaykh Abu Hilal,
looking north-west along
the Wadi Simt, the
direction from which the
Byzantines would have
advanced. (Author's
photograph)
Khalid Ibn al Walid pursuing the enemy opening of irrigation canals to create a flooded area
northwards. Many Byzantine troops retreated to in the Jordan valley would fit such an interpretation,
Pella (Fihl) and Scythopolis (Baisan) in the Jordan as the flat valley floor could have been a weak point
valley, where, according to M u s l i m sources, they in the Byzantine front.
were led by 'the son of M i k h r a q , a Sakellarios'. Meanwhile a small detachment of M u s l i m
These reinforced positions could have formed part cavalry led by Abu 'Awar was watching
of a new defensive line Heraclius is understood to developments at Pella until the main Muslim Arab
have been organizing. Its eastern flank rested on the army arrived. At some stage before the battle of
Jabal al 'Arab hills, and it would have hemmed the Pella, Khalid Ibn al Walid was removed from
invaders on to the plateau of what is now Jordan.
command of the Muslim forces in Syria by the new
Even here, however, the Muslims had only won
Caliph 'Umar. He was replaced by the pious Abu
control of the flat south and centre of the country,
'Ubaida, who may have given command of the force
the 'Ajlun hills and the southern part of the Hawran
outside Pella to Shurahbil. Nevertheless the
still being in Byzantine hands. The Byzantines'
redoubtable Khalid still apparently led the advance
Muslim controlled
territory by 634
Byzantine Empire
Byzantine claimed
but not controlled
Amr's Army
Yazid's Army
Shurahbil's Army
Khalid's Army
Byzantine Army from Emesa
Byzantine fleet in support
of Army
and southern Hawran region, apparently without when the new grass was at its best. But the battle or
resistance. battles of M a r j al Suffar are again shrouded in
Meanwhile Heraclius had tried to establish a legend. The main clash may have started when a
line along the Yarmuk valley with a base camp near M u s l i m advance party under K h a l i d Ibn Sa'id
Yaqusah, perhaps the same position as he was to clashed with a Byzantine force near some water
select during the subsequent Yarmuk campaign. Hut mills, probably on a small ridge south of a stream
this line was soon breached. The fall of Busra back that runs south of the little town of Kiswah. T h e
in May had weakened its eastern flank, the fall of Byzantines were probably commanded by a
Tiberius now turned its western flank, and a clash drungarios, perhaps one of two Byzantine officers
seems to have taken place at Marj al Suffar, well to recalled in Arabic as Kulus and Azazir. With water
the north of the Yarmuk. and forage available, and a hill and a river on which
Marj al Suffar, the 'Golden Meadow', was an to anchor their position, this would have been an
area of good grazing and abundant water hallway obvious place for the Byzantines to defend the
between Damascus and the fertile Ghassanid approaches to Damascus. Khalid Ibn Sa'id, married
camping ground at Jabiya on the Golan plateau. It the evening before the battle, was killed during the
was an ideal base area, particularly in early spring fight; on hearing of his death, his new wife, U m m
Hakim, siezed a tent pole and joined the battle with What happened next is even less clear. Further
the perfumed saffron wedding ointment still on her Muslim units may have arrived and attacked one by
face. The bridge over the stream was thereafter one. Khalid Ibn al Walid, Zarrar, Shurahbil and
named after Umm Hakim, while the tomb of Khalid other leaders led their men in repeated karr wa farr
Ibn Sa'id stood nearby for centuries. attacks until the outcome was decided, when Abu
'Ubaida and 'Amr Ibn al As arrived on the scene.
Thereupon the Byzantines retired in good order to
Damascus, though not before the Byzantine officers
Kulus and Azazir had been captured.
The M u s l i m armies promptly pushed on to
Damascus. The Christian Arab Ghassanids may
have tried to defend the city from outside the walls,
basing their operations on a fortified tower north of
the city and awaiting a Byzantine relief force. The
entire circuit of walls around Damascus is said to
have been manned, though this seems unlikely. A
certain Thomas supposedly commanded the
garrison and the senior civilian official was Mansur
Ibn Sarjan, the Christian Arab financial
administrator. He was regarded as a political
opponent of the Emperor, probably on religious
grounds, and was an ally of the Syriac, rather than
Greek Orthodox, bishop.
T h e siege lasted about six months. Since they
were too few to surround Damascus, the Muslims
stationed themselves outside each of its gates to
impose a blockade. Khalid Ibn al Walid's men faced
the East Gate, 'Amr Ibn al As the Gate of Thomas,
Abu 'Ubaida the Jabiya Gate, Shurahbil the
Anti-Lebanon Mountains
Paradise Gate, and Yazid both the Little and Kaysan as the Muslims pursued the Byzantines towards
Gates. Khalid's headquarters were in a monastery, Emesa where, according to some sources, they were
where the monks tended wounded Muslim soldiers. in turn forced back.
The infantry engaged any Byzantine troops who The failure of this relief attempt naturally
appeared on the battlements and faced any sorties, weakened the garrison's morale, which was further
while Muslim women also took up bows to harass jolted by the Muslims' beheading of the two senior
the garrison. officers captured at Marj al Suffar. Several sorties
Khalid apparently grouped all available cavalry were attempted, and d u r i n g one of these the
in one force, an important part of which was sent to garrison commander, Thomas, was wounded in the
Thaniyat al 'Uqab ('Eagle's Pass'), where the road eye by an arrow shot by the widow of an Arab
from Emesa crossed a spur of the Anti-Lebanon soldier killed in a previous sortie. The Arab records
mountains. There they watched for any Byzantine are generous in their admiration for brave enemies,
relieving army. A small fort may also have been recording how Thomas led his men in a further
erected or repaired north of the city at Barzah. One sortie during which he almost killed Shurahbil.
column of Byzantine cavalry was driven back, but
Traditional Muslim Arab sources often focus on
again the records are conflicting. The heroic Zarrar
the personal details of these epic events, and since
Ibn al Azwar was apparently wounded and captured
the medieval Arabs virtually invented the concept of
at 'Eagle's Pass'. Khalid Ibn al Walid led his cavalry
'romantic love' - a feature notably lacking from
to help Zarrar's second in command, Rafah Ibn
Greek and Roman literature - it is not surprising to
'Umayrah, who had fallen back towards Bayt Lihya
find that the fall of the city involved a young man
in the Ghutah or 'oasis' of Damascus. As Khalid's
known only as 'Jonah the Lover'. This Jonah, son of
troops hurried into battle, a young Arab dressed in
Marcus, was apparently a Greek whose marriage
black with a green headcloth hiding his face, and
had been interrupted by the siege. His young wife's
armed w i t h spear and sword, galloped past and
parents now claimed to be too busy to finalize the
hurled himself at the Byzantines. The masked rider
ceremony. Eventually the frustrated Jonah climbed
revived the tired Muslims with his skill and courage,
over the wall and offered to give Khalid useful
but in the process was unmasked, proving to be
information in return for the Muslim's help in
Zarrar's sister, Khaula Bint al Azwar, who was
obtaining his bride. Jonah told him that on the night
fighting to free her brother. Zarrar was in fact freed
of 18 September there would be a religious festival
◄ A number of warrior Byzantine officer. The
saints appear in fragments manuscript probably dates
of Coptic manuscripts. from the 6th to 8th
This illustration of St. century but could be a
Menas shows him in a little later. (John
stylized, very long Arab- Rylands Lib., Ms. S.33,
style mail hauberk with Manchester)
the neck torque of a senior
Byzantine Empire
Muslim controlled
territory by 634
◄ A 6th-7th century
Christian manuscript from
what is now north-eastern
Syria shows 'Moses before
Pharoah and his guards'. It
was made in a war-torn
frontier region, so the
domed helmet with large
cheek-pieces worn by one
guard is probably more
accurate than helmets
shown in manuscripts made
in peaceful regions. (Bib.
Nat., Ms. Syr. 341, Paris)
'Ayn Dhakar and the bridge over the Ruqqad, where
the fate of the Byzantine army was eventually to be
sealed.
There was clearly dissension and indiscipline
within the Byzantine ranks before the battle. There
may even have been clashes between various units
leading to bloodshed, although the story of an
Armenian mutiny proclaiming Vahan as Emperor is
probably a myth. (There was an Armenian rising
against the Emperor Heraclius in 636, but this was
by David Saharouni, a quasi-independent prince in
eastern Anatolia.) The Armenian division at
Yarmuk was commanded by Gargis (George), but
one of his senior officers, the Buccinator, refused to
accept Gargis's orders. To further confuse the issue,
the Buccinator may also have held the rank of
Drungarios or have been given command of another
division before the main battle. At this stage the
Christian Arab auxiliaries included the dominant
Ghassan tribe as well as men from the Lakhm,
▲ This clay lamp from armour suggest that it
Judham, Bal-Qayn, Bali, Amila and Quda'a tribes. It Egypt, decorated with the was made a century or so
is interesting to note that the Lakhm, Bali and story of David and later. (Yale Univ. Art
Judham were also represented in the opposing Goliath, is said to date Gallery, Gift of Rebecca
Muslim Arab army, many of their men still being from the 4th-5th Darlington Stoddard,
Christians. centuries, but aspects of 1913, New Haven)
Goliath's arms and
While the Byzantines were weakened by dissent,
the Muslims were being reinforced, mostly by north. In the meantime Vahan reportedly met
Yemeni troops, the bulk of whom seem to have been Khalid and offered huge sums of money for a
infantry archers. The Muslim Arab army eventually Muslim withdrawal, which Khalid refused. Battle
included men from Yemen, Najran, Hadramawt, was joined the following day.
Hijaz and Syria. Finally the Byzantines, seeing that
the Muslims were growing stronger and having
The Battle of Yarmuk
failed to sow dissension among the enemy's leaders,
decided to attack. At this point the Muslims were Vahan commanded 15,000 to 20,000 troops, yet the
still outnumbered by four to one. Byzantine 'front' may also have been up to thirteen
Tented Muslim encampments may have been kilometres long. Clearly there would have been
strung out between Dara'ah and Jabiya to take substantial gaps between Byzantine divisions if
advantage of a series of Springs feeding the many Vahan was trying to cover the whole area between
head waters of the River Yarmuk in the hot, dry the Yarmuk gorge and the Roman roads, and the
summer. Quite when Vahan established his forward subsequent struggle may have been a series of
position near the Wadi 'Allan is not clear; nor is its almost separate battles between divisions. The right
exact location. Jallin has been suggested but would was commanded by Gargis and included heavy
seem dangerously far forward. It also had steep infantry with large shields trained to form a shield-
valleys to the rear, hindering communication with wall, a tactic echoed in Arabic accounts in which
Yaqusah. The Byzantines already seem to have been Gargis's men supposedly 'chained themselves
suffering desertions and, despite the size of his together'. Here, close to the upper Yarmuk valley,
army, Vahan was unable to cover the 'front' between the infantry's role was to form an anchor while
the Yarmuk - 'Allan gorges and Roman roads to the leaving large-scale manoeuvre to the left wing and
perhaps the centre. Vahan himself commanded the al Mushabbah, a name which could be translated as
centre, largely consisting of Armenian troops, while ' T h e tombs of those who ignited war'. T h e right
the Buccinator commanded the left. Jabala's Arab wing of Vahan's army, his elite infantry divisions,
auxiliaries were light cavalry, perhaps w i t h some would have anchored its flank on the point where
camel-mounted infantry, and they appear in various the Wadi 'Allan dipped down a series of waterfalls
parts of the battlefield, firstly as scouts or into its deep gorge. Behind them was a large open
skirmishers ahead of the main army and covering area which, though covered in stones and small
the exposed left flank. Others defended the bridge volcanic mounds, presented no serious obstacles
over the Wadi Ruqqad at 'Ayn Dhakar three or four until the precipitous gorge of the Wadi Ruqqad
kilometres to the rear. There was no mention of some four kilometres away. To the south the even
Theodore Trithourios commanding a division, deeper valley of the Yarmuk meant that the enemy
perhaps because he was an administrative officer. could not turn this flank. How far Vahan's left flank
According to later Armenian sources, the extended is unclear, but his army outnumbered the
Byzantine army was drawn up in twenty separate Muslims about four to one, so he was confident that
units, Vahan stationing himself on a small h i l l he could extend farther than they could. It probably
behind the right wing. Identifying this hill would stretched beyond the southern Roman roads as far
shed considerable light on the position of the as the northern Roman road near Jabiya, indicating
Byzantine army The most obvious candidate is a the tactical importance of Jabiya itself. Farther
substantial knoll (500 metres above sea level) south north lay a large flat, waterless, stony and virtually
east of 'Ayn Dhakar. If the Roman road from the uninhabited area known as the Jidur, 'the area that
Ruqqad bridge to Tsil ran through the centre of the looks as if it suffers from small-pox'.
Byzantine 'front' then this knoll would have been By now the Muslim leaders had a good idea of
slightly to the right. It also commanded a minor enemy capabilities. A local tradition stated that the
junction in the road. It now seems to be called Rujm Tal al Jumu'a, one of several hills north of T s i l , was
▲ The site of the first where the Muslim army gathered for battle. In fact
phase of the battle of this was probably where they anchored their right
Yarmuk, looking north (northern) flank; unless the Byzantines patrolled
from 'Ayn Habis in this area, it could have concealed a substantial force.
Jordan. The Wadi
Abu 'Ubaida delegated command to Khalid Ibn
Zayyatin enters the
Yarmuk valley from the al Walid, who supposedly divided his troops into
left, while the Syrian thirty-six infantry units forming four divisions.
village of Shajarah is in Three cavalry units under Qays Ibn Hubaurah,
the distance. (Author's Maysara Ibn Masruq and 'Amir Ibn Tufayl were
photograph) placed behind the centre and flank w i t h a larger
cavalry reserve in the rear. The Muslim army was
◄ The Wadi Ruqqad seen probably placed between Saham al Jawlan and Tal al
from its western edge at the Jabiya, with the Byzantines a kilometre and a half
site of the destroyed
away. Yazid Ibn Abu Sufyan commanded the left
Syrian village of Jibnin.
The main battle of flank, Abu Abir 'Amr Ibn al Jara'a the centre, which
Yarmuk was probably consisted of Abu 'Ubaida's men on the centre-left,
fought on the plateau in Shurahbil's on the centre-right. ' A m r Ibn al As
the distance, but after their commanded the right flank. The Muslim archers,
left flank was turned the mostly Yemenis, were spread along the entire front
Byzantine troops tried to
while Zarrar led the cavalry reserve under Khalid's
escape westwards across
this deep valley. (Author's immediate command.
photograph)
The location of the Muslim camp has been seen
as a problem. In fact there were probably several
encampments of separate tribes behind each
▲▼ Arab influence on the Qusayr 'Amra ceiling figures, below, is this infantry
wall-paintings is clearest in a archer, who uses the Mediterranean
representation of a desert hunt, above. finger-draw rather than the more
Women peer out from typical bedouin advanced Central Asian thumb-draw.
tents, while a bearded man waves (in s i t u , Qusayr 'Amra, Jordan;
flaming torches to frighten the animals author's photographs)
into a screened enclosure. Among the
abused them for running away, beat drums, threw It was hardly Islamic, but it worked and the
stones and sang songs to shame the men back into Byzantines were held. Khalid sent the cavalry
battle. reserve to support first the right and then the left
The same scenario was enacted slightly later on flank, while the M u s l i m centre counter-attacked,
the M u s l i m s ' left flank, where the Byzantine supported by Zarrar with a squadron of cavalry, and
infantry had advanced more slowly across the Wadi broke through the enemy line at one point. The
'Allan. Here the seventy-three year old Abu Sufyan, second day then ended w i t h both armies pulling
once one of the Prophet Muhammad's most back to their original positions.
dedicated opponents, was fighting as a horseman in On the third day the Byzantine army attempted
the Muslim ranks. As he retreated he encountered a similar attack but concentrated on the open
his wife, the ferocious, fat and fifty year old Hind northern flank of the battlefield. Once again 'Amr's
Bint 'Utba - a lady of character if unorthodox men fell back to their tents, along w i t h part of
morals. After forcing Abu Sufyan back into battle Shurahbil's division. Again the Muslims came up
with a tent pole, she began singing the same song against their own women, one soldier reportedly
she sang at the battle of Uhud, when she had once saying, 'It is easier to face the Rumi [Byzantines]
encouraged pagan Arabs fighting against the first than our wives!' Again the situation was retrieved
Muslims: by Khalid's cavalry reserve, but this time M u s l i m
casualties were much higher.
'We are the daughters of the night; Precisely when Khalid Ibn al Walid launched
We move amongst the cushions, his famous flanking movement depends on how the
With the grace of gentle kittens Arabic sources are interpreted. Major General
Our bracelets on our elbows. Akram of the Pakistani Army believes that it was on
If you attack we shall embrace you; the sixth and final day. Professor Ghawanmi of
And if you retreat we will forsake you Jordan's Yarmuk University suggests the third and
With a loveless separation.' fourth days. The latter seems most likely, but the
question remains - did Khalid lure the enemy ▲ Other 7th century saddle and a fully
forward into a flanking 'ambush' or did he take Armenian carvings developed composite bow.
include this portrayal of (in situ, southern window
advantage of a brief breakdown in Byzantine
'Manuel, lord of the of church, Ptghni,
coordination? Armenia; Dr. L. Der
Amatuni family'
The fourth day was certainly hard fought and apparently using stirrups, Manuelian photograph)
decisive. By now the Muslims had lost a great many a more advanced form of
archers while Vahan, having nearly broken through
on the third day, repeated his attack in fact, the ments, the Byzantine cavalry became separated from
nature of the battlefield meant that he had few other its infantry. Perhaps the Byzantines were attempting
options, despite his numerical superiority. This time one of the complex 'mixed formation' manoeuvres
the Armenian regiments, supported by the described in the Strategikon of Maurice; operations
Ghassanid cavalry, drove back Shurahbil's division. that could lead to a gap opening between horse and
In response the divisions of Abu 'Ubaida and Yazid foot. Being unable to return to the safety of their
struck at the Byzantine centre and right. Khalid infantry, the Byzantine cavalry f l e d north. Khalid's
sent half the mobile cavalry reserve to join those cavalry then attacked the Byzantine's left flank,
already under Qays Ibn Hubayrah and himself took forcing the Buccinator's division and Vahan's
command of the rest. T h e advancing Armenians Armenians to retreat.
and Christian Arabs now found themselves attacked Even more serious were the actions of a small
on three sides by Khalid, Shurahbil and Qays. After M u s l i m Arab cavalry unit under Zarrar, which
fierce fighting, the Byzantines retreated, the seems to have remained hidden behind Tal al
Ghassanid auxiliaries suffering particularly heavy Jumu'a during the initial Byzantine advance. When
losses. the Byzantine cavalry fled, Zarrar followed them
Whether or not Khalid's flanking movement towards 'Ayn Dhakar. Most of the retreating
was on this fourth day, it is clear what happened. Byzantine cavalry were Christian Arab auxiliaries of
While attacking the northern M u s l i m encamp- the Lakhm and Judham tribes. Some scattered into
Tal Faras
Tal Juhadar
Tal Al Saqi
Khisfin
'Ayn Dhakar
Wadi
Ruqqad
A Jabala
B 'Buccinator'
C Vahan
D Gargis
1 Amr Ibn al As 6 Khalid Ibn al Walid
Tal Al Jabiya 7 Zarrar
2 Qays Ibn Hubayrah
3 Shurahbil 8 Abu Ubaida
Neve 4 Abu Abir 9 Yazid
5 Maysara Ibn Masruq 10 Amir Ibn Tufayl
Dia
Nicaloma
Wadi Allan
Location of the
two armies' camps
Tal Al Saqi
Khisfin
'Ayn Dhakar
Wadi Ruqqad
A 'Buccinator'
B Jabala
C Vahan
D Gargis
Tal Al Jabiya
Neve
Dia
Nicaloma
1 Amr Ibn al As
Wadi Allan 2 Qays Ibn Hubayrah
3 Shurahbil
4 Khalid Ibn at Walid
5 Abu Ubaida
6 Yazid
7 Zarrar
al 'Al
Wadi Samak
Fiq
Wadi Ruqqad
Gadara
Wadi Aqraba
A 'Buccinator'
B Vahan
C Gargis
Dia
Wadi Allan
Wadi Harir
Abila
Yarmuk River
1 Khalid
2 Amr
3 Shurahbil
4 Abu Ubaida
5 Yazid
6 Zarrar
▲▼ Byzantine mosaics showing members of the Below shows a horseman composite bow.
from northern Syria tend military elite hunting thrusting with a spear. (Worcester Art Museum,
to be of a finer quality dates from the late 6th or Above left another Massachusetts; author's
than those in Jordan. early 7th century and was horseman shoots with a photograph)
This magnificent example found in Antioch. typical early Byzantine
AFTERMATH
A N D RECKONING
The battle of Yarmuk has not received the attention distance. Later Byzantine writers were inclined to
it deserves, supposedly 'serious' scholars mini- blame Heraclius, largely because of his unorthodox
mizing the military aspects of Byzantium's efforts to unite the various Christian churches.
catastrophic defeat. This has not been helped by a The only truly disaffected groups in Syria were
persistent Western inability to take the early Muslim the Jews and Samaritans, who rarely served as
Arabs seriously in military terms. As a result, the soldiers. The Greek Byzantines also never fully
crass excuses made by the Byzantines themselves trusted their Christian Arab auxiliaries. A more
have often been accepted by uncritical Western serious problem was the Byzantine shortage of
historians. money to pay its army and to maintain the
friendship of neighbouring tribes. This failure
almost certainly undermined discipline before the
Performance of the Byzantine Army battle of Yarmuk. Byzantine forces in Palestine and
Early Byzantine writers tried hard to shift the blame Syria, though outnumbering the Muslim Arab
away from Heraclius, pointing to the Emperor's invaders, were able to concentrate their forces and
achieve a numerical advantage only on the battlefield
illness, a supposed mutiny by Armenian troops and
at Yarmuk. Their subsequent defeat may have
a mythical dust storm. Heraclius was, in fact, far
resulted from lack of coordination between
from the scene of battle and could only have
commanders and friction between Armenians and
interfered in general terms. The Caliph 'Umar, of
Greeks. Yet the Byzantines clearly failed to make
course, similarly supervised operations from a
forces being defeated piecemeal. Muslim part of the day and ability to remain effective with
commanders clearly understood the military less drinking water than their enemies must have
traditions of their enemy, while the Byzantines helped, though it would hardly have changed the
apparently did not understand the methods of the military balance. The Arabs also cultivated a
Muslims. reputation for ferocity in warfare, which may have
Khalid Ibn al Walid's famous march from Iraq had a morale impact on the enemy, though this was
to Syria showed how effectively the Muslims based on isolated and rarely proven acts of savagery.
controlled the intervening desert steppes, home to Chroniclers of both sides also mentioned the
many warlike tribes. It also demonstrated a high ferocity of Arab women in battles. Their active role
degree of control from the Caliph's capital at would have come as no surprise to their menfolk,
Madina. In battle the Muslim Arabs made excellent though it deeply shocked the more 'sexist'
use of terrain, and they never blundered into battle Byzantines.
unawares. Their willingness to attack at the hottest On the other hand, it would be wrong to
suggest that dedication was universal on the Muslim
◄ A late 6th or early 7th - with a single-edged
side at Yarmuk. There were clearly some desertions.
century mosaic from sword and a large shield.
Antioch shows a fallen (Worcester Art Museum, T h e Lakhm and Judham tribes, which were also
huntsman - a soldier Massachusetts; author's present in the Byzantine army, also fought with little
judging from his uniform photographs) enthusiasm for either cause.
T H E BATTLEFIELDS T O D A Y
The Muslim armies that conquered Byzantine Syria Cross-country vehicles are not necessary,
ranged over modern Syria, Jordan, Lebanon, Israel, though sturdy rock-proof shoes are. M i n o r roads
the occupied territories of Palestine and northern are adequate everywhere, though rather pot-holed
Saudi Arabia. Three of the battlefields and the on the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights. Good hotels
main siege described in this book are easily are available in cities and in towns like Dara'ah,
accessible today, the only exception being the most Irbid and Tiberius. Israel generally lacks the 'cheap
important - namely the battlefield of Yarmuk, and cheerful' funduq local accommodation found in
which straddles the United Nations monitored all Arab towns, but there are hospitable if not cheap
ceasefire line between Syria and the Israeli-occupied kibbutz settlements that provide rooms. Israel also
Golan Heights. T h e Israeli-held part of the has more youth hostels and camp sites.
battlefield, with the exception of a narrow frontier Damascus is among the most interesting cities
strip where visitors are likely to be flagged down by in the Middle East, and the epic Muslim conquest
half-tracks, is open to visitors. So is territory cast of was only one episode in its astonishingly long
a line linking the Syrian villages of Sa'asa, Nawa history. Ajnadayn is, in contrast, an isolated place
and Mazayrib. To visit the area between this line with little of interest other than the battlefield. The
and the cease-fire line itself, special permission is region is a sparsely populated part of Israel
required from both the Syrian authorities and the dedicated to reafforestation, with a few old villages
UN office in Damascus. This takes time to obtain like Kefar Zekharya (ex-Palestinian Zakariya), new
and is even required by Syrian citizens not resident Israeli settlements such as Netiv and the abandoned
in the area. ruins of Arab villages. Almost all the mosques and
tombs that once dotted the area have been destroyed ▲ These columns formed Mamluk mosque, lay to
or lie quietly crumbling in the sun. pari of a large Byzantine the left. To the right, the
church in Pella. The city steep Tal al Husn served
F'ihl, on the Jordanian side of the Jordan valley,
itself, which included as a citadel. (Author's
is a remarkably dramatic spot, though visited by few houses from the Islamic photograph)
tourists. Part of the ancient city of Pella (Fihl) has Umayyad period and a
been excavated, including some early Islamic houses
built before the place was devastated by a huge
earthquake. Roads between Fihl and Irbid are good,
if somewhat hair-raising in the dramatic scenery of prepared to use Egypt as an intermediary stepping-
northern Jordan, but a new road has been built stone, it is possible to visit both parts of the Yarmuk
down the Wadi Kufrinja to the Jordan Valley, which battlefield. But, at the time of w r i t i n g , it is
makes 'Ajlun slightly closer. For those who want emphatically NOT possible to cross the UN
adventure, a precipitous track also runs from the supervised cease-fire line on the Golan plateau.
'Ajlun-Dayr Abu Sa'id road to Fihl. When this piece of occupied territory is, one hopes,
returned to Syria as part of a peace agreement, the
If all the paperwork can be obtained, discretion
picture w i l l change - as it already has in the
is taken w i t h passport stamps, and the visitor is
liberated though still devastated Syrian city of
◄ The site of the battle of before it cuts its way into Qunaitra. The eastern part of the occupied Golan
Yarmuk is still a very a deep gorge. A bridge plateau is, however, a singularly desolate place.
sensitive military area crosses the river amid
Wildlife abounds and gazelle are liable to bound in
lying on the UN- these trees, just as it did
monitored cease-fire line at the time of the battle, front of a visitor's car; but their presence indicates
between Syria and the and beyond it lies the an absence of people. The Arab villages have been
Israeli-occupied Golan village of 'Ayn Dhakar, obliterated since 1967, together w i t h most of the
Heights. This picture was which is still inhabited
mosques, tombs and other Islamic shrines on the
taken from an unmanned because it lies within
Israeli front-line fort, Syrian controlled plateau. The Syrian side is not particularly scenic,
looking east. A line of territory. (Author's but for a student of military history from 2,000 BC to
trees in the distance photograph) the present day it remains one of the most
marks the Wadi Ruqqad
fascinating places in the world.
▲ Quite where the fleeing Byzantines fell to their from the main Byzantine encampment at Yaqusah
deaths after the battle of Yarmuk is unknown, though could have ended up here, on the bluffs facing the
the episode was appalling enough to be remembered Jordanian spa village of al Hamma. (Author's
for many generations. Those attempting to escape photograph)
CHRONOLOGY
There are still unanswered questions about the 4 September 635 Muslims' first conquest of
chronology of the Muslim Arab conquest of Syria. Damascus.
The following sequence is followed in this book: N o v e m b e r 635 Muslims' first conquest of Emesa
611—14 Sassanian Persian invasion & conquest of (Hims).
Syria. Spring 636 Muslims evacuate Emesa & Damascus,
629 Sassanian occupying troops agree to withdraw withdraw to Jabiya area.
from Syria & other Byzantine territory. May 636 Byzantine forces advance against Muslims.
September 629 Pro-Byzantine Arab tribes defeat July 636 Preliminary clashes near Jabiya.
Muslims at Mu'ta. 15-20 August 636 Muslims defeat Byzantines at
630 Byzantines massacre Jews in Jerusalem & Yarmuk.
Galilee. December 636 Second & final Muslim conquest of
21 M a r c h 630 Byzantine Emperor Heraclius' Damascus.
pilgrimage to Jerusalem. S p r i n g - s u m m e r 636 Final Muslim conquest of
632 Death of the Prophet Muhammad. Syria & Lebanon.
W i n t e r 633/4 Three Muslim forces invade August-September 637 Ghazzah surrenders to
Palestine & Jordan, capture Areopolis (Ma'an). Muslims.
4 February 634 Muslims defeat Byzantines at September 637 Jerusalem offers to surrender to
Dathin. Muslims.
M a r c h - A p r i l 634 Khalid Ibn al Walid crosses Late 637 Byzantine & Muslim authorities agree one
desert from Iraq to Syria. year truce in northern Syria.
24 A p r i l 634 Muslims defeat Ghassanids at Marj January 638 Jerusalem surrenders to Caliph
Rahit 'Umar.
L a t e May 634 Khalid Ibn al Walid captures Busra. Late 638 Muslims capture rest of northern Syria
30 J u l y 634 Muslims defeat Byzantines at Ajnadayn. including Antioch (Antakya).
August 634 Skirmishes at Yaqusah and/or (1st) 639 Byzantine forces regroup in Anatolia (Turkey).
Marj al Suffar. December 639 Muslims under 'Amr Ibn al As
23 August 634 Death of Caliph Abu Bakr. invade Egypt.
January 635 Muslims defeat Byzantines at Pella 639-40 Plague in Syria.
(Fihl). 640 Muslims conquer Palestinian, Lebanese &
February 635 Byzantines fight Muslims to a draw Syrian coasts.
at (2nd) Marj al Suffar. 11 February 641 Death of Emperor Heraclius.
M a r c h 635 Start of first siege of Damascus.
A GUIDE TO FURTHER R E A D I N G
AKRAM, A. I. The Sword of Allah: Khalid bin al Technology from the Sixth to the Tenth Centuries',
Waleed, his Life and Campaigns (Karachi 1970); Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 1 (Birmingham
tends to accept the original sources uncritically but 1975).
includes a great deal of colourful detail. H i l l , D. R. 'The Role of the Camel and the Horse
AUSSARESSES, F. L'Armee Byzantine a la Fin du VIe in the Early Arab Conquests', in War, Technology
.Siecle (Paris 1909). and Society in the Middle East, ed. V. J. Parry & M.
AL BALADHURI, A b u ' l 'Abbas Ahmad (trans. P. E. Yapp (London 1975).
Hitti), The Origins of the Islamic State ( N e w York JANDORA, J. W. "The Battle of Yarmuk: A
1916) Reconstruction', in Journal of Asian History X I X
CAETANI, L. Annali dell'Islam ( M i l a n 1905--26, (1985).
reprint Hildesheim 1972), old but still best analysis KAEGI, W. E. Byzantium and the Early Islamic
of the battle of Yarmuk and the terrain Conquests (Cambridge 1992); best recent study, also
DE GOEJE, M. J. Memoire sur le Conquete de la Syrie containing the most up-to-date bibliography.
(Leiden 1900); wide-ranging traditional account of KENNEDY, H. The Prophet and the Age of the
the campaigns. Caliphates: The Islamic Near East from the Sixth to
D E N N I S , G. T. Three Byzantine Military Treatises the Eleventh Centuries (London 1986).
(Washington 1985). K O L I A S , G. T. Byzantinischen Waffen (Vienna 1988),
FRIES, N. Das Heereswesen der Araber zur Zeit der M A Y E R S O N , P. ' T h e First Muslim Attacks on
Omaijaden nah Tabari (Tubingen 1921); best Southern Palestine (AD 633-634).' Transactions and
information about early Islamic military equipment Proceedings of the American Philological Association:
and armies. XCV (1964).
GLUBB, J. B. The Great Arab Conquests ( L o n d o n MCGRAW Donner, F. The Early Islamic Conquests
1963); insights by a soldier who knew the area well, (Princeton 1981), the most comprehensive and lucid
though the battle of Yarmuk is incorrectly located. modern account of the subject.
H A L D O N , J. E. Byzantine Praetorians: An S H A B A N , M. A. Islamic History, AD 6 0 0 - 7 5 0 ; A New
Administrative, Institutional and Social Survey of the Interpretation (Cambridge 1971).
Opsikion and Tagmata c.580-900 (Bonn 1984). STRATOS, A . N . Byzantium in the Seventh Century,
—Byzantium in the Seventh Century: The 5 vols. (Amsterdam 1968-80)
Transformation of a Culture (Cambridge 1990) TABARI, Abu Ja'far Muhammad (various translators,
—Recruitment and Conscription in the Byzantine
ed. 1, Abbas and C E. Bosworth). The History of Al
Army c.550-950 (Vienna 1979)
Tabari (New York 1985 - in progress).
— 'Some Aspects of Byzantinic Military