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Economic Theory
Pierangelo Garegnani*
1. It is not only during the last few decades that Sraffa has acquired an
important place in discussions of economic theory. An article on the laws of
variable returns published as early as 1926 (Sraffa, 1926) when he was 28, in
which he was already pointing towards a criticism of the demand and supply
theory of value, attracted much attention as soon as it appeared. At that time
however the interest focused on some remarks on the theory of the firm,
which were to be developed later by Joan Robinson in her theory of
imperfect competition. The work by Sraffa which is at the heart of the
discussion today belongs mainly to the period since 1951. I am referring to
the Works of Ricardo (1951-73) which Sraffa edited for the Royal Economic
Society, and to his book, Production of Commodities by Means of Commod-
ities, ( 1960). These works relate to two connected themes which are import-
ant (more important, perhaps, than is immediately apparent) for an under-
standing of the present situation ·of economic theory. The two themes are the
criticism of the dominant demand-and-supply theory of distribution and
relative prices, and the revival of a different approach to these problems: that
of the British classical economists down to Ricardo. An attempt, however
brief, at reporting Sraffa's contribution therefore requires some preliminary
words about the dominant and the classical approaches to distribution, and
the criticism levelled against the former.
368
Pierange/o Garegnani 369
marginal productivity with an increase in the use of the good and of the
factor of production respectively, this theory has sought a rational founda-
tion capable of sustaining the notion of 'demand functions' for factors of
production (traditionally: labor, capital and land). These 'demand functions'
are then assumed to determine the remunerations of the factors by their
intersection with the corresponding 'supply' functions. This intersection or
'equilibrium' of the demand and supply of factors of production can be then
shown to entail similar equilibria on the markets for the products, thereby
determining the relative prices and outputs of the latter. In the words of the
author who, more than anybody else among the initiators of the theory,
contributed to its extraordinary success, Alfred Marshall:
The practical implications of this theory for our view of the economy and
of its management are, of course, far-reaching. Thus, for example, the theory
underpins the generally accepted idea according to which competitive prices
tend to reflect the 'scarcity' of 'factors of production' and products, and to
guarantee a maximum of satisfactions for the community in some exactly
definable sense.
3. Now, marginal theory, with its complex analytical structure, has been
increasingly called into question as a result chiefly of two theoretical
developments of the last four or five decades. The first development goes
back to the late thirties and is a result of Keynes's work, and of the
experience of the great economic crisis of those years. The idea was then
admitted that, at least in the short period, there would be no spontaneous
tendency to that equality between the quantity of labor demanded and
supplied on which the theory relied for its determination of wages, profits
and prices.
However, Keynes's criticism did not question the basic premises of
orthodox theory and in particular the idea of a regular 'substitutability'
between factors of production ensuring an inverse relation between the
quantity of these employed and their relative rates of remuneration. On the
contrary, Keynes explicitly accepted those premises. It was the second of the
two theoretical developments referred to above that went on to question
these premises. This was done, essentially, by criticizing the concept of
capital as a factor or set of factors of production characteristic of the theory.
This criticism has already shown the invalidity of some central propositions
of the theory- such as that which postulates a direct relationship between
370 On Sraffa's Contribution to Economic Theory
'capital intensity' and real-wage rates. It has also shown that a production
technique which has been abandoned because of a rise in wages may
profitably 'return' after wages have undergone a further rise: the phenome-
non which has become known as the 'reswitching of techniques'. Of course,
the latter possibility directly contradicts the proposition according to which
wage rises lead to the introduction or expansion of more capital-intensive
processes, thereby reducing the level of labor employment compatible with a
given endowment of capital. And it was this proposition that was supposed
to provide the rational basis for declining 'demand curves' of labor and the
other factors of production and hence 'stable equilibria', thus supplying the
foundation for an attempt to explain the distribution of the social product in
terms of the marginalist supply and demand.
7. Once the relation between Marx and Sraffa is understood in these terms
we are in better condition to deal with one aspect upon which the current
discussion on the relation between Marx and Sraffa has sometimes insisted.
A criticism of Marx has sometimes been seen to be implicit in the fact that we
do not find in Sraffa the labor theory of value. It appears, however, that this
point simply brings us back to the second of the three aspects of Sraffa's
work we mentioned above: namely, the solution he provided for the problem
of value for more general hypotheses than those under which Ricardo and
Marx had solved it. Solving this problem and abandoning the labor theory of
value as understood by Ricardo and by Marx are, in reality, two sides of the
same coin. As should not need recalling, any living theoretical approach does
develop, that is, it modifies some of its propositions.
In fact the idea according to which Sraffa would have exposed the
invalidity of Marx's economic theory, since we do not find there Marx's
labor theory of value, can only be understood, I believe, by recalling the
ethical or sociological meanings ascribed to the labor theory of value by that
Marxist tradition which had its beginnings at the end of the nineteenth
Pierange/o Garegnani 373
century, following upon the criticism of Marx and of the labor theory of
value by marginalist authors. I have argued elsewhere (cf. Garegnani, 1981,
pp. 71-3; 76-88) that these meanings of the labor theory of value were not in
fact present in Marx. They were developed later, largely as an answer to the
marginalist criticism, and appear to have reflected the obfuscation which, by
that time, had spread over the approach of the classical economists. That
obfuscation appears in particular to have prevented an understanding of the
analytical role which the labor theory of value played in allowing Ricardo
and Marx to overcome the basic error by which Adam Smith had overlooked
the constraint which binds the real wage and the rate of profits, given the
technical conditions of production. It is significant that this role of the labor
theory of value (which was a discovery of Ricardo, and not of Marx) should
have been brought back to light by Sraffa himself, in his Introduction to
Ricardo's Principles (Sraffa, 1951, pp.xxxii-xxxiii). In this way, far from
criticizing Marx for his use of that theory, Sraffa in fact made an effective
defense of it in the analytical sense in which it had been used by Ricardo and
by Marx. It should be recalled in this connection how Marx himself had
always been contemptous of any attempt to draw ethical or sociological
conclusions from the labor theory of value (cf. e.g. Marx, 1970, p. 62 n.).
8. This having been said, it is important to remember that Sraffa only laid
the premises for a resumption of the classical approach to distribution and
relative prices. He did this by clarifying anew the basic elements of that
approach, and by providing a solution to the problems of value theory that
had been left open by Ricardo and Marx. It would therefore be a mistake to
seek in Production of Commodities what is not actually there: to seek, that is,
an explanation of capital accumulation, or even (except for some hints) an
analysis of the way in which social relations determine the division of the
product between wages and profits. As indicated above, so far as these
problems are concerned, Sraffa appears to refer us to the places where they
have received the most advanced treatment in the framework of this
theoretical approach, and therefore to all the work which has to be done in
order to develop the ideas of the classical economists in conformity with the
present state of economic reality and of economic knowledge.
9. Another basic issue, which has been aired in current discussions in Italy
and elsewhere, concerns the relation that can be established between the
analysis of Sraffa and that of Keynes. I can attempt to say something on this
issue here only after reformulating it in terms of the relationship which in my
opinion exists between Keynes and the resumption of the classical theoretical
approach which has been initiated by Sraffa. For, in his published writings,
Sraffa has only marginally concerned himself with Keynes.
Looking at things in this more general light, we are immediately struck by
Keynes's complex relationship to marginal theory. True, Marshall's variant
374 On Sraffa's Contribution to Economic Theory
of this theory constituted the entire horizon within which Keynes received his
training and beyond which, in a sense, he never went. In this respect, Sraffa's
work is of a profoundly different character, being directed from the very
beginning to a criticism and replacement of marginal theory. Yet, at the same
time, Keynes dealt a serious blow to that theory when he disputed the
tendency to an equality between the supply and the demand of labor. This
second element could not fail to draw Keynes close to those, like Sraffa, who
criticized such a theory.
In my view, however, this negative, critical element is not the only, or even
the main contribution which the contemporary resumption of classical
theory can draw from Keynes's work. As I said, this resumption inevitably
has in Marx's analysis one of its main starting points. Now, unlike what is
true in subsequent marginal theory- indeed, unlike in Ricardo himself- the
idea that aggregate demand tends to adjust to the productive capacity of the
economy is quite foreign to Marx's analysis. As is well known, Marx's theory
of crises clearly raises the very problems of 'effective demand' which are
posed by Keynes. Keynes's 'multiplier' principle, which does a great deal to
explain the mechanism by which slumps come about, may provide us with a
highly valuable element for developing the analysis of the link between
economic cycles and the process of accumulation. As a matter of fact, the
principles of the 'multiplier' and of 'effective demand' are entirely indepen-
dent of other Keynesian concepts bearing the traces of marginal theory (like
the concept of a regular inverse relation betweeen investment and the interest
rate), which are also those that allowed marginal theory to achieve some
success over the last thirty years in its attempt to reabsorb Keynes's criticism.
References