COLLAGE OF SOCIAL SCIENCE AND HUMANITIES DEPARTMENT

OF HISTORY AND HERITAGE MANAGEMENT DIRECTORATE FOR

POST GRADUATE PROGRAM

A HISTORICAL STUDY OF OROMO MUSIC BANDS IN EAST

HARARGHE (1961-1992)

MA thesis

By: Degu Demissie

January 2021
Haramaya University
 A HISTORICAL STUDY OF OROMO MUSIC BANDS IN EAST
HARARGHE (1961-1992)

A Thesis Submitted to Directorate for Postgraduate Program, Haramaya

University

In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in

History

By: Degu Demissie

Advisor: Mohammed Hassen (PhD)

January 2021
Haramaya University
 APPROVAL SHEET OF THESIS
HARAMAY UNIVERSITY

SCHOOL OF POSTGRADUATE PROGRAM

As Thesis Research advisor, I here by certify that I have read and evaluated the thesis prepared,
under my guidance, by Degu Demissie Terara, entitled “A Historical Study of Oromo Music
Band in East Hararghe (1961-1992) and recommend that it be accepted as fulfilling the thesis
requirement for the degree of Master of Arts in History and Heritage Management.

Mohammed Hassen (Ph.D) __________________ __________________

Name of Major Advisor Signature Date

As members of the Examining Board of the Final MA Thesis Defense examination, we certify
that we have read and evaluated the thesis prepared by Degu Demisie Terara and examined the
candidate. We recommend that the Thesis accepted as fulfilling the thesis requirements for the
degree of Master of Arts in History and Heritage Management.

___________________________ ________________ __________________

Name of Chairman Signature Date

_______________________ ________________ __________________

Name of Internal Examiner Signature Date

___________________________ _______________ _________________

Name of External Examiner Signature Date

ii
DEDICATION

This thesis dedicated to my brother Workineh D. Terara for his indescribable support and
contribution to my success; however, I lost the generous and smile brother by sudden death.

iii
STATEMENT OF THE AUTHOR

By my signature below, I declare and affirm that this thesis is my own work. I have followed all
ethical principles of scholarship in the preparation, data collection, data analysis and completion
of this thesis. All scholarly matter that is included in the thesis has been given recognition
through citation. I affirm that I have cited and referenced all sources used in this document.
Every serious effort has been made to avoid any plagiarism in the preparation of this thesis.

This thesis is submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirement for a degree from the School of
Graduate Studies at Haramaya University. The thesis is deposited in the Haramaya University
Library and is made available to borrowers under the rules of the library. I solemnly declare that
this thesis has not been submitted to any other institution anywhere for the award of any
academic degree, diploma or certificate.

Brief quotations from this thesis may be used without special permission provided that accurate
and complete acknowledgement of the source is made. Requests for permission for extended
quotations from, or reproduction of, this thesis in whole or in part may be granted by the Head of
the School or Department or the Dean of the School of Graduate Studies when in his or her
judgment the proposed use of the material is in the interest of scholarship. In all other instances,
however, permission must be obtained from the author of the thesis.

Name: Degu D. Terara Signature: ______________________

Date:
School/Department:

iv
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

The researcher was born in 1982 from his father Demissie Terara Megarsa and his mother Dawi
Negassa Chibsa at Maraga Abbayi farmer association. Maraga Abbayi found in Southwest
Shewa zone, Wanci werada of Oromia Regional State. As most Oromo children he was rural
based and farmer background as well as he grew up in guide and shaping proverbially advice and
comment that expresses beliefs and thought to maintain his social and cultural life.

He attended his primary education at Qorati Elementary school from 1988 to 1995. In 1996, the
researcher continued his grade 7 and 8 at Darian Junior Secondary School from 1996 to 1997. In
1997, he completed primary schooling and started high school educations at Dejazmach Garasu
Dhuki Comprehensive Secondary School tend up to 1999 in Woliso town. In 2000, the
researcher withdrew from school due to his mother sickness and interrupted his grade 11
schooling to care his young sisters and brothers. The following year he moved to Bishoftu
(Debra-Zait) to his aunts’ home in order to continue his education. He completed his secondary
schooling in 2001/2 at Ada’a Model Senior Secondary School where he took grade 12 Ethiopian
School Leaving Certificate Examination in 2002.

In 2003, the researcher joined Addis Ababa University to attend his higher education from 2003
to 2007 in which he spent five year for graduation. In 2004, he was suspended with other 429
Oromo students for one year from university. In 2005, rejoin university to carry on his higher
education. In August 2007, the researcher graduated from the College of Education with
Bachelor of Education Degree in History and started his professional career in Eastern Hararghe
Kersa Werada, Kersa Secondary School, as history teacher, where he stayed to render teaching
service for thirteen years. In October 2020, he was transfer to South West Shewa, Ammaya
Werada, Darge Qota secondary school in the same professional occupation where he provide
teaching service until this day.

v
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

This thesis would have not come to completion without the individuals and institutional
contribution directly or indirectly through the process of the study. Thus, I would like to thank
and acknowledge those who assisted and guided me.

Primarily, I would like to gratitude my supervisor Dr. Mohammed Hassen Hinika for his
constructive comments and giving advice. His patience and perseverance to guide me starting
from title selection to focusing on cultural history is appreciable. Thus, I would extend my
acknowledgement to Dr. Mohammed for his unreserved sacrifice in his time and energy in
reading the draft of my thesis and provide the appropriate suggestions and correction. In
addition, I appreciate his critical comment, professional advice and brotherly approach.

I am indebted to Mr. Desta Roba the staff member of History and Heritage Management of
Haramaya University for his offer of the necessary material sources and provided for me
valuable information that facilitates to accomplish this thesis on time. My heartfelt gratitude goes
to many informants for their gave me the appropriate data suitable for my title. My, special
thanks should also go to Shantam Shubbisa for his friendly approach, narration of the stories in
humorous manner and facilitated the way I have to contact with other informants to conduct
more interviews. In addition, I would like to acknowledge Ibrahim Hadji Ali for his clear
narration about the stories of cultural ensemble and provided for me the primary sources to make
my research more tangible. Moreover, I deserve special praise to Umer Mume Roba the
prominent elder in narrating the history of Afran Qallo people in amusing approach.

I forward thanks to my brother Mulugeta D. Terara who provided financial support during the
time of fieldwork to collect data from Institute of Ethiopian studies. Finally, my
acknowledgement should go to my mother Dawi Negessa who raised me at the expense of her
life and with the idea of education to make me a full person. I also thank my aunt Mulunesh
Bekele and my uncle Sileshi Negassa for their contribution during the period of my education.
Finally, I would like to thank my wife Bontu Begna as she remained the corner stone behind me
in my life and my child Akekan Degu as she is smile, spread joy through our home that refresh
my stressed mind, and recover the exhausted body.

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KEY TO TRANSLITERATION

All words and phrases of Afaan Oromo origin in this thesis have been transliterated into latin
alphabet, which is called qube. To simplify the reading and understanding of Afaan Oromo
words and phrase transliteration key as follow.

Key to qube or Afaan Oromo alphabet

1. Afaan Oromo vowels equivalent to English

Vowel (short) Vowel (Long)

a aa
e ee
i ii
o oo
u uu

Sequencing of more than one similar and two different vowels is possible if separated by glottal
stop (‘). Example, bari’ee and ar’a.

2. Afaan Oromo consonants are similar with English except, c and x. Example
Afaan Oromoo meaning
C- caffee parliament
X- quxisuu young
In Afaan Oromo alphabet, geminating the same consonant is always possible.

Example, Abba - literary father

Five other consonants that are formed by clustering two different consonant letters. These are ch,
dh, ny, sh, and ph. Two of them that are ch and sh have English equivalents.
Afaan Oromo English example
Ch ch bakkalcha
Sh sh shaggoyyee

vii
Three of them have no English equivalent. Out of three, two of them were voice less i.e. ny and

ph. One of the three (dh) alveolar dental stop.

Afaan Oromo English
Dh- dhiichisa men song
Ny- keenya ours
Ph- qophee active

viii
ACRONYMS

AAQF Association for Afran Qallo Farmer

BBC British Broadcasting Cervise
ENLF Ethiopian National Liberation Front
EPDRF Ethiopian People Democratic Revolutionary Front
JAQJUB Joollee Afran Qallo, Jammata Urji Bakkalcha
MTSHA Mecha Tulama Self Help Association
OCTB Oromo Cultural and Tourism Bureau
OLF Oromo Liberation Front
VOA Voice of America
VOL Voice of Liberation

ix
APPROVAL SHEET OF THESIS I
DEDICATION III
STATEMENT OF THE AUTHOR IV
ACRONYMS IX
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH V
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT VI
KEY TO TRANSLITERATION VII
CHARTS AND PHOTOS XII
ABSTRACT XIII
CHAPTER ONE 1
INTRODUCTION 1
1. Back Grand of the Study 1
1.2. Statement of the Problem 6
1.3. Objectives of the study 9
1.3.1. General objective 9
1.3.2. Specific Objectives 9
1.3.3. Research Question 9
1.4. Significance of the study 9
1.5. Research methodology 10
1.5.1. Research Design 10
1.5.2. Source of data 10
1.5.3. Methods of Data Collection 12
1.5.4. Methods of Data Analysis 13
CHAPTER TWO 14
THE EASTERN OROMO OVER VIEW 14
2.1. Settlement Pattern of Eastern Oromo 14
2.2. Settlement Pattern of Afran Qallo 18
2.3. Cultural Setting of Afran Qallo 21
2.4. Socio-Political Organization 25
2.5. Internal and External interaction of Afran Qallo 30

x
CHAPTER THREE 39
THE FOUNDATION OF AFRAN QALLO MUSIC BAND (1961-1992) 39
3.1. Foundation of Afran Qallo Association 39
3.2. Faundation of Afran Qallo Music Bands 43
3.3. The Rize of Other Music Bands in East Hararghe 55
CHAPTER FOUR 63
THE ROLE OF AFRAN QALLO MUSIC BAND 63
4.1. Afran Qallo Musical Band as an Instrument for Cultural Revival 63
4.2. The function of Afran Qallo Musical Bands in Oromo National Awakening 69
4.3. The Role of Afran Qallo Musical bands as a Political Instrument 74
CHAPTER FIVE 83
THE ILLUMINARY OF AFRAN QALLO AND ITS OFF SHOOTS 83
5.1. Singers (Vocalists) 84
5.1.1. Ali Shabbo 84
5.1.2. Ali Birra 85
5.1.3. Shantam Shubbisa 89
5.1.4. Adam Harun 91
5.2. Poem writer 93
5.2.1. Abubeker Mussa 93
5.2.2. Qophee poets: Abdi Qophe & Mohammed Qophe 97
Conclusion 101
GLOSSARY 104
REFERENCES 105
Informant list 109

xi
CHARTS AND PHOTOS
Chart 1. The Genealogical line of eastern Oromo 17
Chart 2. The Genealogical tree of Afran Qallo 18
Chart 3. The Genealogical tree of Oborra 19
chart 4. The Genealogical tree of Daga 19
Chart 5.The Genealogical tree of Ala 21
Figure 1. The founder and members of Afran Qallo Association 42
Figure 2. Few members of Hiriyaa Jaalala with two founders of Urjii Bakkalcha 52
Figure 3. The combined members of Afran Qallo Music Band in 1962 54
Figure 4. Abubaker Mussa Waday Roba 96

xii
 ABSTRACT

Cultural history of the Oromo nation did not get the proper scholarly attention. It is commonly
distorted or biased and from all cultural themes, music is much neglected. This thesis deals with
a historical study of Oromo music bands in East Hararghe. It attempts to address the experience
and activities of Afran Qallo Association in eastern Hararghe; how it metamorphosed to
establish the Afran Qallo cultural troupes (1961-1992). In doing so, it tries to give us glimpse the
general picture that interplay internal and external factors responsible for the establishment of
these cultural troupes in East Hararghe. This thesis demonstrate the process of cultural troupes
grow to musical band and the evolution of music band in East Hararghe to ward various social
purposes. Oromo’s use music to remember the histories, bolster a sense of community among
Oromo nation and fuel nationalism. Therefore, this thesis disclose how music functions as a
system for the preservation and negotiation of a uniquely Oromo identity, as well as a vehicle for
resistance against the hegemony long ago established by ruling class. In due course, the role of
music bands related to cultural revolution, political development through national conscious and
awaking that enhanced the growth of nationalism were reveals in this research. Oromo culture,
musicians continue to be caged, intimidated, and disappeared to hamper the growth of Oromo
nationalism. The challenge confronted by cultural group was boldly faced by the members to
sustain Oromo identity that enabled to develop nationalism as well as the role of legendary
musicians especially singers and poets also be addressed. The overall cultural experiences were
highlighted, which made an effort to connect the features of Afran Qallo genealogy and
settlement pattern with the origin of Oromo, socio-political and socio-cultural organization. To
attain its objectives, this study employs a historical research method that is qualitative in nature.
Data for this study are collected through primary and secondary sources. All data gathered
through interview from the founders of music bands and secondary sources were carefully
arranged and crosschecked; then analyzed, interpreted and narrated thematically and
chronologically to construct the history of Oromo music bands in east Hararghe in the second
half of the 20th century.

xiii
xiv
 CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1. Background of the Study
Every aspect of human life in the past, which might reveal the process of contemporary exertion,
comes to be cultivated through culture. Culture is the totality of human life and layers of human
achievement that deliver through lifecycle of generation. Culture is inherited character that is
persistently cultivated without interruption. Theoretical and practical developments of life shape
the pattern of concrete behavior through generation. It is acts of developing particular behavior
through process in hereditary and dynamism, which incorporates both tangible and intangible
assets. Culture is precious contributing the sense of belongingness among individual and the
community becomes “self-reflective”.1

Culture is the complex activity and behavior of communities that encompasses the whole
knowledge, beliefs, art, moral, law, norms, values, capabilities and habits that are acquired by
each individual as a member of the society from only elders. 2 Art is an element of culture and
one of the most powerful imagination, methods and skills used to express important idea or
feeling acquired by experience, study or observation. It is a personal creative of power by using
technical knowledge and proficiency, which is categorized into performative and production of
aesthetic objects.

Music is the art of ordering tones in succession, in combination and composition having unity
and continuity. In addition, it is the composition of lyrics of voice, artistic genre, accompany
rhythmic instrument and patterned body movement, which is usually called dance. Musicians
performed these musical actions for the purpose of enriching or intensifying human experiences
through active engagement. Thus, music is one of the human phenomena produced by musicians
for people and functioning to reflect the values and behavior in culture as a whole. Music
discloses any one of the people who live and vote in any area as basic element of life such as

1
Addisu Tolesa, “Oromo Literature, Geerarsa and Libration Struggle”, the Journal of Oromo Studies, Vol.1, No. 2,
1994, p. 60.
2
Bichaka Fayissa, “Aspects of Oromo Cultural Endowments and their Implications for Economic Development”,
The Journal of Oromo Studies, 1996, Vol, III No, 1/2 Winter/Summer 1996, pp. 38-39 ;Simon During, Cultural
Studies: A critical Introduction, (New York; Routledge, 2005) pp.6, 10; Woube Kassaye, “Analysis of Culture for
Planning Curriculum: The Case of Song produced in the three main languages of Ethiopia Amharic, Oromigna and
Tigrigna”, (Joensuu; University of Joensuu, 2002), p. 40
beliefs, assumption, thinks, feels and behaves and influence the development and community
change.3 It brings people together and creates imaginatively for them collective emotional
experiences to which common meaning are assigning. As John Street stated music creating the
commonalities of community through expression of a shared memory. It produces an opportunity
to consider the belongingness to essential nature of cultural values. Furthermore, music has a
modifying social, personal disposition and opening the way towards new pattern of conduct
desirable for improving certain modes. Music exerts force upon people to tend towards coming
together and evoke for collective emotional experience which common meaning are assigned
concerning social, economic and political aspect. 4

Music performed for the purpose of military, which employ the tactics of giving false signals to
follow the enemy and inspired fighters.5On the other hand, it is “seen as representing or
reproducing politics as a way of communicating what already exist as a set of goals or
values”.Then song as part of music offers the freedom to deliver thought, ideas and criticism
implicitly in the existence of restrains that hampered liberty. Accordingly, music gives the
opportunity in which, the state of black perceiving apprehensive and against colonizers for
liberty as well as equality at a given moment. In general, music is a wider street to analyzing and
judging the political situation of a given world.6

The state of Ethiopia shaped by multi nations and nationalities with diverse cultural practices,
which is a reflection of multiculturalism. As Simon suggested, “multiculturalism in the sense
that they contain a multitude of cultures; usually language and dialect and religious differences
… a crucial indicator”. The essential point of multiculturalism is allowing fulfillment of
citizenship to those various cultures. These, tends to cultural solution for political problems, by
emphasizing, recognition and freedom of expression rather than power and economic equality.
Identity acknowledgement is the primary means for managing political disobedience for
governments and that foster power equality and economic progress of the state.7 While, in

3
Woube Kassaye, p. 87.
4
John Street, “Playing to the Crowd: The Role of Music and Musician in political Participation”, Journal of
compilation, Poltical Studies Association, (Seth Hague and Savigny, 2007), pp. 5-6.
5
David Whitwell, A Concise History of the Wind Band, Second Edition, The History and Literature of Wind band
and Wind ensemble series: edited by Craig Dabelstein, (USA:Austin, Texas, Whitwell Publishing, 2010), pp. 6-10
6
Woube Kassaye, p. 88.; John Street, p. 6
7
Simon During, p, 156

2
Ethiopia during emperial and derg period the government underwent the treatments of
multicultural delivery in the opposite situation that resulted in political unrest and chaos, which
hampered economic development. Such political entity arise question of identity, which bore
animosity that tend to revolution in order to counter the ruling system.

The Oromo nation delivers their own cultural activities independently from the rest of many
ethnic groups in Ethiopia. They are illustrious from others peoples in Ethiopia by distinctive
culture regardless of the differences in terms of geography and religion. They are able to identify
themselves by peculiar character of cultural setting. One of the distinct cultural manifestations
was folkloric genre such as; the warrior songs of geerarsa, faarsa and mirriga or mirrisaa in
which they are reveal their entire position. Geerarsa, faarsa and other resistance songs were use
for cultural preservation, negotiation of values and political resistances. Geerarsa is a piece of
folkloric genre performed by one singer, who has status and recognized as brave by fighting back
his enemies from his nation or even wining enemies during fighting or/and killing dangerous
wild animals. Some times geerarsa can play by any individuals who are capable to perform it.
The performer is respected in the heroic achievement in composition with his clever use of
poetic meters and rhyming in the verses. Geerarsa is performed in serious occasions like that of
wedding ceremony, celebration of buttaa festival and well coming of hero from battlefield with
victory.8

Verbal art of geerarsa is ‘the wealth of national literature’ of the Oromo people that remained
one of the most important media for expressing the life condition and articulating political
feeling of the Oromo nation. Geerarsa proclaimed the emotional and psychological status of
Oromo cultural identity especially language, self-defense, the survival of the nation and justice.
The performer displays the situations in geerarsa genre such as, preservation of a distinctly
Oromo past, the resistance, commemoration of hero, boasting and intoxicates the coward. As
Abdulahi Shongolo affirmed “an imaginative and creative development of a traditional genre of

8
Lemmu Bissa, “Gada Values: The Building Blocks Of a Democratic Polity”, the journal of Oromo Studies, 1994,
Vol. 1, No. 2, p. 56,; Leila Qashu, “Arsi Oromo Society Viewed through Its Wedding Music” In: Proceedings of the
16th International Conference of Ethiopian Studies, 2009, pp.1239-49

3
boasting songs, geerarsa, in which men give poetic accounts of their heroic deeds, and
sometimes… of their problems and grievances in life”.9

The most renowned cultural singers, like that of Wasanu Dido and Leggesa Abdi were singing
with a single music instrument stringed instrument masinqo to play traditional songs at different
occasions10.They produced both lyric and verse for themselves on the stage that reflected
common Oromo identity and historical memories. Thus, they considered as a one-man band. Few
individuals were involved in the imperial military orchestra, such as Tilahun Gesesse, Wasanu
Dido and others who were allowed to play only one Afaan Oromo song in their
album. 11Similarly, music serves as cultural expression, preservation of identity, and negotiation
of values for the Oromo. The Oromo musical practice had been reflecting through disparate
Oromo cultural songs on personal basis until the Oromo music bands established in 1961 in Dire
Dawa to perform their cultural songs, which later shifted its attention against oppressive central
government policy.

In eastern Oromia, mirriysa was the grand of folkloric genre, which reflects the total life of Afran
Qallo until musical ensembles flourished. Hararghe Oromo portray the whole life circumstances
particularly in the use of folkloric genre such as mirriga or mirrisaa. Then, it expresses general
cultural values that revealed change and continuity. Regarding Oromo music band in East
Hararghe Urji Bakalcha, which later named, as the Afran Qallo was the first music band that
proved it was the pioneer Oromo cultural organization. The immediate cause for its
establishment was as informants reiterated when one of the members of the Harari music band
ridiculed and joked at the Oromo singers while they asked him to play in Afaan Oromo. He was
said to have replied, the musical instrument could not produce Oromo language musical tone
which reflected reflect their under estimation of Afaan Oromo. Then, the elders and wealthiest
individuals’ advised the Oromo youngster to form their own band as a result Urji Bakkalcha was
established.

9
Addisu Tolesa, p. 59. ; Abdullahi A. Shongolo, “The Poetic of Nationalism: A poem by Jaarso Waaqo Qoot’o”,
Being and Becoming Oromo, Historical and Anthropological Enquiries, Nordiska Afrika Institutet, (Red sea press,
Inc., 1996), 269; Assefa Tefera, “ Ethnography of resistance poetics: Power and Authority in Salale Oromo Folklore
and Resistance culture”, PhD dissertation, Indiana University, 2015, p. 197
10
Tesfaye Tolessa Bessa, “A History of Oromo Cultural Troupes (1962-1991)”, Science, Technology and Art
research Journal, STAR Journal, (Nekemte: Wollega University, Ethiopia, 2013), p. 86.
11
Informant: Shantam Shubbisa ,; Tesfaye Tolassa, p.

4
Afran Qallo cultural organization one of the instrumental assemblage to perform musical
activity, that sustain Oromo identity and continuity of the people without deviation. Cultural
troupes raised Cultural Revolution in Hararghe and intensified political resistance by praising the
indigenous Oromo culture. The most popular cultural performance today in east Hararghe
shaggoyye was influenced by these cultural organizations. However, a detailed historical study
on the cultural organization of Hararghe Oromo is scant.12

Thus, this study aims to explore historical establishments of Afran Qallo music band in Hararghe
by the effort of Oromo elite in the first place. It analyzes the censorship underwent to hamper
cultural groups by central government, measures taken as a group as well as individuals to
overcome the pressure. It deals with the role of Afran Qallo music ensemble in the spheres of
cultural, economic and political changes. It examines the influence of musical troupes in the
assertion of Oromo identity and development of nationalism and analysis of the musical life of
few legendary musicians.

12
Ibid, p. 87,

5
1.2. Statement of the Problem

Ethiopia endowed with different cultural bearings and immense musical practices at diverse way
of expression that reflect various identities. Attainment of a scholarship began as the creation and
practice of music, but scattered. The massive Ethiopian music field had not given proper
attention by researchers. Ethno-musical studies conducted in Ethiopia in few cases lack of
comprehensiveness. Studies that had conducted on music history for the purpose of academics
like that of thesis, dissertation and journal articles written by focusing on northern Ethiopian
Christian cultural tradition. These imply that more attention was given to liturgical chant and
ecclesiastical hymns. Regardless of the absence of adequate attention to multi-cultural and
musical practices, there are problems of misconception, and lack of variety among contemporary
scholars.13

Moreover, the governmental and nongovernmental research outputs prepared on music history
was unable to address the assortment of the Ethiopian nation. Woube Kassaye’s (2009)
confirmed these habitual actions by his publication, which entitled “The Practices of Music
Research in Ethiopia Successes and Challenges”. It points out ethno musical study, which was
sponsored by French Embassy in Ethiopia (1999-2003) and the UNESCO/Norwegian Funds-in-
Trust limited to towns like Bahirdar, Addis Ababa, Mekele, and Harar that reflected the cultural
domination of the ruling class then, disparate Ethiopian regions and their cultural practices was
out of discourse.14 One of the misfortune nations is the Oromo, which is covering the largest area
in Ethiopia, its cultural history was not studied appropriately particularly music, which is totally
ignored.

The Oromo people have passed through misfortunes to study their material and cultural values in
the Horn of Africa due to the attitudes and perceptions of the scholars. Semitist scholars both
foreigners and Ethiopians leave out the Oromo from Ethiopian discourse and discredited the
original cultural achievement of Oromo society.15 Even though, very few literatures introduced

13
Simeneh Betreyohannes, “Scholarship on Ethiopian music: Past, Present and Future Prospects”, African Study
Monographs, (Addis Ababa: Institute of Ethiopian studies, Addis Ababa university, 2010), p. 19.
14
Woube Kassaye, “The Practices of Music Research in Ethiopia Successes and Challenges”, In: Proceedings of the
16th International Conference of Ethiopian Studies, (Trondheim, 2009), p. 1201.
15
Brian James Yates, “Invisible Actors: the Oromo and the Creation of Modern Ethiopia (1855-1913)”, PhD
dissertation, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, (Urbana, Illinois, 2009), p. 33

6
to Oromo nation both by Oromo scholars and by foreigners. The nascent Oromo literature was
thematically and spatially lack comprehensiveness. For instance, the Macha-Tulama and Afran
Qallo association did not get equal attention by scholars. Different scholars narrate the role of
Macha-Tulama association in Oromo political experience. On the other hand, the Afran Qallo
cultural ensembles, which contributed a great role in Oromo national awakening and cultural
revival, did not get proper treatment it deserves by Oromo scholars.

Music is part of Oromo life in which they perform for the expression of happiness,
commemoration of hero, and depict sorrow as well as grievance. The Afran Qallo Oromo
perform music as motivation during the period of cultivation and harvest, at different public
occasion and battle field, in the form of mirriga, Helle (Women wedding song), Shobdoo and
darashi (harvesting songs), and dhichisa that were perform by men at various occasion
particularly wedding ceremony and public holy day very common. All these Afran Qallo
customary music exemplifies in the existing history of cultural study, which ignored by
researchers.

Later Afran Qallo musical band established in 1961 and induced modern musical display, which
was the manifestation of political, social and cultural movement. Many untouched and uncovered
about the Afran Qallo music bands in terms of its cultural revolution, national awaking and
consciousness of people were neglected. Its vitality to Oromo unity as well as political struggle
for freedom waits for the attention of researchers. The only article by Tesfaye Tolassa entitled
“A History of Oromo Cultural Troupe (1962-1991)” gives us glimpse of the establishment of
Afran Qallo cultural and literary bands. This was a kind of survey about all Oromo cultural
ensemble in relation with Afran Qallo that he did reasonable contribute on the subject, but did
not produce the detail account about music bands in East Hararghe. Moreover, the musical and
literary cultural movements in Hararghe were not getting appropriate attention of the scholars.

As the Oromo permanently settled in vast area in the Horn of Africa particularly in central part
of Ethiopia prior sixteen century, they practice various life style interms of folk songs, dressed
and venerate various religions. Despite, this variety of livehood Afran Qallo music bands
promote inter group interaction at social and political areas. The role of Afran Qallo music band

7
in facilitating social interactions and unity among the Oromo people is one of the areas not well
studied.

During the reign of Emperor Hailessie I, Oromo language was blocked from media and school
due to imperial language policy. Thus, Afaan Oromo hampered from written and broadcasting,
while Afran Qallo musical and literary band broken the blockhead, began to produce songs in
Afaan Oromo, and broadcasting Afaan Oromo songs. This inspired cultural revolution in which
other cultural group emerged in different Oromia regions. As a result, the significance of Afran
Qallo music band in cultural revolution remained unstudied.

Music has been serving as a handy deterrent by the Oromo nationalist movement by means of
maintaining identity and reflecting their attitude of belongingness to the whole nation. The
cultural and musical groups that established in east Hararghe raised ethno national feeling and
internalized the distinctive identities among Oromo nation. Within this wider socio-cultural
contribution of generic character in different instance, and the role of Afran Qallo cultural
troupes was not properly emphasized and scholarly studied.

Afran Qallo music band produced internationally recognized musician particularly in terms of
poets and singers. These musicians enhanced Afaan Oromo poem to the level of standard
introduced modern musical instrument to Oromo music and created space for cultural
movements. Most of them became popular in national and international level as well as
exemplary for the emergence of many musicians among Oromo people. Some of poem writers in
broadcasting Afaan Oromo program from abroad and at home. Later individuals employed as
free-lancer in government offices. These individuals changed the traditional trend of
performance and modernize Oromo music, while they left aside by the scholars. Thus, this study
aimed at constructing the history of Oromo music bands in eastern Oromia. It covers both
internal and external factors that contributed for the establishment of music bands, its role in
terms of cultural movement, national aspiration for political change and the fruits of Afran Qallo
i.e. legendary musician.

8
 1.3. Objectives of the study
1.3.1. General objective

The general objective of this study is to investigate the genesis, growth, demise and roles of
Afran Qallo music band in eastern Hararghe. It attempts to investigate the prominent musicians
and challenges posed by the central government on the music bands.
1.3.2. Specific Objectives
This study specifically tries to:
• explore factors that initiated the foundation of Afran Qallo music band in eastern Hararghe.
• investigate how Afran Qallo music bands assisted to maintain identity and serve in inspiring
cultural revolution.
• asses the contribution of Afran Qallo music bands for Oromo unity and raise national awakening.
• identify the challenges that music bands encounter from central government.
• examine the role of legendary musicians in Afran Qallo ensembles in eastern Oromia.
1.3.3. Research Question
By taking the problem and issue stated above into considerations this study attempts to answer
the following basic question.
• What are the factors that contributed for the establishment of Afran Qallo music band?
• How Afran Qallo music bands maintained the identity and served for inspiring cultural
revolution?
• What is the role of Afran Qallo cultural troupes for Oromo unity and raising national awakening?
• What was the challenge encountered by the cultural organizations to perform musical practices?
• What was the role of legendary musicians in Afran Qallo ensembles in eastern Oromia?
1.4. Significance of the study
Music is the major venue for Oromo nation to express all aspects of daily life, such as happiness
and sorrow. The cultural group of Afran Qallo has commonly practiced modern and popular
music. They perform music and drama that sustain Oromo identity and rose cultural revival
throughout Oromia region. Since the worthwhile musical practices among the Afran Qallo
people in east Hararghe were not properly studied this study will fill the gap. Therefore, the
output of this research will help shed light on the cultural history of Afran Qallo people in East
Hararghe. In addition, it would open avenue for further study on the Oromo music history of
East Oromia. Furthermore, it would help as additional material for the reconstruction of cultural

9
history in eastern Oromia and serve for those interested to read and write about Oromo music
history.
1.5. Research methodology
1.5.1. Research Design
This research is follows a qualitative approach that applies to multi-disciplinary orientation to
social science and most popular to undertake historical study. According to, Prashant K. Astalin,
(2013) qualitative research is a systematic and scientific inquiry, which seeks to build a holistic,
largely narrative, description to inform the researchers understanding of a social or cultural
achievement in human life. Qualitative research encompasses all forms of social inquiry that
primarily on non-experimental and numerical data. It includes all types of textual analyzes, such
as content analyses, conservation discourse, and narrative. The qualitative research relies on the
participant detail responses to questions about how they have constructed or understood their
experiences in change and continuity. Qualitative research approach should produce a detailed
thematic understanding of a specific social context. As this study leads to investigate cultural
history, particularly music through interview qualitative research design helps us to construct a
history Afran Qallo music band. 16
In addition, the researcher will get detail information about the phenomenon, realizing the major
drawback will not generalize to the society. Therefore, qualitative research enables to understand
the meaning of human action by analyzing the essential character of social experience. As
Ronald stated that qualitative research helps us to broaden and deepen our understanding on the
area of research would conduct. As a result, qualitative research assists to interpret complex
reality of cultural history a given situation. 17
1.5.2. Source of data
Sources of data are those place or phenomena from which the authentic information can be
generated through applying the techniques and strategies of data collection. 18 Sources of data for
this study are both primary and secondary, which can be collected by using the combination of
different approaches and techniques.

16
Ronald Jacksonll, L, etal, “Qualitative Research Reports in Communication.” Eastern Communication
Association, (Routledge Publidher, 2007), p. 23
17
Prashant K. Astalin, “Qualitative Research Designs: A conceptual Frame Work”, International journal of social
science & inter disciplinary Research, 2013, Vol. 2(1), p. 39.
18
Jennifer Maso, Qualitative Researching, second edition, (London, Thousand Oasks and New Delhi: SAGE
Publication, 2002), p.51.

10
Historical research began in identifying the potential areas of sources relevant to the study to
address the research question. For this study, the potential areas identified by the researcher; are
Dire Dawa, Harar and Addis Ababa (Finfinne). Dire Dawa is the birthplace of many musician,
and their resident as well as where the Afran Qallo music bands were established. Therefore,
Dire Dawa was the source of some primary data, which are collect from oral informants.
Similarly, Harar is the residence of few musicians and the center of Arthur Rambeau museum
and East Hararghe Cultural and Tourism Bureau. Both published and unpublished written history
of Afran Qallo people is available in these centers. In Addis Ababa (Finfinne) data is found at
Oromia Cultural and Tourism Bureau and Institute of Ethiopian studies (IES). In addition,
published primary sources like book related to Oromo cultural activities and musical photograph
available at individual home.

The study conducted through systematic collection from primary and secondary sources, which
are collected through oral interview and library reading. Primary data, the first hand information
that are collected for the specific research problems at hand. Primary data are original source that
are collected by using different procedure that fit the research problem best such as personal
interview and field note. Accordingly, it was collected from eyewitness and participant of the
event; as a result, that was more reliable. To conduct this research primary data was collected
through oral interview from musicians directly involved in Afran Qallo cultural bands and others
group coordinators. Songs of musical bands are gathered and musical photos referred to make
the work more credible and informative. 19

Secondary sources are collected through careful investigate from previous accounts paeticularly
document that are related to the title. It is systematic empirical exercise with procedural and
evaluative steps from written and electronic media. The written materials are books, journal
articles, papers and other unpublished materials, which were related to cultural history of Oromo
and analyze them to substantiate this study. These secondary sources are collected from
Haramaya University library particularly Yohannis Petros memorial center, Arthur Rambeau

19
Joop. J Hox, “Data Collection, Primary vs Secondary”, Encyclopedia of Measurement, vol.1, (Elsevie Inc,
Utrecth the Netherlands: Utrech University, 2005), p. 593; Melissa P. Johnston, “Secondary Data analysis: A
Methods of Which the Time has come, Qualitative and quantitative Methods in libraries” School of Library and
Information Studies, (QQML) 3: 619-629, (Tuscalloosa: University of Albama, 2014), p. 620

11
Museum and East Hararghe Cultural and Tourism Bureau in Harar, and Addis Ababa University
specifically Institute of Ethiopian Studies (IES).

1.5.3. Methods of Data Collection

Methods are the approaches and techniques applied to collect and analyze data during actual
research. Data collection is the process of gathering and measuring information on variables
interest. The goal of data collection is to capture quality evidence and obtain credible answer to
the questions that have been posed, which allows constructing a convincing literature.20 To
conduct this study multi-method of data collection techniques will be employed from the various
source of the study i.e. library reading of secondary source and oral interview through fieldwork.
Collection of related information through library reading and interview are the main instruments
to conduct this study.

Interview is conversation initiated by the researcher for the specific purpose of obtaining
appropriate research information to the intended research objectives. In this regard, the
interviewer and respondent meet face to face, speak on their voice as to escort dialogue on the
intended question that aims at having in-depth information about the study. As qualitative
researcher tends to provide description of events in natural setting, interviewing has usually
thought of, as a key factor in research design. As stated above interviewing is a valuable method
for exploring the constructed information to the study.

Oral data are collected through structured and semi-structured interviews. Structured interview
mostly organized around asset of predetermined question that required immediate response.
Semi-structured interview is more flexible, in which the interviewer raises the main issues and
expands the interviewee’s response to having detail information. 21 The combinations of these
types of interviews enable to get the detail information to attain the intended objective. In this
process, the data collected in recording of the interview by cell phone and taking notes during the
narration of informants.

20
Joseph Alex Maxwell, “Qualitative Research Design: An interactive Approach”, (George Mason University: 43
publications 2012), p. 216.
21
Syed Muhammed Sajjad, “Methods of Data Collection”, (Curtain University, 2016), p. 204.

12
Oral data such as poem, songs and photos were collected from individual as well as groups
informants living in different areas. Informants were selected based on their comprehensive
knowledge about Afran Qallo musical organization from different sections of societies,
particularly old age musicians. The selection of oral informants is based on knowledge, ability to
remember the past musical movement and level of their participations in musical activities.
Likewise, elders are considered based on their awareness related with Afran Qallo cultural group
to get detail data. Furthermore, individuals who are able to narrate about indigenous and popular
music were selected to conduct interview.

1.5.4. Methods of Data Analysis

Data analysis is the major part of the research, which would be conducted to have meaning from
the collected data, or convincing explanation of the research. Thus, the collected data through
conversation primarily transcribed on to paper followed by sorting and ordering of the data in a
certain meaningful way. Data gathered through various tools are systematically organized,
categorized and interpreted by using qualitative techniques. After all building the explanations of
the data are undertaken based on the qualitative approach. Accordingly, all data obtained
through interviews and library reading carefully selected, crosschecked, organized, and
interpreted properly. The process of data analyzes is undertaken carefully in order to avoid bias,
distortion and exaggeration. Data analyzing method was following qualitative techniques,
rigorously by using narrative and analytic approach.

13
 CHAPTER TWO
2. THE EASTERN OROMO OVER VIEW

2.1. Settlement Pattern of Eastern Oromo

The Oromo are the largest ethnic group in the Horn of Africa who are living in various parts of
the region. They were organized in to confederacy, clan and further sub-clan level of social
organization. Although they have various cultural practices and venerate different religions, they
still maintained their identity as Oromo and shared sense of historical connection. Regional
variation in terms of certain cultural practices is the main features that reflect the affluent,
expansive, beautiful and impressive Oromo culture, but should not be take as the signal of
differentiation.22

The original homeland of the Oromo nation and their settlement on large and wide place was the
major issue of analytic discourse, which forwarded various arguments by different scholars. The
term ‘origin’ by itself is ambiguous in referring to indicate the emergence of Oromo nation
because human beings could not emerged from specific place like that of river or other precious
mineral. Therefore, it is difficult to locate exactly the original home land of Oromo people. With
regared the existing literature, some of the arguments are not verified its certainty by concrete
evidences of historical research while others deliberately narrate misrepresentation of the Oromo
history and intentional distortions of the history of the Oromo for a definite political purpose.
The account of Alaqa Taye (1922) indicates the emergence of Oromo from outside of Africa. He
explains the movements of Oromo started from Asia, to Madagascar and interred the Horn of
Africa through the present day Bombasa in the republic of Somalia, and gradually settled around
Gannale basin. Despite Alaqa Taye’s fictitious narration, some other scholars, such as Yilama
(1929) and Marid (1971), locate the home land of Oromo in the present day northern republic of
Somalia and southern Ethiopia. 23 These scholars concluded unavoidable distortion in locates the

22
Cherri Reni Wemlinger, “Identity in Ethiopia: the Oromo from the 16th to the 19th century”, MA thesis,
Department of History, (Washington State University,2008), pp. 3-4
23
Yilma Deresa, The History of Ethiopia in Sexteenth Century, (Addis Ababa: Biranne Selam), p. 213; Merid Welde
Aregay, “Southern Ethiopia and the Christian Kingdom 1508-1708 with special reference to [Oromo] migrationand
theier consequences”,PhD Thesis London: London University, pp. 145-46; Oromia Culture and Tourism Bureau,
(2006/2014), p, 39.

14
origin of Oromo homeland in southern Ethiopia and their movement from southern to northern
direction.

The most widely circulated view among different scholars about the original homeland of the
Oromo not at fixed place, but these people existed within the Horn of Africa. This idea may base
itself on the language affiliation related with Cushitic sub families and some element of cultural
resembling, which need further historical research. However, other arguments forwarded by
Mohammed Hassen indicates the original homeland of the Oromo is in specific areas such as
“Bale, Borena, and Sidamo” in south central highland as they started expansion during the 16 th
century to central Ethiopia.24 Various scholars like Tessema Ta’a support this argument and
many other scholars who narrated based on the religious center that the Oromo visit Abba
Muudaa (father of anointment) at Madda Walaabu.

Nevertheless, different centers were serving as political and religious center for the Oromo prior
to the sixteenth century. Oda Nabi was serving as the center of such institutions for Tulama
Oromo living around the area of present Dukam preceding gadaa revival took place in sixteen
century. In addition, there are names of places; lakes and mountain appear in written sources and
historical works. Such existing documents, confirmed the presence of Oromo in centeral part of
Ethiopia prior 16th century. The accounts of Mohammed Hassen (1994), and Feyisa Demie
(1998), confirmed Oromo settled in central Ethiopia prior to the 16th century. Mohammed
substantiates his discussion by the available Amhara oral tradition and Christian literature for the
existence of Oromo in “Shewa before; during and after the fourteenth century”. Furthermore,
based on written and linguistic evidence the people of Oromo settled farther around Mormor in
which they used as center of muudaa (anoint) prior to the sixteenth century in that region.
Mormor referred among the western Oromo people the Abay River in which they called
‘Abbayya’. In addition, prior to sixteenth century the Oromo nation existed in the lower valley of
Nile, central highlands and northern Ethiopia such as Shewa, Tigre, Gojjam, and Wollo. 25

24
Mohammed Hassen, The Oromo of Ethiopia: A History1570-1860. (Cambridge: Cambridge University 1990), P.6
25
ibid, “The Pre-Sixteenth-Century Oromo Presence within the Medieval Christian Kingdom of Ethiopia”, A River
of Blessings, Foreign and Comparatives studies/African Series 44, p. 44; Feyisa Demie, “The Origin of the Oromo:
A reconsideration of the Theory of the Cushitic Roots”, the Journal of Oromo studies, vol. 5, No 1 &2, 1998, p.
155;Oromia Culture and Tourism Bureau, “History of the Oromo to the Sixteen Century”, Departement of History,
3rd Edition, (Finfinne: 2006/2014), p. 87

15
These arguments are farther supported by linguistic evidences, which bear in several place names
having an ‘Afaan Oromo root’. For instance, as OCTB (2014) stated the territory of Axsumite
state and its environ, place names such as “Ona Negus, Ona Negast, Ona Zagwe” continually
mentioned. Ona means Afaan Oromo word that implies the place where people abandoned and
stopped living for longer period or withdrew from leaving usually without the intent of coming
back. On the other hand, the term Ona refers ‘district’ the administrative section of modern
Ethiopia, which is commonly known among the Afran Qallo Oromo. In these aspects, the Oromo
permanently settled in central and northern highlands of Ethiopia prior to the sixteenth century.

Most writers explain sixteenth century as the beginning of Oromo great expansion that took
place from the surrounding Madda Walaabu to the western and eastern directions. In fact,
sixteenth century was the landmark in Oromo history, in which haaromsa gadaa underwent
through the entire Oromo nation. The renewal of gadaa system in sixteenth century was
accompanied with phenomenal expansion of the Oromo nation in which they enlarged their
territorial occupation particularly in eastern direction. As informant, Umar Mummed Roba
confirmed the branch of Oromo confederacy particularly the Shanan Barentuma moved from the
central part of the country to the eastern Oromia that strengthened the expansion of Oromo. 26

The Oromo occupied Harar at the middle of sixteenth century, most probably around 1530-1540,
“when the branch of Barentu moved to the eastern from central Ethiopia and occupied the Harar
plateau”. The branches of Barentu Oromo, settled predominantly in Hararghe were Itu,
Humbanna and Afran Qallo. They are “bordering the Afar in the north-west, the Somali in the
east, Bale in the south, the Arsi in the south-west, and the Great Rift Valley in the south-east”.
Thus, they were linked with the four major ethnic groups such as the Harari, Argoba, Somali and
Afar, live together within close proximity in which they are now a day intermixed with various
ethnic groups, particularly new settlers like Amhara that is visible in various small towns of
eastern Hararghe and sometimes in rural areas. 27

26
ibid, pp. 47, 65, 87 & 95; Informant, Umar Mummed Roba; Abreham Alemu Fanta, “Ethnicity and Local Identity
in the Folklore of the South-western Oromo of Ethiopia: a Comparative Study”, PhD. Dissertation, Nether Land:
Amsterdam University, 2015, p.53;
27
Mohammed Hassen, “The Egyptian Occupation of Harer and Its Impact on the Oromo in Harerge”, Journal of
Oromo Studies, Vol. 15, No. 2, Mohammed Hassen, “The Evolution of Tenancy in Harage (ca.1887-1975)” PhD
Dissertation, Addis Ababa University, 2016, p. 73; Abreham Alemu Fanta, “Ethnicity and Local Identity in the

16
Chart 1. The Genealogical line of Eastern Oromo
Oromo

Borana Barentu

Karrayyu Dhummuga Marawa Humbanna Afran Qallo

Anniya

Ituu (12) Abbati Uru Anna Sadacha (3) Kodole (4)

1.Bobo 1.biddu
2.Malka 2.Anna
3.Danbe 3.Koyye
Source: OCTB, pp. 283 & 289 4.Macha

The Ituu, one of the largest moieties who were settled on the vast territory “starting from the
lowland of Carcar around Asabot, extended up to the border of Arsi and all the way up to the
town of Baroda”. Ituu is farther classified into two expansive sub moieties; these are the five
Mana Ituus and the four Mana Babos. Mana Ituu farther divided into five-sub clans: Adoyo,
Gamo, Bayo, Aroji and Wayu. They permanently settled from east of Kurkuro extended up the
Machara River. Mana Babo composed of four sub clans; Gadula, Elele, Seden and Alega
permanently settled in the villages by the side of the road extended up to the Bordode town. 28

Humbanna is the other major moiety of eastern Oromo. Regarding the Humbanna sub-moiety
there were various traditions forwarded. One of this tradition claims that Humbanna has only one
child named Anniya. The second tradition suggests that Anniya and Qallo are the children of
Humbbana. Based on the OCTB recitation and genealogical chart Anniya was the only son of
Humbanna and farther divided in seven sub clans. Anniya was one of the second largest clan
next to Ituu who settled partly in western Hararghe and the rest was in eastern Hararghe. Anniya
is sub-divide in to seven sub moieties: Maca, Koye, Kubaya, Bidu, Ane, Melkatu and Denbi.
Anniya settled in the low lands of Boke, around the town of Mulu up to the border of Somali

Folklore of the South-western Oromo of Ethiopia: a Comparative Study”, PhD. Dissertation, (Nether Land:
Amsterdam University, 2015), p.72
28
Oromia Culture and Tourism Bureau, “History of the Oromo to the Sixteen Century”, Department of History, 3rd
Edition, (Finfinne: Oromia Culture and Tourism Bureau, June 2006/2014), pp. 296-297; Mohammed Hassen, “The
Evolution of Tenancy in Harage (ca.1887-1975)” PhD Dissertation, Addis Ababa University, 2016, p. 74

17
region. On the other hand, traditionally Gaara Mul’ata is known as Ona Anniya in which they
have settled in extra terrestrial low land of Gara Mul’ata in southern region extended in the west
to Ramis and in the east a short distance beyond water Gobelle.29

2.2. Settlement Pattern of Afran Qallo

The genealogy of Afran Qallo is debatable. According to Badri Kabir (1995), Akkichu was the
fifth son of Barentu; while Qallo was the son of Hubanna, and the brother of Anniya. In addition,
as Oromia Cultural and Tourism Bureau (2014) argues, Qallo was the son of Humbanna, but has
legal recognition as the son of Barentu after Akkichu went to Somali and abandon the practice of
gadaa system and interrupted connection with the rest of his brothers. In order to publicize their
decision to subsequent generation, the elders amended an article in the constitution of Barentuma
and renounced Akkichu’s childhood from Barentuma and instead recognized Qallo as the legal
child of Barentuma.30

Chart 2. The Genealogical tree of Afran Qallo

Barentu

Qallo

Oboraa (4) Ala (12) Daga (3) Baabbile (3)

1. Akkichu 1. Baabuu 7.Goolloo 1.Nole (3) 1.Gonje
2. Daga 2.Gutayuu 8.Abbadho 2.Jarso (6) 2.Jillee
3. Bili 3. Diramu 9.Mettaa 3.Humme (12) 3.Hawwiyya
4. Doran 4. Eree 10.Kaakuu
5.Galaan 11.Nunnuu
6.Arojjii 12.Abeyi Source: OCTB P, 286

The Afran Qallo belongs to Barentu confederacy and consists of four main sub clans. These are
Oboraa, Daga, Ala, and Babbile. Afran Qallo clan is organizing through a segmented lineage
structure. They settled in the area stretching from Boroda up to the south of Jijiga plain.

29
Badri Kabri, “The Afran Qallo Oromo”, BA Thesis, Addis Ababa University, 1995, p. 15; Oromia Culture and
Tourism Bureau, “History of the Oromo to the Sixteen Century, (Finfinne: Oromia Culture and Tourism Bureau,
June 2006/2014), pp.288-289, 299; Mohammed Hassen, “The Evolution of Tenancy in Harage (ca.1887-1975)”
PhD Dissertation, Addis Ababa University,2016, pp.74 &80
30
Badri Kabri, p. 5; Oromia Culture and Tourism Bureau, p. 287

18
Chart 3. The Genealogical tree of Oborra
Qallo

Oborra

Daga (3) Akkichu (12) Billi (2) Dorani (4)

1.Yassa 1. Taye 1. Kura 1. Yassa

2.Dorani 2. Gorbe 2. Hinne 2. Gutta
3.Mana-Gaja 3. … 3. Gutayu
4. … 4. Abichu
Source: OCTB P, 292

Oborra the eldest son of Qallo has four sons these are Daga, Akichu, Bili, and Dorani. These
Oboraa moieties are farther divided in to sub-moieties; such as Daga which is sub-divided in to
three clans Yassa, Dorani and Mana-Gaja, Akkichuis also divided in to two clans; Taye and
Gorbe, Billi is divided in to two clans; kura and Hinne, and Dorani divided in to four clans;
Yassa, Gutta, Gutaya and Abichu. The Oborra moieties were one of the major Afran Qallo
branches who settled predominantly in the eastern bank of Burqa River and Baroda town that
encompasses Karra Mille, Dadar, and Calanqo. The neighbors of Oborra were Ituu in the west
and southwest, the people of Issa in north, Anniya in the south and Ala in the east.31

Chart 4.The Genealogical tree of Daga

Daga

Humme (12) Jarso (6) Nole (3)

1. Sirgala 7.Ibso 1.Oromo (2) 1.Hallele (5)

2. Dudda 8.Nole 2.Dawaro (4) 2.Mucha (3)
3. Warra-Daya 9.Onnaya 3.Janga (2) 3.Oromo (6)
4. Baddi 10.Ali 4.walabu (3)
5. Obbo 11.Goyye 5.Warra-sayo (3)
6. Asabo 12.Burra 6.Ogga Source: OCTB P, 301

31
Oromia Culture and Tourism Bureau, “History of the Oromo to the Sixteen Century”, (Finfinne: Oromia Culture
and Tourism Bureau, June 2006/2014), pp. 292-300; Mohammed Hassen, “The Evolution of Tenancy in Harage
(ca.1887-1975)” PhD Dissertation, Addis Ababa University, 2016, p.76

19
Daga is the second son of Qallo who has three sons; these are Nole, Jarso and Hume. They
predominantly settled in parts of Haramaya, Kombolcha, Jaarso, Gursum, and Cinaksan.
Mohammed, (2016) stated the following: Nole settle surrounding Harar town, Kombolcha, part
of Haramaya, which composed ilma gudeda or natal son and ilma barcuma or assimilated
through adoption to sub moiety. Biological sons were “Halele, Mucha, and Oromo”, while the
assimilated families were “Mana Jarte, Mana Salala, Mana Geto, Mana Bundha and Gergedu”.
Gudifacha (adoption) is one of the notable Oromo cultures that enabled the Oromo to enlarge
their demography and extended geographical coverage. Guddifacha (adoptions) is the act or
process of having a child especially those who have no offspring of their own naturally. An
individual who was unable to give birth can have children from relatives or non-relatives through
the process of guddifacha institutions. The institution of adoption becomes universal which was
legally practiced among non-Oromo nation. 32

The Jarso and the Humme strongly influenced by the Somali culture to the extent of counting
their genealogy within the Somali clans. Regarding Hume clan there was contradictory
information that claims Humeis divided into two-sub clans these are Aniya and Bursub; other
evidences opine Hume was divided into twelve sub families. In any case, Hume predominantly
settled in Gursum. Jarso predominantly settled in Jarso, Gursum and Cinakson, and surrounded
by Nole in west, Hume in south and Somali in east and the north. Jarso is farther divide into six
sub clans; these are ‘Oromo, Welabu, Dawaro Dhanqa, Sayo and Oga’. 33

The third son of Afran Qallo according to tradition is Babile. Babile clan surrounded Harar town
in the north, Erer and Fiqi of Somali in the south, Gursum in the west and Fadis in the east. The
fourth son of Qallo is Ala who inhabited the Western, and Northwestern parts of Harar town and
found on larger territorial area starting from Calanqo, Qarsa, Gaara Mul’ata, Kurfa Calle,
Baddanno, Fadis, and part of Haramaya in Addelle. The settlement area of Ala is bounded
Oborra in the west, Nole in the south, and Babile in the east. Ala was the youngest but the largest
clan of Afran Qallo moieties. Ala is sub divided into twelve sub-clans, which composed both

32
Jeylan Wolyie Hussein, “A Critical Review of the Political and Stereotypical Portrayals of the Oromo in the
Ethiopian Historiography”, Nordic Journal of African Studies, (Alemaya University, 2006), 15(3): 256–276, pp.
258-259; Mohammed Hassen, “The Evolution of Tenancy in Harage (ca.1887-1975)” PhD Dissertation, Addis
Ababa University, 2016, p.--
33
ibid, pp.76-77

20
ilman gudeda and ilma barcuma. In general, Afran Qallo lived independently under their
assemblies of clan. 34
Chart 5.The Genealogical tree of Ala
Ala (12)

Nonu Galan Kako Meta Eera

Abado Abbay Gutayu Aoroji Gulo Buba Diro
Source: OCTB P, 296

2.3. Cultural Setting of Afran Qallo

The Oromo culture is connected with ancient past by its value; and norms that is social custom,
beliefs and practices. As Jeylan suggested, “The Oromo had and still have many indigenous
systems of teaching and learning, peacemaking, religious systems and worldviews”35 These live
hoods abridged under socio-political institution of gadaa system that fundamental in Oromo
nation in every corner without distinction. The eastern Oromo as the rest of other peoples have
their own traditional customs, beliefs, stories and sayings, which commonly known as folklore,
which expresses the total life of the society orally. The Afran Qallo people endowed various oral
literatures that reflect culture, value or norm, joy, sadness, courage, a rule of conducting the total
life in general. Cultural songs further contributed in the expression of culture, organizational
principles and social motives, communication and integrations of society. Based on the condition
and facts that connect as well as affect the situation of event or an action, traditional music in
Hararghe is classified as mirriiysa or mirriga, wedding song (hellee & dhichiisa), production song
(darashii & shobdoo) and shaggoyyee (youth play).

Mirriga or mirriiysa the fountainhead of folklore jerne widely practiced in Hararghe to express
their feelings, cognitions, emotions, articulately and life condition. It was not exactly known
when it began to practice, but at manbulti gosa (the ceremony of law making), iddoo araaratti or
reconciliation place and any meeting used mirriga for transmitting message of the whole
experience. Mirriga the way of communication values of people such as; law, social taboo,
experience, attitude, and beliefs as well as socio-economic and political thought. In addition, it is

34
Ibid
35
Jeylan Wolyie, (2006), p. 258.

21
the folkloric cultural of the eastern Oromia, which encompasses traditional customs, norms,
values, happiness, bravery and status. Most of the life conditions and attitudes of these people
were displayed through the wealth folker genres of mirriga.36

The person of the same gosa does not plays mirriga with each other, because there are messages
that can attack each other in words or sentence. Therefore, songs of mirriga are conducted
among the individual who are found on the same social and economic status. The player starts
his play by saying to listener,
Afaan Oromo English
Amma dhagahii dhaggeeffadhuu, I want you to hear this carefully
Guurii gurra fudhaadhu so clean your ear.37
Mirriga the folk song of eastern Oromo display or uphold critics, empowers, and advises which
encompass all section of society, such as elders, damiina, women and children. In this section of
society women and children considered specially, women who considered as the pillar of life
within the society and household as well as children who are the seeds of the country. Therefore,
mirriga strengthen beauties and diligences of women by demonstrating in praising manner. The
children were the growing generation who receive the nation, free from mischievous thus
directing them on the right direction and shaping as well as cultivating through mirriga. The
Oromo instructing children on good manner provide the young with authoritative information in
order to respect the value and moral of their nation through various aspects; like that of
mirriga.38 It is rich folk genre, which the performer display cultural identity of eastern Oromo
that encompasses every social group.

Similar cultural songs the Oromo nation possesses indigenous religious system in which they
provided rituals, thanks giving and pray in their life. Before the advent of Islam, Afran Qallo
practiced indigenous belief system Waaqeffana, in which the Oromo worship the super natural
power Waaqa or God. The Oromo believed in the Supreme Being whom they call ‘Waaqa’ or
God who is the creator of all things and the source of all life. The procedure of worship or

36
Oromia Cultural and Trousim Bureau, Mirriga Oromoo Harargee, the Group of language Studies, (Finfinne:
Oromia Cultural and Trousim Bureau, February 2004), pp.12-15; Jeylan Wolyie, “‘you can hear wholly only if you
remove the waxes in your ears’: The Hararghe Oromo’s theory for establishing the inter subjective foundation of
cognition”, Culture & Psychology, Journals Permissions Vol. 25(1),p. 49.
37
Informant: Umar Mumme Roba; Oromia Cultural and Trousim Bureau, Mirriga Oromoo Harargee, pp.12-15
38
ibid, pp, 45-58

22
Waaqefanna is the Oromo version of the African indigenous religious practice.39 Waaqefanna is
the form of religious practices that includes creed and rituals with its reverence offered to a
divine being or supernatural power. Today the Oromo are converted to different religion and
they venerate various faiths throughout Oromia.

The eastern Oromo are widely embracing Islam. Their conversion to Islam underwent most
probably through three main ways. Harar was a center of Islamic learning that served as an
epicenter to spread Islam among the neighboring Oromo people. Muslim saints’ awach those
educated in Harar began to preach the religion among the surrounding Oromo through reading
Quraa’an. Thus at Mout Gorogarbi Islam were deeply implanted and radiated to common people
through teaching. Islamic missionaries’ taught read in the Qura’an in small villages and the
spread of Islam throughout Afran Qallo village took place in a very gradual process until the
conquest and occupation of Harar by the Egyptians in 1875. Egyptian conquest hastened the
expansion of Islam after they destroyed gadaa system through forceful conversion. The colonial
agent of Egypt Mohammed Rauf Pasha arrested the last gadaa official Abba Fugugi Orfo Jilo
and converted him in to Islam in prison. After a short whilst Orfo Jilo was sent to Gaara Mul’ata
at his base as Egyptian colonial agent and he under took forceful conversion of the local
people. 40

The Oromo nations have well developed indigenous systems of resolving internal and external
social conflicts, which was managed through negotiation and heeraa gosa (constitution of clan).
Every crime was categorized based on the degree of damage, destruction, and psychological
attack, such as simple, medium, and heavy and the system of handling crime varied accordingly.
The elder of gosa (daminaa) impose punishment in kind, which balanced with the omission of a
duty commanded by a public law that makes the offender liable to punishments by that law.
Village elders, garada, and damina solved simply crime cases like theft, adultery, slander, insult
and beating. The systems are ‘Buula, Areera, and Shaffee’, which mean providing ‘sheep or goat,
jar of milk, and treating the victims by traditional medicine’. The medium crime was the damage

39
Jeylan Wolyie , (2006), 15(3): 256–276, pp. 257.
40
J. Spencer Trimingham, Islam in Ethiopia, Geoffrey Cumberlege, (London, New York, Toronto: Oxford
University, 1952), pp. 206-207; Sidney R. Waldron, “The Political Economy of Harari-Oromo Relationships, 1559-
1874”, Northeast African Studies, Vol. 6, No. 1/2 (1984), pp. 23-39, (Michigan: Michigan State University Press,
1984), p.32; Mohammed Hassen, “The Egyptian Occupation of Harer and Its Impact on the Oromo in Harerge”,
Journal of Oromo Studies, Vol. 15, No. 2, 2008, p.51

23
on parts of the body that is physical harm as impairment or disabling a vital part of the body.
This system was diyaas in which the criminal was punished through the payment cattle or sheep.
Diyya payment greatly varies according to the damage on the body. Even sometimes, it goes up
to the equal of guma or blood compensation. During implementation, the simple payment up to
five cattle was imposed by the gosa.41

The heaviest and height of conflict resolution, which is accompanied by blood compensations
payment is gumaa. Traditionally it was paid in cattle but in recent years due to the changing
patterns of live hood among the Oromo community, gumaa was changed into payment in cash.42
Gumaa divided into three categories based on its incident and disastrous consequence on the
victim such as gumaa coqorsa, gumaa and gumaa golole. Gumaa Coqorsa is the compensations
paid for misfortune hurt when his/her reproductive organ is damage. It is paid three times within
year starting from the time of injury confirmed to successive three years. Gumaa incurred
penalty to sudden death within the social conflict. It requires the congregation of gosa to assist
the murderer to pay compensation that imposed 30-50 cattle for the family of victim. Guma
golole labeled as highest assassination criminal killed innocent deliberately after careful
preparation, and identify suitable time. Punshiment imposed on killer too high compare to the
former two treatement.43

The Oromo communities are able to identify themselves by values and indigenous cultural
practices. One of the distinct cultural manifestations of Afran Qallo was the traditional aesthetic
dressing style, which commonly practiced by any member of the society. Women clearly
differentiate themselves through specific dress ensembles that convey their regional ties, clan
affiliation, class and life cycle recognition. Afran Qallo women have adopted wearable imported
commodities as they took it as fashion in the ways that enable them access to specific kinds of
modernity. They still acknowledged themselves by means of relevant cultural practices such as
cultural dress, religion practices and familial interconnection. 44

41
Informant: Umar Mumme Roba; Badri Kabri, “The Afran Qallo Oromo”, BA Thesis, Addis Ababa University,
1995, pp. 22-24
42
Badri Kabri, “The Afran Qallo Oromo”, BA Thesis, Addis Ababa University, 1995, pp. 22-24.
43
Informant; Umar Mumme Roba
44
Peri M. Klemm, “Oromo Fashion: Three Contemporary Body Art Practices among Afran Qallo Women”, African
Arts, Vol. 42, No.1 (spring, 2009), pp.54-63, UCLA James S. Coleman African Studies Center, pp.54-55

24
Afran Qallo women distinguished themselves by three kinds of body arts, these are bead
necklace ambarka, headband qarma, and temporarily facial marking by different types of color
is kula. By using newly imported materials, Afran Qallo women construct each of these items.
Afran Qallo women take pride in bead necklace ambarka, which is created by connecting beads
“with specific color schemes and design choices”. The ‘necklace created in the frame diamond
shape that was divided into pattern as cultural symbol and metaphorically indicate the four sons
of Qallo which trace the line of their descendant’. The headed band qarma were popular among
Afran Qallo women as forehead jewelry to decorate their head and hair. Qarmaa is categorizing
as qarmaa lootii- the chain of headed band, which consists of a silver metal mesh strand along
with the Afran Qallo indigenous dress saddetta wear at special occasions. Qarmaa lotiis,
substituted gradually and today it is called qarmaa, which is economically affordable and easily
available. The indigenous and original Oromo dress properly fit to display an identity that was
culturally appropriate and politically meaningful. 45 Thus, indigenous and original Oromo cultural
dressing not perceptibly pronounced.

2.4. Socio-Political Organization

The social organization of Afran Qallo based on the division of clan or gosa that was interrelated
with each other through blood. Thus, according to Badri Kabir, it is classified in ascending order
from simple to complex warra (family), gosa (clan), lammi and saba (nation). Gosa was the
essential destination in social organization in different parts of Oromo nation used as a base for
socio-economic, political and military union. All affiliates of Afran Qallo gosa believed that they
are brothers who belong to common father Qallo. As a result, every affiliate group of gosa is
theoretically entitled with the same kind of treatments in their socio-economic and political
relationship.

Each sub-division of Afran Qallo clans had their own administrative government who was
elected based on gadaa system in every eight year. Gadaa is the system of basic conceptual
structure of socio-political institution that determines social interaction, integration and
administrative arrangement. Gadaa functions to organize the society into generation sets
facilitated conditions of harmonious intercourse among peoples. It is experienced by the entire
nation that form close relationship as a whole into well-organized system and constitutes an
45
ibid.

25
essential objective based on the sameness for understanding each other. Gadaa system provid the
opportunity for people to engage in decision-making particularly to elect administration official.
This implies the Oromo community democratically participates in the establishment of their
government in which they elected their own leadership for a limited period, which was an eight-
year term. It provided individualist the right to participate in democratic election of Abba gadaa
and the respect of basic rights and liberties. These rights included the participation on formal
discussion on public issue, the procedure of elections, the accountability of leaders, the concept
of law, and a balance of representation of each clan in gadaa offices. Gadaa system further
extended the rights to make rule and regulation through their own elected representative and
flourished the concept of every person participating in decision-making and public affairs
through the five missensa. 46

The eastern Oromo had common caffee assembly at Oda Bultum located in Ituu land where all
gadaa rituals are practiced. The administration of gadaa was separated in to three local areas
such as Kaara Qurqura caffee assembly in the local administration of Ituu, Burqa Tirtira in
Anniya land and Watar in Garamulata that served as the center of Afran Qallo gadaa
administration. Despite the establishments of three separate assemblies, Oda Bultum was the
center in which each of them sends their delegates to this place to attend every gadaa assembly,
copy the law from regional assembly to implement in their respective local area.47

Afran Qallo performed the formal ceremony of gadaa system in every eight years at Watar, i’e.,
law making, and transferring governmental power peacefully. The different gadaa officials were
elected based on their skills to provide administration qualities depending on the well-established
ground in gadaa institution. The chief of all officials was Abbaa Bokku or Abba gadaa, and
commonly known as Abba Fugugi among Afran Qallo. Power division kind of participating
individuals in administration organ based on their ability the main features of gadaa system. The
other branches such as military department were lead by Abba Duula, while the legal system was
ran by Abba Seera to fairly judge and provide justices. Gadaa officials were elected

46
Bichaka Fayissa, “Aspects of Oromo Cultural Endowments and their Implications for Economic Development”,
the Journal of Oromo Studies, Volume III Number ½, Winter/Summer, 1996, Pp. 38-40.
47
Mohammed Hassen, “A Short History of Oromo Colonial Experience 1870's - 1990's, Part One 1870's to 1935”
The journal of Oromo studies, vol. 6, No. 1 & 2, Oromo Studies Association, July 1999, p. 125 and “The Egyptian
Occupation of Harer and Its Impact on the Oromo in Harerge”, The Journal of Oromo Studies, Vol. 15, Number
2,Oromo Studies Association, 2008, p.39

26
democratically every eight years from the representatives of lineage, which was regulated by an
oral constitution of heera gosa. In addition, there was the ‘Saylan Hayyu’, a group of nine
magistrates and Shanan Lammi’, the representatives of the fifth elder council involving to
facilitate the administration in harmony. 48

The ceremony of power transfer among Afran Qallo was marked by the planting of a tree called
dhaallaa, which is said to have flourished for only eight years and transferring bokkuu (wooden
scepter), the process of changing government completed. Then, the caffee assembly sits down for
laws making for the next eight years. Two fundamental issues were considered when law-making
procedures were taking place i.e. aadaa (culture) and heera, or the constitution and seeraa or the
law. After law-making process completed abbaa bokkuu led the participants of the assembly to
pray on behalf of the nation. Abbaa bokkuu proclaimed the law from a stage mound of stone,
publicize officially, and recite the law orally each articles and the caffee refrain after him, which
symbolized signature of unanimity. 49

The principal aim of law was to maintain stability, restore peace and order, settling dispute
facilitated by legal experts called hayyu i.e. a group of people who are members of public and
chosen to make decision a legal case based on unwritten constitution. Wooden scepter bokkuu
show the supremacy of law and unity of Oromo interconnection, the authority, head of caffee and
‘unwritten constitution’ of Oromo law. At necessary time Heeraa gosa (customary law), could be
amended by serious and series discussion of hayyuu which was known as mambulti. The
amendment of heeraa on basis of justice and truth improve the existing constitution and
conclude it by ‘kakuu fi Irbuu’ (swore and oath). 50

The common indigenous political institution of Afran Qallo people in gadaa system was the
Raba Dori. The political and military organization, Raba Dori was “the combination of two
institutions of Raba and Dori”. Raba was the council of elected elders in every eight years based
on the comprehending knowledge of Hera gosa. The elected Raba from each gosa become the

48
R. J. Hayward and Mohammed Hassan,“The Oromo Orthography of Shaykh Bakri Saṗalō” Bulletin of the School
of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. 44,No. 3 (1981), pp. 550-566, (London: Cambridge
University, 1981), p. 550. Sidney R. Waldron, “The Political Economy of Harari-Oromo Relationships, 1559-1874”,
Northeast African Studies, Vol. 6, No. 1/2 (1984), pp.23-39, (Michigan: Michigan State University, 1984), p. 27
49
ibid,
50
ibid, pp. 35-36, 43;

27
member of council of elders. The council meets at its center of Watar every eight years discussed
about Hera gosa, and in turn elected Abba Fugugi, Abba Dula and abba seeraa. Hera gosa dealt
with declaring war and making peace, the election of a new Raba head Abba Fugugi, Abba Dula
and Bokkuu (wooden scepter) embraces the responsibility of each individual and social
interaction. Dori was the combined army of Afran Qallo from each gosa in the center of Gara
Mulata beside this each gosa had its own army, which fought for the common interest.51

Heera gosa handled dispute and conflict to stabilize the daily interaction of societies. The head of
gosa made successive bargain to form smooth relationships with its members and create
harmonious relation among the various gosas. In such circumstances, the head of gosa had
accountability in the creation of harmonious atmosphere within external and internal interaction
of gosas. Thus, abba gadaa instructed his people to settle the disagreement and resolve dispute
on the bases of customary law or heera gosa. Every disobedience and offense as well as murder
case is handling in parallel to impose penalty on oppressor as compensation for the victim. The
traditional leadership criteria of gadaa official’s were gradually slot in the property qualification,
which led individuals to engage in the accumulation of wealth in terms of land and cattle. The
wealthiest and influential persons replaced the traditional gadaa officials among Afran Qallo. As
a result, land owning individuals like Orfo Jilo was elected democratically as abbaa Figugi along
with other officials like Chama Nur as abbaa seeraa and Balla Buba as abbaa duulaa in
1872.These are the last democratically elected gadaa officials of the Afran Qallo. Indeed, these
individuals were wealthy in terms of cattle and land. They serve the gadaa office until it
collapsed by Egyptian invasions of 1875. Subsequently, after gadaa system exhausted, a new
system of administration across a very great large area introduced, these administrators were
damina (head of clan) and garada (head of Village). 52

Before advent Egyptian, the Harari Amirs attempted to extending administration systems of
Damina (head of clan) and Garada (head of Village) through a somewhat rewarded such as land
grant which, incorporated to Amir’s administration for the sake of collecting tribute in different
forms. The political institutions of Afran Qallo that was Raba and Dori collapsed by the Egyptian

51
Mohammed Hassen, “The Relation Between Harar and the Surrounding Oromo Between 1800-1887”, (Haile I
University,1973), pp. 23-25
52
Sidney R. Waldron, “The Political Economy of Harari-Oromo Relationships, 1559-1874”, Northeast African
Studies, Vol. 6, No. 1/2 (1984), pp.23-39, (Michigan: Michigan State University Press, 1984), pp.33- 34.

28
occupation (1875-1885). The Egyptians under Mohammed Rauf Pasha defeated the Nole
warriors at a place called Eguu, they entered the city of Harar. Moreover, Mohammed Rauf
Pasha executed Emir Muhammed a man of Oromo descendent. Egyptian triggered their conquest
of the Oromo after defeating them at Dire Gofile, Mount Qundudo and Cirrachaa then colonized
the Afran Qallo. Gadaa officials like Balla Buba and Chama Nur lost their life in fighting against
Egyptian while Orfo Jilo detained. Egyptian military conquest in 1875 became the major factor
for extreme weariness of gadaa system by demolishing the Raba Dori officer and replaced them
by their appointees from hereditary landowner class for collecting tithe from agricultural
product. The center of gadaa practices farther reduced to local or extremely small and narrow
environmental coverage from Watar to the level of Ona gosa. As a result, Odaa Heeraa in Garaa
Mul’ata, Odaa Huuboo in Erer Qallaa, Qilxuu gad Yaatii in Fadis, and the three Daga’s at
Awwallee.53

Following Egyptian evacuation, the conquest Minilek II replaced and ended the two-year
autonomy of Afran Qallo and outright their authority from 1885-1887. Menelik embarked on
Arsi military attack to reward himself with a huge booty of cattle, slave and other properties
through territorial expansion. Menelik destroyed the military resistance of Arsi at Azule in 1886.
The defeat of Arsi paved the way for him at nearer conquest of Hararghe. Menelik’s army led by
Dajazmach Walda Gabrel equipped with modern weapons led to Haraghe and faced the Ituu
Oromo. Walda Gabrel came to defeat the Ituu by his superior fire army in the middle of 1885.
Afterwards, Walda Gabrele established his commanding center at Galmso the first permanent
military installation and imperial administration in Hararghe. Menelik hastened Walda Gabrel for
the conquest of Afran Qallo in the pretext of avenging Amir Abdullahi’s attack on the Italians.
The alleged reason of Menelik to assault Afran Qallo happened when Amir Abdullahi took
violent harassment on the members of an Italian expedition at Jildessa in 1886. To realize his
conquest of aspiration, Menelik promised through his delegated ambassador to Rome to punish

53
Badir Kabir, The Afran Qallo Oromo, Addis Ababa University, 1995, p. 22; Mohammed Hassen, “The Egyptian
Occupation of Harer and Its Impact on the Oromo in Harerge”, the journal of Oromo studies, Volume 15, Number 2,
(Publication of the Oromo Studies Association, 2008), pp. 48-51.

29
Amir Abdullahi, took vengeance on behalf of Italian blood, and inspired by his over ambitious
expansionist policies to overtake Harar. 54

Before military action, Asma Giorgis and his companion the famous academically enlighten
scholar Mikael entered the city of Harar in 1885 in disguise as visitor to get information about
Harari Amir. With the participation of catholic missionary in the city Father Taurin’s they
collected essential information regarding the weakness and strength of Muslim army and
Abdullahi’s government. When military assault started, Amir Abdullahi revived the jihadist
spirit within the city called the surrounding Oromo to join in which they responded immediately.
The combined force of Adare, Somali and Oromo who faced Menelik, lacked organization,
proper training, discipline and limited logistics, while Menelik’s army was well trained and
equipped with modern weapons. 55

On the other hand, the courageous Afran Qallo armies who had relatively better organization and
discipline that was based at Gara Mul’ata under Orfo Jilo was not combined to Amir Abdullahi’s
force in the confrontation with Menelik, who later fought the expanding Shawan forces. Menelik
personally led his army and joined the battle of Calanqo on January 7, 1887. The army of Amir
Abduulahi was out numbered and defeated in subsequent establishments of the imperial
administration of Hararghe followed. 56

2.5. Internal and External interaction of Afran Qallo

The first contact of Harari and the Oromo was far-reaching that probably in the second half of
sixteen century during the reign of Amir Nur Ibn Mujahid. In 1559, military encounter instigated
between gadaa force and Amir Nur in which the Oromo took foray in the front that the Oromo
horsemen made great damage especially during harvest period frequently, and “reduce the
political and trading domain of Adali” within the city. Amir Nur built the wall of Harar to protect
the city from the possible destruction by the attack of Oromo. In 1577, once again the Oromo

54
Sidney R. Waldron, “The Political Economy of Harari-Oromo Relationships, 1559-1874”, Northeast African
Studies, Vol. 6, No. 1/2 (1984), pp.23-39, (Michigan: Michigan State University Press, 1984), p. 27; Mohammed
Hassen, “The Invention of Ethiopia: Reinterpreting Menelik’s Conquest of Harerge and Its Impact on the Oromo
1887-1900”, the journal of Oromo studies, Vol. 18, Number 1 July 2011, (Publication of the Oromo Studies, 2011),
pp. 118-122,
55
ibid, p. 123
56
ibid, pp. 124-125

30
demolish number of villages and overwhelm the city, and then the Emirate of Adal moved their
basis from Harar to Ausa on the lower Awash, partly due to the pressure of Oromo.57

The first peaceful relation that changed the conflict scenario to economic interaction traced in
1569, when the Oromo have allowed buying clothes at fixed prices from Harar market. This
farther strengthened when Uthman al Habasha allowed the Oromo market privileges after mutual
negotiation. The article of their agreement “induce them (Oromo) to attend the market in
Hararian territory” and it contain that dispute abstain, in the surrounding Harar market. In such
away Harari and Oromo made alliance to stop mass attack, and open outlying areas for supplying
garden farms to the city that shaped the political economy of the region. The Afran Qallo was
able to purchase imported commodities in the exchange of ivory, ghee, butter, milk, coffee, and
tobacco in return for salt and cloth.58

The sultans of Harar Amir Ahmad ibn Abu Bakar (1755-82) and his grand nephew Amir Ahman
ibn Muhammad (1794-1821) made expeditions against the Oromo which were successful that
did enable the trade route safe. However, the Oromo continued to disturb the route. Abd al-
Shakur ibn Yusuf tried to neutralize the Jarso and Nole sub clans in taking gift bales of sheeting
to them for safe transit for caravan merchant. Once again, in 1850s the Oromo raids all Hararian
from the surrounding to concentrate with the city. They mobilized few number of the Dori force
to undertake this engagement. However, the city survived ‘depends up on its tolerance by the
Oromo as a suitable market, rather than up on its own military strength’. 59

The Harari emirs haves intermarriage with the politically influential Oromo notables. Marriage
integration between the Amirs’s of Harar with the Afran Qallo, Anniya who belong to
Humbanna, had created the way into the political succession of the emirate and spread of Islam
among the Afran Qallo. Muhammad ibn Ali the grandson of rich Anniya Oromo, and smarried in
to the family of Galmo Boru, a prominent elder of the Abado clan of Ala. Marriage was one of

57
R. A. Caulk, “Harar Town and Its Neighbors in the Nineteenth Century”, The Journal of African History, Vol. 18,
No. 3 (1977), pp. 369-386,(London: Cambridge University Press, 1977), pp.371; Sidney R. Waldron, “The Political
Economy of Harari-Oromo Relationships, 1559-1874”, Northeast African Studies, Vol. 6, No. 1/2 (1984), pp.23-39,
(Michigan: Michigan State University Press, 1984), pp. 23-24.
58
ibid;Mohammed Hassen, “The Relation between Harar and the Surrounding Oromo Between 1800-1887” (Haile
I University, 1973), p, 1
59
ibid, 372 & 25

31
the thrid instruments for the spread of Islam, among Oromo thus “who married into the family of
the Amir did become Muslim”. 60

The Oromo of Eastern Hararghe were integrated with the families of the Amir through marriage
and trade contact that facilitated the spread of Islam. Amir Muhammad who married Oromo
women made a real effort to spread Islam among the Afran Qallo confederacy. He sent
missionaries to the three major areas of Oromo territories; these were Mojo the land of Nunu,
Adare Qadima, the land of the Metta clan in the Ramis valley, and Goro Kutuluba among the
Nole clan. In these three areas, the missionaries were adapted to Afran Qallo confederacy by the
custom of adoptions in gadaa system and recognized as ilma gosa. In such away, the first
families of missionaries were renowned by building beautiful Mosque in these lands of
Kutuluba, Adare Qadim, and Mojo.61

Additionally, few Amirs provided cash crop cultivation for them in order to attract to the
teaching of Islamic faith. These circumstances created appropriate ground to the penetration of
Islam among Afran Qallo. The mass conversion of the Oromo of Eastern Hararge took place
with the conquest of Turco-Egyptian. Celebrating various Islamic ceremonies at holy day guided
the system of time measuring and seasonal divisions for the Afran Qallo people. As a result, the
Hararghe calendar became failed under the influence of Arabic language that was practically
observable in their counting weekly days, which was strikingly similar and remarkable cultural
indentation. 62

Market interconnection with the Harari Amirs provided access to new forms of wealth for the
clan chief of Afran Qallo people through income from trade and various forms of tributes in
which certainly resulted for the emergent of Oromo elite. Social and economic interconnection
with the Amir’s of Harar, the Oromo came to dominate political administration with in city in

60
Sidney R. Waldron, 32
61
Mohammed Hassen, 1973, p. 17. “Adare Qadima” the first place of Islam missionaries sent by Amir Muhammad,
they built Musque in Ramis valley. The descendants of these missionaries adapted to metta calan in which they were
Oromized.
62
Seifu Metaferia, “The eastern oromo (k'ottus) of ethiopia and their time-reckoning «system »”, Rivista trimestrale
di studi e documentazione dell’, Istituto italiano per l’Africae l’Oriente, Anno 33, No. 4 1978, pp. 475-508, pp.
478-483; Sidney R. Waldron, “The Political Economy of Harari-Oromo Relationships, 1559-1874”, Northeast
African Studies, Vol. 6, No. 1/2 (1984), pp.23-39, (Michigan:Michigan State University Press, 1984), p. 23

32
which Amir Muhammed the man of Oromo origin was appointed.63 Oromo marriage partners
with the Harari people and conversation to Islam established critical and gradual orientation of
the Afran Qallo elite to incline to the new form of administration. The Harari Amirs further
strengthen the administration systems run by Damina and garada through ‘rewarded land grant
which incorporated to Amir’s administration for the sake of collecting tribute in different
forms.64 The Afran Qallo sub clans were interacting with Somali nation who have settled around
Jijiga plain. These are Jarso-Giri, Babile-Giri and Bartari those under cultural influence and
speaking bilingual in Somali accent. Ethnically they mingled with Oromo, practicing agriculture
with the help of Oromo farming methods but keeping Somali social institutions.65

Sedentary agriculture transformed the Afran Qallo in every aspect that affected their general
pattern of life. They adopted agricultural practice from Harari through gradual process, and
cultivated cereal crops such as sorghum, maize, wheat, and barley. As transportation facilities
extended such as rail way building, construction of road, and “inauguration of air transportation
initiated” to shift from subsistence production to cash crop production particularly khat (jimaa).66
Sedentary agriculture creates the vertical interaction with the Amirs of Harar, the Somali and
Argobba. These led the Afran Qallo to develop new type of political, social and cultural practice.

On the other hand, Afran Qallo interconnects with the new settlers of Shewan Christian after the
conquest of Menelik in 1887. Menelik appointed his viceroy in Hararghe Ras Mekonnen who
further extended the hegemony of ‘Solomonic’ rule. Local administration system that was ran by
damina, garad and malaks further displaced and replaced by melkegna. Land expropriated from
the indigenous Oromo and distributed among gult owner. Various types of taxes and tribute
imposed on former landowner while the later were reduced to gebar in which they paid tribute in
kind, cash and both.67

63
R. A. Caulk, “Harär Town and Its Neighbors in the Nineteenth Century”, The Journal of African History, Vol. 18,
No. 3 (1977), pp. 369-386,(London: Cambridge University Press, 1977), pp.372; Sidney R. Waldron, p. 33
64
Sidney R. Waldron, “The Political Economy of Harari-Oromo Relationships, 1559-1874”, pp. 34-35.
65
R. A. Caulk, “Harär Town and Its Neighbors in the Nineteenth Century”, p. 371; Mohammed Hassen, “The
Evolution of Tenancy in Harage (ca.1887-1975)” PhD Dissertation, Addis Ababa University, 2016, pp.71-72.
66
Sidney R. Waldron, p. 36; Ezekiel Gebbissa, “Consumption, Contraband and Co modification: A history of Khat
in Hararghe, Ethiopia, c. 1930-1991”, PhD Dissertation, (Michigan: Michigan State University Press, 1997), p. iii;
67
Addis Hiwet, Ethiopia: From Autocracy to Revolution, Review of African Political Economy,( London:
Merlin,1975), p, 36; R. A. Caulk, 1977, pp.380; Sidney R. Waldron, 1984, p. 32

33
Afran Qallo group interacted horizontally among themselves through various social institutions
that dealt on communal issues. Marriage practices created the appropriate opportunity for
internal social interaction among them. The process of marriage began when the matured men
who have reached the desired stage communicate his father, as he wants to marry after he
identified the girl he loved. His father began to investigate the background of beloved girl, then
the delegate elders. The family of the beloved girl replied walsinii gaafanna or let communicate
with each other in which they took time to investigate the background of the boy’s family if any
detracting situation would be there that hinder the marriage. After they gave their permission
they replied guduunfan hikkatte (tide or the blocked lifted). Then, the date fixed in which the
Afran Qallo called hayama qabama. Wedding ceremony, one of the Afran Qallo social
interaction in which their cultural practices was reflected in terms of dressing, eating, drinking
and folk song. 68

As the day approaches musical performance, shaggooyye that accompanied song and dancing
was hosted in the bride’s home, which was popular among Haraghe Oromo. Some times
Shaggoyye was a performing art that combines singing and dancing in which youths perform in-
group at any time for recreation and entertainments. This cultural song was performed for
entertainment at wedding occasion that was popular in Hararghe, which combined moving their
whole body and a series of musical sound produced by a session of groups. Shaggoyyee was
played between boys and girls by making lines, boys on one side and girls on the opposite side.
They grasp the shoulder of each other by making pairs, and men weaving the shoulder of girls’
right to left alternatively and rhythmically, while the boys accompanied by the sound that made
on thorax. Shaggoyyee the singing and dancing occasion in which girls and boys were got
acquainted, entertained and identified his/her a conscious state of mind or predominant emotion
and promised to marry each other. They exchange message that contain love and refusal,
intoxicate the groom, and praise the bride. Youth select, their distinct would be lover through the
communication of folk song. 69

Shaggoyyee is classified in to two based on the form of performance such as warruu and
urrubsa/ dayidaasa. Warruu is a kind of shaggooyyee in which they played in order of group

68
Informants: Umar Mumme Roba, Usman Mummad, Mumme Roba & Fandishe Mul’ata
69
ibid.

34
arrangement. In this form of shaggooyyee, one or two pair’s girls and boys performed dancing at
one moment while the rest accompanied clamping their hand. After they played, enough they left
the chance for other paired players. Urrubsa or dayidaasa was the other type of shaggooyyee in
which both girls and boys dance by sitting on their knee and boys weeping his moustache to her
jaws. At shaggooyyee performances, both boys and girls wear cultural dressing. Girls dressing
sadetaa and tide their waist by sabbata, while boys put cultural comb on their hair. 70

On the date of marriage, the festival songs change from shaggooyyee to dhiichisa and hellee.
Hellee was played only by girls or women’s wedding song which they sent message for the
bride, groom and for both families. Hellee was performed to accompany the bridal process in a
march of slow tempo and stately character that is composed of goodbye and advice the bride
properly communicates with the family of the groom. Song leader and repertoire sent a piece of
information to the family of the groom that caused feelings of pleasure and enjoyment. They also
evoke them as to greeting and welcoming them the aruuzaticha and aruuzititti, which means the
groom and bride respectively. 71

Social interactions among Afran Qallo developed through others various human practices. Such
as wedding, the gathering of friends to chewing of jimaa among them is barcaa, cooperative
work what they called guuzaa, the communal organization to help each other at incidental by
various ceremonies afoosha and wadajaa. Barcaa was the ceremonies of chewing edulis leaves
of jimaa with friends that took place every day between two to four o’clock. At chewing session,
fresh jimaa leaves were “pound in a wooden mortar and the paste was distributed among the
attendance that rolled the substance for consumption purpose”. Jimaa bears in different place
where society gathered for various social purposes, such as congregation, burial and communal
working failed. The purposes of chewing jimaa are different among Hararghe community,
particularly between rural and urban dweller. Jimaa was an aromatic vegetable for those deeply
devoted to religious purpose and “an intellectual, rationalization that it had special properties of

70
ibid.
71
ibid.

35
enlivening the imagination, clearing the idea, cheering the heart, minimizing sleep, and taking
the place food”.72

On other hand, barcaa is a calm and deliberative conversation session where friends gathered to
discuss anything of mutual concern, which stimulated by chewing of edulis leaves. Barcaa
facilitated close relationship of friends, “a tranquil respite from the status considerations … and a
place where stories are told” and advice forwarded for young generation. In rural areas, chewing
edulis leaves jimaa was often for the sake of energizing them to accomplish tasks. After chewing
jimaa, it prolongs their wakefulness to make a journey or to carry out works such as cultivation,
harvesting and building of house.73

As Addis Hiwet, (1975), stated the farmer provided un fairly offer to the land lord as guarantee
for continued tenure and for not incurring the disfavor of the land lord a customary gift barcaa
cash or kind. This was the strategy of Hararghe farmer respond to land scarcity after it
appropriated by the new Christian settler and neftagna-gebbar system was developed from 1887-
1974. In addition, the growth of sedentary population increase with needs for cropland and
firewood were the factors for the development of such change. This day barcaa the customary
gift was the expected bonus or reward to motivate accomplishing issue properly on time and
softening the heart of concerning body, or local administration to be insured his/her matter was
get concern. Through process barcaa gift, was commonly practicing among Hararghe. Thus,
barcaa was not only chewing of jimaa but also means of communication with various social
class and use for different religious observances and wadajaa. In such occasion blessing and
prays what commonly known as among Hararghe duwaayi accompany the barcaa ceremonies. 74

The Afran Qallo experienced some other practices mixed with Islamic religion that is wadaaja,
which is still exercised. Wadajaa means the ceremony of praying for country, nation and dead
relative as memorial. The Afran Qallo adopts it with Islamic religion from the Harari who
practice at night by beating drum and singing religious songs. Wadajaa could be prepared at a
family level which in directing by the head of the family or at a public level, which was mostly
72
Ezekiel Gebbissa, 1997, pp. 80, 82;
73
Sidney R. Waldron, “Within The Wall and Beyond - Ethnic Identity and Ethnic Persistence In Harar, Ethiopia” A
paper prepared for the Conference on Harari Studies Organized by the Historical Society of Ethiopia (Addis Ababa,
June, 1975), p.3 : Sidney R. Waldron, 1984, p. 32.
74
Addis Hiwet, p, 36

36
directed by the gosa elders or religious father. The procedure of wadajaa ceremony prayer
consisting serious process of petitioning for help and humble entreaty to praying with occurring
in repeated response by the people who are attending a religious service with the set of word.
The ceremony begins by the sacrifice of animal and Buna Qala or Killaa the cultural practices of
Oromo which is cooking the roosted coffee beans with butter. Wadajaa held in public level
during the period of hardship by wonder, mostly during the time drought, plague, and failure of
crop. Public or gosa wadajaa held by migrating of gosa elders and Luba. At this ceremony
honey beer, food and jimaa with hojjaa or tea highly needed for wadajaa to fascinate jimaa
chewing. Praying encompass forgiveness and blessing, plead protection, justice and liberty as
well as thanks giving particularly when enough harvested period. After blessing, the distribution
of jimaa as intended blesses regarding children, cattle or sick person brought cure by that
spiritual charge. It believed as every member of that participate in wadajaa including father and
mother and all member of gosa or the company to be free from any jeopardize. 75

One of the most basic social values for interaction of Oromo is the actual practicing of
cooperative working that is the process in which community supply materials source and
contribute labor. Cooperative working arrangement in which community comes together for
cultivation, harvest, and construction of house for individual. The cooperative working activities
commonly known guuzaa among Hararghe. Most of the time guuzaa accompany by folk songs
such as darashii and shobdoo, which is production folk song that use for energizing the
participant. At communal work of cultivation, the youths began to tilling the field and declaring
the beginning of digging by folk song, which is darashii. They say, ‘hayyee, fayyaata’a dha,
harka lafaan ga’aa dha’, in literary translation, heyyee, be in health put your hand on cultivable
land. Then all the companion of guuza starts to dig the land in-group. After they dig some extent
for few hours, they look for rest and refreshment. If the owner of guuza did not provide the
necessary items used for stimulation and energizing the companion, intoxicate him by the
darashii folk songs. They say:
Afaan Oromo English

75
Informant : Umar Mumme Roba and Mumme Abdo; Badri Kabri, “The Afran Qallo Oromo”, BA Thesis, Addis
Ababa University, 1995, pp. 28-29

37
 Hayyee, hojjan ganamaa hashara moo quxxii dha, Hayyee, the morning hojjaa is hashara or quxxi
Fayyaa ta’aa dhabuun wallala moo tuffii dha is it ignorance or disrespect that you failed to say
fayadayii
The intentional message of the above folk song is the lack worth regard or treatment from abba
guuzaa or the owner of communal work that was forwarded to make him ashamed. Hojjaa is
prepared from two things in Hararghe. That is boiling of the dry leaf of coffee, which is quxxii,
and the exterior covering of coffee seeds or bark, which is hashara, which is preferable from
quxxii for refreshing, stimulation and energizing. The hojjaa produce in both cases is mixing
with milk and provide for the companion of guuza. Abba guuza, provided hojjaa and jimaa as
well as lunch for the companion. After they use it, they continued their digging the land in
enforcing their moral by folk song in inspiring with courage sprit to hasten work. The folk song
as follow;
Dongoraan lafa lixee zanyaan maal odeessa ‘dongoraa’ penetrate the land what is talking ‘zanyaa’
Waan jaban godhu laafan galee odeessa action of strong talk by weak at home
Dongoraa is wooden handled iron tool that putting rounded pierce stone zanyaa at forepart. The
central message of the above folk song suggests rising the companion of guuza persuading in
strength and hearten the laborious to inspiring their effort of inactive. 76 Another form of social
interaction among Afran Qallo was the communal organization afooshaa, which is set up by
individual’s contribution of little money. Afooshaa is primarily concerned with wedding and
funeral made up by the surrounding neighbors. It created social solidarity and
interconnectedness, helping each other at this moment of happiness and sorrow through the
function of afooshaa. At such social events the members were gathered together to provide their
assistance and share burden. They were also chatting about the current affair, and then they are
able to get latest information and update their awareness

76
Informants; Umar Mumme Roba, Usman Mummad, & Mumme

38
 CHAPTER THREE
THE FOUNDATION OF AFRAN QALLO MUSIC BANDS (1961-1992)
3.1. Foundation of Afran Qallo Association

The interaction of urban dwellers and newly migrant Oromo to towns in search of opportunities
such as education, better standard of living and seeking for employment lead to the emergence of
Oromo elite. Urban an appropriate place in which the phenomenon of cultural, economical and
political difficulty of the Oromo nation was a very pronounced. An Oromo elite bargain at
various levels particularly by urban dwellers and workers in government office shaped the
appearance of Oromo nationalism. Therefore, the emergence of Oromo elite is the result of
urbanization that laid the initial foundation for the Oromo national movement. Consequently, the
developments of Oromo self-help associations were observed in urban areas. This kind of
association was the Macha-Tulama Self Help Association (1963) in Finfinne (Addis
Ababa).Then Jammata Afran Qallo or Afran Qallo Association, which was established in Dire
Dawa (1950s), paved the way for the growth of Oromo nationalism. The membership of Afran
Qallo associations included those who took part in the line of government duties, urban dwellers,
traders and peasants.77 It farther supported other organized cultural groups like Afran Qallo
music band as a means to disseminating their objectives that thoroughly overcome the pressure
of central government particularly cultural influence through musical performance.

Merchants, workers of cotton factory and railway line and notable persons, established Jammata
Afran Qallo or Afran Qallo Self Help Association in Dire Dawa during the reign of Emperor
Haile Sillase for the purpose of civil function such as saving and burial. This organization
included all the eastern Oromo branches such as, Ituu, Humbanna and Afran Qallo. Both
internal and external factors contributed to launch this association. The internal conditions that
shaped this association were the naftagna-gabbar system and the imperial language policy that
declared to suppress Afaan Oromo. Amharic was declared as official national language and the
medium of instruction in elementary schools throughout the empire in 1943. It was more

77
Mekuria Bulcha, “The Survival and Reconstruction of Oromo National Identity”, Being and Becoming Oromo,
(United State: Red Sea Press, 1996), p. 49, “The Language polices Of Ethiopian Regimes and the History of written
Afaan Oromoo: 1844-1994”, The Journal of Oromo studies, Vol.1, No.2. 1994, p. 99 & “The Politics of Linguistic
Homogenization in Ethiopia and the Conflict over the Status of "Afaan Oromoo", African Affairs, Vol. 96, No. 384
(Jul., 1997), pp. 325-352, p.326. Herbert S. Lewis, “The development of Oromo Political Consciousness from 1958
to 1994”, Being and Becoming Oromo, (United State: Red Sea Press, Inc, 1996), p. 39

39
effective by “Imperial Decree of 1944, in which all other indigenous languages were
proscribed”. Thus, as Baxter suggested ‘every Oromo child enforced to start primary school
studies in Amharigna’. This resulted high degree of school dropouts that related to the problem
of understanding Amharic language and communication, as a result “more Oromo school boys
became undergraduates”. The outcomes of school location, attitudes within school compound
and imperial policies of language excluded Oromo children from education. These were
disastrously, affected the growth of Afaan Oromo and birth Oromo literature.78

Externally the national independence movements in Africa, Palestine, and Gulf of Aden
triggered the national consciousness of the Oromo inhabited in Dire Dawa town. Dire Dawa was
a major industrial belt of the imperial regime and the residence of various foreign communities
such as Arabs, Armenia, and India while, Somali, Oromo and Amhara were the dominant
dwellers of Ethiopian nationals. As a result, different newspapers came to circulate in the town,
which was transcribed in Arabic language that describes the Palestinian and Gulf of Aden
resistance against British. Oromo communities in Dire Dawa were inspired by these newspapers,
which were imported in the town that described the fighting of Middle East and African
countries for their sovereignty. Afran Qallo community who have a good command of Arabic
language became very much influenced by these newspapers and became conscious and
questioning themselves about their own identity. The role of these newspapers was instigating
the Afran Qallo to form grouping for civil purpose.

Gradually it was shifted to cultural and identity revival and resistance against assimilation
polices of successive Ethiopian regimes. These by forming cultural movements that leads to
political struggle for their freedom through the development of interconnection. The concerned
groups for the importance of Afaan Oromo and culture movement grouped in urban area. Afran
Qallo cultural organization one of this group that commenced in Dire Dawa by youngsters in the
form of literary and musical troupe. On the other hand, broadcasting of different music in Monte

78
Informants, Isamil M. Adam, Mahmud Sheik Muhammed Boke, Ibrahim Hdji Ali,Yassin Kabira, & Elemo
Waday; Yohannis Petros, “Oromia A Documentary History (1936-1992)”, Research Institution Oromia, Vol.1-
1936-1993, (London: PP2/ CRe-Prina; ), pp.2-4, Paul Baxter’s, “Ethiopia: unacknowledged Problem, The Oromo”
In African Affairs, Vol.77, N0.308. 1978, pp. 288, 290, Mekuria Bulcha’s article, “The Language polices Of
Ethiopian Regimes and the history of written Afaan Oromoo: 1844-1994”, the journal of Oromo studies, Vol.1,
No.2, 1994, pp. 99 & “The Politics of Linguistic Homogenization in Ethiopia and the Conflict over the Status of
"Afaan Oromoo", African Affairs, Vol. 96, No. 384 (Jul., 1997), p. 335.

40
Carlo, BBC, and VOA radios in Arabic language in which Dire Dawa communities attend
thoroughly was also another factor. These radio programs transmit Indian and Sudanese songs,
which the Oromo youths attend and imitate these songs. Moreover, Muhammed Yousuf Tuche
was transmitting the Afran Qallo cultural song shaggoyyee from Djibouti radio.79 These were the
first inspirations that attracted the intension of Afran Qallo youth to ward musical activities.

In the Oromo cultural movement, the 1960s was the landmark for progressive cultural
development in east Oromia. Cultural movements persistently established one after the other in
Dire Dawa, which created new chapter in Oromo cultural history. The significant achievement of
these periods was the contribution of Sheik Abubaker Usman Oda (Sheikh Bakri Saphalo), in
which he contributed immensely for the development of Oromo literature. Sheikh Bakri first
began to teach at Sapalo hamlet in his home village, later he taught in “Hortu near the city of
Dire Dawa, and Addelle”. At Addelle, he built a school that later became a Mosque. His teaching
focused mainly on the more highly educated Islamic clerics, whom he tutored in private classes.
He was renowned as an outstanding Oromo poet, and secured through the wide spread
appreciation of his religious poetry, which also inspired Oromo identity. According to my
informants, one of the major factors that created the interest towards music among youths was
the poems of Sheik Bakri Saphalo. Sheikh Bakris’ poem widely inspired the Afran Qallo
youngsters that attracted them to musical engagement. Sheikh Bakri Sapalo has undoubtedly
tried to trace his ingenuity in inventing an indigenous Oromo alphabet. He seems to have
extrapolated the problems inherent in attempting to write the Oromo language by means of
Orthographic systems and techniques, which had devised primarily for other languages. 80

Dire Dawa emerged as the center of generating musical bands and musicians, which was serving
for the contrivance of Oromo nationalism, unity and revival of Oromo cultural demonstration
after Afran Qallo association was organized. The Adare, Somali and Amhara have their own
musical band and freely perform musical activities in which they were able to attract the dwellers
and get fame, while there were no any cultural activity and group in the name of Oromo that

79
Informats: Shantam Shubbisa, Ismail M. Adam, Sheik Muhammed Boke, and Ibrahim Hdji Ali; Mekuria Bulcha,
“The Language Policies of Ethiopian Regimes and the History of written Afaan Oromoo: 1844 -1994”Journal of
Oromo Study, Vol. 1, No.2, winter 1994, ISSN 107-2202, PP. 98-99
80
R. T. Hayward and Mohammed Hassen, “The Oromo Orthography of Shaykh Bakri Saalo” Bulletin of the School
of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol.44, No, 309881, pp. 550-566, (London: Cambridge
University Press, 1981), pp 552-553

41
Figure 1. The founder and members of Afran Qallo Association. Left to right; AhamEd Tayib, Abdurahman
Lazima, Hadji mussa, Abdusalam Hadji Mussa, Abdulaziz Qarobe Limay, Ismail Galmo, Ibro Ammad, Ahmad
Hadji Mumme, Ali Gorbe, & Abdulaziz Ismail. Source: Image taken from the book Urji Bakkalcha, p. 21

work to maintain Oromo identity, although Oromo youth incline to attend such musical
activities. Thus, the Oromo become disadvantageous due to the prohibition of Afaan Oromo by
the imperial language policy that reinforced an official order given by Emperor Haile Sillassie. 81

81
The publications of Makuria, “The Language polices Of Ethiopian Regimes and the history of written Afaan
Oromoo: 1844-1994”, the journal of Oromo studies, Vol.1, No.2, 1994, pp. 99 & “The Politics of Linguistic
Homogenization in Ethiopia and the Conflict over the Status of "Afaan Oromoo", African Affairs, Vol. 96, No. 384
(Jul., 1997), pp. 325-352, p.326

42
3.2. Faundation of Afran Qallo Music Bands

One of the earliest Oromo cultural troupes Urji Bakkalcha, which later became Afran Qallo was
established in Dire Dawa in 1961. The immediate factor for the establishment of Afran Qallo
was the refusal of Harari music band on marriage ceremony of certain Oromo couple to play in
Afaan Oromo. The Adare music band was invited at Abdi Ammad wedding ceremony to
accompany the ceremony. At this wedding, Abdullahi Guracho asked the Harari musical group
to play and sing in Afaan Oromo, while the members refused to respond. Another individual
called Hassen Umar Tarre repeated the same question for musical band to perform Afaan Oromo
song, but the group replied that, their instrument did not know Afaan Oromo. This clearly sends
a message that dishonored Afaan Oromo and their disrespect for the people. Hassen Umar
became disappointed, and made the decisive speech to change the situation. Other elder
Abdusealem H. Mussa and Abdulqadir Ammad Boru farther reinforced the idea of Hassen and
determine to form cultural group. The Afran Qallo Association began to look any available
opportunity to establish musical bands. 82

In fact, the Harari music band was much more advanced in terms of organization, poetry, and
they were among the first to use modern instruments such as accordion, guitar, harmonica etc, in
Dire Dawa. They considered themselves as modernized as compared to the Oromo. Ismail M.
Adam who attends the provocative speech of Hassen Umar, on the next day he shared the
decision of elders to his friends such as Ali Shabbo, Suleyman Yusuf and Abdulhad Sheik
Ahamed. This creates complicated feeling among them that resulted disappointment, regret and
determination to establish a musical band of their own. These circumstances created deep
upsetting among the Afran Qallo youngsters who were highly affected in terms of their
emotional fleeing and thought. Some of them were annoyed by the disrespect while others
became furious and the rest developed bravery to change the situation. All these conditions led to
the birth of Afran Qallo cultural band, which generated smile and hope farther when it became
realized. Prior to Urji Bakkalcha the Oromo youngsters in Dire Dawa came together to form just

82
Informants: Ismail Mummad Adam, Sheik Muhammad Boke, Shentam Shubbisa, Ibrahim Hdji Ali; Tesfaye
Tolessa Bessa, “AHistory of Oromo Cultural Troupes (1962-1992)”, Science, Technology and Arts Research
Journal, Jan-Mar 2013,2(1): 86-94, Wollega University, Department of History and Heritage Management,
Ethiopia:Nekemte, p. 88;Ismail M. Adam, Qaanqee Ka’iinsaa: Jalqaba Seenaa Sossooha aaddaa ummata Oromoo,
(Berlin: dbusiness De Gmbh, 2014), p.37

43
a kind of group, and they were imitating the Sudanese song in-group as well as at individual
level.

In 1961, two persons introduced each other at work place, a business activity of “Sharika Jima
export”. At this place, Ali Shabbo was singing while Isamil Mummad Adam was listening and
expressed his appreciation for Ali Shabbo’s voice and tone. He adds you have good voice that
right to be heard, yes there was a sound; nevertheless, the problem was poem, stanza and
composer. The next day Ismail Muhammad was introduced with Abubaker Mussa Waday and he
explained the situation and the curiosity to establish a musical band. Abubaker addressed the
problem by pressing circumstance in which he confirmed through writing poems. In due process,
the idea of establishing a musical band was getting shape. An Oromo elder Ibrahim Abdullahi
heard their activities, invited Ismail Mammud Adam at his home and advised him that elders will
provide all financial, material and moral support in their effort to establish the music band and
introduce them with the elders of Afran Qallo association. 83

In due course, Ismail began to organize and recruit the youngsters from among his friends while
Abubaker Mussa was engaged in writing poems. In August 1961, the youngsters called for
meeting for the first time in which around twenty-four members’ participated. The initial
meeting held in the compound of Ibrahim Musso who offers his home freely where any person
can join the discussion with the cultural group. After addressing the welcoming speech, Ismail
Mummad Adam made the introduction speech and explained the agenda. Their main agenda was
the establishment of cultural band, the name of the band, the guideline or rule and election of
board. The assembly made detail discussion and passed decision on the establishment of cultural
band and election of board. Ismail Mummad Adam elected to lead the Afran Qallo cultural
troupe.84

Abubaker Mussa made explanation regarding the name of cultural group Urji Bakkalcha and
clarified the term “qottuu”. It was commented that the term was farming, but loaded with
pejorative meanings that given by neftagne that Oromo of Hararge did not like it. He was also
explained eastern Hararghe people were Afran Qallo clan the son of Barentu. Thus, the meeting

83
Ismail M. Adam, Qaanqee Ka’iinsaa: Jalqaba Seenaa Sossooha aaddaa ummata Oromoo, (Berlin: dbusiness De
Gmbh, 2014), p. 19
84
Informants: Ismail Mummad Adam, &Sheik Muhammad Boke; Ibid, p. 114

44
decided to renounce the term ‘qottuu’, while admit Afran Qallo to cultural group which remained
popular in the hearts and minds of the Oromo of Hararghe to these days. In the next meeting
conducted on 5 August 1961 the distinctive designations, Joollee Afran Qallo, Jamaata Urji
Bakkalcha (JAQJUB) or the Afran Qallo sons, Association of Urji Bakkalcha (Morning star)
presented for discussion and approval. Urji Bakkalcha (morning star) had given primacy to serve
as the nomenclature, which is a self-luminous group and achieved dazzling success. They
85
produced poems and stanza, organized as rhythmic succession by them and performed music.

Following, the establishments of the musical band, members were divided into different sections
based on their ability. These were poem writers, led by Abubaker Mussa, Singers (vocalists)
under the leadership of Ali Shabbo, who was the legend of Oromo musicians, a section for
theatre and drama was organized under the supervision of Abdurahman Yusuf Umar who played
drama in mimicking women. Mahmmud Sheik Muhammad Umar Boke was the facilitator and
the overall coordinators of committee under Ismail M Adam. Culture, history and the future of
nation were their main concerns of Urji Bakkalcha music band. 86 The nucleus and pillars of this
musical band were Ismail Mummad Adam, Abubaker Mussa, Ali Shabbo, and Mohammud
Sheikh Muhammad Umar Boke. These individuals contributed administrative role to running
smoothly the musical group to create music and disseminate to inform many people.

Urji Bakkalcha music band was formed in August 1961 and officially started musical
performance in 1962. After the idea of cultural band maintained, Ismail Mummad worked as
coordinator to bring together poetry and singers; such as Abubaker Mussa who was talented in
poem writing and Ali Shabbo the pioneer and gifted singer. Some members particularly leaders
of Afran Qallo music band have a well command of Arabic language. It was used before Afaan
Oromo adapted qubee to write though religious leader who coached the young on how to use
Arabic letter in transcribe Oromo poem. This implies using Arabic letter to write Oromo verse
was commonly applied. Ismail dictated Sudanese song, while Abubeker translated to Afaan
Oromo. The first translated Arabic song to Afaan Oromo was:
Oromo English
Onnee too madooftuu, naaf hin sossobamtuu the hurt of my heart does not appease for me

85
Ibid, pp. 27-28
86
ibid, pp. 63, 108

45
 Goyita kee eeggadhuu, hireen katabamtuu
Ulaalen sami hundishi banamtuu
Kadhaan ergarama hundi qeebalamtuu
Dardarumman keenyas otoo azeebamtuu
wait you Lord, your fate is already decided
until all the door of haven were open
prayers of the oppressed acceptable
87
our youths’ are recognizing

The founders of Urjii Bakkalcha musical and literary band selected the above epigram
intentionally to reflect their feeling and demonstrate their future action, which determined their
destination. The first line of the poem expresses the pain, distress and deep grief, which affected
their inner emotion caused by the absence of Oromo cultural institution. The second and third
lines reflect the availability of appropriate opportunities and hope to realize musical and cultural
band. They assured the relevance of cultural organization because of their strong desire to
ascertain and satisfy the thirst of their people. A very great need for the establishment of cultural
band would be accomplished in due nourishment of their adolescence. In most cases, it explicitly
stated the disappointments of Afran Qallo youth, desires and sensational desire to actualize the
cultural group.

The prominent members of Urji Bakkalcha were Abubeker Mussa, Ismail Mohammed, Adam
Mussa, Suleyman Yusuf, Mohammed Yusuf, Salih Mohammud, Ali Ahmed Ali or Ali Tuche,
Abdalla Mohammed, Abdurahman Yusuf, Ibrahim Mohammed, Abubeker Mohammed, Ali
Shabbo, Abdulhamid Ahmed Boru, Mahmmud Muhammed Boke and Abdullahi Alisho. Ismail
Mummad Adam was director of the board and Mahmmud Mummad Boke was facilitator. In
1962, there was the wedding ceremony of Abdirahman Adam at which Urji Bakkalcha presented
their first musical show. On this wedding ceremony Ibrahim Abdulle was facilitate for Urji
Bakkalcha who introduced the objective of the group and communicated with elders. The
cultural group was performing various songs on the stage that create a high regard for their
incredible performance by elders who expressed their appreciation to the group by claiming the
group has performed beyond their expectation. Ibrahim Abdullahi and Hassen Umar Tarree
forwarded their idea of providing support without precondition. Both Hassen Umare Tarre and
Abdurahiman Ahmad Dido promised to fulfill the necessary materials. 88

87
Informants, Ismail Mummad Adam, Mammud Sheak Mohammed Boke & Shentam Shubbisa
88
Informant: Ismail Mummad Adam; Ismail M. Adam, 2014, p.37 Tesfaye Tolessa Bessa, “AHistory of Oromo
Cultural Troupes (1962-1992)”, Science, Technology and Arts Research Journal, Jan-Mar 2013,2(1): 86-94, p. 88.

46
Following the establishment of musical band debates underwent which were divided into two
categories between elders. The first issue of debate was this kind of movement may digress from
its goal and might lead to conflict with the government and the second group has the ideas that
supporting such secular movement may isolate the generation from religion and detach them
from spiritual life gradually. On these debates, Yusuf Abdullahi Gurracha made the decisive
speech that changed the perception of debaters. In his speech, he emphasized that questioning
and having doubts on all things is not acceptable and has no reasonable solution. Moreover,
dependence on our own culture and identity does not isolate our youth from religion, thus we
have to support them and convinced the elders. The second issue of debate was the activity of
this young generation might lead to clash with the government and cause some unexpected
conflict. Elders agreed on fearing without cause and fault was unnecessary, so our sons should
undertake activities that can promote our culture.89

After a long debate, supporting the Afran Qallo music band got recognition and the various the
committee were organized. To direct all musical activities and to give protection for the bands
members of committees locally called koree were elected from among the elders for effective
musical implementation. Through these endeavor the establishment of cultural troupe realized
that attained the modern level of musical band. Accordingly, Yusuf Abdullahi was chairperson;
Idris Abdulle was made secretary, and Ismail Galmo casher. Three responsibilities imposed on
this committee: they facilitate fund raising like through collecting money from contributors,
maintaining harmonious relations between the members and buy musical instruments. To
facilitate and accomplish their duty on time and quality, Abdi Umar Ahmed and Mishel Rufael
were appointed as supporters of the standing committee. The permanent supporter of Urji
Bakkalcha was the wealthiest group of Jammata Afran Qallo (Afran Qallo Association) which
was led by elders such as, Abduselam Hadji Mussa, Mohammed Ibrahim Wadayi, Hadji Mussa,
Ismail Galmo, Hassen Umar, Idiris Abdulle, Mishel Jerra, Abdurahiman Adam (Biko), Yusuf
Guracha, and Ibrahim Abdulle.90

For smooth running of the musical band, rules and regulations, containing eleven (11) articles
were adopted. Article one deal about lateness and absenteeism from meeting it was completely

89
Ismail M. Adam, 2014, pp.35-37
90
ibid

47
forbidden and article two describe about disciplinary measures apply on members for
absenteeism from meeting. For example if members are, absent twice without tangible evidence
he/she was advised. Disciplinary measures would be taken for the third absentees, i.e. suspend
for three mounth from seat, which means not to participate in assembly and the highest measure
totally excluded from association. Article three describes about monthly contribution by
members, and article four imposed the responsibility of any member in giving respect for elders.
Articles five, six, seven and ten dictate individual’s habit in which they were required to abstain
themselves sexual intercourse before marriage, refrain themselves from lies, keeping personal
sanitation and avoid doing evil practices and action. Article eight, confirmed the value of Oromo
society i.e. respecting and supporting each other in every social affairs. Every member of the
group should have to provide support for rural people during market days; facilitate the system
of exchange in buying and selling goods and keeping them from thief. Finally, article eleven
describe the criteria of membership, i.e. respecting self-own culture and proud of being Oromo.91

It was a cultural movement with the aim of practicing, rehearsing, and popularizing customary
songs. Later on, the cultural movement further grew into modern orchestra after they acquired
modern musical instruments. At the beginning, this cultural troupe in east Oromia began musical
play with indigenous musical instruments like that of ‘Shirkaa or dufi’. This instrument was
made from cylinder like metal framed by skin in both bottom and top edges. The skin is tide by a
tin wire at the edge of the cylinder like metal, the player beat to ordering singer in they are
following the rhythm. 92

Later a Catholic French man, Michel Rufael bought musical instruments such as harmonica, sac-
siphon, accordion, trumpet, jazz and guitar. In addition, he facilitated to appoint a Catholic
individual Marcos Abdullahi to train eight members to play different musical instruments.
Within a short time Abdullahamid Ahmad Boru, Suleyman Yousuf Ibrahim, Muhammad Umar,
Ali Ahmad Ali or Ali Tuche were well trained and were ready to play different musical
instruments. Abdullahamid Ahmad Boru play accordion and Muhammad Umar play sacsphone.
Furthermore, few individuals were acquainted with musical instruments immediately and started
to play. Accordingly, Abdi Dabale played violins, Ahimed Ammad played guitar, Abdi Idris

91
Ismail M. Adam, 2014, pp.30-31
92
Informant; Ibrahim Hadji Ali

48
played tom-tom.93 These musical equipments boosted the status of the music band to attain a
modern standard consequently, it became popular as it got wider acceptance and fame among the
Oromo community.

Urji Bakkalcha musical and cultural group was performed a kind of theater at different stages in
sarcastic way that demonstrated the oppressor features of land proprietor and the misery of
tenants. They selected impersonate actors as landowners, tenant and vassal of the landlord to
perform the theater and drama on religious ceremony at different places. Abubeker Mussa began
to produce Afaan Oromo song by using Arabic letter and present to Ali Shabo. Side by side, Urji
Bakkalcha started musical display after properly trained and twenty songs were composed. The
first musical show was hosted at Laga Harre village in Jallaba (the place where selling and
buying cattle). Later Mishel Jera offered them his house with big compound, which was found in
Guguba hamlet for training as well as short event musical show. They deployed their musical
activity for first time by the poem written by Abubekar Mussa that was calling the Afran Qallo
youngster to cultural movement. The song reads as follows:
Oromo English
Ijoolleen Afran Qallo dardara amman tana Sons of Afran Qallo, the youth of this day
Kootta wal-barranaa yeroon keenya ammaa let us come together, our time is now
Ka’aa hirribarraa kootaa wal barannaa Wake up from your sleep, let us know each other
94
Kootaa ni taphannaa wallee amaantanaa Let us play, the songs of the day.
The above song clearly sent message for the youths of Afran Qallo in order to understand each
other, stand together, and engage themselves in the revival of their culture. This song tries to
incite the generation of Afran Qallo to wake up from long years of cultural doldrums through
playing songs of the time. In short period of time Afran Qallo music band began to show their
musical activity in Dire Dawa, and continued to host concert in small towns of Hararge like
Haramaya, Harar, Babile, Gurawa, Dadar etc and became popular in Eastern Hararghe. They
travelled to these towns, performed dramas, poetry and musical shows. Peoples expressed their
appreciation in different ways and gave recognition for them in the following song
Hiriyaan wal-taate yaa urji bakkalchaa Oh! Urji Bakkalcha the teenagers came together
95
Simalee eenyuu wallee akkan tolchaa who else can present beautiful songs except you

93
Informant: Ismail Mummad Adam; Ismail M. Adam, 2014, p
94
Informants: Ismail Mummad Adam, Sheik Muhammed Boke & Shantam Shubbisa
95
Informant: Shantam Shubbisa

49
The above verses opened the capability of literary and cultural ensemble of Urji Bakkalcha’s
musical display that attracted the attention of people. It explains the first generations that have
conformity in their idea established Urji Bakkalcha music band that became exemplary for the
birth of new troupes. To realize the first Oromo musical band i.e. Afran Qallo the dedication of
Ismail Mummad and Abubakaer Mussa was significant which, discussed in detail in chapter five.
The quality and evocative features of musical content, which inspired the eastern Oromo was
largely the contribution of these great and shining personalities that enabled the band to get fame
in short period.

Hiriyyaa Jalaala (love of the companion) was the teenagers of Urji Bakkalcha or group B. The
Hiriyaa Jaalala group, in which the famous vocalist Ali Birra started his musical career, was
formed simultaneously. Hiriyyaa Jaalal practiced musical activity as an ordinary part of their
work to develop their skill for future professional engagements. Hiriyaa Jaalala performed
musical show at the break of concerts hosted by Urji Bakkalcha. The members of Hiriyyaa
Jalaala were Abubaker M. Adam, Ilyas Yusuf Adam, Iliya Ibrahim Boru, Ibrahim M.Adam, Ali
Abdurahiman Rare, Feysal Hadji Abdullahi, Muhammed Xiqqa, Ibrahim Yusuf Ahamad / Hime,
Ali Abdi Jam’a, Abdurahiman Hassen Barentu, Abdosh Abra, Khalid Baker Usman, Ali
Muhammed Mussa who was known popularly by his nickname as Ali Birra, Abduselam Yusuf
and Ismail Ali. By their ability of their poets, organizers, composers and singers, the members of
Hiriya Jalaala’ were able to get fame from the people within short period. The members of
Hiriyyaa jalaala made serious effort together, achieved remarkable success, and get pries
together. However, three individuals’ namely Ibrahim Yonus, Ahmad (Hime), Ali Muhammed
Mussa (Ali Birra) and Muhammed Xiqqa became outstanding from the remains by their skills as
singers and were allowed to join Urji Bakkalcha soon.96

The wide acceptance of Urji Bakkalcha music band created profound shudder on the part of the
autocratic government of Haile Silassie who felt Urji Bakkalcha was dangerous for his imperial
power. The officials started to take various measures that can undermine the activities of Urji
Bakkalcha. While Urji Bakkalcha continued their musical movement, the government officials
strictly began to follow up the activities of this musical group. They began to scrutinize the

96
Informant; Ismail Mummad Adam, Ismail was the founder and board director of Urji bakkalcha, and publisher of
Qaanqee Ka’iinsaa book, which was frist hand source of Oromo cultural movement in eastern Hararghe.

50
members by raising various questions one after the other. Such as, how this cultural group was
organized? Who worked beyond this cultural organization? How would you buy the musical
instrument? As all of you were very young, where did you get money? Later on, the decision was
passed either these group should have stopped their musical activities or present their script in
written form before display. Thus, the group members were asked to translate into Amharic to
facilitate for editing.97 Furthermore, the government officials had begun their action against the
music band in various systems. They systematically opened the studio of Urji Bakkalcha and
destroyed musical instruments. When the issues of demolishing musical instruments became
serious in Dire Dawa the government diverted the attention towards the Harari musical groups as
they were destroyed the instrument. The government made sabotages between Oromo and Harari
musical bands that intended to create conflict between them. This situation was solved by the
intervention of elders from both sides. The member of Jammata Afran Qallo and Dire Dawa
dwellers contributed to replace the damaged instruments.98

The challenges continued in another way to halt musical and literary band when Urji Bakkalcha
requested an official endorsement right leave to Djibouti for cultural show. As its popularity,
increased it started to get much fame outside Ethiopia too especially amongst Djiboutian, and the
Sudanese. It attracted Sudanese Musicians like Mohammed Wardi and Aliyi Kelifa who visited
and shared their experience to Afran Qallo. The Djiboutian used to visit Dire Dawa every
summer for vacation due to Djibouti is very hot in summer. One of these occasions happened in
the summer of 1963, when Djiboutian attended the Afran Qallo band showed and were
astonished by their well tune voice, lyrics and performed dance. Soon the Djiboutian invited the
Afran Qallo literary and musical band to perform musical show. Since the legal document and
permission needed for musician therefore, elders requested the authority of Dire Dawa to

97
Informants: Shantam Shubbisa, Ismail M. Adam,&Muhammed Sheik Mahammad Boke; Tesfaye Tolessa Bessa,
“AHistory of Oromo Cultural Troupes (1962-1992)”, Science, Technology and Arts Research Journal,Jan-Mar
2013, 2(1): 86-94, Department of History and Heritage Management, College of Social Sciences, Wollega
University, Ethiopia, Nekemte, p.89
98
Informants: Ismail M.Adam, Mahmud Sheik Mahammed Boke, Shantam Shubbisa, Ibrahim Hadji Ali;
East Hararghe Cultural and Truism Bureau, “Hawwisoo Afran Qallo”, unpublished

51
facilitate the necessary documents for the artists. The Dire Dawa municipal

Figure 2, Few members of Hiriyaa Jaalala with two founders of Urji Bakkalcha. Right to left; Abdi Yusuf, Fua’ad
Muhammad, Ismail M. Adam, S.Y. Ibrahim, Ali Shabbo, Mohammad Yusuf Adam, Ali M.Mussa/ Ali Birra, & Ali
Ahmad. Source: Image taken from the book Qaanqee Ka’iinsaa, p.65

administration responded by rejecting the demand by ironically responding Sadarkaa kanallee

geessanii ? Literally, means “Have you reached this level? Thus, the officials of the municipality
refused to give legal permission to depart for Djibouti for members of Urji Bakalcha who were
set to conduct their musical show. Then the members went to Djibouti without travel document.

Nevertheless, this action disappointed the Haile Selassie government and the local authorities in
Dire Dawa. At this time, Djibouti was under the protectorate of France, while Emperor Haile
Selssie negotiated with France to bring back the members of Urji Bakkalchaa to Ethiopia and the
Djibouti government agreed to handover the whole members of the band to the Ethiopian

52
imperial regime. As a result fearing the Haile Selassie government some managed to escape
harassment and fled to foreign countries. Accordingly, Abdullahi Alisho Mahmud Sheik and
Mahammad Boke fled to United Arab Emirates (Dubai), while the rest like Ismail Mummad, Ali
Shabbo and Ali Birra detained in shinille near Dire Dawa. However, by the interference of elders
they excused with a kind of advice, but warned not to repeat the same activities. 99 Thus, some
members of Urji Bakkalcha were suspended themselves while others were exiled the whole
members of Hiriyyaa Jalaala merged with few remnant of Urji Bakkalcha and continued their
musical performance by the name of Urji Bakalcha.100

In 1964, the government of Emperor Haile Selassie determined to disband Urji Bakkalchaa
musical band and carried out stiff control on Urji Bakkalcha, as Tesfaye, stated Emperor Haile
Selassie took the repressive measures against Afran Qallo music band. Order was passed to hunt
down all the members and the committees of the cultural troupe. ‘The Oromo music has been
seen significant enough that from the government of Haile Selassie thus, musicians thought to be
sympathetic to nationalist sentiments have been persecuted, imprisoned, tortured, killed, or
disappeared’. Then band was forced to cease its movement under the name of Afran Qallo. By
the order of Emperor Haile Silassie officials, the musical instruments of the band were
confiscated from studio. These measures fundamentally aimed at paralyzing the activities of
Afran Qallo music band and intended to suspend any cultural movement to hamper the growth of
Oromo nationalism. Finally, in 1965, the imperial officials confiscated the property of Urji
Bakkalcha and handed over to Dire Dawa municipal administration. By these harsh actions of
Emperor Haile Selassie the first musical band of Afran Qallo cultural group was disbanded.101

As a result, Ismail Mummad and Ali Birra once again moved away to Djibouti, but they are
arrested because both of them did not have the legal permission to leave the country. They were
detained at Gaboti prison until they were freed after getting the legal document was issued
facilitated by Muhammed Gediyo. Abubeker Mussa the colleagues of Ali and Ismail sent

99
ibid; Ismail M. Adam, Qaanqee Ka’iinsaa: Jalqaba Seenaa Sossooha aaddaa ummata Oromoo, (Berlin:
dbusiness De Gmbh, 2014), p.150
100
Informants: Ismail M.Adam, Mahmud Sheik Mahammed Boke; ibid, pp. 65-67
101
Informants: Shantam Shubbisa, Ismai M. Adam, Mahmud Sheik Mahammed Boke; Tesfaye Tolessa Bessa, “A
History of Oromo Cultural Troupes (1962-1992)”, Science, Technology and Arts Research Journal, Star Journal,
Jan-Mar 2013, 2(1): 86-94, p. 89, Ismail M. Adam, 2014, p. 145 & Shawn Michael Mollenhauer, “Millions on the
Margins: Music, Ethnicity, and Censorship among the Oromo of Ethiopia”, August 2011, p. 12

53
message to the brother of Ismail Galmo’s wife Muhammed Gediyo as to help them. Muhammed
negotiated with Hadji Kemal the house speakers of Djibouti parliament in order to free both
Ismail and Ali from jail.

Figure 3 The combined members of Afran Qallo music band in 1962. Left to right; M. Y. Adam, Ali Tuchee,
Ali Shabbo, A. Yusuf, Ali Birra, and the seated are part; M. B. Usman, S. Y. Ibrahim, Ibrahim Musso and Isamail
Mummad Adam. Source: Image taken from the book Qaanqee Ka’iinsaa, p.180

The government and Djiboutian elders facilitated to host musical concert in which both Ismail
and Ali perform musical activity incorporate with Djibouti music bands ‘Eglam’o and
Datm’oo’. The famous Djibouti musician Mammud Jama those member of these bands
supported Ismail and Ali while the wealthiest man Hadji Turabo provided musical instruments
and uniform they were wear on the stage during musical show for both of them. They performed
the customary melody shaggoyye in combination with modern song in which the audience

54
affectionately entertained. Similarly, the friend of Ali Birra, Ismail Mummad was looking for a
refuge, to be exiled to Germany. 102
3.3. The Rize of Other Music Bands in East Hararghe

Following the establishment of Afran Qallo band, different musical bands have evolved in Dire
Dawa at village levels. Some of the most famous were Asmer Laga Harre (Maskob), Biiftu
Ganamaa, and Ililli Abrasha. Prominent musicians such as Ahmed Abdullahi, Hime Yousuf,
Abdi Buhi, Abdurahiman Inkot, Amin Mussa Ruppo, Muqbil Mixi, Mohammed Hussen, Said
Abduselam, Abdulhamid Ame, Said Sheakhash, and Asladin Allasat established Asmer Laga
Harre (Mascob) in early 1960s. This musical troupe performed both cultural and modern music,
but Maskob was unable to penetrate through society and make an impact throughout their life
span. The B group or teenager of Asmer Laga Harre cultural group i.e. Tokkumma jaalala, the
one in which Shantam Shubbisa started his profound musical careers performed musical
activities just like that of Hirya jaalala. 103

Then it merged with ‘Tokkumma Jaalala’ and became one strong music band, abides musical
activity for three years, and became popular. Leader of Tokkumma Jaalala was Abdi Buhi and
Muhammed Ibrahim Waday (Shantam Shubbisa). Shantam Shubbisa was a gifted poem writer,
organizer, rhythm composer and singer. As Ismail Mummad, stated ‘Tokkumma Jaalala’ was
dependent on the poems of Shantam Shubbisa with the significant contribution of Abdi Buhi.
The members of Tokkumma Jaalala were Shantam Shubbisa, Abdi Buhi, Said Sheakhash,
Abdoshe Ibrahim Yuya, Mohammed Hussen Yusuf, Amin Mussa, Abdii Habiib, Amin Mussa
Rubbo, Kimia Mohammed and Fatum Mohammed.104 In addition, Ililli Abrasha music band,
organized by Amido engaged in to musical activity that was later incorporated to ‘Tokkumma
Jaalala’.

On the other hand, one of the distinct characters of musical and cultural bands in Dire Dawa
town a various number was flourished at village level. The strongest cultural ensemble ‘Biiftuu
Ganamaa’ (the rising sun) established by Yonis Abdullahi. The first round members of ‘Biiftuu
102
Ismail M. Adam, Qaanqee Ka’iinsaa: Jalqaba Seenaa Sossooha aaddaa ummata Oromoo, Urjii Bakkalchaa,
Hiriyyaa Jaalalaa, Biiftuu Ganamaa, and Tokkummaa Jaalalaa, (Berlin: dbusiness De Gmbh, 2014), pp.150-53
103
Informants: Ismail M. Adam , Shantam Shubbisa, Elemo Waday; Ismail M. Adam, Qaanqee Ka’iinsaa: Jalqaba
Seenaa Sossooha aaddaa ummata Oromoo, Urjii Bakkalchaa, Hiriyyaa Jaalalaa, Biiftuu Ganamaa, and Tokkummaa
Jaalalaa, (Berlin: dbusiness De Gmbh, 2014), p.11
104
ibid, p. 157

55
Ganamaa’ were categorized into men and women. The group of men includes Yonis Abdullahi,
Atiq Usman, Abdurazaq Abdullahi, Salim Abdullahi, Abdurazaq Usman, Muktar Ginge, Ahmed
Abdullahi Mude, Ali Bona, Abdi Sigaran, and Abdi Buhi. Women categories were Halima
Mummad, Fatum Abdullahi, Aliya Mussa, Shamiz Ali, Meyram Giddi, Rihana Yusuf, Alfiya
Giricho, Fatum Abrahim, Qamaro Yusuf Kabbo, and Fatum Mussa. The second round members
included Amun Lungo, Run Abdi, Hawa Mohammed, Jiru Usman-Komedii, Nuho Gobena
Adem Bakher/Katafo, Abdurehimaan Adem, Hussen Basha Dido, Nuriya Abdo, and Alfiya
Usman.105

Yet, cultural organizations fell under the target of the absolute regime thus; their musical
movement was restricted from making an impact and dissolved one after the other. The
government of Emperor Haile Sillassie undertook stiff surveillance on the founders and board of
director of Biftu Ganama (the rising sun) Yonis Abdullahi. He forced to leave out from his
country in order to escape the existing situation and joined the broadcast of Afaan Oromo
program from Mogadishu. Then, Biftu Ganama merged in toTokkumma Jaalala combined and
continued their musical show in the name of Tokkumma Jaalala. Tokkumma Jaalala displayed
musical concert by travelling through east Hararghe. At one time the concert arranged in
Haramaya at the hall of Izbewi Nuro (literary: public life) for three days. The administrative
personnel Ato Gebayew allowed the hall with precondition i.e. the musical show would be
conducted for the first two days with payment for administration and the last third days for the
band, but after two days musical show the hall was closed. This was purposely intended to
hammer the mind of musicians, and financially incapacitate the music band to paralyze Oromo
cultural expression. While, the elders informed the situation and arranged a place at Awaday for
musical show, after musical play, the government arrested all the members. The group were set
free from prison in the exchange of guarantee for due appearance of trail, but in the meantime
they exiled abroad, then Tokkumma Jaalala was dispersed, in 1965 the members went to
Somalia.106

Two years later (1967), few members who survived from each musical band established what is
known as ‘Hawwisoo Damee’Afran Qallo (branch of Afran Qallo music band). ‘Hawwiso

105
Hassen Abdulqadir Aymo, Urjii Bakkalchaa Hangafa Hawwiso Oromoo, Diree Dawa:2003, p.30
106
Informant: Shantam Shibbisa

56
Damee’ Afran Qallo continued their musical movement slowly due to the political pressure.
Once again, this band was also disbanded and its members around eighteen went out of the
country in continued to live in exile for long years. 107 Hence, forward Oromo literary and
musical activities became dormant at home, while it was active abroad by the diasporas. Those
who fled to Somalia started Afaan Oromo program from Radio Mogadishu and produced a great
deal of music that enhanced the Oromo culture. As Mollenhauer stated:
“in the diaspora, where the freedom to re-imagine the past doesn’t carry the threat of
imprisonment or worse, the creative writings of academics and performances of musicians
have given rise to a situation in which much of the conversation and debate about the
boundaries of Oromo identity are taking place outside of Oromia. In the diaspora, where
nationalist sentiments can be freely expressed, much idealization and romanticism of the
108
rural past as a source of authenticity, has prompted many to look at the past”.

Nevertheless, since 1967 Afran Qallo generation shifted their activities from music to another
form of collaboration that intended to achieve their dream to connect with diaspora, which were
delivering through Afaan Oromo. Outside Ethiopia, the cultural movement in Djibouti and
Middle East by diaspora exerted some kind of influences at home, particularly after Mahmud
Sheikh Mahammed Boke came back from abroad. Revival movements began in new form,
which led to the formation of association by the exiled from 1967-70. In 1967, some individuals
came together to form unity to discuss their fate, and tried to shift their strategy to another way
of raising the standard of their movement and bring together the Oromo. The objectives of this
unity organize Oromo under one association and create harmonious reaction among them. The
organizers were Muhammed Abdulhamid who served as head organizer, Abdulbasit Hadji
Abdullahi vice head, Mahmud Sheikh Mahmud Boke secretary and Abubaker Muhammad
Adami casher. Both the head and the vice went abroad for some delegation to discuss with
Oromo individuals, while within this instant Muhammed Sheik Muhammad was forced to exile
by government officials and he was joined Somalia national radio Afaan Oromo program.
However, the movement of Afran Qallo became strong to the extent of accomplishing its
intended objective.109

107
Informant: Ibrahim Hadji Ali, he was one of the prominent musicians (poet, singer and composer) in ‘Aduu
Birra’ music band and well known in playing guitar. Most recently, he was working in ‘radio fana’ in ‘fan- afaan
Oromo’ program to developing Afaan Oromo and until his final day him serving in ‘OBN radio’ as sport journalist.
108
Shawn Michael Mollenhauer, “Millions on the Margins: Music, Ethnicity, and Censorship among the Oromo of
Ethiopia”, University of California riverside, PhD Dissertation, August 2011, p. 14
109
Ismail M. Adam, 2014, p.167; informants; Mahmud Sheikh Mahammed Boke and Ismail M. Adam

57
In 1968, Abubaker Mummad, Muhammed Yusuf and Idris Abdella established another new form
of collaboration entitled ‘Tuuta Tokkumma’ or set of unity. In this period, the established
association further included new idea and widened the objectives. The main target was economic
cooperation through their wealth and idea. They planned to start from small to big or simple to
complex. In their first step, they attempted to open schools for Oromo children, and organize the
community at village level that aimed at dealing on cultural, political and economic issues in
which they were successful in opening ‘Arranbee’ School.

In the middle of 1968, ‘Arranbee’ school was organized by the support of elders and youngsters,
in which Dr Ismail Abdulla was headed school as director, and Muhammed Yusuf Umari as vice
director. In addition, other Oromo who have been engaged in different organizations came to
encourage ‘Arranbee’ school to facilitate education for Oromo children. Etymologically the
genesis of ‘Arranbee’ is an Oromo word ‘aaraan bahee or ar’an baye’, which composed of two
meanings that imply the regret of Oromo exclusion from education ‘aaraan bahee’ and embrace
this school inflict the situation. On the other hand, it dedicated the beginning of schooling for
Oromo children, ar’an baye that means I am coming out today that explain the misfortune of
Oromo nation getting modern education. ‘Aaraan bahee or ar’an baye’ elaborate the provided of
educational opportunity for girls at night. Some of the teachers in this school were those who
were engaged in different socio-cultural movements.

In the same year, new form of association that was ‘Sossoha Darimii Gooroo’ was established in
Dire Dawa. The movement of this organization went underground to attain their intended aims,
which explained the hitherto denied justice and truth of Oromo people. Nevertheless, the
association faced obstacles from the ruling class. The leaders of this collaboration and all
members as well as those who have close relation with it were arrested, the remaining were
exiled abroad, while the movements continued in another clandestine way. 110

In 1969, the Association of Afran Qallo Farmer (AAQF) was established. The main target was
expanding schools, establishing supermarkets, restaurant, garment, tailor and opening up market
for exports. In 1970, the Afran Qallo young who have trust among themselves began to meet and
discuss on issues of common interest. They came together in Dire Dawa to communicate each

110
Informants: Ismail Muhammad Adam, and Sheik Muhammed Boke; ibid, pp. 168-170

58
other and discuss about the issue of their community. Furthermore, they attempted to make
relation with the Afran Qallo community in Djibouti. The government officials later hunted
down the members of these assemblies and their leaders. As a result, the autocratic government
jailed Mussa Usman and Mishael Rufael the former member of Urji Bakkalcha committee.111

In the early 1970s, one of the legendary musicians, Ali Birra, formed ‘Aduu Birra’. Other
members of the band were included under it like Ibrahim Hadji Ali, Mohammed Ahmed, Adam
Usman, Ahmed Yonus, Kemal Mohammed, Mohammed Umar, Abubakar Addawe, and Hime
Yousuf. This cultural group shifted its base from Dire Dawa to Finfinne (Addis Ababa).The band
produced a number of Oromo songs and conducted a number of musical performance mainly
concerned on Oromo unity and political resistance. Furthermore, musical performance of Aduu
Birra (autumn Sun) enabled recalling Oromo peoples their lost cultural, political and economic
autonomy and developed the communal consciousness of nationalism until socialist dictatorship
regime toppled the imperial regime and controlled all over Oromia. On the other hand, the
remaining musician at home such as Ali Shabbo and Mohammed Qophe established Hawwisoo
Damee Afran Qallo (the branch of Afran Qallo music band) in Finfinne (Addis Ababa) early
1970s. However, when they restructured the musical band through camouflage because of much
112
repression and harassment they went reticent unlike their predecessors. In general, the
musical bands have laid the foundation for the development of Oromo cultural nationalism.

After Haile Silassie was removed from power by public opposition, the Derg came to control
political power, which at the beginning opened very narrow space for cultural practices. Using
such limited opportunity two prominent Afran Qallo cultural branches ‘Biiftuu Biyya keenya’
emerged in 1976 where as Aduu Birra’ continued in new form. The members of ‘Aduu Birraa’
were the legendary musician, such as Ali Birra, Mahid Jabon, Nuho Gobana, Elfinesh Qanno,
Zerhun Wadajo, Bashir Dhabi, Shabee Sheka and great Oromo poets like Abdi Qophe, Ibrahim
Haji Ali and Mohammad Qophe. One of the main features of this music band was its pan-
cultural membership that incorporated members of musicians from all over Oromia zone. It
enhanced the common identity, shared common psychological makeup and cultural history. This

111
ibid, p. 176
112
Informant; Ibrahim Hadji Ali, Adam Harun; Tesfaye Tolessa Bessa, “AHistory of Oromo Cultural Troupes
(1962-1992)”, Science, Technology and Arts Research Journal, Star Journal, Jan-Mar 2013,2(1): 86-94, Department
of History and Heritage Management, College of Social Sciences, Wollega University, Nekemte, Ethiopia, p. 90

59
generation of the Aduu Birra band performed much of modern Oromo music as well as theater
and drama on stages that vocalized the voice of the voiceless. However, this band also faced the
same fate of its predecessors when the military dictatorship once again stifled the Oromo music
band. 113

The remaining members of Afran Qallo cultural groups at home and returned individual from
abroad established ‘Biiftu Biyya Keenya’ musical band in 1976. After the former cultural groups
were suppressed entirely by the central government ‘Biiftu Biyya Keenya’ implemented musical
practices in Dire Dawa until it was disband by the military regime in 1981. The members of
‘Biiftu Biyya Keenya’ were Shantam Shubbisa, Ali Shabbo, Abdi Habib, Abubeker Mussa,
Mohammed Ahmed, Ahmed Hussen Yusuf, Adame Ibsa, Abdi Yone, Hallo Dawe, Adam Harun
and Afandi Sayo. After they properly began to perform, five girls joined the newly established
musical band. ‘Biiftu Biyya Keenya’ musical band was formed by the combination of first and
second generation of Afran Qallo cultural troupes including with newly emerged singers such as
Adam Harun and Hallo Daawee. One of the eldest musicians Ali Shabbo was the member and
founder of the first cultural group of Urji Bakkalcha, Shantam Shubbisa was the musician of
Tokkuma Jaalala are first and second generation. While the third generations are those, who was
as Ismail called quxisoota, which mean the younger, like that of Hallo Daawee, Adam Harun and
Qamar Yusuf those lately emerged joined Biiftu Biyya Keenya and started their musical
profession within this music band in which they became famous. 114

With the coming of the Derg, government to power many Oromo were encouraged by the
prospect of establishing their culture as worthy and legitimate, but their effort failed. A cultural
committee facilitated the ground for cultural performance for the entire Oromia. Cultural groups
gathered in the capital to a cultural show, simultaneously the Oromo people were assembled to
celebrate their cultural heritage. During this period, socialism was declared as the official
political ideology of the Derg regime. The government strived hard to implant socialist ideology
as a political strategy. As a result the military junta regretted in allowing the Oromo to
implement their cultural progress because the Derg believes that “any nationalist music that

113
Informants: Shantam Shubbisa, Adam Harun, Ibrahim Hadji Ali
114
Informants: Shantam Shubbisa, Adam Harun, Ibrahim Hadji Ali & Hallo Daawee

60
came into conflict with the Derg’s idea of Ethiopia first” (Mollenhauer, 2011; 74), was intended
to be one single culture throughout Ethiopia. As Mollenhauer, 2011 bear out:
The main cause of fear towards Oromo music, more than that of any other ethnic groups,
was the sheer size of the ethnic group. Understanding the power of music to unite people
under one banner, or act as a messenger of clandestine information, the Derg became
suspicious and took any expression of Oromo national identity in music to be “counter
115
revolutionary,” an offence with the most severe of punishments.

On the other hand apprehensions were especially heightened during the Ethio-Somali war
because the “Oromo and the Somali are closely related both linguistically and culturally”. The
derg regime feared that, the ethnic emotional response would cause many Oromo to take up arms
with Somalia against Ethiopia. Then, “the Ethiopian government changed its policy, and
proclaimed that any Oromo would be free to practice their culture” .This was a strategy to bolster
support from the Oromo and need to mobilize soldiers from Oromo against the Somali
government. After the Derg became victorious over the Somali national forces with the aid of
Russian weapons and Cuban soldiers, the government recognized some groups were as they
contributing for victory. Then, ‘Aduu Birraa’ in Finfinne (Addis Ababa) by Ali Birra and ‘Biftuu
Biyyakeenya’ by Shantam Shubbisa in Dire Dawa was get recognition. Shortly afterward, the
dictatorial regime became suspicious; due to these musicians came to communicate with any
Oromo’s political party. The military regime believed they would instigate an Oromo revolution;
the musicians were accused of passing messages for the OLF. The military regime appropriated
the instruments of Aduu Birraa music band and dispersed the whole members. 116 The dictatorial
rule intended to suppress the Oromo identity and took sever action against the participant, both
organizers and performers.

The political party ‘All Ethiopian Socialist Movement’, which was commonly and more known
in its acronym as MEISON believed Marxist and Leninist theory was relevant solution to the
national question of Oromo. MEISON preoccupied such ideology as means to solve the Oromo
national question engaged to organize community and intended to use musician to disseminate
their ideology in wide context then the member of ‘Biftuu Biyyakeenya’ become their target. In
1976, they ordered ‘Biftuu Biyyakeenya’ to praise Leninism and Marxism ideologies in their

115
Shawn Michael Mollenhauer, “Millions on the Margins: Music, Ethnicity, and Censorship among the Oromo of
Ethiopia”, University of California riverside, PhD Dissertation, August 2011, p. 74
116
ibid, p. 75

61
songs. This created disappointment among the leaders of the musical band, but the members
were not willing to do so as their objective was to develop the Oromo culture. The political
atmosphere to musical performance was not conducive that created complicated situations for
Biftuu Biyyakeenya music band. By political pressure, key person of this band Shantam
Shubbisa withdrew from the group. He was shifted his residences from Dire Dawa to Finfinne
(Addis Ababa), and began to work as freelancer. The activities of other musician such as Hallo
Dawwee and Adam Harun were under the surveillance of the Derg.117 Later, all Oromo cultural
group were banned and the performers and leaders of group were arrested. Then the movement
and the musical performance were degenerated into minor village based groups whose members
sustained the already started musical performance clandestinely.

After the downfall of the Derg regime, the government of EPRDF put the same pressure on
Oromo musicians. This aggravated, after the OLF withdrew from the process of building new
government ‘charter’ the government began persecuting the Oromo musicians, “that claimed the
EPRDF were demonstrating corrupt and ethnically biased practices under the guise of setting up
a democracy” (Mollenhauer, 2011, 80). After that, the cultural ensembles were suppressed and
the Afran Qallo musical and cultural bands further divided and reduced to village bands; such as
Dire Band, Oda Bultum, and Laga Gaba cultural bands.118

117
Informat: Shantam Shubbisa
118
Informant: Adam Harun; ibid, pp. 80

62
 CHAPTER FOUR
4. The Role of Afran Qallo Music Band
4.1. Afran Qallo Musical Band as an Instrument for Cultural Revival

Some of the common functions of music are expression of feeling, aesthetic enjoyment,
entertainment, communication, symbolic representation, and physical response; enforce the
conformity to social norms, validation of social institutions and celebrate religious rituals,
contribution to the continuity and stability of culture and integration of society. 119 The Oromo
people used music as functions for socio-cultural maintenances, negotiation and system of
sustaining group identity. It is a means of interconnecting the past with the present, preserving
values and norms for the next generation. Music is instrumental for social and political
transformation by posing the well fair of a community and injustices prevailed through
governmental administration.

According to Shawn Michael Mollenhauer ‘the Oromo have long been a cultural group in which
the performative gestures of music, poetry and dance have come to function as a tool for cultural
expression, and preservation of identity’. Afran Qallo cultural troupes specifically ‘Urjii
Bakkalcha, Maskob (Tokkumma Jaalala), Aduu Birra and Biiftuu Biyya keenya’ were strong
enough and able to create fundamental cultural revolution and inspired the sense of identity and
cultural nationalism throughout Oromia. Afran Qallo cultural groups used music as a mechanism
to inspire the whole nation, protect and preserve the Oromo language and culture. The
performance of Afran Qallo music bands at different public occasion particularly, holy day
intentionally to demonstrate the pain of oppressive nature of land proprietor. The group selected
actors who were playing as property owners, land renter, and servants. In relation to Muslims,
Islam does not allow women playing at public spaces. Thus, the group used men actors to act as
women by wearing clothes to fill the gap created by female actors Abdurahiman Yusuf Umar
took this role in which he was absorb the attention of the audience.120 Their performance was

119
Woube Kassaye, Analysis of Cultural For Planning Curriculum: The Case of Songs Produced in the three main
Languages of Ethiopia, (Amharic, Oromigna and Tigrigna), university of Joensuu, 2002. pp 88-89
120
Informants: Ismail Mummad Adam,Shantam Shubbisa, & Ibrahim Hdji Ali;Tesfaye Tolessa Bessa, “A History of
Oromo Cultural Troupes (1962-1992)”, Science, Technology and Arts Research Journal, Star Journal, Jan-Mar
2013,2(1): 86-94, p. 90; Shawn Michael Mollenhauer, “Millions on the Margins: Music, Ethnicity, and Censorship
among the Oromo of Ethiopia”, University of California riverside, PhD Dissertation, August 2011, p. 12.

63
purposely display focused on resistance of the cultural repression, political domination and
economic exploitation by the existing system in mesmerizing.

The cultural and identity resistance grew up to new forms of song and performative art or dance
as well as new mode of self-assertiveness and a creative approach towards awakening cultural
identity of the Oromo nation. The emphasis on cultural revival was the struggle to preserve and
transform Oromo culture performances from traditional way to modern system. The branches
Afran Qallo cultural band ‘Aduu Birra’ group ‘played their songs, performed dances transmitted
through the Ethiopian Television, and popularized the Oromo music, and culture. In addition,
‘Aduu Birraa’ displayed musical show in traveling to different Oromia regions, such as Bale,
Ambo, Jimma, and Wallaga. One of the most renowned songs presented by ‘Aduu Birra’ musical
band was:
Afaan Oromo English
Obsi yaa onnee, obsan warroomanii Oh! my hearts tolerate to reach your objective
Waallee nyaatan malee, waallee hin dubatanii you can eat all but cannot talk all
Garaan ilmana nama biyyarra bal’ataa Our belly is wider than a country
Jecha nama dhiisii waan bay’ee baadhataa It can carry many things let alone what human beings talk
Jirachuu irra wayya, akka tattaafattuu To be alive is better to strive later
Sissiqaa goobana, jedha mammaksattuu Proverb confirms that a full moon appears gradually 121

The above short poem succinctly brings home the actual and the existing general truth and
condition in which the Oromo people live in. In the first three lines, the singer advises himself to
be patient, keep secret until what the Oromo expected comes to be a reality. It argues the need to
struggle to achieve the desired outcome, which should be realized gradually realized. Generally,
the epigram suggests not to become annoyed when dealing with the situation, and devoting
serious effort to attain the intended goals. These kinds of pieces are not merely songs but rather
they are also lessons transmitting through Oromo proverbs and adages to transmit message in
order to remain calm, honest and endeavor for success.

The song that evocates Oromo cultural identity that was sang by Ali Birra, entitled ‘Afaan
Oromoo hundee Oromumma’, is also another piece of evidence in which the Oromo music band
reached a high level of creating national consciousness through Afaan Oromo. It vividly implies
Afaan Oromo is the bases of Oromoness. The song reads as follows:

121
East Hararghe Zone Cultural and Turism Bureau, “Hawwisoo Damee Afran Qallo”, unpublished, p.8.

64
 Afaan Oromo English
Galma aadaa keenya eegaa seenaa keenyaa the source of our culture and reservoir of our history
Kallacha tokkumma hundee bilisumma emblem of unity, the root of freedom
Afaan Oromoo, hundee Oromumma Afaan Oromo the bases of Oromoness
Guratti mi’aawa yaa’aan sagalee kee salutary to our ear the flow of beautiful sound
Kan rafe dammaqsaa, weedduf walaloon kee the rhythms and the poems have the power of
awakening those who are asleep
Lakkaawame hindhumuu, hiibbof mammaaksi kee uncountable your riddle and proverbs

Within this short verse, a very vast Oromo identity in terms of culture, history, unity of Oromo
people, and language are depicted. As Mohammed, suggested Afaan Oromo is rich in words,
proverbs and idiomatic expressions that embody exclusive ‘Oromo civilization’ 122. It is the
cultural heritage of Oromo people, which expresses deep Oromo identities. The Oromo peoples
believe largely Afaan Oromo was the foundation of all springs that gives dynamism and vitality
to belonging and share common psychological makeup of the Oromo nation. As Bichaka, stated,
Afaan Oromo continues to be the most significant symbol of Oromo unity and identity. Afaan
Oromo the richest, strong interconnection that united Oromo nation and constitutes the total sum
of historical entirety.123 The central message of the song Afaan Oromo is the bases of Oromo
unity, the bedrock of Oromo freedom, enhancing Afaan Oromo the goal of cultural progress and
developing history. In addition, the song portray the flow of Afaan Oromo salutary to ear, the
number of Afaan Oromo words, riddle and proverb are abundant as sands of the sea. The
suitability of Afaan Oromo poems and songs in causing a feeling of happiness that also has the
power of waking up a sleeping person are clearly depicted in this song. The song was intended to
evoke the Oromo nation in order to be proud of them, give credit for their own identity and
cultural achievement.

Previously the most commonly observed performative art among the Hararghe Oromo was
Shagoyye. With the popularity of Afran Qallo musical and cultural bands in various forms there
occurred a paradigm shift from traditional system to modern ways of poem writing, organizing,
composing and producing. The enthusiastic revolutionary poets Abubekar Mussa and his

122
Mohammed Hassen, “A Short History of'Oromo Colonial Experience 1870's to 1990's: Part one from 1870's to
1935”, the journal of Oromo studies, Vol. 6, No.1 & 2, July 1999, p. 120
123
Bichaka Fayissa, “Aspects of Oromo Cultural Endowments and their Implications for Economic Development”
the Journal of Oromo Studies, Vol. III No. 1/2. 1996, p. 42; Muhammad Sayid Abdulrehman, Seenaa fi Qabsoo
Oromootaa, (Finfinne, Itophiyaa, 2018), pp. 377-78

65
successors the Qophees poets pose great influence on shaggoyye and other customary genre. It
has adopted the figurative language to express an idea in lyricism of phrases that end in the same
sound. At the beginning, it adopts standard poem writing, modern instrument and modern way
of composition. In due course through a series adoption of modern instruments, the indigenous
cultural art shaggoyye was widely spread to national level. 124

Afran Qallo troupe played significant role in Cultural Revolution through broadcasting music,
drama and news to communicate with the mass via radio wave from Mogadishu and Harar.
Oromo nationalists those loyal and devoted to placing primary emphasis on the promotion of
Oromo culture, opposed homogeneity in favor of supra nationalism and began broadcasting
Afaan Oromo program. In history, broadcasting in Afaan Oromo started during Italian
occupation (1936-1941) from national radio. After the expulsion of the Italians and reinstatement
of Emperor Haile Silassie the transmission of Afaan Oromo program from national radio was
blocked. Around 1957, the Afaan Oromo transmissions went out to Cairo and the second phase
radio program in Afaan Oromo began to broadcast from Egypt. However, through an indirect
accusation of Haile Silassie on Egypt, president Gamal Abdel Nasir and the interference of
Europeans, the radio transmission in Afaan Oromo was blocked. 125

Before the end of 1963, Afran Qallo elders were interested to transmit Afran Qallo music
through national radio from Finfinne (Addis Ababa). The government allowed the transmission
through the payment of 30 birr per song. However, the transmission was made in mid night when
people were asleep. Broadcasting officials deliberately assigned the inconvenient time for Afaan
Oromo transmission at mid night when the transmission did not reach the populace and the
audience. After all, in 1963, Urji Bakkalcha cultural band was broadcasting music from
‘Shaggar’. Even though, people particularly the youth were waiting to listen to Afran Qallo song
from Ethiopia radio. This by itself inspired many youngsters in Dire Dawa and made possible the
revival of Afaan Oromo music. Subsequently, a number of cultural groups emerged in Dire
Dawa indifferent villages. However, after three months, the government of Emperor Haile

124
Informants: Shantam Shubbisa, Ismail M. Adam, Muhammed Sheik Mahammad Boke, Ibrahim Hadji Ali,
Adam Harun &Fandishe Mul’ata
125
ibid; Tesfaye Tolessa Bessa, “AHistory of Oromo Cultural Troupes (1962-1992)”, Science, Technology and Arts
Research Journal, Star Journal, Jan-Mar 2013,2(1): 86-94, Department of History and Heritage Management,
College of Social Sciences, Wollega University, Nekemte, Ethiopia, p. 89

66
Silassie regretted in, allowing the transmission of Afaan Oromo music through the radio and
revised its former decision to halt its transmission. Even if the transmission was closed down, it
was the major breaking through for Afaan Oromo, literature that undermined the stereotype that
widely circulated claiming Afaan Oromo breaks the radio.126 The migration of Afaan Oromo
radio program continued to Somalia.

As the pressure of central government became stiff, the members of Afran Qallo music band
were forced to exile for the need of safe survival and to get relief from political trauma and for
further advantage of putting into effect musical exercise. These members started Afaan Oromo
program from Somalia to transmit literary and musical show across a wide area. The
transmission of Afaan Oromo program from Mogadishu had the capacity of heard in eastern
Oromia and Yemen. Ayub Abubeker played the indispensable endeavor as a journalist. He dealt
with the government of Somali Republic for the beginning of Afaan Oromo program in Somali
radio. They got thirty minutes airtime to transmit in Afaan Oromo from Mogadishu in 1965.
Ayub Abubeker became the first reader of Afaan Oromo news from Mogadishu. After he died,
his brother Rashid Abubeker and Abdi Mussa Beker replaced him and continued informing the
youth at home. 127

The programs transmitted in Afaan Oromo from Mogadishu were news, musical activity such as
songs, dram, and poem, advice for young, teaching Islamic religion, and political consciousness.
It contributed for the growth and development of history, culture and language. Combined with
journalists and musicians both Oromo and non-Oromo particularly the Somalia descendents
worked effectively. Oromo descendents replaced the former and continued entertaining and
awakening the Oromos. In this activity, individuals like Yonus Abdullahi, Abdullahi Arusi,
Shantam Shubbisa and Mummad Sheikh Muhammud Boke were active. The Somali descendents
who were trained in Afaan Oromo were Fatuma Kasim, Maryam Mursal, Hiboo Muhammad,
Dunia Ismail and Asha Abdo. Yonis Abdullahi continued to air Afaan Oromo program from
Mogadishu. He got prominence as a journalist by his program broadcasted as ‘Sagalee Olqaba’

126
Informant; Fandishe Mul’ata His original name was Ahmednur Mohammed, but ‘Fandished’ was nicked name
which mean joy person (jubilant, ecstasy, cheerfulness) and Mul’ata was his birth place around garaa mul’ata or the
scene plateau (dabbal gaara mul’ata) in addition, ‘fandishe’ a types of sorghum which used for food both its seed
and cane
127
Informant ; Shantam Shubbisa

67
or make your voice loud and ‘bilisumman gaarii dha’ or freedom is good from Somalia radio.
Yonus was able to encourage the Oromo people to be conscious of them and inspired their
awareness that grew to the level of nationalism. The transmission of Afaan Oromo program from
Mogadishu inspired young generation who engaged in propagation of improving the status of
their language and culture at home.128

Thus, in order to catch up the attention of youngsters from their movement as well as diverting
their attention from the program transmitted from Mogadishu to home, Emperor Haile Silassie
allowed Afaan Oromo program to transmit from Harar radio. As a result, Afaan Oromo
transmission began on 31, October 1973 by different programs. The first generations of Oromo
journalists from Harar radio were Kuma Ida’e, Tamasgen Gameda, Asfaw Gameda and Hussen
Adem from Shewa and other individuals from Arsi. The dialects of these journalists became
difficult for Hararghe Oromo then, Mahadi Hamid, Hussen Adam Wako, Abubeker Mussa and
Mohammed Kalil joined the list. The list went on to Abdi Mohammed (Abdi Qophe) and
Mohammed Ahmed (Mohammed Qophe) in which they became famous for their program
entitled ‘Qophii Afaan Oromo’ (Afaan Oromo program). Abubeker Mussa’s program was widely
accepted and he was popular. One of the most attended programs titled ‘Takka Wajjin
Kofalluu?’ i.e. can we laugh together, which focused on entertainment he raised a number of
issues that advice and kindle maintain the moral of the generation in which Abubeker became a
popular figure in his journalist activities. These programs were broadcasting various folklore that
embraced Oromo identities that enhance the acceptance of the programs as well as the
prominence of journalists.129

Following the downfall of Emperor Haile Silassie Afaan Oromo Program gained another chance
to be transmitted from national radio and few journalists were transferred from Harar to Shaggar.
During the military regime, the second round established music bands like that of Aduu Birra
was reorganized by Ali Birra. From December 1975, the transmission of Afaan Oromo started
from Finfinne (Addis Ababa). Afterward the songs of ‘Aduu Birra’ got airtime to be broadcasted

128
Informants: Ismail M. Adam, Shantam Shubbisa, Ibrahim Hdji Ali, Adam Harun, Muhammed Sheik Mahammad
Boke& Fandishe Mul’ata; Ismail M. Adam, Qaanqee Ka’iinsaa: Jalqaba Seenaa Sossooha aaddaa ummata
Oromoo, Urjii Bakkalchaa, Hiriyyaa Jaalalaa, Biiftuu Ganamaa, and Tokkummaa Jaalalaa, (Berlin: dbusiness De
Gmbh, 2014), pp. 156 & 163 326-327
129
ibid, pp. 326-327

68
through Ethiopian television and popularized the Oromo music. Oromo elders and musical
troupes hosted musical and cultural shows in Finfinne (Addis Ababa) at the hall of national
theater in 1977. In this, musical festival Oromo musicians gathered from Jimma, Wellaga, Arsi,
Bale, Shewa and Hararghe. In this regard, the ‘Aduu Birra’ and ‘Biiftuu Biyya Keenya’
participated actively. Mohammed Abdullahi (Gadisaa) and Ali Birra presented their song in this
concert that indicated history, culture, language and politics.130

In 1976, Aduu Birraa (autumn Sun) made tour throughout Oromia and staged a great musical
show in Oromo cultural history in which famous musicians participated and enjoyed their shared
experience. It enticed and gave opportunity to participate other Oromo musicians from various
regions to the modern music band. These inspired others youngster group to establish their own
cultural band like that of “Guddattuu Wallaggaa, Burqaa Boojji, Biqiltuu Mandi and Lalisa
Najjoo in Wallagga”. However, the military junta after strengthen its power regretted the
permission of cultural practices then the transmission was suspended in short period. To this end
in 1988, the immigrant of Afaan Oromo broadcasting migrate and the Voice of Oromo
Liberation Front or Voice of the Liberation (VOL) started transmission from Sudan, Khartoum.
It played great role for the growth and development of politics, history, culture and language. 131

4.2. The Role of Afran Qallo Musical Bands in Oromo National Awakening
Oromo national awakening was not the outcome of a single activity, but rather it was the
interplay of a number of factors. It started as individuals’ movement to pronounce their voice
regarding cultural and linguistic rights that gradually uplifted to the formation of association that
led to the organization of political parties like that of ENLF and OLF. Oromo national
awakening was not a sudden event, rather the result of gradual development of national
consciousness. Mohammed Hassen stated the development of nationalism took a long period and
slow process mediated by national awakening or national consciousness. Several factors
contributed to delay the progress of Oromo national awakening. Out of a number of factors, two
of them profoundly affected the development of Oromo nationalism, i.e. access to education by
Oromo children, curriculum design and syllabus implementation, and the successive language

130
Tesfaye Tolessa Bessa, “A History of Oromo Cultural Troupes (1962-1992)”, Science, Technology and Arts
Research Journal, Star journal, Jan-Mar 2013,2(1): 86-94, Department of History and Heritage Management,
College of Social Sciences, Wollega University, Ethiopia: Nekemte, p. 90
131
ibid; Muhammad Sayid Abdulrehman, Seenaa fi Qabsoo Oromootaa, (Finfinne, Itophiyaa, 2018), pp. 326-327

69
policy declaration of Ethiopian regime. Musical bands in eastern Oromia in the first time broke
the blocked incident and began to teach their nation in Afaan Oromo through delivering songs
later on opening school for Oromo.132

Oromo children became out of school by two fundamental factors. The schools were located in
urban centers, while Oromo societies predominantly live in rural areas that limited Oromo
children’s access to education. The schools were accessible for the children of non-Oromo
family who settled in Oromo land as military officers, and clergymen. The staff enrolled in
teaching also did not speak Afaan Oromo that hindered Oromo children to communicate and
understand the content of lessons that isolated them. As Mekuria, suggested the method used to
teach Amharic to non-Amhara children, the attitudes of most teachers and school environment
were neither conducive to learning … nor persuasive in developing the sense of identity in
Ethiopia. In addition, the content of social science that was taught at university, secondary and
elementary schools generally ‘ignored or distorted’ the Oromo cultural development.133
Deliberately the curriculum was designed to celebrate the ruling classes that push Oromo
language, culture and identity to inferior position. These also held back them from attending
lessons. The government intentionally set strategy for long period the ways in which the Oromo
children were pushed out from school in order to reduce the anticipated pressure coming from
the educated that raised the question of identity.

Accordingly, Afran Qallo musical band played a dynamic role by experiencing the existing
political situation and spreading the lessons among the Oromo. Furthermore, with the popularity
of Afran Qallo music troupes and the combined efforts of Mach-Tulama Self Help Association
Oromo consciousness and nationalism was promoted to a better status.134 The initial achievement
of Afran Qallo music troupes awakened and enabled to understand them the fact, which was
deliberately distorted to ashamed them. For instance, the industrious working habit of Afran
Qallo people was disregard to undermine and designated the name ‘qottuu’ as pejorative term.

132
Makuria Bulcha, “The Survival and Reconstruction of National Identity”, Being and Becoming Oromo, Historical
and Anthropological Enquires, (Sweden, Stockholm: 1996), pp. 63-64; Mohammed Hassen, “The Development of
Oromo Nationalism”, Being and Becoming Oromo, Historical and Anthropological Enquires, (Sweden, Stockholm:
1996), p. 69
133
ibid, pp. 62-63; ibid, Mekuria Bulcha, “The Language Policies of Ethiopian Regimes and the History of written
Afaan Oromo: 1844-1994”, Journal of Oromo Studies, vol. 1, No, 2, 1994, p. 103.
134
Shawn Michael Mollenhauer, “Millions on the Margins: Music, Ethnicity, and Censorship among the Oromo of
Ethiopia”, University of California riverside, PhD Dissertation, August 2011, pp;

70
This was systematic attempts, which was made to under main Oromo confidences in their
achievement and avoid the rise of Oromo nationalism. In fact, the term ‘qottuu’ Afaan Oromo
word, which mean tiller or a person who cultivate land, but in order to destabilize and isolate the
Afran Qallo from the rest of their brother and sisters they applied it as derogative term. Then,
Afran Qallo music troupes explicitly expressed without vagueness as people perceiving
themselves and their experience as most valuable. The following song vividly indicates this
reality:
Afaan Oromo English
Gariin ilma namaa yaada gabaabbataa Some people are narrow-minded
Qottuu jechuu se’aa arrabatti fudhataa Consider farming as an insult
Waa arraba mitii maqaa tarkaanfataa It is not an insult but an advancement
Ummanni wabaree qonnadhaan dhadataa Civilized people take pride in farming
Dafquma isaa nyachuuf hojiidhaan bututaa Strive hard to live on his sweat
Hojjetee mullisee bilchesse oomishaatee Working exhaustively, showing practically
Dinagdee ol kaasuf qutudhaa hidhatee For development has to farm without reservation
Halkanillee hirafuu hojidhaan bututee He never sleep in the night even if exhaust by work
Akkasumaan naminni itti dhaadatee People roared at him without reason
Roorroo keessa darbe yoom irranfatee He never forgets the tyranny he passed through 135

The above song describes the hatedness of the newly occupied ruling class as they deliberately
distort ‘qottuu’ pejoratively to ashamed Afran Qallo farmers for the sake of imposing their
needs. They undermined the significance of farming for sustenance of life and development of
the country. For the educated and those who have thoroughly familiar with the importance of
agriculture, farming is the bedrock of development for those who used to live on their products,
which was achieved not through dependence but through hard work. Furthermore, the song tries
to convey message that only industrious working is the option for development as well as
remembering the tyranny they passed through. In these poem, the themes of Oromo pride and
hardworking were deep rooted as the result of the constituent Afran Qallo music ensembles.

Afran Qallo musicians display purposely focused on resistance of the cultural repression,
political domination and economic exploitation by the existing system. Ali Birra evokes abba
gadaa office or the place of caffee assembly in the hearts and minds of the Oromo to awaking the

135
Tesfaye Tolessa Bessa, “AHistory of Oromo Cultural Troupes (1962-1992)”, Science, Technology and Arts
Research Journal, Star Journal, Jan-Mar 2013,2(1): 86-94, Department of History and Heritage Management,
College of Social Sciences, Wollega University, Nekemte, Ethiopia, p. 87

71
mass by delivering his songs that was decisive in socio-political life when he sung the following
song:
Afaan Oromo English
Karaan manni abbaa Gadaa eessaa? Where is the way of Abba gadaa quorum?
Dhaqeen galma isaa jajjabeessa I am going to reinforce his goal
Taa’een seenaa isaa babarreessa. I will write the history [gadaa, abba gadaa]
Otollee uleen cabee kan abba Gadaa hincabuu Even if a stick is broken the wooden-
Scepter never breaks
Beeekaa irra kunne malee, seenaan we deliberately left it but there is no historical
136
Hiyyeessa hinqabu narrative inferior to others
Ali Birra was searching for the road that leads to the legal assembly of abba gadaa meeting
(caffee) where the decisions made. He was implying the dismantling of the Oromo traditional
legal system and livelihood by the imperial system and the Oromo are paying the price for the
loss of their identity. Caffee assembly elects abba gadaa (father of gadaa) and made law, which
entails ‘unity, sense of identity, code of conduct and moral standard of the society’. The main
cause for finding abba gadaa quorum, gadaa system was its dismantling and political
transformation within Oromo that undermine gadaa administration by external conquest of the
Egyptians and the subsequent imperial regime during state formation. As a result, the Oromo
nation was deprived its politico-legal gadaa system, and then forced to imitate the imposed
administration and culture of the conquerors. Thus, the belongingness and unity of the Oromo
people was cracked and their relation developed friction and full of dispute through time. Ali
Bira’ song was an attempt to reinvigorate the past pride and glories of the Oromo that can help
bolstering the sense of Oromo national pride.

The intention of this song was to reinforce the objective and goals of abba gadaa, and recording
the pragmatic administration of gadaa system. This song explains the genuine democracy of
gadaa system and the decision made by gadaa assembly (caffee) as irreversible. These ideas
further strengthened by indicating the genuine legal system of Oromo represented by the wooden
scepter (bokkuu) of abba gadaa. In such away, Ali Birra was credited with encouraging the
Oromo in remembering the unique legal practice by singing about the importance of maintaining
cultural heritage in this song.

136
East Hararghe Cultural and Truism Bureau, “Hawwisoo Damee Afran Qallo”, unpublished, 19

72
Afran Qallo cultural troupes became popular among Hararghe people and the Oromo nation as a
whole. As Simon stated, music manifested a spontaneous product of individuals (both musician
and fans) who poached new technology to make the penetration among community. It has also
served for segmenting communities by generation, class, race, and ethnicity and it quickly
germinated the sameness for whose share related identity. As John and et al. stated music suffice
“as both discovering and creating the commonalities of community”, it is evident that its main
purpose is communication through its message (John 2007, 6). 137 Afran Qallo Music bands
played significant role in interconnecting the Oromo by forwarding songs that enhance the
affinity of people. At literary and cultural show in 1977, Halloo Daawee presented songs that
demanded Oromo unity and entitled ‘barbaannet walbarra’ that strengthened a feeling of
closeness and understanding. The song is present as follows:

Afaan Oromo English

Walirra baranna, wajjin tarkaanfanna we learn from each other, we stride together.
Yeroo saatu har’aa, yeroo keenyatu amma, the time is now, our time is now
Ka dhihaa ka bahaa, ka dhidhinaaka booroo from west to east, from back yard
Irree tokkon kaane, haa walbarruu dhiiroo stand together with strength and understand each other
Nutuu wal wallalee, mee maaluma nutaraa we ignored each other, otherwise who else can be
greater than us
Xiqqaa guddaa keenyaan, ilmaan biyaa maraa our young and elder, all children of the nation
Oromootaa maraa the entire Oromo’s
Ilmaan haadha takkaa, hireen isaani takkaa children of one mother, their fate the same
138
Garaa gara duulun, laalaa mee wahii akkaa? Campaigning separately was not right
The movements of Oromo struggle in fragmented manner disharmonize and loosely resulted
disaster for social, cultural and political welfare of the people. Thus, looking the stated songs
critically suggested for the unity of the Oromo people from all direction. It deeply expresses the
feeling of unity and fighting for the common cause of Oromo people through shared experience.
The combining of the part in to the whole marked for having power that enabled determined the
destiny that would happen in the future. Therefore, marching forward in harmony as a nation at
appropriate time with the entire Oromo enable success for the Oromo nation.

137
Simon During, Cultural Studies: A Critical Introduction, (New York: Routledge 270 Maison Avenue, 2005), 124;
John Street, “Playing to the Crowd: The Role of Music and Musician in political Participation”, Journal of
compilation, Poltical Studies Association, (Seth Hague and Savigny, 2007), p.6
138
East Hararghe Cultural and Truism Bureau, “Hawwisoo Damee Afran Qallo”, unpublished, 22

73
Afran Qallo cultural troupes created inter clan unity among Oromo nation that helped to provide
for the bonfire of nationalism. One of the famous musical melody ‘Na dhagahi lammii koo’ that
rose Oromo national consciousness presented by ‘Aduu Birra’ cultural group that was
demonstrated throughout Oromia, for instance from Bale, Ambo, Jimma, in Wellaga particularly
Naqamte, Danbi Dollo, Gimbi, Beegi, and Gidami. That consensus embodied in the poem
written by Ibrahim Hadji Ali presented on the stage by one of the members of ‘Aduu Birra’
Hime Yousuf that generated extreme happiness and cultivated a sense of unity among the
peoples. The song runs as follow:
Afaan Oromo English
Na dhagahi lammii koo na dhagahi fira koo, listen my people, listen my relatives
Wal-hinbeeknuu malee bar nuyi foon tokko, we are kinsmen, though we don’t know each other
Akka firii midhaanii nu faffacaasanii, we were disorganized like cereal seeds
Mee walitti qabamaa bakkuma jirtanii let you come together wherever you are living
Koottaa, naa kootta, tokkotaaana, come, come for me, let us get together
139
Amba maaltu dhibee nutuu wal-taanaa, do not conceder others, we agree on our own.
The song suggests clearly the need for Oromo unity that was broken through deliberate action by
the ruling class. One of the indications of such action was separately calling Afran Qallo by the
term ‘qottuu’ these explicitly explain in the third line of the poem that states the disunity of the
Oromo’. The first two lines stressed to explain, as they are an Oromo by using the phrase ‘my
nation, my relative, and the same flesh’. Generally, in this song the issue of Oromo unity clearly
stated and targeted to the agents whose work for dismantling Oromo unity and reminding
conscious of being from the same blood, and calling for unity under common polity.

4.3. The Role of Afran Qallo Musical bands as a Political Instrument

Music is instrumental for social and political transformation in any society by exposing
inequality and injustice within a state, which prevailed through governmental administration. As
John suggested, “music is an unexpectedly powerful force for social and political change” (2007,
5). Music would create awareness on current political condition and make people conscious
about their own background. The Oromo nation underwent popular and modern musical
performances commonly at public level to refute cultural, political and economic oppression.
Traditional verbal art of geerarsa is the wealth of the national literature of the Oromo people that

139
Informant: Ibrahim Hadji Ali; East Hararghe Cultural and Truism Bureau, “Hawwisoo Damee Afran Qallo”,
unpublished, 7

74
remained one of the most important media for expressing the life condition and articulating
political feeling of the Oromo nation. 140
Cultural movements assisted the dominated people to reclaim and attempted to revive its
suppressed cultural, political and economic rights and to develop the collective consciousness of
nationalism. Oromo cultural movement used art especially music and poetry to reject national
subordination and cultural assimilation. Afran Qallo cultural movement was based on collective
memory of the Oromo people to regain economic, political, and cultural freedom. One of the
selected songs that sung by Yonis Adullah from Mogadishu radio, which dictates Oromo right
read out as below.
Afaan Oromo English
Bilisummaan aannanii nama beekutu dhugaa Freedom is milk and who knows drinks it
Kan bilisummaa hi beeknnee bira taa’ee mugaa who does not know it catnapped being aside
Bilisummaan bilisummaan gaaridha Freedom, freedom is good
Yaa obolleeyyan ka’aa hirribaa. Oh! Brothers be awake from your sleep,
Baasa hinjirree nuutti as baasee They brought up on us which does not exist
Haqa keenyaa addaan facaasee. They disturbed our right
Dachee keessan masinoo keessan Your land, your farm
Kan irra taa’u adawwii kessan Is taken off by your enemy
Maa callistanii teessan? Why do you sit and keep quite?141

The song expresses the need of freedom for oneself to live as a human being, agitates the
Hararghe Oromo to stand against the naftegna who took their land, properties, and destabilized
their cultural treatment of fairness. Political resistance and issue of freedom was the main
concern among Afran Qallo cultural bands. They exposed the political impositions by the central
regime at the period of imperial and military junta as well as the marginalization of Oromo. One
of the prominent singers Mohammed Abdullahi Sani who was known by as nickname Gaddisa
sung at the Oromo musical festival in 1977, which indicated the political resistance of the
Oromo. It reads as follows:

Afaan Oromo English

Qeerroo mataa tutaa, hin jarjartuu suutaa Youth of thick hair should not be in hurry

140
Addisu Tolesa, “Oromo Litrature, Geerarsa and Libration Struggle”, the journal of Oromo Studies, 1994, Vol. 1,
No. 2, ISSN, 1070-2202, p.60,;ibid, p. 59.
141
Tesfaye Tolessa Bessa, “AHistory of Oromo Cultural Troupes (1962-1992)”, Science, Technology and Arts
Research Journal, Star journal, Jan-Mar 2013,2(1): 86-94, Department of History and Heritage Management,
College ofSocial Sciences,Wollega University, Nekemte, Ethiopia, pp. 89

75
 Gara galchanille bar gara galuu hin oollee The tyranny regime would be removable if we
attempt to remove
Ilmi abban cunqursaaa, nama ganuu hin oollee the son of an oppressor would not be loyal
Aduun takka dhiitee takka nuubaritee the sun darkened and again shines for us
Kan akka keenya hin jiru kan garbumman miitee there are no people who were oppressed by
colonizers like us
Jirun gabrumma tan nama yachisuu Living under colonizers is worrisome
Guyyaanis carraaqaa, haalkan nama hin raffisuu strive at day, refuse sleeping at night
Jiini guyyaa hin ba’u, halkan lama hin ta’u the moon never raises at day, so never happens
to shine the next night
Diini kalee dhufe, bar waa fira hin ta’u remind, the former enemy would not be friend for us
Biyya teenya malee tan nama hin falmannu we struggle for our own land, not to occupy others’ land
Abbaadhan gabromnee, ilmaan hin dhalaminuu being colonized by the father we should
not be enslavement for sons
Osoo biyya qabnuu, biyya teenya dhabnee while we have country we lost of it
Osoo heera qabnuu, here keenya dhabnee while we have our own law, constitution we failed
to be governed by it
Osoo aadaa qabnuu, aadaa teenya dhabnee while we have culture we were deprived of it
Akka baala mukaa, faffacaanee hafnee we were forced to disbanded like leafs of trees
Hacuuccan gabrumma, of nu wallalchisee the oppression of the colonizers made unmindful of us
Bakka namni gahu, bar gahuu nu hanqisee it holdup from our destination
Namummaa haqasaa diinni dura dhoksee the enemy hide their own human right
Mee attamiin nyaatee dhugee rafa usee? How did they keep silent after consuming everything?142

The central idea of the above song presented at cultural festival by Mohammed Abdullahi
(Gaaddisaa) entitled ‘Qeerroo mataa tuttaa’ demonstrated the severity of the oppression imposed
by the imperial government on the Oromo of Hararghe. The system continued in the post 1974
revolution and very little opportunity was observed during the Derg regime. Thus, the struggle
for the autonomy of the Oromo nation continued, as there was lack of trust from the successive
regimes.

In addition, they clearly indicated political resistance performed by one of the Afran Qallo
cultural branch ‘Aduu Birra’ musical band. The poem entitled ‘warraqsan sitti dhaamaa’ written
by Zalalam Banti while Ali Birra played it by his salutary sound. The song runs as follows:
Afaan Oromo English
Yaa bartuu kutattu, warraqsan sittidhaamaa Oh! Bartuu determinant I inform you to engage in
struggle
Yaadadhun sin jedha, saba cunqurfama. Do not forget the oppressed nation

142
Mahdi Hamid Muudee, Oromo Revolutionary Poems, Collection of Oromo Revolutionary Poems 1975-77,
(Atlanta: Gurmaawaa Sagalee Oromoo Publishing Co., Inc., 1996), p.71

76
 Tullu gubbaan darbii, hallayyaarraa gorii, Cross over the mountain, turn through the cliffs
Lagaa guddaa ceehii, maasaa keessa bahii. Cross the big river, pass through the field
Atuu ni agrataa, bututtu uuffataa, You can see people, wearing fatigued
Buna kotokotaa, mishingaa qotataa, Cultivating coffee, harvesting sorghum
Qareera tifkataa. Grazing over the hill
Rakkoo bara durii tolchii yaadachisii, Remind him properly the challenges of the past
143
Waayee bilisumma bareechii itti ibsii. Properly explain to him about freedom
This lyric expresses the action of moving to end the oppression of the powerless peasant. It
instigated the peasant to engage in persistent resistances that takes long journey in reminding the
difficulty of the past and hoping the future freedom. The song indicates there was obstacle on the
path of freedom by indicating ‘cross over mountain and across river’. It is only after ups and
downs that freedom can be achieved. In the poem, the phrase of ‘Buna koto kotaa, mishingaa
qotataa, ‘qareera tifkataa’ also explains the hard working Oromo farmer who cultivate,
harvesting and practice animal husbandry. Nevertheless, the peasants pass through a destitute life
that was indicated in the song by the phrase ‘Atuu ni agrataa, bututtuu uffataa’, that explains the
peasant works hard and was unable to cover his body in proper way because of the exploitations
imposed through different mechanisms.

One of the famous poem writers Abdi Qophee produced a number of songs for Aduu Birra
cultural group, which express cultural suppression and political subordination. He was not only
producing poetry but also sometimes singing and forwarded the most powerful song. Abdi sang
the song of ‘Hidhatarran Yaa Hidhannoo Zinnara’ that send massage for OLF fighter in at the
bush as he was joining them. It was presented as follows:
Afaan Oromo English
Hidhatarran yaa hidhanno zinnaaraa armed with furnished weapons
Ati hindhufin natu dhufee silaala don’t come, I will visit you
Ka biyyaa dhaabbatee kutaate ta’a ofiraa, stand for nation in strength of mind
Biyyaa dura ansaa jaalalloo fi fira, the nation proceeds than the beloved and relatives
Sadoof badhaadhaa duugda galee irraa, undermine fear and prosperity
Cuncuna haadhadhee dhagaa boraafadhee the fighter digs ‘Cuncuna’, pillowed the stone for his living
Biyyaafan dhaabadhee roorroo sii hifadhee, stand for nation, impatient of harassment
Dhufeetan silaala yoon mirgaa argaadhee I will visit you when I enjoyed the fruits of freedom
Ka biyyaa dhaabbatee teeson isa daggalaa one who stands for nation makes his residence the jungle
Naqa qonyeetti hidhatee yaadasaa dabalaa marked armed force to attend in concentration
144
Na laalu hin rakkatin naa dhufee silaala. Don’t be troubled to visit me, I will visit you.

143
ibid, p.33
144
East Hararghe Cultural and Truism Bureau, “Hawwisoo Damee Afran Qallo”, unpublished, 10

77
When the Oromo cultural oppression, economic exploitation and political subordination legally
continued and every opportunity for freedom was closed, the Oromo intensified their armed
struggle. Oromo artists used songs as a means of inspiring people to determine their destiny
through armed struggle as the only option. One of the famous journalist and poet Abdi
Mohammed (Abdi Qophee) wrote down provocative song. The above song tries to embolden the
fighters by admiring their armed weapon, and determination. The brave fighters dig the ground,
being impatient of harassments, abandoned fear and their proper life for their nation. It states
they went to the jungle departing from their beloved and family to respond the question of
national freedom. In addition to the appreciation, the song forwarded the outgoing message as
other companion joined early and provided the required equipment.

Economic freedom from land proprietor and exploitation was the other target of Afran Qallo
music band. The song presented by Ali Birra at Oromo musical festival in 1977 claims the
following:
Afaan Oromo English
Tooftaan tee dullomtee, humnii tee kuftee your strategy was outdated, your power failed
Taa’ani nyaachuun haftee no more sit and consume what the poor peasants produced
Hamma har’aan tanaa toofta sobaa uumtee You have been creating false strategy until today
Uummata saamuudhan lafa walitti qabattee accumulating land by confiscating from the poor
Qonnan bulaa roorroon dhamaaftee making the peasant confused through exploitations
Osoo hin taraarre calla safarachuun without toiling you used to harvest and crops
Osoo hin horree cooma jijji’achuun without fattening you used to be eating fat meat
Dammaa, dhadhaa nyaachuun eating honey and butter
Hooda kaleessa darbee dafqa malee jiraachuun From now on, it is taboo to live without your labour
Hamma har’an tanaa hiyyeessa saamtanii robbing the poor farmer until today
Dafqamalee sadoo burraaqxanii living in fancy without striving
Asirratti raawwatti faraqaan teessanii Now it is the end of that sort of life
Yaa abbaa lafaa badii tee dhugaa yoom falattee? Oh! The Land lord, what is the solution for your future
Maali sii wayyaa? aduun sitti bariitee what is your solution? Those days of luxury are over 145
The song describes the end of the feudal gabber system following the downfall of Emperor Haile
Silassie and the introduction of land reform by the derg. It abolished the policy that was created
by imperial regime to exploit farmers in terms of labor and material wealth. The song also
indicates feudal mode of production that conspired against the peasants and confiscated the land
and oppressed farmers tyrannically, while the landlords enjoyed their life. Farther, the song

145
Ibid, p. 17

78
indicates as landlords collected crops without cultivating the field harvested the crops, eating
fattened sheep and goats, butter in the absence of their labor, and collected honey without the
possession of the bees living in a hive. The song indicates such kind of luxuries life was no more
to be enjoyed by the landlords, which was the major manifestation of the socio-economic
exploitation.

Afran Qallo cultural organizations became uplifted from musical performing to lay the
foundation of political party. During these periods, there were two categories of Oromo
community in Mogadishu those active in Oromo freedom movement. One category was those
convinced as Somali Abo by the government of Ziyad Barre as they were not Oromo, but
western Somali and support their program struggle to liberate western Somali. Ziyad Barre
created Somali Abo Liberation Front in 1976, as mechanism with which he dreams to assimilate
the Oromo of Hararghe including many other nations. While others who refused the misleading
notion of Somali government that the ‘Somaliazation program’ and determined to struggle for
Oromo right. Through persistent conversation between the two categories, they reached an
agreement to struggle for common goals that was to fight for the right of Oromo nation.
Consequently, Oromos those convinced as the members of Somali Abo rejected the liberation of
western Somali that intended to separate the vast Oromo and Oromos’ consider as Somalia
military force in rejected their alliance.146

As internal pressure intensely triggered the exiled members of Afran Qallo musical group and
others who care about the Oromo identity, like that of Shantam Shubbisa, Mahmud Sheikh
Mahammud Boke, Abdullahi Yonus, Jaarraa Abba Gadaa, and Elemo Qilxuu determined to
engage in an armed struggle. Their number tremendously increased and they established a kind
of political party Qeerroo Ganamaa (morning youth). Their objective was to change the Oromo
struggle from cultural and language revival to insure political right through armed insurgency.
For that purpose, they moved to Aden to get military training. Emperor Haile Sillassie accused
the governor of Aden on the League of Nations as they gave aid for Oromo freedom fighters. In
due, course the governor of Aden ordered them to leave from his country. As a result, the

146
Informants; Shantam Shubbisa, and Mahmud Sheik Mahammud Boke, Both of my informants were the members
of Oromo freedom fighter after the establishment of Qeerroo ganama, Shantam is musician (poet, composer, and
singer), while Mahmud Sheik Mahammud Boke one of the member of Afran Qallo central committee and facilitator
of musical band.

79
members of Qeerroo Ganama forced to move away from Gulf of Aden to the Somalia Gulf
actually, after they acquired some training and accomplished their preparation they reinterred the
republic of Somalia being properly armed and having additional logistics. At that moment, Aden
people were struggling for their independence from Britain. Besides military training, they were
able to observe and internalize the cost the Aden people paid for their freedom. 147

The Somali earned their independence from British early 1960, and formed the Republic of
Somalia in combining British Somali and Italian Somali land. Thus, it was not free from the
suspicious that British would come back to recolonize. The government of Somali considered the
Oromo freedom fighter as mercenaries of British who might cause dangerous on the sovereign
government. Subsequently, armed engagement between Qeerroo Ganamaa and the army of
Somalia commenced and caused the loss of life from both sides. The remaining members of
Qeerroo Ganamaa including Shantam Shubbisa, Mahmud Sheikh Mahammud Boke, Abdullahi
Yonus, Jaarraa Abba Gadaa, and Elemo Qilxuu were arrested. The government of Ziyad Barre
accused them as the intimidation of independent Somalia state. Their charge was crossing the
boundary of sovereign country with armed gun illegally. Initially the court sentenced death
penalty, but it amends to life imprisonment.148

On the other hand, with the effective engagement of Self-help Association and superficial
outgrowth of Oromo nationalism among the radical educated group of the Oromo elite, the idea
of maintaining Oromo dignity and establishing an Oromo political party was entertained.
Accordingly, educated Oromo elites established Ethiopia National liberation Front (ENLF).
ENLF launched its program that was end of ethnic, language and religious oppression. ENLF
held successive meetings in Finfinne (Addis Ababa) and Dire Dawa to initiate additional
intellectual section in eastern Ethiopia. Afran Qallo Association was the major center to spread
the ENLF political aim. The workers of railway line and cotton factory, teachers and merchants
played great role within ENLF. The immediate program of ENLF accomplished with the

147
ibid
148
Informats: Shantam Shubbisa, Ismail M. Adam, Sheik Muhammed Boke; East Hararghe Cultural and tourism
bureau, “Hawwisso Damee Afran Qallo”, p. 12; Ismail M. Adam, Qanqee Kaa’insa: Jalqaba Seenaa Sossooha
aadaa Ummata Oromoo, Urji Bakkalchaa, Hiriyyaa Jaalalaa, Biiftuu Ganamaa Tokkumma Jaalal, (Brlin:
dbusiness.de, 2014), p. 162

80
outbreak of the 1974 revolution, but the Derg regime hijacked the revolution. 149 At initial, stage
the military regime opened space for the practices of cultural activity for nation and nationalities.
As soon as the military Junta consolidates its power, it started forceful homogenization as a
means of national integrity as well as maintaining national unity. Culture, history and ethnic
suppression were preferred as to strengthen political power.

During this period ideological debate emerged with in ENLF to achieve the revival of Oromo
identity. The right wing thinkers sought a solution for the Oromo national question within the
framework of Ethiopia, while the leftist entertained an independent Oromo organization.
Through persistent debate most of Oromo elite supported independent Oromo political party. In
the mean time, the Oromo elites were on the process forming independent political party. Baro
Tumsa put in order a clandestine meeting in Finfinne (Addis Ababa) in 1973. The participants
were members of Qeerro Ganama, Elemo Qilxuu from Aden, Hussen Sura from Beruit, and
Baker Yusuf from Middle East. In 1973, the Oromo liberation Front (OLF) was established with
an updated and new political agenda of National self-determination. OLF believed forming
Oromia nation state to address the Oromo national questions specifically the promotion of
language and cultural practices. That means as Abreham stated, the Oromo nationalism began to
lead by OLF with its limitation.150

The generation of Afran Qallo, music band became members’ part of the Oromo Liberation
Front (OLF). The Afran Qallo singers and later all Oromo musicians began to propagate about
OLF political aim and mobilization support for the party itself and used music as medium of
publicizing its goal. OLF (ABO- its Afaan Oromo rendition) scored more fame through music
propagation and the party disclosed its program. The famous musician Adam Haruns’ song
praised the OLF by calling the acronymic letters of ABO. The song reads below;
Afaan Oromo English
149
Informants; Yasin Kabira and Elemo Wadaay; Yohannis Petros, “Oromia National Awakening: A Brief
Introduction”, Research Institution of Oromia, (Uk, London: Burqaa 1993), pp. 6-7; Mekuria Bulcha, “The
survival and Reconstruction of Oromo Identity”, Being and Becoming Oromo, Nordiska Afrika Institutet, (Unite
State: Red Sea press, Inc), 1996, p. 64
150
ibid, p. 9; Makuria Bulcha, “The Survival and Reconstruction of National Identity”, Being and Becoming Oromo,
Historical and Anthropological Enquires, (Sweden, Stockholm: 1996), pp.63-65; Mohammed Hassen, “A Short
History of Oromo Colonial Experience: Part Two, Colonial Consolidation and Resistance 1935-2000”, the journal
of Oromo studies, VO. 7, No. 1 & 2, July 2000, p.143; Abreham Alemu Fanta, “Ethnicity and Local Identity in the
Folklore of the South-western Oromo of Ethiopia: a Comparative Study”, PhD. Dissertation, Nether Land:
Amsterdam University, 2015 p.29

81
 A- A jedhee anaannatee sabaaf dhadatee
B- Babal’isee babarrese seenaa mul’see
O- Odeessi oduu qabdaa Odaa maa hustaa
Waaqayyoo siif keennee martuu sijaalata
Seenaa nubarsiiftee galanni kee gudda
Yaa abba adaa fi oodaa, caayaa Oromotaa
Saba kee biratti kaayyoo cimaa qabda
A- first commitment stand for nation
B- explain history in details
O - tell us news Odaa, why you keep silent
God gives for you the love of all
you made uslearn our history
Oh! honor of culture, norm and assemblage of Oromos
151
you have a great objective among your nation.

As explained above music was the main instrument in expressing OLF’s political objectives and
mobilizing the people. While songs advocated it the OLF was the only, political party that set a
program to maintain culture and history of Oromo through political struggle. The commitment of
this party enabled to get the wide acceptance as savior of the suppressed culture and identity as
well as the collector of the whole nation. Actually, in teaching Afaan Oromo at its heyday OLF
contributed its remarkable role.

151
Informant: Adam Harun

82
 CHAPTER FIVE
THE ILLUMINARY OF AFRAN QALLO AND ITS OFF
Musicians are those whom carry and transfer the messages of music to people artistically. They
are crucial in providing the expression of political resistance by raising awareness, inspiring
nationalism and cultural manifestation through their lyrics. Accordingly, music and musicians of
Afran Qallo cultural group played a dynamic role in spreading Oromo consciousness, cultural
and identity revival as well as maintain Oromo unity through their melodic performance. As
explained earlier, music serves as an avenue of expressing the whole life regardless of political,
social, and cultural aspect through its concept and action. Musicians were the producers of that
knowledge and performer of action to the enable community to understand the messages of
music intended to transmit. Furthermore, as John Street et al have stressed “the conjunction of
musicians and movement” that is musical activity would produce “social and cultural capital”,
thus “the musician acquires the authority to act as truth bearer”.152 Moreover, musician those
working in a group to raise a local problem, going on a protest march or campaign for political
change to enforce a ruling government to concern the whole citizen without any difference.

Since its establishment in 1962, Afran Qallo music band glorified Oromo musical and cultural
performance as well as social and political changes through its influential musicians. They were
categorized in to three generations based on their age of emergence and growth in popularity. As
a result, all the members of Urji Bakkalcha were the first generation of Afran Qallo musicians.
They were farther divided based on their talent that of singer, poem writers, composers,
instrument players, and performers on the stage. Few members of Hiriyyaa Jaalala and
Tokkumma Jaalala were second-generation of Afran Qallo musicians. Such musicians like Ali
Birra, Shantam Shubbisa, Abdi Mohammed (Abdi Qophe), Ibrahim Haji Ali, Yonus Abdullahi,
Noho Gobena, Mustefa Harewe and Ahmad Mohammed Qophe (Mohammed Qophe) belong to
this category. While Hallo Daawwe, Adam Harun, Qamar Yusuf are the third generation of
Afran Qallo cultural ensembles. These prominent and dedicated personalities put the ground for
the Oromo cultural progresses with others singer in Afran Qallo music bands.153

152
JohnStreet, “Playing to the Crowd: The Role of Music and Musician in political Participation”, Political Studies
Association, Journal of compilation, , (Seth Hague and Savigny, 2007), pp. 6, & 8
153
Ismail M. Adam, Qanqee Kaa’insa: Jalqaba Seenaa Sossooha aadaa Ummata Oromoo, Urji Bakkalchaa,
Hiriyyaa Jaalalaa, Biiftuu Ganamaa Tokkumma Jaalal, (Brlin: dbusiness.de, 2014), pp. 130,173, 174

83
5.1. Singers (Vocalists)
5.1.1. Ali Shabbo

Afran Qallo cultural troupe has produced legendary and luminary vocalists. Ali Shabbo was one
of these and the pioneering singer in Urji Bakkalcha, Biiftuu Biyya Keenya, and the later Waji-
Qabeeny cultural group. Ali Shabbo was known among his colleagues and other musicians’ by
his nickname as ‘Shabbo’. Ali Shabbo was the senior singer who has an authority and command
by the virtue of his songs. His songs inspire, entertain, advise and educate the Oromo on the
achievement of the predecessor on the stage and through album. When he performed on stages,
he had the power of singing in an inspiring, entertaining and mesmerizing manner whereby
audiences extremely enjoyed through his pleasant voices and message of his music. Shabbo was
the first singer in Urji Bakkalcha cultural ensemble.154

Ali Shabbos’ musical life began as a member of Urji Bakkalcha cultural band. After the first
Afran Qallo musical organization dissolved, he continued his musical career with Hiriyyaa
Jaalala, Biiftuu Biyya Keenya and the last cultural organization supervised by farmer self
association ‘Wajji-Qabeenya’. In due course, he produced albums independently side-by-side
with his cultural band responsibility. By these great endeavors, Shabbo developed especial
regard between his friend and earned undisputable acceptance from Oromo nation. 155

From his popular songs that earned him recognition and celebrity from the outstanding musician
of Afran Qallo ensemble, were the love songs written by Abubaker Mussa, which Shabbo
himself provided stanzas. This song entitled ‘Koottuu yaa ililli’ is loaded with social, cultural,
political and economic matters. It runs as follows:
Afaan Oromo English
Koottuu yaa ililli, an siifiin wallisa Oh! My pretty please come I am singing for you
Utaale yo’n dhufne, firraahuun cali’sa If I come jumping to you, I will be quiet
Koottuu yaa ilillii, rabbii nuu bali’saa Come on my pretty, God considers our problem
Mee narraa rifadhu, siifiin if rakkisaa I wonder for you, please have sympathy for me
Hoojumni warraatuu, waluu nu hanqisaa What our enemy work by itself suffice for our separation
An silaa niin dhufaa, eenyuu na lakkisaa? I would have come, had it not been for our enemy who could
capture me
Atimmoo yoo dhuftee, an sumaan hambisaa If you come, it is my turn to make you stay with me

154
Informants:Ismail Adam, Ibrahim Hadji Ali, Shantam Shubbisa, and Adam Harun
155
ibid

84
Idda jaalalaatin, an suman harkisa I will force you to stay with me through my love
If biraa si dhabuu, yaadaan na huqqisaa If you are not around I will be scared
156
Narraa’n fagaatinii, siituu na gabbisaa Don’t leave me alone, you are my reason to survive.
On surface the song is dedicated to appeal the dearly loved to be sympathetic and subsist with
lover as partner of his life. The singer admires her beauty while he was unable to be with his
favorite due to strict command from outsider that reflects on as family’s works barricade their
relation. He explain as he has no option to be alive with her, he wonders by her love, wait for her
response and she has the chance of coming un to him, as well as stay there, then God posed their
will. The main concept of this song physical obstruction and social distance happen by outside
pressure exclude Oromo nation each other. In addition, Shabbo explain the current political
circumstance that hamper people to describe their interest and raise any basic question unless
obey the imperial rule.

Ali Shabbo was not only a singer, but he provided poem and stanza for Oromo singers. The role
and contribution of Ali Shabbo in the progressive development of Oromo culture was not
restricted to signing and providing song for the second person. Beside these, he cultivated other
new generations to grow to highest level in their professional career. In this regard, he was able
to encourage some to shift their occupation in their life to music. One of the famous Oromo
musicians Qamar Yusuf was the outcome of the efforts of Ali Shabbo. Qamar at the beginning
played Islamic religious song ‘manzuma’, but by the moral reward, material support and
appreciations of Ali Shabbo, he was able to transform his work and his life too. Ali Shabo was
not only vocalist but also a composer, guitarists. He is the first Oromo artist to advertise in Afaan
Oromo business products for companies like Aspirin, Philips, Wonji sugar factory, Desta
Karamella and Oris watch. He was awarded an honorary Doctorates Degree by Haramaya
University in 2011 E.C. in recognition of his contribution for Afaan Oromo development.157

5.1.2. Ali Birra

Ali Mohammed Mussa was born in 1948 in Dire Dawa Ganda Qore village. Ali was playing
customary song that usually practiced by community at regular time, which he heard from local
and from around the house until he was join ‘Hiriyyaa Jaalala’ group. Ali and some of his

156
Ismail M. Adam, Qanqee Kaa’insa: Jalqaba Seenaa Sossooha aadaa Ummata Oromoo, Urji Bakkalchaa,
Hiriyyaa Jaalalaa, Biiftuu Ganamaa Tokkumma Jaalal, (Brlin: dbusiness.de, 2014), p. 48
157
In formants: Ibrahim Hadji Ali and Adam Harun

85
companion gather in the evening to play the usual song at night after working, since the daytime
occupied them with routine tasks. In due course of time, he happened to play at local occasions.
“Ali himself worked as a tailor as his primary means of income”. He developed an interest in
singing, and became good enough then when he was 14 years old; he joined the branch Afran
Qallo cultural organization ‘Hiriyya Jaalala’ in which he began playing music as professional
musician. Ali Mohammed Mussa was known as Ali Birra after his first album entitled Birran
Barihe. 158 One of the peculiar and essential characters of Ali Birra’s song was transmitting the
message intended to convey among the audience directly. Thus, under this topic I focus on
analyzing the major themes of Ali Birra’s song that were related to culture, social and political
content. Ali Birra is one of the most famous and internationally recognized singers and who
became a legend figure in Oromo music. The early song of Ali Birra reads as follow:
Afaan Oromo English
Birraan barihee, ililliin urgooftee autumn is dawn, flowers smell pleasantly
Dilii maaliin qabaa, rabbi kiyya gooytee Oh! Lord what is my sin
Wajiin baduu wayyaa, dhukkubsachuu manna Better to exile together rather than being sick
Naa fii atiis, akkaan waljaalannaa We love each other so much
Hirribattis hogguu, waldura dhaabbannaa We always stand together
Nu lachuu bararree, waldura qubannaa Our destiny makes us fly together
Yaada garaa keenyaa, hoggus dabarfanna Our interest make us pass together all the time 159
Ali Birra was deep into the heart of Oromo people by his early song ‘birran barihe’ (autumn
dawn) that delineate cherish to a desire anticipation for promotion of Oromo culture. Both the
singer Ali and writer of ‘birran barihe’ poem Abubaker Mussa suppose the establishments of
cultural band deem, as autumn is dawn for Oromo art and artist. Birra had a feeling of
excitement about something good that is going to happen among the nation and contains hope
that it could become true. The first line specifies the establishment of Oromo cultural
organization to give light as the sunrises as well as a pleasant smell of a flower for Oromo art
and artists. However, in the second line, he mentions the pressure encountered the nascent
Oromo cultural organization from autocratic government in which Ali raises a regret question,
‘what is my sin’? It is an allusion on what was wrong for the Oromo to promote their own
cultural, wisdom, why the regime obliterates Oromo cultural achievement

158
East Hararghe Cultural and tourism bureau, “Hawwisso Damee Afran Qallo”, p. 20; Ismail M. Adam, Qanqee
Kaa’insa: Jalqaba Seenaa Sossooha aadaa Ummata Oromoo, Urji Bakkalchaa, Hiriyyaa Jaalalaa, Biiftuu
Ganamaa Tokkumma Jaalal, (Brlin: dbusiness.de, 2014), p.75
159
ibid, p. 79

86
In this song, Ali made strong conversation with music that he confirmed his honesty to stay in
his life span. He admitted art as his life, envisages music as his means of transferring message,
and confirmed to exile if the space was not available for Afaan Oromo music in Ethiopia. Ali
regarded as genuine musician to promote Oromo art and exchange his idea with people through
music. He made prophecy his future life span as he lives with music and in music jointly.
Practically, Ali Birra had promoted Oromo music and he shined with music until this day.

When the group of Hiriyyaa Jaalala was dispersed mostly to Somalia (Mogadishu), Ali himself
went to Jijiga and became a tailor permanently. Even though, Ali was keeping his musical
practices strictly in private and become famous, enough subsequently “called upon to participate
in the newly legal music scene”. Ali Birra advised, taught and propagated the importance of
education among Oromo People. One of the most famous songs that shaped the Oromo attitude
towards education was entitled as ‘barnoota, barnoota ammas barnota’ (education, again
education) that incited people to go to school and parents to educate their children. The song runs
as follows:
Afaan Oromo English
Barnoonni dhugaa ofira eegalaa A real education starts from once own
Adaa hubachisee seenaas nixinxala enable to analyze history and understand once own culture
Hagooggii ballaassaa, hamilee kufte kaasaa remove ignorance and raises discouraged moral
Ija jaame banaa, sammuu bilisoomsaa opens the blind eye, liberates mind
Barnootaa ammas barnoota kana ta’u qaba education again education this should be the plan
kaayoon Oromoota of Oromo’s 160
The song was intended to dispatch message as truly education started from oneself that would
remove ignorance and inferiority complex, as well as removes darkness. Therefore, Ali
intentionally delivered his message to Oromo people, as education was an indispensable
objective, that every Oromo should have thought and the right to each individual to get the
opportunity of school. Through education Ali Bira reminds, the Oromo freedom can be realized
that catagorise him as struggle for human right.

Ali Birra recommends the belongingness of Oromo community as theoretically suggest the
Oromo descended from one single father Orma, and the descendents were ilma Orma while
politically disintegrated. Practically there was loose political integration based on settlement

160
Muhammad sayid Abdurehman, Seenaa fi Qabsoo, ( Ityoopiyaa: Finfinne, 2016), p. 274

87
pattern in east and west, religion and political ideology. Sometimes, there were frequent conflicts
between different political factions particularly based on their political attitude and sometimes-
geographical location. As a result, they were failed to attain their intended goal and maintain the
interest of Oromo people. Thus, the subsequent song that configures this idea run as follow:
Afaan Oromo English
Waa malli nudhibee, jenna bita mirga We wonder right and left for no solution
Karaa sirri dhiifnee maalif deemna moggaa? Why we prefer the wrong way leaving the right path aside
Ilmaan haadha-abba, waali obbolessa? We are offspring of the same mother and father
Maalif wal-jibbina akka ilmaan bineensa? Why we dislike each other like the offspring’s of two
enemies
Harki harkaa hin nyatuu diina ofi malee Kinsmen could not attack each other unless they are enemies
Nutuu of xinneesse eenyutuu nu caalee? We undermined our own strength otherwise who
could withstand us
Rabbi moo namuma kan seera jallisee? Is God, or man that distorted the law?
161
Haati teenya takkaa maaltu addaan nubaase? We share the same mother who separated us

The singer began his message in raising question in the first two lines, who distorted the law to
separate brothers. The singer wonders about the disintegration and causalities happened between
the same communities because of clash. Thus, he continued to reflect his surprise when groups
moved to find solution for the problems misleadingly in the second two lines. The song explains
the offspring’s of the same mother and father were brothers, why do they cause damage to each
other. Further, it underlined one nation could not harass each other except combating their
common enemies, by his verse ‘one hand never offense similar hand’. As a result, the singer
concluded that we discredited ourselves and exposed each other to our enemy. Ali was not
simply an individual singer rather he was an, adviser, exposing the violence of justices, promoter
of social justice through education and development forwarded the solution for problems. He
was recognized as international musician who perform music that embodied social and humanity
as we as his song disseminate peaceful solution to any problem. As a result, Ali received various
honoraries award from foreign and local institutes, such as Toronto African Merits award in
1995 and honorary Doctorate Degree in 2010 E.C from Jimma University the high-level
academic recognition for his contribution for Ethiopian music.

161
Ibid, pp. 376-77

88
5.1.3. Shantam Shubbisa

Shantam Shubbisa is one of the most famous Oromo musicians who emerged in Eastern Oromia.
He was born in Dire Dawa town at the village of Laga Harre, and his original name that his
family gave for him was Muhammed Ibrahim Waday. Shantam Shubbisa was nickname given to
him after he sung one song in five languages that were Afaan Oromo, Amharic, Somali, Adare
and Arabic. He played love songs on the stage in the above five languages then, his friends
began to call him shan … shan, i.e. five… five that specified him as distinctive designation of
musician who was capable to communicate in five language. The song expresses the feelings and
affection for his beloved. That song runs as follows:
Afaan Oromo English
Ani kan ogguyyu suma faarsu I am, who praise you all the time
Kan jaalala ofitti si aansuu who need to aligned with you in love
Kan biraa ofitti hindhiyeesu I am not close with any other
162
Sii faa’aa ofirraa achi hinfageesu I would not distance you from me
Shantam was begun to produce musical album after 1968 onwards. The first album entitled ‘naaf
sii uume, siif na uumee’ which is literally translated as ‘you are created for me; I am created for
you’. That song reads out as follows:
Naaf si uumee, siif na uumee nulachu waltara, You are created for me, I am created for you
Amdi goyita nu ciqqawee raabbii foon tokkorra Thanks lord! God shaped us from the same flesh

After ‘Tokkumma Jaalala’ musical band disbanded, Shantam escaped to Somalia and joined the
Oromo Community in Mogadishu. The chairperson of Oromo community Mohammed Omer
Qadi made deep investigation on Shantam, why and how he came to Somalia. Shantam
elucidated for the head and other leaders as he was singer as well as poem writer, then he asked
to write some poems. Shantam successfully fitted the evaluation and convinced the officials, and
then he joined radio Mogadishu. In combination with his colleagues had begun broadcasting
fictional and musical activity such as drama, poem and songs that inspired the youth at home. 163

The Somali republic government considers eastern Oromia as component part of their political
agenda along with Hararghe, Bale, Arsi, and Sidamo beyond Awash River to build great
Somalia. To bud great Somalia in annexing these regions; the government of Ziyad Barre aimed
to use the small group of Oromo freedom fighters as architect. To realize the proposed great
162
Informat: Shantam Shubbisa
163
ibid

89
Somalia, Ziyad Barre opened war on Ethiopian in 1976/7. For political tactics, he set free the
imprisoned members of Qeerroo Ganamaa in promising to appoint them in high-ranking military
offices. This was an appropriate opportunity for Shantam to reinter his mother country through
Hargessa with other four individuals. On the way, Shantam was arrested in Ogaden by Ethiopian
forces that escorted the boarder, and after thirteen days prison transferred to Jigjiga, the
government before hand, prepared fake charge as they arranged violence. The court sentenced
one and half year imprisonment. After a few months, he was transferred to Dire Dawa. One of
the members of All Ethiopian Socialist Movement political party Abdullahi Ahmed Yuya came
to interfere to set free from the confinement cage.

As I stated in chapter three Shantam with others musicians established Biiftuu Biyya Keenyaa
music band. As the musical band was hijacked by political party that it intended to use for
political propagation, Shantam withdrew from Biifuu Biyya Keenya and founded ‘Dawiti Saba’
(mirror of nation) music band independently. This band was not effective due to some problems
that Shantam was not willing to tell for me. After all, Shantam moved to Finfinne (Addis Ababa)
and was employed in Minister of information office as freelancer. His main duty was translating
Arabic songs particularly Sudanese to Afaan Oromo. This created an opportunity to express his
cultural and political thoughts. His interest was to see the idea of equality of Oromo people with
other peoples being respected and the use of Afaan Oromo as a working language at a national
level where Afaan Oromo is used on equal bases with other languages. Thus, he did not translate
the Sudanese songs and he rather used to write down his own poem:
Afaan Oromo English
Yaadatan jira yooman mogole tolaa I am stressed, with no more cuteness
Loolatan jira yooman sagale tolaa I am struggling, I have no more pleasant voice
Wajjin qabeenya ijaarranna we will accumulate property together
Saba bal’aa yaa abba biyyaa the big nation, owner of the state
Har’a booda darbee guyyan cunqurfamnuu the days of oppression are over
Mataa keenya namaaf wilii gadi hinqabnuu we no more bow down our neck
Hirreen saba, takka ol kaatuu gadi hindeebitu the force of a nation never fails once it is raised
Waan aggatte hundaa hanga urreesitu until shattering the whole target
Warraqsii uummata, duubbatti hin deebi’uu the uprising of people never retreated back
164
Ibiddisaa hindhaamu hanga fiixaa ga’uu its fire never quenches until it reaches its peak

164
Informant: Shantam Shubbisa

90
This song described the stubborn struggle, the peripheral position of the Oromo nation in terms
of economy and politics thus, the force of people would bring changes. The first two lines
explain the persistent harassment by successive ruling class while the Oromo refusing to obey
exercise their own life unless imposition, which was followed by an unpleasant situation on
Oromo people. Such provocation and strong disturbance connotes annoy that enduring and
resulting impatience that lead to violent uprising. The force of people would overcome the
weariness by exertion of strong power to remove the actual pressures that limit freedom. Thus,
the force of a nation never fails once it is raised until it will shatter to end socio-political
problems for bringing changes.

When the government officials realized what Shantam was doing, he came back to Hararghe, the
officials ordered him to join Wajji qabeeny cultural band in Harar, which was established by the
government. He refused the demand of the derg bureaucrats in the intension of working musical
activity independently that was not creating comfort among officials. Shantam disappointed as
the main target of his struggle did not attain its main objective. The question of Oromo people
such as self-determination, using own language and maintain self-identity did not get proper
response. Thus, Shantam left out Harar to Dire Dawa on foot, in the mooring and exiled to
Australia via Djibouti.

5.1.4. Adam Harun

Musical ensembles of Afran Qallo made great cultural revival and opened the avenue for
emerging new generations who contributed for Oromo cultural, social and political change.
Adam Harun was one of the third generation musicians who were successful in creating
awareness through his salutary songs to fight against the oppressors. Adam Harun was born in
the former Oborra Awraja the quarter of Makkala, in the village of Jaaja. Oborra further divided
in to the number of sub-district recently thus, Makkala became a separate district, while Jaaja
was an administrative town. Adam grew in playing cultural songs particularly shaggoyye in his
local area.165

As a young boy Adam attending Afaan Oromo radio, broadcast program and songs aired from
Mogadishu that created great affection in his heart. He admired influential musicians like that of
165
Informant; Adam Harun

91
Shantam Shubbisa, Yonis Abdullahi, Muhammud Sheik Muhammed Boke, Ture Lenco, and
Abdullahi Arusi. Through time, the interest of Adam for music became strong. As a result, he
escaped from his birthplace to Dire Dawa. He was introduced with the eldest musicians like Ali
Shabbo and in 1976, he joined Biiftuu Biyya Keenya musical band. Adam got the opportunity to
express his ardent interest and live his marked enthusiastic music. In short period he began to
produce songs in cassette form and then, his first album entitled ‘yaada jaalalaa natti hammatee’
which mean [You created] greater anxiety of love, which dedicated for his beloved. Such song
reads as follow:
Afaan Oromo English
Yaada jaalalaa natti bayyatee [You created] greater anxiety of love to me
Namarraa qobaa na baafatee You left me aloof
Akkuma koo ati yoo nayaadde if you are yearning like me
166
Wal argina yoo jiruun jiratee we can see each other if live continues.
The message of the song indicates the power of love that isolated him from his relatives while
honestly they would meet if life continued. After Biiftuu Biyyaa Keenyaa was disbanded, Adam
started to produce album independently. The works in his subsequent songs demonstrated his
urge to social development and advocacy for public support for OLF. Afaan Oromo music,
which was now recorded in cassette form, propagated the political objective of OLF more than
the party itself taught its supporters, and members were did. He delivers the number of songs
which preached socio-political development as well as the goal of Oromo political party
particularly OLF. Adam produced around twenty-three albums including the collection that he
sang in-group particularly with Hallo Dawwe and Almaz Tefara. However, very few albums
reached among the audiences while most of them failed due to inconvenient political condition.
Particularly as he was, the member of OLF did not get appropriate time to record and duplicate
cassette. The contribution of Adam Harun for Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) in terms of
material and ideological aspects was immense. He provided musical instruments for OLF
military band, which he got as aid from Hussen Ahmad Ammad who by then live in
Netherlands.167

Adam become official member OLF military band and performs musical activities in Caffee
Gadaa musical group. After Ethiopian People Democratic Revolutionary Front (EPDRF)
166
Informant: Adam Harun
167
ibid

92
controlled state power, while OLF forced out from charter, its members pushed to border for
survival. Adam continue his professional career in jungle, however, he arrested and jailed in
Hurso military camp. In this prison, he wrote two songs, entitled ‘michu baayyeen qaba lixa
biiftuutirra’, which mean I have many friends in western Oromia. This song dictated as follow:
Afaan Oromo English
Michuu baayyeen qaba Lixa biiftuuti irra I have abundant friends in western part of the country
Dhaamsaa koo ga’in Oromota maraa please, salute all the Oromo
Yoo lubbun jiraanne turrulee walgarra If we are alive, we will see each other
Firootan koo ilaalii dhaqii lixa biiftuu visit my relatives in western [Ethiopia]
Lafaa baayyees ga’i bari hundumaatuu cover wide areas, communicate with all
Jimma, Iluu Abbabora, Wallaga hama Asoosa Jimma, IluuAbbabora, Wallaga upto Asosa
Hhundumaatti naaf maqii, naaf ga’in dhaamsa turn to the whole addressing my message
Dhagaa’uun dhabee, quunnamun dadhabee I cannot be able to communicate by any means
168
Adaaraa kee yaa abbee. Please! Please! My brother
The above song describe there were the oppressed individual or group of Oromo everywhere in
Oromia region regardless of their various religion veneration and geographical occupation. Thus,
Adam Harun was calling the Oromo from every corner to tackle the cultural imposition, physical
oppression and economic exploitation. Farther, it clarified the unity of Oromo in their variation
of cultural practices on the identity of Oromoness.
5.2. Poem writer
5.2.1. Abubeker Mussa

Abubeker Mussa, Ahmad Mohammed Qophe (Mohammed Qophe), and Abdi Mohammed (Abdi
Qophe) were the leading poem writers in the history of Afaan Oromo literature mainly in Afran
Qallo musical bands. Abubaker Mussa was the pioneer in writing the modern Oromo poem for
the youngsters of Afran Qallo. Abubaker was the pillar, and founder of the first cultural band
Urji Bakkalcha who contribute a lot in terms of producing rhyme, aired Oromo culture and
leading program in different stages. As Ismail stated Urji Bakkalcha was established largely
because of the contributions of the poems written by Abubaker Musa. Abubeker Mussa was born
in 1940s in the section of eastern Hararghe, at Konyaa (then Awraja) or quarter of Oborra, Ona
or district of Dadar administration, the former Leelee Gabaa farmer association, and Ali Arbaa
village. During his early age, he used to be shy. The salutary of modern Oromo poem began to
be produced by Abubaker Mussa and he was placed on the forefront from the members of Afran

168
ibid

93
Qallo, Urji Bakkalcha cultural group. He was one of the famous poets in Urji Bakkalcha cultural
group who produced a number of poems. 169

As he started to write poem in new form, new idea and modernize Oromo poem, in which new
avenue was opened i.e. poems that end in the same letters and transmit message figuratively. In
his poems, Abubaker prophecies and predicts, what would happen and tell the coming events in
clear language. The poems of Abubaker Mussa sung by vocalists of Urji Bakkalcha’s cultural
group inspired and entertained the audience. When the poem of Abubaker was sang from the
stage people were swimming in the tide of happiness, they were introducing each other and
interconnected. From these points of view, the Oromo interconnected, promoting their unity and
solidarity. In due course the attitude of Oromoness and identity developed. 170

Informants claim that his personality was too calm, smile and solve problems immediately in
detail through poems. Remarkably, the endeavors of Abubaker was exceptionally great, thus
even if shoot dead at his age of mature in which he was capable to full develop Afaan Oromo
music. Therefore, it became the source of inspiration for the coming generation. The great effort
of Abubaker was a source of big passion for long period and gradually it became a reality.
During that period, the influence of Semitic writings undermined Oromo culture, identity, value
and achievements by neglecting Afaan Oromo Abubaker tore apart that tradition of intellectual
domination. He made Afaan Oromo the language of art, education, and technology as well as the
language of printing.

Abubaker Mussa was versatile who was equipped with various skills and ability who was a
powerful presenter of his idea on a platform. He was playing various oral folklores on the stage
and capable of controlling the attention of the audience. In his charismatic gift, managing the
stage in which he started in 1961, immediately before the formation of Urji Bakkalcha. He
handles the stage jokingly and transmits his massage in poetry. He wrote poems and drama,
which was able to have power over the attention of listeners that he provided poem for Urji
Bakkalcha, Hiriyyaa Jaalala and Tokkumma Jaalala groups. Furthermore, he offered poems for

169
Informants: Ismail M. Adam, Muhammad Sheik Mummad Boke, and Tamirat Alemu; Ismail M. Adam, Qanqee
Kaa’insa: Jalqaba Seenaa Sossooha aadaa Ummata Oromoo, Urji Bakkalchaa, Hiriyyaa Jaalalaa, Biiftuu
Ganamaa Tokkumma Jaalal, (Brlin: dbusiness.de, 2014), p. 87
170
ibid

94
individuals of Afran Qallo musicians such as Ali Shabbo, Ali Birra, Ali Ahmad Ali/Ali Tuche
and Ibrahim Yousuf Ahmad/Hime. Abubaker was not restricted only in the field of musical
activities, but he was also a journalist who served in Harar Radio station broadcasting various
programs and manager of stage171.

When Afaan Oromo program was inaugurated from Harar radio in 1973, by Emperor Haile
Selassie Abubaker became happy. He started to air in short, period he joined Harar radio then
began to air different programs in Afaan Oromo. Abubaker served as producer of programs
related with entertainment, educations, news etc. One of his programs that titled “Takka Wajjin
Kofalluu ?”, which mean can we laugh together?, that focused on entertainment he raised a
number of issues that advice and kindle the moral of the generation in which Abubeker became
a popular figure. In this radio broadcasting various Oromo folklore were embraced that enhance
the acceptance the program and the prominence of Abubaker. The audiences were waiting for his
weekly program in passion, ardor, trust, and patience. Abubaker close his program by using the
remarkable proverb, which advises the people as the past served for the future lesson, nothing
can be complete over night, and focusing on the future rather than being obsessed on the past. It
stated as follows:
Afaan Oromo English
Kan kutte gundoo the past went for good
Tan hafte guddoo the future very big
Himanii hin fixanii nothing can be finished in words
172
Birumaa lixani keep it for coming
As Abubaker was inherently gifted, he was capable of expressing his feelings, thinking, and
general truth in short phrase wisely. As a result, he forwards the above clever poems that reflect
his scholarly quality as to introduce his program. The central idea of the epigram the past went
for good, while the future is coming with unexpected opportunity to use it wisely for progressive
development and it is the bright prospect to use appropriately for change. Accordingly, change
and development could not happen overnight, thus the intention of Abubaker any engage
diligently in personal occupation to carry out responsibility. He provided contribution in great

171
Informants: Ismail M.Adam, Sheik Muhammed Boke, Shantam Shubbisaa, Ibrahim H. Ali &Tamirat Alemu;
ibid, pp. 88-90
172
ibid, p. 92

95
endeavor in the area of personal career as to create good ground for the coming generation that
employ for enhancement.

Abubaker was killed when he was regularly performing his professional occupation in Harar
town. There are a number of controversial issues related to the death of Abubaker Mussa based
on two of my informants. According to Ibrahim Ali Hdji on July 12, 1977, Abubaker was shoot
dead by the Derg militants on his way to his work place to Harar radio exactly because of his
political position. While as Tamirat Alemu, the colleagues of Abubaker said one day Abubekar
was on his duty of radio transmission, just at 12:30 pm he gone away for dinner with his friends.
At 7pm conflict, happen between Derg and OLF army. The town tide up by the fire opened
between Derg and OLF militants. On the left side of Harar radio station there was the building of

Figure 4. Abubaker Mussa Waday Roba. (Source: Anole press)

financial office, and then the derg members escorted this building to defend the public property.
After having dinner, Abubekar ran towards his office to escape the clash, but the military on duty
of security shoot him in front of the radio station. Thus, Abubaker was exposed to death at the
conflict between Derg and OLF rather than his political attitude.173 In any case Abubaker was
lost his life in the hand of Derg militants that event tremendously affect Oromo cultural progress.
Even if he died untimely on the age when he can contribute more for the progress and

173
Informants: Ibrahim Ali Hadji andTamirat Alemu

96
development of Oromo culture, he provided enormous achievement. In his very brief lifetime, he
was renowned among the Oromo nation by his remarkable achievement in Oromo cultural
progresses. As a result, in the history of Oromo cultural and literary movement Abubaker stands
on the forefront.

5.2.2. Qophee poets: Abdi Qophee & Mohammed Qophee

Qophee was a nickname given to Abdi Mohammed and Ahmed Mohammed as they were
preparing something valuable within few time such as poem and stanza. Qophe is an Afaan
Oromo word, which mean vigorous to get ready something enthusiastically. These two legends
of Oromo poets were turned to this name by their effective contribution to Afaan Oromo
literature. They are the disciples of Abubekar Mussa, the pioneer of Oromo poem in which they
were enlightened and sharpened under his coach. Abdi Mohammed (Abdi Qophe) was born in
1939 at Oborra Awuraj, Soqaa district and Yaatu village. He attended his primary education at
Dadar junior school, after complete grade eight he moved to Dire Dawa for his secondary school.
In 1971, he joined Haile Silassie I university unfortunately, he interrupted his higher education
due to political case in second year. In 1973, he joined Harar radio and started journalism as his
career. Abdi Qophee was farther known in producing poems and stanza. He has the pad of poem
storage, and he offered a number of songs for different musician, particularly Adam Harun and
Kedir Said. 174

The honored poet Abdi Qophee write out the love songs’ ‘gaaf tokko na mitee jaalalti daguutti’
(one day suddenly suffered I in love)’ in which he express the characteristics of love and legal
system of Oromo. Abdi Qophe explained the main features of love as causing insanity, and
worry as well as making people wanders here and there.
Afaan Oromo English
Gaaf tokko namitee jaalaltti dugutti one day suddenly, I suffered in love
Dhaqeetan himadhee dhadacha heeratti I appealed to the court of law if you heard it
Bellama nuuf qabe abban dhadachati the judge advocate, gave us an appointment to see my case
Naaf ishee kan moo’uu eega walitti wait for who is the winner
Naa gargarsa hin qabnee kan ijaan agartuu she understand as I am not get support
Kaan gaalee naadhooftee oligadi naandeemtuu she tide me driving her and there
Jaalala baanani akka naaf dhiyatuu the love present to the legal court
Heeratti dhiyaatee haanaaf gaafatamtuu available to law court and verdict

174
ibid

97
 Waraqaa waamichaa haa siibarreefamtuu letter of calling write for you
Geessii itti keennii bakka ishii jirtuu I gave her where she is
Barbaadee dhaqee bakka ishiin jirtuu I search her residence [where she is]
Waraqaa irra kaa’ee otoo ishiin loltuu I am grant letter as she become complain
Of abdatee loltii waa naaf hindhiyaatuu complain confidently not come to court
Yoo dhiyachuu baatee qeeroo haa naf qabduu if not ‘qeerroon’ arrest and bring to court
Qeerroo dhan qabamtee yoomuunif dhiyatuu after bear to the court,
Deebisan kana wannii ishin jettuu this is her response, what she say,
Yoo raga qabatee nattaa dhiyeefatuu if he has witness, he can present
Barbaadeetan argee sadeen ragaadhatii I find the three witnesses
Gammachuu, rifatuu, yaadas idaa’eetii happy, fright and stress,
Dhadachati dhiyaatan sadeen raga dhatii the three witnesses bear to court,
Kan feetee ni jeefti, kan ni marachitii can kill and make insane as she like,
175
Kun hojiishiti this is her routine.
This song accommodates the manner of love and Oromo norm, legal process and the role of
qeerroo (un married youth) in enforcing law to maintain peace and stability. According to the
above song love suddenly cause suffer that lead to stress and insane. In Oromo, culture persuades
or compelled woman by force cause any mentally or physical stress was taboo. According to this
song, singer present his complain to law court in counting witnesses, such as happiness, fright
and stress these are the fleeing of any who was exposed to the victim of love. They are available
to law suit and present testimonial statement fright and stress were the action of love, then jury
sentenced life prison on love. It reflects the legal procedure of Oromo people to solve complain
and verdict in due process of law. In gadaa system, the roles of qeerroo or youth were to
maintain boarder security, as well as peace and stability of property and life. Thus, the song
confirmed the legal procedure and role of youth in social and political affairs.

Abdi Qophe offered poem for the branches of Afran Qallo cultural organization such as ‘Aduu
Birra and Biftuu Biyya Keenya’ as well as individual singer like Ali Birra, Ali Shabbo, Abbito
Kebede, Hallo Dawwe, Adam Harun, Hirpha Ganfure, Qamer Yusuf, Abdi Ibrahim, Almaz
Tefara, Kadir Said, Rayya Abba Macca, Usmayo Mussa and many others. Abdi Qophe was not
only writer of poetry, but also he provided a number of songs. As a result, Abdi Mohammed
(Abdi Qophee) was one of the legend musicians who were produced number of poems for
singers. Beside his major occupation, Abdi began to take part in OLF as a member, through
process he decided to join the armed struggle. Within armed struggle Abdi Qophee was wounded

175
Informant: Adam Harun

98
then captured and took away to Addis Ababa after he convince the EPDRF official as he have
political information related to OLF fighters that he want to explain for them. In fact, he
determined not back to Hararghe and use such as strategy to say Addis Ababa. During the period
of EPDRF Abdi Qophee was appointed as Dadar administrative official. However, he was
suspected as he has relation secretly with OLF and gave information then imprisoned in Dire
Dawa. After he released Abdi got the opportunity of escape to abroad through humanitarian
association i.e. ‘red cros’, then gone away to Germany. However, he did not get any appropriate
job, and difficult for him to adopt the harsh climate condition of Europe, as a result he came back
to his country within seven or eight months. Immediately the government officials arrested and
detained at Shewa Robit prison where he was tortured and exposed to sickness. After he was
release from prison, he was engaged in chat trading to sustain his life until his death in 2003. 176

Ahmed Mohammed was known by his nickname Mohammed Qophe. He was born in eastern
Hararghe, Oborra Awuraja district, the former Laga Soqa farmer association. His professional
occupation was journalism in Harar Radio; he was producer and presenter in Afaan Oromo
program. During the Derg regime, Mohammed Qophee left out by the pressure of central
government from his formal career and became limited to produce poem. His poems indicate the
oppression of Oromo people, culture, economy and politics. From his famous poems ‘magala
nagaatti’ (goodbye town) sang by Ali Shabboo. The song expresses that industrious production
and the norms of Oromo stated below:
Afaan Oromo English
Akkaa garaa dhabee hanga har’aa taa’ee I lost what I need, and stayed until this time
Naannawuu jibbee qonna malee jedhee I hate wondering except farming
Magala nagayatti baadiyaatti ka’ee Good-bye town I ‘am going to the villages
Dongoree akaafee adutti waadamee I will dig, and work hard without fear to the heavy sun
Dhukkeedhas uffadhee horofa laaqqadhee being exposed to the dust and mud
Dafqa kiyya nyaachuuf facaasee murachuuf sowing, harvesting to live on my own strive,
177
Kunoo kurfayee fedhii bakkan gayuuf Here, I am ready to fulfill my, needs

The song describes farming as an interesting occupation and yielding advantageous return as
well as a means of escaping inconveniences of towns for Oromo cultural practices. Farming

176
Informant: Adam Harun andTamirat Alemu; East Hararghe Cultural and Turorism Bureau, “Hawwiisoo Afran
Qallo” unpublished, p. 10
177
East Hararghe Cultural and Turorism Bureau, “Hawwiisoo Afran Qallo” unpublished, p. 9

99
required a lot of time, effort and working very hard. He explains the laborious production to
fulfill human needs. On the other hand, the factors that forced him [the farmer] to leave the town
were related with absence of any cultural representation of the Oromo like speaking Afaan
Oromo due to the language policy of government. It seems as he was annoyed by the oppression
of the time by the ruling class and went out to rebel when he stated ‘magala nagaatti’.

100
6. Conclusion
Music endorses the agenda for recognition of distinctive nature of cultural activities, goods and
services as vehicles of identity, values and meaning. Accordingly, Oromo used music as
accompaniment of almost every human activity, which can shape, strengthen and channels every
kinds of behavior and cuts across all aspects of culture and language. Music and dance were the
most effective ways to build and maintain social solidarity as well as identities; especially this is
true in oral societies.

Afran Qallo musical group played the significant role in being the voice of Oromo, in exposes all
form of oppression. As a result, songs are part of every cultural, economic and political
expression for Oromo people. Thus, music has been an advantage to preserving, constructing and
expressing personal and social identities. For the Oromo, music plays a vital role to create sense
of unity and affording social cohesiveness among those previously similar varieties of cultural
performance, and dialect of language.

The establishment of Afran Qallo music bands in the 1960s in the eastern Oromia and other
cultural troupes in the rest of what is now Oromia created the bases to such social, political, and
cultural self-awareness which was deep rooted and explored at this moment. The popularity of
Afran Qallo music bands and their travelling trough out what is now Oromia region spread the
Oromo national awakening. The combined efforts of Macha-Tulama self Help Association
consolidates Oromo national consciousness that led to the development of Oromo nationalism.
Therefore, music has been serving as a handy weapon by the Oromo nationalist movement and a
means of transferring message and communication. Such circumstances farther led to the
integration of national feeling.

Afran Qallo music bands gave strong attention to Oromo culture, particularly Afaan Oromo. It
makes in roads up the Oromo identity widely which evocated them without excluding in terms of
generation gap, class and gender difference. Afran Qallo cultural troupes brought together the
Oromo for common goal that is using Afaan Oromo at national level, understanding each other
as the sameness and stand together to reverse the institutional marginalization. Afran Qallo
music band cultivated a sense of identities in the heart of Oromo community and tied the various
groups of the Oromo.

101
Afran Qallo music bands inspired cultural revolution and mobilized the public awareness. The
public mobilized underwent through preparation of musical show that was displayed in local and
regional tour. Musical ensembles such as Urji Bakkalcha and Tokkumma Jaalala conducted
musical concert at local level in traveling in eastern Hararghe. Furthermore, Aduu Birra
conducted musical show at regional in travelling through various Oromia provinces in which
they propagated the Oromo unity and sameness. The most significant achievement was cultural
show hosted in 1977, in which Afran Qallo group actively engaged. In this show, Oromo
musicians were brought together from almost all Oromia, and accelerated the Oromo national
unity. Urji Bakkalcha, Tokkumma Jaalala and Biftuu Ganama provided indispensable role in
these regard in first round, whereas Aduu Birra and Biiftuu Biyyaa Keenya in the second round.

In this process of musical development, Dire Dawa emerged as the center of generating musical
bands that was serving for the contrivance of Oromo nationalism, unity and revival of Oromo
cultural demonstration after Afran Qallo association was organized. The association established
musical bands and various synchronized committees, called koree. In later period, the association
was transformed in conducting social welfare and integrated in to expansion of education by
establishing school, which was supervised by the council of elders’ that indicating the opening of
acess of education for Oromo children. Elders declared the opening of modern schools that
Oromo children attend education without discrimination in appellation of Har’an ba’e or aaran
ba’e. Therefore, the Afran Qallo Association (Jammata Afran Qallo) contributes for the revivals
of Oromo culture through facilitate the establishiment of music band and encourage the founding
of school.

Afran Qallo musical troupe provided indispensable contribution in broadcasting Afaan Oromo
music from national radio, while when internal transmissions jam musician and journalist aired
Afaan Oromo music from Mogadishu. As Emperor Haile Sillassie I inaugurated the broadcasting
of Afaan Oromo from Harar radio that intended to divert the attention of Hararghe listener, Afran
Qallo prominent figures and musicians such as Abubeker Mussa,Ali Shebo, Ismail Mumed, Ali
Birra, Mohammed Ahmed and Abdi Mohammed,etc used as an advantage to developing Afaan
Oromo and culture. As a result, the customary song shaggoyyee adopted standard poem writing,
modern instrument, modern way of composition and production. The series adoptions of modern
instrument for the indigenous cultural art enhance shaggoyye performance at national level.

102
The Afran Qallo Music bands had triggered political development through reflecting internal
political circumstances such as repression and imposition. Through the spread of Afaan Oromo
music, cultural nationalism that is ‘idea of Oromo pride’ shaped that led to the development of
political nationalism. They offered an indication in to the individuals become conscious in which
they are determined struggle for freedom, and equality at a given period. Thus, music is a pan
Oromo culture that gives political movement and intensifying struggle. As political trauma
harassed musicians, their proximity to cause political action became strong through active
engagement. The roles of Afran Qallo music band and musicians in awaking the society and
mobilizing supporters of Oromo political party were crucial.

Musicians were crucial in providing the expression of political resistance, made the awareness
and sense nationalism and cultural manifestation through their lyrics. The members of Afran
Qallo cultural bands opened the first way for modern Oromo music that was a great cultural
achievement. Accordingly, Abubeker Mussa of Afran Qallo band, Ali Barra’s musical
organization, Shantam Shubbisa as well as many others vocalist played a dynamic role to the
spread Oromo consciousness. Qophee poets following the footsteps of Abubeker put their
fingerprint in Oromo cultural movement. They produce number of poem, which express social,
political and economic circumstances of Oromo nation. The Afran Qallo cultural movements
facilitated the restoration of Oromo people’s culture, history, pride as well as restoration of the
misplaced cultural, economic and political rights to develop the collective consciousness of
identity that grew to nationalism.

103
GLOSSARY
Abba father or owner
Aduu sun
Afaan Oromo language of Oromo
Barye dawn
Barnoota education
Biftuu sun
Bilisummaa freedom
Birraa autumn
Biyya country
Bokkuu wooden scepter
Caffee Oromo parliament
Finfinnee the present Ethiopian capital city, Addis Ababa
Gadaa Oromo socio-political organization
Ganama morning
Hawwisoo cultural band or group
Hidhannoo armed
Hiriyaa firend
Ilillii flower
Jaalala love
Jammata association
Koree committee
Ona deserted house or place
Oromumma Oromoness
Qeerroo unmarried youth
Qophee active
Sadarkaa level or rank
Tokkumma unity
Urji Bakkalcha morning star
Warraqsa revolution
Quxisuu younger

104
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Informant list

No Name of informant Se Age Date of Place of Remark

interview interview
x
1 Adam Harun M 60 Adam was third generation of
Afran Qallo musicians and
08/02/2019 Dire Dawa narrates properly about music
bands since 1976, provide frist
primary information.
2 Elemo Waday M He describes eyewitness
activities of Afran Qallo music
65 12/02/2019 Dire Dawa band from its foundation.

3 Fandishe Mul’ata/ Fandishe was explaining about

Ahmednur Mohammed his eldest musician and various
M 56 11/03/2020 Harar type s of shaggoyyee in detail.

4 She was one of the member of

‘biiftuu biyyaa keenya’, known
Hallo Daawwee F 59 24/3/2020 Dire Dawa by her melody ‘Oromon
fardaan dabalee’
5 Ibrahim Hadji Ali M He is properly know about
1970s established musical
65 08/02/2020 FinFinnee bands and narrate smartly and
provided primary information
6 Ismail Mummad Adam M 74 He was knwledgeble and
explain about urji bakkalcha in
07/02/2019 Dire Dawa good manner, provide for me
primary sources
7 M 69 He was charismatic person in
narrating about Afran Qallo
Mahmud Sheikh
07/02/2019 Dire Dawa musical band, the role of that
Mummed Boke bands, offer for me primary
information.
8 Mumme Abdo M Kersa He is local elder and narrating
properly about different types
76 27/02/2020 of shaggoyye.

9 Shantam Shubbisa M 69 He was good knowledgeable

about Oromo music bands from
01/10/2018 Dire Dawa very beginning, cable in
narrating, and provided for me
frist hand information.
10 He have deep knowledge about
Harar radio and Oromo
Tamirat Alemu M 64 23/8/2020 Harar journalists of the period narrate
in deep feeling

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11 Umar Mumme Roba M He is notable elder in Hararghe,
knowledgeable about Afran
70 24/02/2020 Langey Qallo folkler genre and
narrating from his life in
remarkable manner.
12 Usman Mummed M 07/03/2020 He is local elder, know deeply
about various form of
Abdulla 57 Kersa shaggoyyee and explain it
attractive manner
13 Yasin Kabira M 55 he explain musical activity of
Afran Qallo in relation with
08/02/2019 Dire Dawa political activey

110