Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Joseph E. Pluta*
Background
Boulding was one of the founders in 1956 of the Society for General
Systems Research, an organization that was renamed the International
Society for Systems Science in 1988. Originally charged with developing
theoretical systems that can be used in more than a single discipline, ISSS
has broadened its focus to include practical applications of systems
techniques to problem solving. Boulding served as first president of the
organization whose later presidents included such notable scholars as
cultural anthropologist Margaret Mead, political scientist Bertram Gross,
chemist Ilya Prigogine, and several other distinguished academics. Boulding
also later served as president of the American Economic Association.
A society devoted to the study of systems was initially conceived in
1954 at the Stanford Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences
through the combined efforts of economist Boulding, biologist Ludwig von
Bertalanffy, neuroscientist Ralph Gerard, and mathematician Anatol
Rapoport. With the assistance of biologist James Grier Miller, SGSR was
formally established as an affiliate of the American Association for the
Advancement of Science two years later.
In his classic article on General Systems Theory (GST), Boulding
proposed a social systems gravimeter, which he dubbed the “skeleton of
science”, comprised of nine levels of organization each delineating an
increasing level of complexity (Boulding 1956). He lamented at the time that
theoretical models in GST had yet to advance beyond the fourth level of his
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“skeleton” and were fairly rare even above the second level. General
systems theorists, along with scholars in the sister disciplines that the
original movement inspired, have clearly made progress during the past half
century, both in terms of analytical rigor and in the application of their
methods to a wide range of issues. Much of this work, however, still remains
within the third and fourth levels of the Boulding gravimeter. This suggests
that modern GST may have either paid limited attention to the Boulding
framework or that the GST approach still has much to gain by developing
and applying it.
The former conclusion may appear valid on two fronts. First, as has
recently been noted, “Boulding never returned to the Skeleton in his later
writings” (Wilby 2006: 698), the reason for which can only be speculated
upon at this juncture.1 Having done considerable work in systems theory
later in his career, he likely chose to become more involved in new
directions in which this work took him and simply allowed his original
formulation of the concept to stand on its own. Of course, given Boulding’s
extensive scholarly interests, there is a limit to the research avenues that any
scholar can pursue during the course of a highly productive lifetime.
Secondly, citations of Boulding in the work of some modern systems
theorists (Radzicki 2003; Lane 2008; and Richardson 1999) have been
relatively rare.2 In much of the work of these and other writers, Boulding
either is not cited at all or else is mentioned only briefly in passing. Perhaps,
there is still much in Boulding’s early thought that contemporary writers can
utilize. It is the latter argument that will be pursued here.
The Skeleton
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Table 1
The Boulding Skeleton of Science
Sources: Adapted from Boulding 1956: 202-205 and updates from Mingers 1997: 306;
Wilby 2005: 394; and Wilby 2006: 697.
GST has become more sophisticated in its techniques but also more
fragmented. While the former is clearly a natural and generally desirable
development, the latter has produced several branches of research teams not
always cognizant of, or even interested in, what others are doing. Each
branch, meanwhile, has produced a seemingly endless array of new terms
with specific definitions resulting in some controversy over what each of
these terms means, how they can be used, and how important each is to the
analysis in question. It is not unusual, for example, that a new methodology
using a detailed set of newly defined terms is developed only to be ignored
by others working in different branches of the GST tree. At some point,
however, some synthesis of the best of these methodologies appears
necessary while the least useful approaches (say, those with the fewest
applications) are discarded or at least relegated secondary status.
Some of the problems of using the same terminology across
traditional academic disciplines have been identified along with suggestions
for minimizing reluctance to do so (Bailey 2001). Exporting both terms and
concepts often still meets with resistance both in the disciplines of origin and
destination. While Boulding certainly understood the need for overcoming
this obstacle, it was primarily a hurdle he left for others to clear. In addition,
he was so prolific at inventing new terms himself that he may have
unintentionally contributed more to the problem than its solution.
In some ways, modern GST has clearly moved beyond some of the
constraints under which Boulding initially operated. Most notably, despite
his contributions in the area of evolutionary economics (Boulding 1981)
where the concept has always been held in extreme disfavor, Boulding
initially appears to embrace the notion of equilibrium that the economics
profession had “borrowed” from the physical sciences. His 1956 article
explicitly states:
which after all was a primary motivation behind the systems movement at its
inception.
Rigor and synthesis, of course, need not be contradictory goals. Both
can be achieved simultaneously but the process of doing so depends on the
level of communication among leading researchers. Disciplinary boundaries
must be broken down carefully with conferences and continued published
research the most likely vehicles. It would be difficult, and probably
presumptuous, for someone like myself who was not formally trained in
systems theory to offer any more in the way of recommendations. Leading
researchers in GST are far more capable of leading the way. I would,
however, like to offer one illustrative anecdote.
On three separate occasions, I did enjoy the distinct privilege of
having lengthy one-on-one conversations with Kenneth Boulding in such
disparate locations as Monterey, California; Georgetown, Texas; and
Toronto, Canada. Each time, no matter what was being discussed, he
inevitably returned to the importance of close communication among
scholars in diverse disciplines. The story I remember best was his
description of the economist who was building an elaborate econometric
model encompassing dozens of quantifiable variables. At the conclusion of
his research, the economist in the story stated proudly, almost arrogantly,
that what remained to be done could be found in the discipline of political
science if only someone there would expand upon his model.
With his characteristic warm smile, Boulding looked at me and stated:
“But alas, the other chap wasn’t there because he was busy building his own
model that left out economic variables.” No doubt he related similar stories
to others and may have even published a version in one of his works of
which I am not familiar. At the other extreme, as Boulding himself stated in
1956: “It is all too easy for the interdisciplinary to degenerate into the
undisciplined” (Boulding 1956: 200). With slow but deliberate progress and,
hopefully, with the advice of a wise sage like Boulding near at hand, systems
thinking continues to work on avoiding both pitfalls.
considerable duplication of effort has occurred. That fact alone speaks to the
need for greater interdisciplinary effort.
Some steps in that direction have taken place as is evident from such
newly emerging fields as economic psychology, happiness research,
cognitive science, sociobiology, and, to a lesser extent, behavioral
economics. While interesting and clearly departing from the mainstream of
several disciplines, most of these areas have seldom combined research
methods of more than two (occasionally perhaps three) traditional
disciplines. As such, they have fallen short of genuine systems thinking.
Traditional disciplines themselves are institutions. They are often
static in their methods, past binding, resistant to change, authoritative (even
dictatorial), ceremonial, and past-glorifying. They may even slow the speed
with which new technical knowledge is introduced and human progress is
achieved. Mainstream economics has certainly done this with its continued
embrace of such dubious concepts as the invisible hand, consumer
rationality, equilibrium, the marginal productivity theory, the inevitability of
diminishing returns, and the fiction of pure competition.
Boulding and others in the systems thinking movement have taken a
giant step in breaking down these and other traditional resistances to change.
While much clearly remains to be done, the existence of data on many of the
institutions mentioned above provides a potentially fruitful starting point for
systems thinkers interested in exploring some of the higher levels of the
skeleton. This is especially the case when one considers the wealth of data
collected in recent decades on: corporations including banks, small
businesses, educational institutions, unions, religious organizations,
government agencies, and even families. These databases have barely been
tapped by researchers using a systems approach.
Endnotes:
3. In all fairness, this article focuses primarily on the work of Ludwig von
Bertalanffy, another pioneer in the field. It also calls for contemporary
scholars to pay more attention to the historical roots of the movement. The
fact remains, however, that in this survey Boulding is virtually ignored.
Bibliography
______ (1985) The World as a Total System, Beverly Hills, CA: Sage.