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By the Author of
Pedagogy
of the
Oppressed
OTHER BOOKS BY PAULO FREIRE
FROM CONTINUUM
Pedagogy of the Oppressed
Education for Critical Consciousness
Pedagogy of the City
Pedagogy of Hope
Relvig UPedagogy of the Oppressed"
PA ULO FREIRE
PEDAGOGY
OF THE HEART
NOTES BY AA MIA AOo FREIE
Tanslated by Donalda Macedo
and Alexandre Oliveira
Foreword by Martin Carnoy
Preface by Ladislau Dowbor
CONTINUUM NEW YORK
2000
Te Continuum Publishing Compay
370 Lexington Avenue
New York, NY 10017
Copyrght © 1997 by Ana Maria Araujo Freire
Alrigts reserved. No part of this book may be reproduce, stored
i a retrieval system, or transmitted, i any form or by any means,
electronic, mecanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise,
witout the written permission '0£ The Continuum Publishing Compay.
Printed in the United States of America
Librar of Congress Cataloging-in-Pblcation Data
Freire, Paulo, 1921-
[A sombra desta mangueira. E)
Pedagogy of the heat I Paulo Freire) notes by
Ana Maria Araujo Freire ¿ translated by Doaldo Macedo and
Alexandre Oliveira ] foreord by Martin Camoy.
p. cm.
Includes bibliogaphical references (p. ).
ISBN 0-8261131-2 (pbk.) : alk. paper
I. Politics and educaton. 2. Populat education.
3. Politics and educaton-Brazl. 4. Populat educatio-Brazil.
I. Freire, Ana Maria Araujo, 1933- • 1 Title.
LC71.F7413 1997
370. 11 '5-dc21 97-15797
C
Contents
Foreword by Mart Caroy 7
Preface by Ladislau Dowbor 21
Under the Shade of a Mango nee 29
Solitude-Communion 29
Life Support and the World 32
My First World 37
Hope 42
The Limit of the Right 51
Neoliberals and Progessives 55
Democratic Administration 59
Lessons from Exile 66
The "Leftsl and te Right 76
Seriousness ad Happiness 89
Dialogism 92
My Faith and Hope 101
Notes by Ana Maia Aauio Freie 109
Foreword
BY MARTIN CARNOY, STANFORD UNIVERSITY
Te late Paulo Freire was the most importat educator of the
second half of this century. He was also a political activist-a
passionate progessive who believed in the inseparability of
learing from political consciousness and of political con­
sciousness from political action.
I this book, Paulo Freire looks into his own life to reflect
on education and politics, politics and education. He reveals
himself as an uncompromising democrat and unrepentant
radical reformer. He lived through military rule, exile, and
even the holding of political power as Sao Paulo's Secretary of
Education. In that offce, he made policy for the education of
hundreds of thousands of pupils. All of these experiences have
only increased his commitment to the excluded, the power­
less, the marginalized, the hungry, the illiterate.
Much of the book is about Brazil and particular issues of
Brazilian politics. Brazil is in many ways unique. One of the
geat new industrial economies, enormously wealthy and
enormously poor, it has the most unequal income distibution
of any of the world's major countries. Its political system,
multiparty and highly democratic at one level, is still run on
the basis of cientelismo, in which politicians maintain power
by using public resources for very specifc private interests.
And, although as Freire argues, the educational system is now
interally democratic in many municipalities, it is one of the
most stratifed and least accessible in Latin America. Even
with rapid enrollment growth in the past ten years, only about
8 • F O RBWO R D
one-third of ffteen-to-nineteen-year-olds attend secondary
school. Teachers' salaries have fallen drastically during that
same period (as in much of the rest of Latin America), and the
conditions in basic education are desperately poor.
Even i Pau10 Freire was frst and foremost Brazilian, or even
more particularly, a Northeast Brazilian, from the cradle of
Luso-Afro-American civilization, his ideas are in the world
and from the world. He is an anomaly among educators be­
cause he is truly interational. He is as well known in Nicara­
gua or in France as he is in Brazil. He also has an enormous
following in the United States, not just aong intellectuals
but among primary school teachers ad adu1t educators.
So his Brazilian thougts address worldly issues. We in the
North need to pay much greater attention to them. For better
or worse, we have entered the global age and we entered it
together with Paulo Freire, te Brazilian Nordestino, sitting in
the shade of his mango tree. * Ou social condition may appear
to be altogeter different, but as we push below the surface of
our everyday lives, we fnd that the questions we are asking
ourselves require the same larger considerations. Freire ad­
dresses progressives everywhere, urgng them to remain ac­
tive, authentic, democratic, nonsectarian, and unifying. But to
do this, he arges, progressives must continuously examine
their underlying strategies. New conditions demand new an­
swers to some of the same old diffcult questions: What is the
role of a progessive politics in the world system, now a new
global-information economy? What is the role of progessive
intellectuals? And what is the role of democratic education
I
again now in the information age? Tese are questions just as
fundamental to those who want progressive change in the
North as they are to Paulo Freire.
What are these new conditions? Te frst is that world econ­
omy has changed profoundly in the past generation. It has be-
·The ori title of this book is A Sombra desta Maeira, translated as
"under the shade of this mango tree."
F O R BWO R D • 9
come gobalied. Globalization does not simply mea inter­
national trade and movements of capital and labor. In that
sense, the economy has always been global. The recent change
represents a profound shift of economc time and space, from
the local and national into the global arena. A communi­
cations and information revolution has made this shift possi­
ble, but so has the spread of lower-tech industrial technology,
education, and large accumulations of capital to areas out­
side of the United States/Europe axis. Producton is less and
less conducted in one location or even in one country. Capital
ad labor and knowledge are increasingly conceived: of in
global terms. Whatever the powerful role of capital fows in
infuencing national development in the past, these hae
been expanded, particularly in the speed by which capital can
move from country to country, and by the very sie of the
movements.
The globalization of national and local economies is
changng the underlyng basis of the nation-state. The capital­
ist nation-state in the period of agicultural exansion ad
industrialization was largely defned in terms of the bound­
aries of its national raw-material base, national industries, and
natonal market. To expand economic and political control,
nations had to occupy more territory. Losing economic and
political control meant losing territory. That defnition is
changing very quickly. As globalization changes the concept
of economic time and space, the political control vested in
national territories changes. Nation-states still have a role in
ifuencing the course of their development. They also have a
range of policy choices framed by poltical forces. We c see
tis in the variety of approaches to capitalist development
found among highly industrialized countries. But the increased
competition for capital and for goods and services made possi­
ble partly by the iforation and commuications revolution
has changed the conditions and possibilities for national poli­
cies. National (and local) politics today is increasingy con­
stained to shaping the cultue of global capitalism a it is
10

F O R E W 0 R D
manifested nationally and locally. Economic globalization
means the gobalization of local social movements. Local poli�
tics meas the localization of global capitalism. Local becomes
gobal and global becomes local.
Modern politics has always been intertwined with eco­
nomic production. When capitalist states are infexible, inef­
fcient, ad obsolete, they drag down their economies. When
production systems have diffculty changing, they drag down
their states. Tis is not only the case for countries such as
Brazil and Mexco, it is also true for us in the North. But
what does it mean for a state to be "fexible" and "effcient"
in the inforation age? This is a fundamental political ques­
tion for national and local politics. It is also the basic issue in
defning authentic national and local culture in the global­
iformation age.
Neoliberals and progessives seem to agree on one major
criterion for a fexible and effcient state. It must be demo­
cratic, where the measure of democracy if free and open elec­
tions, including aladult citizens as voters regardless of gender,
race, or ethnicit. This constitutes a second major new condi­
tion, both for the left and the rigt. In the past, neoliberals
easily opted for the authoritarian state to ensure unconditional
capitalist control of capital accumulation, even when the
democratic decision was to restrict that controL Progressives
also easily rationalized authoritarianism to maintain control
of the process of capital accumulation in the hands of the state,
even when elections would have decided otherwise.
But for all their new agreement on the principal of democracy,
neoliberals and progessives have a fundamental disagreement
about the meaning of the democratic state. For neoliberals,
fexibility and effciency mean a mmalist state that allows
busiess maximum freedom to accumulate capital; this on the
assumption that unfettered capital accumulation will produce
maximum economic growth and the greatest social good. The
neoliberal model for national and local culture subordinates
them to the needs of the global market, to individual competi-
F O R E WO R D 1 1
tion i n an isolated, Darwinian struggle for survival. Competi­
tion is not just local or even national. It is global. Brazilian
capital competes against French; workers in Sao Paulo against
workers in Shanghi. The neoliberal state is left to facilitate
competition and to educate labor for competition in a global
environment. Education is measured in terms of students' abil­
ity to score as well on mathematics tests as pupils in Korea or
Japan or Germany.
For Freire, the fexible and effcient state in the information
age is very different. I helps its constituents become critical
activists shaping the economy and society into a humane, par­
ticipative system that accumulates capital but not in an ex­
ploitative, higly unequal fashion. The effcient state is also
one that protects its citizens against the risks and excesses of
a free market. This contrasts sharply with the "incomplete"
democratic politics of neoliberalism-a politics reduced to en­
hancing isolated individuals' solitary competitiveness in a
Darwinian struggle. Freire's state is constructive, one where
citizens are reintegrated through forming new political and
social networks based both on information and critical analy­
sis of their own situation in the global environment. Freire's
state is also one of solidarity, including the marginalized, even
when the global market has no room for them and exclusion­
ary local ideologies segregate them.
How can the solidarity state hope to keep domestic capital
from fying off into the ether of the global fows? How can
such a state, rooted in the empowerment of citizens and work­
ers, hope to attract international technology transfer and capi­
tal investment? Neoliberals argue that it canot; that it would
inherently drive capital and new technology away. But with
Paulo Freire at our side, let us consider this carefuly. Capital
needs a stable political environment for hig returns over te
long term. Stability is impossible in societies marked by great
income and information inequality, uneven participation, ex­
clUSion, and the absence of a critically aware citizemy that is
prepared to solve political problems in its own interest. Politi-
12

F OR E W 0 R D
cal and social stability needs reintegration of isolated individ­
uals so as to create a new collective will, what some analysts
have called social capital. Capital also needs fexible workers,
and to be fexible, workers need families and social institutions
that are integrative, capable of building and sustaining educa­
tional as well as training networks, and supporting workers,
in periods of unemployment and training. These are precisely
what the solidarity state delivers. Democratic, progressive
states that aim to create more equal distribution of income
and reintegrative, participative social institutions with an eye
to promoting savings, capital investment, and human capital
development, are fundamental to high productivity growth
and reasonably high long-term rates of return to capital. This
is neither the welfare state nor the neoliberal state; it is new
form of reintegrative state.
Nowhere in Freire's answer to the neoliberal view of the
state do we fnd a critique of participating in democratic elec­
tions. This is no accident. That ancient debate between Kaut­
sky and Lenin about whether elections are a means for
revolutionary workers to gain control of the capitalist state
jKautsky) or nothing more than a bourgeois "trick" to co-opt
the revolution jLenin) is relegated to the historical archives.
Freire's position is centered in the democratic, antimilitary
movements of the 1970s and 1980s. Participation in elections
is a hard-won right belonging as much to workers and peasants
as to the bourgeoisie. Thus, the role of a progessive political
party goes beyond Gramsci's counterhegemonical, or "educa­
tional" function. Freire's conception of a progressive party is
educational in the Gramscian tradition. Yet, it is also a means
to strengthening democracy, to gaining political power, and to
advancing its social objectives through the democratic but still
market-supporting state. Having achieved a transition to de­
mocracy, Freire writes, the left in Brazil now enters another
political phase: intimacy with democracy, living with it and
deepening it so that it has real meaning in people's every­
day lives.
F OREWORD 13
But it is fair to ask what happens to a progressive party in
the context of the new globalization and the new democracy,
especially when the party gains power. Freire argues that to
retain its authenticity, a party of the left needs constantly to
open itself to dialogue, to change. This is precisely the histori­
cal moment for such questioning. Is globalized capital so pow­
erful that the state is limited to the neoliberal agenda? Freire
says no. He believed that even as capital circulates in global
space, it must land somewhere to realize profts. A progressive
transformation of the state need not overthrow the market or
capital accumulation per se to humanize economy and society.
The solidarity state can provide the basis of a more flexible,
competitive, and innovative economy by developing the new
reintegrative networks required for workers and families in the
information age. Yet these networks need to be developed on
terms that represent the interests of workers, the poor, the old,
the excluded-not just capital's needs.
Does globalization in the information age put new limits
on what the state can transform, especially at the national
level? This is a more diffcult question. To accomplish its
goals, a progressive political party needs to develop local and
national politics that are consistent with the social and eco­
nomic changes wrought locally by the globalized economy.
Worldwide neoliberal ideology attempts to defne the limits of
those politics. However, as Freire put it so well, jin Brazil) the
left, whether it be in the form of left party or in the form of
the current progressive-intellectual leadership of a center-right
coalition, has to go beyond the limits of the neoliberal defni­
tion to develop its own conditions of capitalist development.
The impetus for pushing beyond the limits of the neoliberal
defnition worldwide has to come from social movements as­
sociated with political parties and alliances, whether it be left
parties in Brazil or labor unions in France. All of these local
struggles of defnition are struggles over the culture of global
capital in the information age.
14

F OR E W 0 R D
Strategies for defning the new limits for fexible and eff­
cient states are necessarily localized in national and local reali­
ties. Surprisingly, there are similarities among realities in
Europe, the United States, and Brazil. One of these was espe­
cially important for Freire and the Brazilian left: the current
president of Brazil is one of the world's leading progessive
intellectuals and a brilliant political thinker and strategst:
Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Cardoso heads a "center-right"
coalition. From the stadpoint of Brazil's major left party,
Freire's Workers' Party jPT), Cardoso has abandoned his pro­
gessive ideals and is working well within the neoliberal def­
nition of the state's role in the new global economy. But te
outcome of te Cardoso regme is hardly clear. Education
enrollment is expanding rapidl} and the democratizing educa­
tional policies pushed by PT-run and other local adnistra­
tions are being supported rather than opposed at the national
level. Furtermore, Cardoso appears committed to a strategy
of deepening democracy-of refashioning the political involve­
ment of te geat mass of the Brazilian poor and margin­
alized-as a means of eventually redefning the culture of
Brazilian capitalism. Is this a mistaken strategy in a country
where the process of capital accumulation has long been at
the mercy of particular interests within and outside the coun­
try? Is it a mistake to solidify democratic political stability,
undo the debt-driven economic chaos of the 1980s, and build
the base for a new social policy in the next millennium? Con­
sistent with his own intellectual openness, Freire does not
completely turn t page on this chapter of Brazilian history.
Freire ad Cardoso both knew that Brazil's economic and po­
litica future depends on geater equality of income and
wealth. Cardoso believes that Brazil needs frst to gow more
confdent of its economic future and to expand political par­
ticipation even i te tilt toward neoliberal economic-stabiliza­
tion policies delays equalization. Freire believed that the very
prcess of equalization is needed to develop the new Brazilian
economy outside the suffocating confnes of global neoliberal-
F OR E W 0 RD ' 15
ism. Is there ay wonder that Brazil's progessive intellectuals
are divided on which strategy is "correct"?
Similar discussions are taking place in other countries,
under political circumstances that are very different. The
United States should hardly be lacking confdence in its eco­
nomic fture. But in the new global environment, buffeted by
competition from Asia and the flight of its domestic industry
abroad, by corporate downsizing, stagnant wages, and a disin­
tegating system of social support, United States workers are
afraid. The successful onslaught of neoliberal ideology and a
growing distrust of politicians has converted those fears into
a "flight from the state." In this environment, President Clin­
ton has, like Ferando Henrique Cardoso, tilted toward eco­
nomic policies that would reassure fnance capital, and toward
social"investent" policies that focus on education to rebuild
public confdence in the state. Is this strategy a wrong one?
Many progessive intellectuals in the United States believe so.
But unlike Brazil, there is no progressive political party or
parties where alterative strateges can develop and be pre­
sented to the public. The progessive wing of the Democratic
Party would have to reorganize itsel and rebuild its base (using
the increasingly active labor unions and newly reawakened
civil-rights organizations), to push Clinton toward a broader,
deeper social agenda. Without that push, neoliberals will con­
tinue to win the battle over the culture of American capital­
ism, and in winning that battle, to shape similar battles in
other countries, including the nations of Europe and Brazil.
I Italy, Romano Prodi heads the frst center-left coalition
to gover the country. But Italy is part of the new Europe, and
Europe is reshaping itself as a regional economic power, the
better to compete in the new global economy_ Prodi's gover­
ment is confronted by the conditions of the Maastricht Treat
jmonetary union), which include stringent reductions in pub­
lic debt and public defcits. The reductions, driven by a conser­
vative German defnition of healthy economic policy are
inherently contractiOI�ary. They necessarily require a reduc-
16

F O R E W 0 R D
tion of the social safety net and possibly reduction of educa­
tional spending, this in an Italy that desperately needs to
invest in expanding and raising the quality of its university
system. Prodi's situation reinforces the notion that even a
center-left coalition, led by political parties opposed to a neo­
liberal conception of the state, in a country where a large part
of the electorate continues to believe in activist state interven­
tion and social policies, faces powerfl economic and ideologi­
cal forces that dominate the coalition's strategies and policies.
What do progressives-especially activist progressive intel­
lectuals-need to focus on in the new context? Freire puts it
well in these pages: push against limits, create space, redefne
the social agenda. I Freire's "intimacy" with democracy, the
struggle is at least partly ideological. He exhorts us to think
of political strategies and state policies that will humanize the
culture of global capital as it lands in our locality. But the
struggle is not only ideological. Social policy has real economic
and social consequences for the poor and marginalized, ad
for the rich and the middle class. The consequences are not
just symbolic. They shape people's lives and their place in the
material world.
I no social policy has the new global information economy
made Freire more relevant than in education. Freire has rede­
fned the political meaning of education and recast the under­
lying struggle over education. For him, education has the
potential to be liberating, and liberating education is the path
to knowledge and critical thinking. Knowledge is the founda­
tion of the new global information economy. Globalization has
enhanced the importance of knowledge, of innovativeness, of
critical thinking, and the capacity to solve problems. Eco­
nomic progress in any country increasingly requires a broad
base of highly conscious, self-confdant, critical-thinking, par­
ticipative, literate, and numerate individuals to compete in the
new world economy.
Beyond that, as businesses restructure to be more produc­
tive, they are moving away from Fordist, assembly-line indus-
F O R EWO R D 17
trial production to fexble work organizations. Flexibility can
mean many things. But its essential elements are the capacity
to adjust quickly to changes in product demand and production
technology. The up side is that in frms that focus on raising
productivity, fexibility has meant the opportunity for workers
to engage in multiple tasks and more interesting work, and to
feel empowered. The down side is that many frms see fexi­
bility in terms of lowering labor costs-to increase some work­
ers' opportunities, to rid themselves more easily of others, and
to make all jobs subject to potential elimination. Both these
forms of fexibility disaggregate labor from the "job" as a per­
manent source of income and self-defnition. The worker is
individualized, separated from traditional social organizations
based on the worker's job or workplace, and made to rely on
his or her acquired capacity to adjust to change, to partici­
pate in diverse productive activities, and to be independent
and creative.
Paulo Freire's thoughts on education in these pages as else­
where speak to this transformation at several levels. Education
that works effectively to keep poor children in school and
learning is absolutely essential to the notion of fexible produc­
tion. Freire's work as Secretary of Education in Sao Paulo was
all about making the educational process meaningfl for teach­
ers and pupils in low-income schools, and through this mean­
ing to enhance learning and keep children in school.
ConscientizaQQo is the essential ingredient of developing such
meaning. Freire's conception of education is also essential to
fexibility in Freire's focus on critical thinking, the develop­
ment of self- and collective-identity, democratic participation,
and cooperation. In many studies of what employers value
most in "high performance II organizations, these are precisely
the characteristics that head the list. And fnally, Freire thinks
of critical education as a form of networking-a "community"
of knowledge and knowledge formation. New networks are
also essential to fexibility and productivity. As families and
traditional, stable neighborhoods disintegrate under the on-
18

F OR E W 0 R D
slaught of fexible production, new networks are needed to
reproduce skills and knowledge. It is this new ad, in many
ways, virtual community that could replace traditional job­
based social networks and residential neigborhoods. Freire
envisages the political party as the major form of this critical­
knowledge communty, but the traditional political party is
also being transformed by the new information and communi­
cation environment. Television, for example, has already made
drastic changes, de constructing the traditional political party
apparatus and the use of critical knowledge in politics. Yet,
Freire's knowledge of communities could be the basis for new
kinds of networks beyond the traditional political party, net­
works formed around schools and adult education, youth orga­
nizations, and religious organizations with a common interest
to enhance individual and collective value.
Tis list makes clear how far neoliberals can stay on Freire's
education train, and where they have to get off. They ae cer­
taily comfortable with expanding schooling and making it
more effective. In the great competitiveness debates now cir­
cling the globe, higher test scores and low dropout rates are
the currency of postmodern economies. I other words, consci­
entizaQio could well be the centerpiece of a neoliberal educa­
tional policy i it enhances learning, keeps children in school,
and makes schooling resouces more effective. To some degee,
Freire's focus on critical tg is also acceptable to neo­
liberals, especially in countries where business ideology is
powerful enough to harness critical thinking to the needs of
mainstream private business-based activities.
But now consider the meaning of Freire's critical education
in a societ with a more contested culture of capital. Neolib­
erais would not be willing to take the risk. I a contested
culture, the networks emerging from the critical construction
of kowledge would likely enter into developing a new culture
of capital. This is what Freire envisages, and this is where neo-'
liberals retreat from effective, incusive, democratic, problem
solving education.
FOREWORD 19
Thus, Freire exoses a major contradiction of the neoliberal
model in the information age. The basis for economic and so­
cial development in the new global economy is conscious criti­
cal thinking and knowledge networks. For more than thirty
years, Paulo Freire thought about the revolutionary natre of
knowledge. The needs of global capitalists have caught up with
his conception of education. But once there, they cannot uni­
laterally incorporate its participative democratic implications.
Freire understood this. The new knowledge networks, both
as the reintegrators of disaggregated workers and as sites of
continuing education and conscientizafio, could serve to
shape the future nature of local and national politics, and from
there, the nature of global capital.
Preface
BY LAISLAU DOWBOR
Writing a preface for a book by Paulo Freire gives one the
strange sensation of being redundant. I his characteristic
style, Paulo does not simply writej he tinks his act of writing
through as well, in a permanent distancing from himself. What
is left for the preface writer to do is to recover te image in
the mirror, and the image's image.
What is even stanger i for such a task to be bestowed on
a professional in te feld of economics, which, probably more
tan any other, was responsible for a domant theoretical
framework where concers with etics, solidarit, and simple
emotions such as happiness and personal satisfaction disap­
pear. Te dry legacy inherited from Jeremy Bentham and Stu­
a Ml is utilitarianism, the rather cynical notion that it is
enough for each individual to maximize his or her proft in
order that a world can be obtained which is not socially ideal,
but which is the best possible.
Te "thirty golden years" that followed the end of World
War I saw an impressive capitalist productive exlosion. Un­
doubtedly, tis explosion has led many to believe that proft­
driven capitalists, who develop production, indeed do more for
the poor than the lefts who clamor for justice. Tis trend be­
came even stronger when the authoritarian socialism alterna­
tive went dow: only one option was left on the table, the
necessary evil, capitalism.
History reduced to economic mechanisms and all values
subsumed by the realism of individual advantage, conscience-
22 • PRE F ACE
bearing humanity felt cornered into a pragmatic form of fatal­
ism decorating their day-to-day lives with increasingly absurd
technological junk while trying to reconstruct their horizon
of viable utopias.
Tis rebuilding is necessary and most comprehensive; it
involves the very conceptualizing of the civilization we wish
to build. And, even if the different directions in this acceler­
ated process of transforation are hard to predict, some pa­
rameters are becoming most clear.
One central parameter is provided by the current techno­
logical explosion. In the past twenty years, we have accumu­
lated more technological knowledge than in the entire history
of humanity. Human beings handle potent agropesticides, nu­
clear ad bacteriological weapons, sophisticated systems for
genetic manipulation, industrial fshing feets with advanced
technology for locating schools of fsh, fne chemistry proc­
esses that allow for the back-alley production of both advanced
medication and cocaine or heroine. In the meantime, human
capacity for goverent has evolved extremely slowly.
The result of such a society that transforms itself while
following different rhythms is that human beings are handling
technologies far more advanced than their own political matu­
rity. This fact is ascertained by the destruction of life in rivers
and in the ocean, by ozone depletion, by the increased use
of drugs, and by te availability of sophisticated systems of
destruction available to any would-be terrorist. Humanity will
not survive witout more advanced forms of social organiza­
tion, ones capable of surpassing this articulated chaos of corpo­
rate interests that we have come to call neoliberalism, and
that manages technology of irreversible, universal impact.
Another important parameter is the deep transformation
that occurred in spaces for social reproduction. Economies
have become internationalized for the largest part, while
instruments for social contol have remained nationaL As a
result, for example, nobody controls the nearly $1 trillion*
•All dollar fres are US" unless otherwise noted.
PRE F �CE • 2
circulating daily in global fnancial spaces. Likewise, there is
no organized power structure capable of organizing any effec­
tive compensation for the nearly $500 billion annualy trans­
ferred from poor to rich countries. On another level, society
has become widely urbanized, but decisions remain in the
hands of central governments, much like the time when na­
tions consisted of "capitalsll surrounded by dispersed rural
populations. Urbanization threw the problem over to the cit­
ies, which are in the front-line of diffculties but at the base
of the power pyamid. The political world has become an im­
pressive web of institutions that have to make decisions about
what they do not know, and that have no decision-making
power over the realities with which they are, in effect, faced.
Today, it is our very conceptualization over the organizational
hierarchy of political power that must be rethought, aiming at
returing the reins of its own development to society.
Within such an environment of lost goverability, the mega­
structures of the end of this century prosper: large transna­
tional corporations, initially focused on productive sectors, are
equally dominant today in the dynamic environments of serv­
ice and fnance. Today, about fve to six hundred companies
control 25 percent of world production, dominate in te most
technologically dynamic areas, and mold the world to the de­
mands of competition. There is little opportunity within cor­
porate strategy for refection upon the social or environmental
interests of humanity. As a result of reengineering, total qual­
ity, I50-9000, robotics, telecomputing, benchmarking, and so
many other magc words that promise effectiveness and eff­
ciency, lean-and-mean capitalism, compelled by the very rules
of effCiency, is leaving little room for refecting upon values.
It is curious to see the pope of American business administra­
tion, Peter Drucker, write a book, in the midst of the communist
collapse, titled Post-Capitalst Society, seeking the construc­
tion of a commuity "based on commitment and compassion."
This moderty, whose technologic innovations fll us with
awe, gves very little sense of commitment or compassion .
24 • P REF ACE
While eigt hundred million people in rch countries enjoy an
ostentatious $20,000 per-capita income, 3.2 billion dwellers of
the underdeveloped world live on an average of $350, less than
$30 a month. Today about one hundred ffty million children
starve in the world, a statistic projected for one hundred eighty
million by the year 2000, while some twelve million simply
die before the age of fve. lliteracy affects more than eight
hundred million people, and this number icreases by about
ten million each year. Close to ninety million new inhabitants
come into the world anually, about six million of whom
are born into the most destitte areas, condemned on teir
frst day of life. Tey cannot manage the ffty cents per child
that they would need for iodine, to prevent goiter, or the ten
cents for vitamin A to prevent blindness. About one milion
children become mutilated for life every year. Half a million
mothers die in labor every year for not having access to basic
medical inormation and services: in all the rich countries
combined, this number is only fve thousand. A devastated
Africa cries te loss of its last tees and sees its unprotected
soil taken away by the wind and by pouring rains, while the
West, which has devastated it, recommends that it care for its
environment. But each day we have better and better comput­
ers, VCRs, and CD players.
It is unnecessary to keep multiplying the examples. Te
important thing is that the time is running out when human­
ity can rely on spontaneous "mechanisms," on laissez-faie,
laissez-passer, without defning itself as a civilization.
A frst obvious realization is that capitalism constitutes an
excellent environment for making production more dynamic,
but it has yet to learn how to create efective distribution
mechanisms. I reality, the very power struggle generated by
privileges and by the accumulation of wealth by minorities
prevents a balanced distribution. It is not hard to predict that
a planet that is becoming smaller and smaller each day, due to
advances in transportation and communications, cannot live
with increasingly dramatic economic polarization.
P R E F ACE • 25
We realize, at the end of this century, tat it is quite simply
a theoretical error to predict a certain ethics of privilege, the
notion that the accumulation of wealth by the rich would lead
to more investments, more jobs, more production, and fnally,
more prosperity for all, along the lines of the inamous trickle­
down efect. To the extent that there is a certain gap between
the rich and the poor, markets become segented, and a large
part of the world's population is simply kept at the margin of
te central process of wealth accumulation led by tansna­
tional corporations. Te end of all hope for trickling down
means tat, structurally speaking, neoliberalism does not re­
spond to moder challenges. It is necessary to seek new
solutions.
Finally, the very core of capitalist theory-that the max­
mization of individual interests will guarantee te best social
interestsis negated by the facts. At this stage of gobal capi­
talism, compensatory social policies by governments are isuf­
fcient not only in the countries bearing the negative onus for
current development models, but also in developed countries,
where people are tired of living under the terror of unemploy­
ment or of killing themselves working for objectives that are
in doubtf relation to quality of life.
Rather tha the search for a more effective way of doing
the same, what is coming on strong now is a redefnition of the
search itself. Gradually, throug insecure approaches, we are
seeking to reinsert values, ethics, and objectives into the dyna­
mics of social reproduction. And this leads us to rethink the
social agents capable of bringing about transformations and
mobilization strategies.
In part, this is the path that leads an economist who realizes
that the problems within his feld call for solutions belonging
to a broader universe onto the same discussion platfor a
that of an educator, who also looks for answers in the eco­
nomic, social, and politcal realms. After all, the challenge
posed by the end of this century is the question of our com­
mon future.
26 · P R E F ACE
Pedagog of te Heart, in the original Portuguese entitled
"under this mango tree," perhaps more so than Paulo Freire's
other books, presents an explicit view of the world, of politics,
and of values. It considers, in the most positive sense, bUilding
bridges and pathways amid the smells and tastes of childhood,
forming and transforming education, modern-world techno­
logcal dynamiCS, economic injustice and absurdity, the search
for political alternatives, and the personal commitment im­
plied by that search, returning to the mango tree as the source
of an identity that rediscovers and re-creates itself.
The source is essential here, for while we are still intoxi­
cated with technological innovations, it brings us back to our
real objectives, as human beings Hypnotized by little pocket
mirrors, more and more we perceive capitalism as the genera­
tor of scarcity: while the volume of technologcal toys avail­
able in stores increases, clean rivers for fshing ad swimming,
tree-shaded yards, clean air, clean drinking water, streets for
playing or walking around, fruits eaten without fear of chemi­
cals, free time, and spaces for informal socialization become
more and more scarce. Capitalism requires that free-of-charge
happiness be substituted for what can be bougt and sold.
The alternative is not being against technology, as Milton
Friedma would have it, when he states that al concered
with the environment and social causes have "progress-pho­
bia" as a common trait. Any person with common sense under­
stands how absurd it is for us to spend hours of our lives in
city traffc, breathing polluted air, bumper to bumper, wasting
oil, parts, pavement, health, and time, traveling at an average
speed lower than ten miles per hour, slower t carriages
from the tur of the century. The automobile is geat, but
only when inserted in a view of technology directed toward an
enhanced quality of life, with a high priority for comfortable
and affordable public transportation, tree-shaded streets, and
individual transportation reserved for medium-length week­
end trips or for large purchases.
P R E F A C E

27
Capitalism does not bring us only product, but also forms
of social organization that destroy our ability to use it ade­
quately. We powerlessly watch the stupefaction of children and
adults in front of the television and the fact that we spend
more and more time intensely working to buy more things
designed to save us time. By the same token, we see the amaz­
ing advancement of available potential, ad we are unable to
turn it into a better life.
Indeed, a better life includes access to better things, but
it also include�. and fndamentally so, the ensuing human
relations. It is not very diffcult to invert Sartre's sentence and
state that happiness lies within others. In large part, more-or­
less artifcial political divisions touch on this generally nonex­
plicit belief that man is either naturally good or naturally evil.
Today, we know the extent to which contexts that pitch man
against man generate hell, whereas contexts that generate soli­
darity build environments where people feel more flflled.
A reordering of spaces for social reproduction has every­
thing to do with this process. In the fortunate expression of
Milton Santos, "Tat which is global divides; it is the local
that allows for union." This century-and-a-half of capitalism
has disjointed communities and created a truly anonymous
society, whose members only interact throug functional sys­
tems and electronic terinals. How to rebuild solidarity is the
radical objective of Paulo Freire's reasoning.
We are all used to the conscience blow we take when we
walk past street children. We have already built our defenses,
one way or another. A long tie ago, I met an elderly lady
begging for money and was astounded by her resemblance to
my mother. That was a deep shock, but then I was surprised
with myself: "The anonymous human being is not supposed
to hurt?" With the global society of long distances and large
numbers, solidarity became no longer a matter of the heart, of
feelings naturally generated before the known person; it
shifted over to the intellect, reason, which is satisfed with
rationalization. That which globalizes divides, and the path-
28 · PRE F ACE
way to solutions has to go through a deep rearticulation of the
social fabric.
In Paulo Freire's reasoning, rationality is ratIOnally clamor­
ing for the right to its emotional roots. This is the retur to
the shade of the mango tree, to the complete human being.
And with the smells and tastes of childhood, it is much
broader a concept than that of right o left, a deeply radical
one: human solidarity.
Under the Shade
of a Mango Tree
Soltude-Communion
The search that brings me to the comforting shade of tis
mango tree * could be of little interest to most people. I fnd
refuge under its shade when I am there alone, secluded from
the world and others, asking myself questions, or talking to
myself. My talks are not always triggered by my questions.
Tere has to be an a priori reason that has been lost in the
pleasure of fnding refuge under the shade of this tree. What I
should do is to totlly let myself be taken by the feelings of
being under it, to live it, and to make this exerience more
and more intense to the extent that I prove its exstence.
To come under the shade of this mango tee with such delib­
erateness and to exerience the fulfllment of solitude empha­
size my need for communion. While I a physically alone
proves that I understand the essentialit of to be wth. It is
iteresting for me to think now how important, even indispen­
sable, it is to be wth. T be alone has represented for me
througout my lifetime a form of being wth. I never avoid
being with others as i I am afraid of company, as if I do not
need others to feel fllled, or as i I feel awkward in the world.
On the contrary, by isolating myself I get to kow myself bet­
ter while I recognize my limits, and the needs that involve
me in a permanent search that would not be viable throug
• A allusion to the Portuguese title of this volume. Cf. footnote page 8, i
the foreword, as well as the prefce, page 26.
30 PAU L O F R E I R E
isolation. I need the world as the world needs me. Isolation
can only make sense when, instead of rejecting communion,
it confrms it as a moment of its existence.
A negative isolation is to be found in those who timidly or
methodically look to fnd some refuge in being alone. A nega­
tive isolation is characterized by those who selfshly require
that everything revolves around them so as to meet their
needs. This form of solitude is often required by those who
only see themselves even when they are surrounded by a mul­
titude of people. These individuals can only see themselves,
their class, or their group due to their greed, which suffocates
the rights of others. These types of people are characterized by
the feeling that the more they have, the more they want to
have- and it does not matter what means they use to achieve
their ends. These are insensitive people who add arrogance and
meanness to their insensitivity. These are the people who
when they are in a good mood, call the popular classes "those
people, /I and when they are in bad mood, refer to them as
"trashy people./I
Let me frst make it clear that I refuse to accept a certain
type of scientistic criticism that insinuates that I lack rigor in
the way I deal with these issues or the overaffective language
I use in this process. The passion with which I know, I speak,
or I write does not, in any way, diminish the commitment
with which I announce or denounce. I am a totality and not a
dichotomy. I do not have a side of me that is schematic, me­
ticulous, nationalist, and another side that is disarticulated or
imprecise, which simply likes the world. I know with my en­
tire body, with feelings, with passion, and also with reason.
I have been always engaged with many thoughts concerning
the challenges that draw me to this or that issue or to the
doubts that make me unquiet. These doubts take me to uncer­
tainties, the only place where it is possible to work toward the
necessary provisional certainties. It is not the case that it is
impossible to be certain about some things. What is impossible
is to be absolutely certain, as if the certainty of today were the
P E D AGO G Y 0 F THE H E A R T

31
same as that of yesterday and will continue to be the same as
that of tomorrow.
In being methodical concerning the certainty of uncertain­
ties does not deny the isolation of the cognitive possibility.
The fundamental certainty is that I can know. I know that I
know In the same way, I also know that I do not know, which
predisposes me to know the following: frst, that I can know
better what I knowj second, that I can know what I do not
know yetj third, that I can produce forms of knowledge that
do not exist yet.
I being conscious that I can know socially and histOrically,
I also know that what I know cannot be divorced from the
historical continuity. Kowledge has historicity. It never is, it
is always in the process of being. But this does not at all dimin­
ish, on the one hand, the fundamental certainty that I can
knowj on the other hand, it does not diminish the possibility
of knowing with more methodological rigor that would en­
hance the level of the accuracy of the fndings.
In order to know better what I already know implies, some­
times, to know what before was not possible to know. Thus,
the important thing is to educate the curiosity through which
knowledge is constituted as it grows and refnes itself through
the very exercise of knowing.
An education of answers does not at all help the curiosity
that is indispensable in the cognitive process. On the contrary,
this form of education emphasizes the mechanical memoriza­
tion of contents. Only an education of question can trigger,
motivate, and reinforce curiosity.
It is obvious that the mistake inherent in an education that
forms only in giving answers does not reside in the answer
itself but in the rupture between the answer and the question.
The mistake lies in the fact that the answer is given independ­
ently from the question that triggers it. By the same token, an
education of answer would be wrong if the answer is not per­
ceived as part of the question. To question and to answer repre­
sent a constitutive path to curiosity.
32 • P A U L O F R E I R E
It is necessary that we should always be execting that a
new knowledge will arise, transcending another that, in being
new, would became old.
History like us, is a process of being limited and condi­
tioned by the kowledge that we produce. Nothng that we
engender, live, think, and make explicit takes place outside of
tme and history. To be certain or to doubt would represent
historical forms of bein.
Life Support ad the World
It would be unthinkable to have a world where te human
experience took place outside of a contiuity, that is, outside
of history. Te often-proclaimed "death of history" implies
the death of women and men. We canot survive the death of
history: while it is constituted by us, it makes and remakes
u. What occurs is the transcendence of a historical phase for
another that does not eliminate the continuity of history in
the depth of change itself.
It is impossible to change the world into someting that is
unappealingly immobile, within which nothing happens out­
side of what has been preestablished, to thereby create a world
that is plane, horizontal, and timeless. The world, in order to
be, must be in the process of being. A world that is plane,
horizontal, and timeless could even be compatible with animal
life but it remains incompatible with human existence. I this
sense, the animals usually adapt to the life-support world,
while human beings, in integrating themselves to their con­
texts so that they can intervene in tem, transform the world.
It is for this reason that we can tell stories about what happens
in the life-support world, we talk about various forms of life
that are formed in it. However, the history that is processed
in te world is what is made by human beings.
I communication and intercommunication represent proc­
esses that speak to life about the support system, in the exis-
P E D A G O G Y O F T H E HEA R T · 3
tential experience tey acquire a special connotation. I tis
instance, both comunication and intercommunication in­
volve the comprehension of the world. Te life-support world
does not imply a language or the erect posture that peritted
the liberation of the hands. The lie-support becomes word
and life becomes exstence to te degree that there is an in·
creasing solidarity between the mind and the hands. I oter
words, this change depends upon the proportion to which the
human body becomes a conscient body tat ca captre, appro
hend, and transform te world so it ceases being an empty
space to be flled by contents. *
Te process troug which humans became erect, produced
instruments, spoke, developed understanding, and began to
communicate with one another represents tasks tat involve
solidarity and, simultaneously, imply cause and efect due to
the presence of humans and their inventon of te world a
well a their domination over te life support. To be in the
world necessarily implies being wth the world and wth
othes. For those beings who are simply in the life support,
teir activities in the life support reresent a mere meddlig;
in the world with its social, historical, and cultural context,
human beings intefere more tan just merely meddle with
the world.
In this sense, the shift from life support to world implies
technical inventions and instruments that make te interven­
tion in the world easier. Once these instruments are invented,
men and women never stop the process of creatig and rein­
venting new techniques with which they perfect their pres­
ence in the word. Al operations in the world necessarily
involve their comprehension, a knowledge about the process
to operate in the world, an inventory about the fndings but,
above al , a vision with respect to te ends proposed in these
operations. The creation intensifes to the degee that the
"See The Cabrdge Ecyclopeda of Language. Cabridge: Caidge Un­
versit Pess, 1987.
34 • PA U L O F R E I R E
rhythm of change is accelerated by developed techniques,
which become more and more adequate to deal with these
challenges.
The time period between sicant changes in the world
diminishes icreasingly. I certain felds of science and the
present technology, it takes a mere few months for the proce­
dure to become obsolete. Sometimes, for reasons that are
purely economic, these procedures have /I a longer shelf life. /
Tis has to do with the resources spent in the development of
a particular technological procedure or instruments that have
not yet been operated, and, even though these procedures or
instruments become obsolete, they continue to be consid­
ered effcient.
The ability to refect, to evaluate, to progam, to Investigate,
and to transform is unique to hu beings in the world and
with the world. Life becomes existence and life support be­
comes world when te conscience about the world, which also
implies te concience of the self, emerges and establishes a
dialectical relationship with the world. The question between
conscience/world that involves their mutual relations led Sar­
tre to observe that /I conscience and world take place at the
same time." The relations between them are naturally dialec­
tical, regardless of the school of thought and the philosophy
that one studies. I one is a mechanist or an idealist, one can­
not alter the dialectic conscience/world and subjectivity/objec­
tivity. This does not mean that one mechanistic or idealistic
practice is freed from its fundamental error. The plans of ac­
tion that are based on the conception that conscience is the
arbitrary maker of the world, and that defend the idea that
before changing the world the moral conscience must be puri­
fed, will usually end up in a great failure. By the same token,
projects that are based on a mechanistic vision in which the
conscience is a mere refex of the objective materiality cannot
escape the punishment of history.
Many possible dreams end up not being viable due to the
excess of certainty of their agents; and the capriciousness with
.. E D A G O G Y 0 F THE H E A R T

35
which they pretended to mold history instead of making it
with others would lead to a remaking of one another in the
process. I history is not a superior entity that is above our
heads and possesses us, it also canot be reduced to an object
to be manipulated.
By rejecting the dialectical tension between conscience!
world, both idealists and mechansts, in their own way, be­
come obstacles to connect intelligence of the world. Tis has
been a theme that has always challenged me, one I have always
attempted to address coherently with my democratic dream.
Rarely do I fnd myself under the shadow of my mango tree
without feeling unquiet and not thinking about this.
I am not a being in the life support but a being in the world,
wth the world, and with others; I am a being who makes
things, knows and ignores, speaks, fears and takes risks,
dreams and loves, becomes angry and is enchanted. I am a
being who rejects the condition of being a mere object. I am a
being who does not bow before the indisputable power accu­
mulated by technology because, in knowing that it is a human
production, I do not accept that it is, in and of itself, bad. I am
a being who rejects a view of technology as a demon's deed
desiged to throw out God's work. *
It is not enough for me to ask: "What can one do? Technol­
ogy necessarily engenders automatism, which leads to unem­
ployment. The unemployed must change: they should seek
leisure, a fundamental theme of postmodernity. /I No: I do not
accept this form of fatalism.
Te state cannot be so liberal as the neoliberals would like
it to be. It behooves the progressive political parties to fght
in favor of economic development and the limitation of the
size of the state. The state should neither be an almighty entit
nor a lackey that obeys the orders of those who live well. The
projects of economic development cannot exclude men and
women of history in the name of any fatalism.
*See Neil Postn. Technology: The Surrender of Culture to Technology. New
York: Alred A. Kopf, 1992.
36 • P AU L O F R E I R E
My radical posture requires of me an absolute loyalt to all
men and women. An economy that is incapable of developing
programs according to human needs, and that coexists indifer­
ently wit the hunger of millions of people to whom every­
ting is denied, does not deserve my respect as an educator.
Above all, it does not deserve my respect as a huma being.
Ad it is not well to say, "Things are the way they are because
they cannot be dferent." Tey canot be different because i
they were, they would be in confict with the interests of the
ruling class. This cannot, however, be the determining essence
of the economc practice. I canot become fatalistic in order
to meet the interests of te ruling class. Neither can I invent a
"scientifc" exlaation to cover up a lie (see note I, page 110).
Te power of tose in power always aims to decimate the
powerless. But, alongside material power, there was always
another force- ideology-which is also material and strength­
ens te power structre. TechnolOgical advances enhance with
geat effciency the ideologcal support of material power.
One of the most important tasks for progessive intellectu­
als is to demystify postmodem discourses with respect to the
inexorability of this situaton. I vehemently reject such immo­
bilization of history.
Te affrmation tat "Things are the way they are because
they cannot be otherwisel is hatefully fatalistic since it de­
crees that happiness only belongs to those in power. The poor
people, the diSinherited, and those who have been excluded,
were destined to die of cold no matter i tey are from the
South o the North of the world.
I the economic ad political power of the ruling cass denies
the powerless the mimum space to survive, it is not because
it should be tat way. It is necessary that te weakness of the
powerless is trasformed into a force capable of announcing
justce. For this to happen, a total denouncement of ftalism
is necessary. We are transfortive beings ad not beings for
accommodation.
P E D A G O G Y 0 F T H E H E A R T

37
We cn ot reject the struggle for the exercise of our capacit­
ies and our rights to decide. In this way, I insist that hstory
is possibilty and not deterinism. We are conditioned beings
but not deterined beings. It is impossible to understand his­
tory as possibility if we do not recogize human beings as
beings who make free decisions. Without tis form of exercise
it is not worth speaking about ethics.
My Fist World
Because I am a being in the world and with the world, I have
not a little piece of the life-support world, but I possess my
more immediate and particular world: the street, the neigbor­
hood, the city, the country, the yard of the house where I was
born, where I learned to walk and to speak, where I had my
frst scares and fear. One day, when [ was around fve years
old, I guessed that there was a relationship difculty between
my father and my moter. I did not have, neither coud I have,
the fll awareness about the extent and depth of that situation.
Al of a sudden, I felt as i the ground was disappearing from
under my feet. Te insecurity weakened me. That night I could
hadly sleep because of my fright. I dreamed that I was fal
from a high precipice from which, wit much effort, they mi­
raculously saved me.
A sense of security slowly returned to the degree that, in
needing it, I would search for it throug the relationship be­
teen my mother and my father. When I woke up in the mor­
ing, I happily understood that my security depended on the
way my parents spoke to each other and t me.
My frst world was the yard in my house, with the mango
trees, cashew trees with their braches kneeling down to the
shaded gound, along with the breadfrut trees among others.
Tese trees with their varied colors, smells, and fruits would
attract various birds where tey would take advantage of the
38

P A U L 0 F R E I R E
space provided by the trees for them to sin {see note 2, page
111}.
My childhood backyard has been unveiling itself to many
other spaces-spaces that are not necessarily other yards.
Spaces where this man of today sees the child of yesterday in
himself and learns to see better what he had seen before. To
see again what had aleady been seen before always implies
seeing angles that were not perceived before. Thus, a posterior
view of the world can be done in a more critical, less naive,
and more rigorous way.
My childhood backyard constituted my immediate objec­
tivity. It represented my other geographic point of reference
where my other personal point of reference was represented by
my parents, my brothers, my grandmother, my aunts and my
nan y, a beloved black moter who became part of my family.
I was constituted by these different points of reference. I
was realized as the I who made things, the thinking I and the
speaking 1
When I thougt that I had forgotten my childhood backyard
and that I had little to do with it, one winter afternoon in
Geneva, during my exile, it presented itself to me. During that
afteroon while reading a letter I had received from Recife 1-
all of a sudden, like magic-recoiled into time and alost saw
myself again as a child, in my backyard full of trees, leaing
to read with the help of my mother and father, writing phrases
and words in the ground shaded by the mango trees. I that
afternoon, it was as if I had discovered that the longing I was
feeling for my homeland, had begun to be prepared by the lived
relationship I had with my backyard.
The way Brazil exists for me could not have been possible
without my backyard to which I later added streets, neigbor­
hoods, and cities. The land that people love, talk about} and
make reference to always has a backyard, a street, a street
corer} a ground smell, a cutting cold, a suffocating heat, some­
thing for which we fght, we have specifc needs, and we have
P E D A G O G Y 0 F THE H E A R T

39
a language that is spoken with different intonations. Tis is a
homelad for which we sometimes lose sleep, a distant land
tat causes us some unquietness that has to do with one's
backyard} one's street corners, and one's dreams. I certain
moments} our love for our backyard is extended to other places
and, it ends up fxing itself in a large place where we make
our home, we plant our seed, our city.
Before I could become a citizen of the world I was and am
frst a citizen of Recife. The more rooted I am in my location,
the more I extend myself to other places so as to become a
citizen of the world. No one becomes local from a universal
location. The existential road is the reverse. I am citizen of
Recife. I am frst fom Recife, from Peranbuco, and a North­
eastern. Afterward, I became a Brazilian, a Latin American,
and a world citizen. It is for this reason that my longng was
not exclusively for Recife. It included the longing for my back­
yard. However} my longing for Brazil, that also included my
longing for Recife that made it authentic, was not limited to
Recife only. My longngs were also not limited to the more
particular places such as certain street corers} or plazas such
as the Casa Plaza.
Because I was longing for Brazil, I was also longing for Re­
cife, Rio, Natal, Porto Alegre, Manaus, Fortaleza, Coritiba,
Joao Pessoa, and Gioania. I missed Brazil in its totality, in its
unity within diversity, which I express when I say without
arrogance: "I am Brazilian, full of confdence, with an identity,
with the hope that in our struggle we will remake ourselves
by making a society that is less unjust."
When I say, "I am Brazilian, " I feel something more than
when I say, "I am from Recife. /I But I also know I could feel
so intensely Brazilian without frst recognizing Recife, my
orignal sigpost where my Brazilianism is generated. For this
reason, let me express the obvious that my homeland is not
the only geogaphic point I retain with much clarity i my
memory, and that I can reproduce with my eyes closed. My
homeland is, above all, a space in time that involves geogra-
40 • P AU L O F REI R E
phy, history, cultue. My homeland is also pain, hunger, mis­
ery. It is also the hope of millions who remain hungry for
social justice.
My homeland is the dramatic coexistence of different times
that come together in the same geographical space-back­
wardness, misery, poverty, hunger, traditionalism, magical
conscience, authoritarianism, democracy, moderity, and
postmodernity. The Brazilian professor who discusses educa­
tion and postmoderity in the universit is the same person
who must live wit the cruel reality of millions of men and
women who are dying of hunger.
My homeland is flled with the beauty of waterfalls, rivers,
beaches, flowers, animals, and birds. When I think about my
homeland, I begin to see how much more we must travel to
struggle so as to tanscend the pervasive structures of exploita­
tion. That is why when I was forced to be away from my home­
land, my nostalgia was never reduced to a sad cry or a desperate
complaint. I used to think of it, as I continue to do so, as a
contradictory historical space that requires of me-wherever
I am presented wit a decision to make-to take a position,
to rupture, to opt (see note 3, page lII).
I being in favor of something or someone, I am necessarily
against someone. Thus, it is necessary to ask: "With whom
am H Against what and whom am H /I To think about my
homeland when askng these questions and without answering
them, would lead me to pure idealizations that are removed
from reality. Te lack of clarity with respect to the problems
involved in these inquiries and the lack of interest toward
these problems make us complicit with the violent oppressors
and with the (dislorder that benefts them.
To serve the dominant order is what may intellectuals of
today who were progressive yesterday are doin when they
reject aleducational practices that unveil the dominant ideol­
ogy while reducing education to a mere transference of con­
tents that are considered IIsuffcient" to guarantee a happy life.
They consider a happy life that in which one lives by adapting
P E D A G O G Y 0 F T HE H EA R T

41
to a world without anger, without protests, and without
dreams of transformation. What is ironic in this enthusiastic
adherence to the present pragmatism by old progressive mili­
tants is that, in embraCing what appears to tem to be new,
they are reincarating old formulas that are necessary to pre­
serve the power of the dominat class.
And they do this with the appearance of considering them­
selves up-to-date and able to transcend "old ideologies. " They
speak of the geat need of professionalizing pedagogcal pro­
gams even if they are empty of any possibility to understand
society critically. This statement is made under the proges­
sive rubric! However, this statement is just a conservative as
an educational practice is falsely progessive whe it rejects
the technical preparation of students so a to focus only on
the political dimension of education. The techical mastery is
just as important for students as the political understanding i
for a citizen. It is not possible to separate tem.
A good carpenter who does not fght to expand his or her
political space, or who does not socially struggle to make his
or her trade better and, by the same token, a good engineer
who avoids te struggle for the rights of a citzen, ends up
working against the profeSSional efcacy of teir trade.
As women and men, we continue to be what Aristotle said
so welL We are political animals. We continue to be that into
which we have turned: political animals.
For al of this, my homeland holds my deam of freedom­
a feedom that I canot impose on others but for which I have
always fougt. To think of my homeland is to nurture my
dream. It is a form of fghting for it. I never thought of my
homeland in a myopic manner: it is not superior nor inferior
to other lands. Our homeland is constituted by its geography,
its ecology, and its biology; it is also what we, as women and
men, make of it. Our homeland depends on how we organize
its producton, its history, its education, its cultue, its food
and the taste we develop for it. Our homeland involves a strug­
gle for different dreams tat are sometimes in antagonistic
42 P AU L O F R E I R E
relationship due to the existence of the social classes that in­
form it. Our homeland is, in the end, an abstraction.
Hope
When I think about my homeland, I am reminded both of the
smugess of the rich, their anger toward the poor, and of the
poor's lack of hope, forged in their long-lived experience with
exploitation or in the hope gestated in their struggle for justice.
"I a a countryman, sir. I have no tomorrow that is any
different from today, that is any different from yesterday, " a
man, still young, from the Forest Zone in Pernambuco once
told me. I, however, that man has participated in the struggle
of the Rural Leagues, this experience might have helped to
change his understanding of the facts and his "reading of the
world." His fatalism might have turned into a possible dream.
It might have become the utopia of liberation, which he will
have begun to understand as a social process against the force
that crushes him. At this point, he absolutely knows he has a
future. Not one certain future for exploited countrymen and
another, as he used to think, equally unappealable for the
dominant. His political practice will have taught him that his
future lies in the transformation of a perverse today where
he and his fellow countrymen and countrywomen are quasi
persons. He thus understands the problematization of the
future rather than its inexorability. Such a future will not
come i we do not speak about it at the same time that we
make it. The future is not a donation: it exists as a necessity
of history and implies its continuity. History has not died, nor
has it metamorphosed into a make-believe mirage (see note
4, page 115).
The Forest Zone countryman's talk, under the burden of
existential weariness, explained a fatalistic view of his own
presence in the world. Such a view is as fatalistic as that of the
mechanistic, antidialectic intellectual, for whom the future is
P E D A G O G Y O F T H E H E A R T • 43
inexorable. It is as fatalistic as the intellectual of postmoder­
nity, who while describing the obstacles the new time poses
to liberation, proclaims them insurmountable. For these fatal­
istic intellectuals, there is no longer viable novelty (Paulo
Freire, Pedagogy of Hope. New York: Continuum, 1994).
Such profoundly resiged attitude characterizes the compre­
hension modes and the practices of yesterday's progressives,
the pragmatic of today, in the present world. Leftists who used
to criticize me as a "bourgeois idealist" now, pragmatic and
neoliberal, point me out as just another dreamer. "The com­
pulsive dreamer speaks of change when there is nothing left
to change, " they say, while reassured rather than disillusioned.
Recently in Bavaria, a German educator friend mentioned
having heard from a "leftist" activist: "Paulo Freire no longer
makes any sense. The education needed today has nothing to
do with dreams, utopias, conscientiousness; but rather with
the technical, scientifc, and professional development of
learners. " "Development, " here is understood as training. This
is exactly what has always interested the dominant classes:
the depoliticization of education. In reality, education requires
technical, scientifc, and professional development as much as
it does dreams and utopia.
I reject the notion that nothing can be done about the conse­
quences of economic globalization and refuse to bow my head
gently because nothing can be done against the unavoidable.
Accepting the inexorability of what takes place is an excellent
contribution to the dominant forces in their unequal fght
against the "condemned of the earth. "
One of the fundamental differences between me and such
fatalistic intellectuals-sociologists, economists, philosophers,
or educators, it does not matter-lies in my never accepting,
yesterday or today, that educational practice should be re­
stricted to a "reading of the word, " a "reading of text, " but
rather believing that it should also include a "reading of con­
text, " a "reading of the world. " Above all, my difference lies
4 • P A U L O F R E I R E
i my critical, in-no-way-naive optimism and in the hope that
encourages me, and that does not exist for the fatalistic.
Tis is a hope that originates in te very nature of human
beings. Being inconclusive and conscious of their inconclu­
sion-or as Fracois Jacob puts it, "progammed to lear"­
human beings could not be without the impulse of hope.
Hope is an ontologcal requirement for human beings. How­
ever, to the extent that men and wome have become beings
who relate to the world and to others, their historical nature
is conditioned to te possibility of becoming concrete, or not.
Hope of liberation does not mean liberation already. It is
necessary to fght for it, within historically favorable condi­
tions. I they do not exist, we must hopefully labor to create
them. Liberation is a possibility, not fate nor destiny nor bur­
den. In tis context, one can realize the importance of educa­
tion for decision, for rupture, for choice, for ethics at last.
For this reason, the more subjected and less able t dream
of freedom that they are, the less able will concrete human
beings be to face their challenges. Te more of a sombering
present there is, one in which the future is drowned, the less
hope there will be for the oppressed and the more peace there
wll be for the oppressors. Thus, education in the service of
domination cannot cause critical and dialectic thinking; rather
it stimulates naive thinking about the world.
While thinking about my homeland, I cannot ignore these
varieties of thinking. Not only do they eress concrete situ­
ations that condition them, but also they reorient our actions
upon reality. Obviously, the coutryman's fatalistic uder­
standing-"we hae no tomorrow"-rkes him not viable.
Hs engagement i some sort of ft would imply his over­
comig that uderstanding.
Althoug a progressive educator, I must not reduce my in­
structional practice to te sole teaching of techique o con­
tent, leaving untouched the exercise of a critical uderstanding
of reality. I speaking about hunger, I must not be satisfed
with defing it as "urgent need for food, big appetite, lack of
P E D A G O G Y O F T H E H E A R T ' 45
nourishment, deprivation from, or scarcity of food." Te crti­
cal intelligence of something implies the apprehenSion of its
reason for being. Stopping at the descripton of the object or
twisting its reasons for being are mind-narrowing processes.
My comprehension of hunger is not dictionary: once recogniz­
ing the meaning of the word, I must recognize the reasons for
the phenomenon. If I cannot be indifferent to the pain of those
who go hungy, I can ot suggest to them either that their situ­
ation is the result of God's will. That is a lie.
Once, in a TV report about landless rural workers in the
interior of Sao Paulo, the reporter asked a couty adolescent,
"00 you usually dream?" IINo, I only have nightmares," he
replied. What was fudamental in his answer was his fatalist,
immobilist understanding. Te bitteress of that adolescent's
existence was so profound that his presence i the world had
become a nightmare, an exerience in which it was impossible
to dream. "I only have nigtares, I' he repeated, as i to insist
that the reporter never forget that fact. He could not see a
future for himself.
Without a vision for tomorrow, hope is impossible. Te past
does not generate hope, except for the time when one i re­
minded of rebellious, daring moments of ft. Te past,
understood as imobilization of what was, generates longng,
even worse, nostalgia, which nullifes tomorrow. Almost a·
ways, concrete sitations of oppression reduce the oppressed's
historical time to an everlasting present of hopelessness and
resigation. Te oppressed gandchild repeats the suffering of
their grandparent. This is what happens to the oppressed ma­
jorities in the Northeast of this country, existentially tired and
historically anesthetized that they are (see note 5, page U5).
Tired and anesthetized, in need of everying, tey are easy
prey for aid-and-assistance policies that fuer immerse them
in a mind-narrowing daily exstence. Such must not be the
politics of a progressive goverent, which in assisting the
needy, those precluded from bein, must never assistancia­
le them.
46 • P A U L O F R E I R E
One of the main differences between assistance policies ad
those that assist without 1 assistencializig" is that the former
insist on the suggestion that the great big problem with the
oppressed lies in defciencies of naturej the latter, on the other
hand, underscores the importance of the social, the economic,
and the political: in sum, power.
After a few years, I hope that teenage boy may have realized
that, in such a dehumanizing society, our dream materialized
into political struggle, so as to overcome the nigtmare to
which the dominant class reduces the existence of the poor. I
hope he has come to understand that transformation is not
brought about with the approval of landlords or of other peo­
ple, but rather with his own decided opposition. It is necessary
for us to defeat these lords-whose speeches promise what
they know they cannot deliver-by voting them down. Thus,
it is urgent tat the disowed unite and that we all fght in
favor of liberation, transforming this offensive world into a
more people-oriented one, from both a political and an ethical
standpoint, I should add.
When I think about my homeland, I think, above all, about
the possible dream, i not at all an easy one, of democratically
inventing our society. Speaking of that, I must return to my
criticism of the pragmatic neoliberal position, according to
which an efective educational practice today must be centered
in techical tra or in the deposit of content into the lear­
ers. I that case, the selection and organization of the contet
to be taught in the schools would be up to specialists.
The neoliberal point of view reinforces a pseudoneutrality
of te educational practice, reducing it to the transfer of infor­
mational content to the leaers, who are not required to ap­
prehend it in order to lear it. Such "neutrality" serves as the
foundation for reducing the education of a plumber to training
in the techniques and procedures involved in wrench mas­
tering. Every educational practice that goes beyond that­
which avoids the reading of the word/readi of the world,
reading of text/reading of context dichotomy-will not gain
P E D A G O G Y O F T H E H E A R T 47
pedagogical endorsement and shall become mere ideolog
Worse yet, it will be considered inappropriate for the present
moment, one without social classes, without confict, without
dreams, without utopia.
Such ideological separation between text and context, be­
tween an object and its reason for being, implies regettable
errorj it involves taking away the leers' epistemological
curiosity For this reason, as it accepts the notion of more
education for the working class, the dominant class bumps
into its limits. Even the most progressive and democratic busi­
nessperson will always be limited by the interests of his or her
social class. I the bUSinessperson overcomes this limit and
accepts a progressive variety of education, he or she will wind
up working against himself or herself. It is possible that some
businessperson may venture into such "conversion"; that is
not the case with the class as a whole. History has yet to
record any case of class suicide.
I would like to call attention to an implication present i a
veiled manner within neoliberal discourse. When they speak
about the death of history, of ideologies, of utopia, and about
the disappearance of social classes, they make me certain that
tey defend a posterior sort of fatalism. It is as if they regret
not having stated the domesticaton of the future sooner. The
mechanists of Marxist origin deproblematized the future and
reduced it to a premade, preknown time; those who now de­
fend the end of history welcome the "new time, " the time of
ildefnitive victory" for capitalism, as a future that was late in
coming, but that is fally here. They wipe out sixty years
of human achievement wit a sponge, considering it an error
of history fnally corected. According to such discourse,
having reached the levels it has, as it created the social classes
of modem society, the capitalist system would have a greater
purpose than the one Mar attributed to the working class: being
the undertaker of the dominant class. As it constituted itself,
the capitalist system was doomed to end with history itself.
48 • P AU L O F R E I R E
We had a long conversation about tat in PragueNita Imy
wie) and myself wit Karel Kosik, the notable Czech philoso­
pher, author of Diaectics of te Concrete. We spoke about the
dogmatism of authoritarian socialism, about its infexibility,
the deproblematzation of the future, and thus ab: ut its do­
mestication, the future as a time already know, as a given
fact rather than a time i progess. We spoke about the sense­
lessness and rudeness of bureaucrats, about their sectarian
blindness, teir attraction to imobility, to death.
We reminisced about a letter Kosik wrote Sartre in the
seventies, in which he denounced the invasion of his house by
police, who took his philosophic manuscripts and promised to
retur tem a soon as they had read them. I remembered
Kosik's humor i telling Sartre about "being certain of having
lost the manuscripts" if the police's readig them was to be a
condition for their retu.
I remembered Sarte's letter published in Le Mond in reply
to Kosik. It was critcal, energetic, and lucid. One of te im­
portant records in this century of intelligence against stupid­
ity, of freedom against despotism, of hope against fatalism.
It is not true that capitalism is the radant fture we have
already come to. Realit is not only blue or only geen: it is
multicolored, a rainbow. I am writing this page in a hotel in
Bavaria, in Munich, in an afteroon when the thermometer,
indcating tirty-eigt degees fareneit, would intidate
any Recifea.
German educators, some old friends from the seventies, re­
port on how frequent the complaits and wounded hopes of
men and women on the other sidell became and on how,
weary from te litation of their freedom, they dreamed of
te I'opening" of the capitalist world. They dreamed of an
ocea of roses that they did not fnd.
Some of the reports I have heard support my initial reaction
to the disintegation of autoritaian socialism. To me, ts
disintegation always seemed to iply some sort of ode to
freedom, without tat representing any negaton of its fnda-
P E D A G O G Y O F T H B H B A R T • 49
mental reasons, material ones and oes of an econOnic natre,
added to those of a technological order.
None of the reports from those who have been disenchanted
with the capitalist word has revealed nostalgia over the
authoritarian, bureaucratic, and asphyxiating experience of
"realist socialism. " And, since I do not believe Stalinist au­
toritarianism is part of the nature of sociaism, I have no
reason to adIt that a truly democratic socialism is an impos­
sible propositon.
I refuse to accept that the presence of authoritarianism
within socialism is due to some ontolOgical incompatibility
between human beings and the essence of socialism. That
would be the same as saying: "S0 averse is human nature to
the fundamental virtues of socialism that only under coercion
would it be possible to make it work." That which human
ontology rejects, on the contrary, is authoritarianism, regard­
less of what attributes it may receive.
I have met educators from the former East Germany who
tell me, not just to be polite, that it is fnally possible for them
to read my work and that they regret having exerienced a
time when, in the least, such reading would have been made
dfcult.
Let us ret once again to my homeland.
I could never think of it i romantic terms exclUSively. I it
is impossible for me to kill all that is romantic in my relation­
ship with my homeland, I must not reduce my comprehension
of it to my desire to tansform it. When I underscore its beauty,
I must also emphasize the popular masses' interdiction from
enjoying such beauty.
A "no-man's lad, " it is surrendered to the generations as
they come; whether IlfishedJl or "lost} 1/ it is always in proc­
ess of being. An important factor, if not the only one, in this
process is the confict of interests between the dominant and
the dominated. It is from the starting point of the concrete
reality new generations come to face, that it becomes possible
to articulate dreams of re-creating society.
50

P A U L 0 F R E I R E
As I speak about my homeland, I describe an ideal shaed
in communion with a countless number of Brazilians: the
realization of a land where loving may be less diffcult and
where the popular classes may have a voice, rather than be­
coming frigtened shadows before the arrogance of the
powerful.
When I speak about my homeland, I do not refer only to the
beauties of Rio, of the Guanabara Bay, of Christ the Redeemer,
of the waterfalls Brazil is so rich in; I don't only speak of the
beaches in the Northeast, their warm waters, of the Pantanal
and the Amazon, of Villa Lobos's Stdies, of Carlos Gomes's
music} of Aleijadinho's art, of samba and its Schools, of Carna­
val, popular music, soccer, the country's art, its science, and
Brasilia. I also refer to the hunger of millions, to degrading
destitution, to murdered children, to established disorder, to
swindling, to the everpresent authoritarianism, and to multi­
plying violence. I refer to the class war raging throughout the
country, perhaps, that is too hard-hitting in Rio. It is a class
war that hides and makes confusing a frustrated class struggle.
All that also makes up my homeland. And I cannot cross my
arms, indiferent, before any of this. The homeland of my
dreams is my homeland rid of all such horrors.
No society can rid itself of these horrors by decree, or just
because some of its fundamental, active subjects, the domi­
nant, happen to bestow, in a gesture of love, a whole new way
of lfe upon the IIcondemned of the land. " Overcoming these
horrors implies a political decision, popular mobilization, or­
ganization, political intervention, and lucid, hopefl, coher­
ent, tolerant leadership.
While a virtue, tolerance does not grow on trees, neither is
it a concept that can be learned through mechanical transfer­
ence, from a speakng, active subject who deposits it into sub­
dued patients. The learing of tolerance takes place through
testimony. Above al, it implies that, while fghting for my
dream, I must not become passionately closed within myself.
It is necessary that I open myself to knowledge and refuse to
P E D A G O G Y 0 F T H E H E A R T

51
isolate myself within the circle of my own truth or reject all
that is diferent from it or from me. Tolerance is the open,
postmodernly progressive way for me, while living with the
different, to learn from it and better fght the antagonistic.
Unprotected by coherence, however, tolerance runs the risk of
losing itself. Coherence between what we say and do sets lim­
its to tolerance and keeps it from derailing into connivance.
For example, in coexisting with neoliberals, I may discuss our
positions. I cannot, however, enter ageements from which
concessions would result that might deteriorate my strategc
dream. In that case, I would be not tolerant but rather conniv­
ing with the pollution of my dream.
The Lmt of the Rgt
I, however, in a given political context I come to be considered
a lesser evl by the neoliberal, I cannot keep them from voting
for me. Tey are free to do that. What is up to me in this case
is to refuse to accept that their tacit vote would be turned into
a favor, an element of bargaining. Their voting for me does not
make them into my journey companions, nor should it put me
in a position to have to promote them politically.
There is another context, a dramatic one, where an activist
of tuly progressive tradition happily accepts being the right's
limit. To settle into such a position is to run an excessively
hig risk of becoming right.
It is easy to fall into such contradiction, j eopardizing much
of the dream in shady alliances; it is hard to secure coherent
agreements. What is most common is for there to be fgtig
between the alike and rupture between the dferent, as i tey
were antagonistic. I have no doubt that unity within diversity
imposes itself to the lefts (plural) as a means to defeating the
right ( singular) and, thus, democratizing society.
Latin Americans of the left incur an eror that I fnd to be
dangerous-and that tends to intensify-as they move back-
52

P A U L 0 F R E I R E
ward, believing to be moving forward, in search of the elusive
center. It is almost always the case that a less perverse right
or one self-proclaimed center intends to make its reactionar­
ism more suave. I always remains rigt, though.
In ligt of the collapse of the socialist world, perplexed left­
ist activists have been tuing pragmatic and centrist. That
alone is no major concern. We alhave the rigt to change, to
tn and act today in a different way from yesterday. Besides,
no one who goes through such change has any reason to hide
it. But I am precluded from understading by realit; how one
could justify the change by saying that social classes have dis­
appeared} thus altering the essence of conficts by removing
their social-class-generated antagonistic character. I cannot
understand how one would adopt the center as the left's new
address, how one could move to the center as if that were the
only place progressive forces could aspire to today.
I do not accept this form of fatalism also. It is as if, in order
to be left, one necessarily has to go through the center; in order
to be progressive one needs to go throug a conservative stage.
It is one thing to realize that the popular classes have be­
come uninterested in ideological discourses that drift into
rambling babble; it is quite another to say that ideologies have
died. The popular majority's lack of interest in ideological
analyses is not enough to kill ideologies. Tis very lack of
interests is an ideological expression: ideologies ca only be
ideologically killed.
While converting to democracy and becoming no longer par­
ties of ranks, leftist parties must become truly pedagogcal
instruments. They must respond to the demands of their time
and become capable of inventing communication channels to
the expropriated and to those adhering to them.
A democratic style of doing politics, especially in societies
with strong authoritarian traditions} requires concretely ac­
quiring a taste for freedom, for commitment to the rigts of
others, and for tolerance as a life-guiding rule. The leftist par­
ties that authenticate themselves throug the effort of unveil-
P E D A G O G Y O F T H E H E A R T 53
ig truths must not renounce their fundamental task, which
is critical-educational.
Istead of converting myself to the center and occasionally
coming to power, as a progressive, I would rather embrace
democratic pedagogy and, not knowing when, attain power
along with the popular classes in order to reinvent it.
The lefts' sectarianism and dogmatism were always most
unbearable and made them almost "religious, " as they con­
strued themselves into holders of the truth, with their exces­
sive certainty, their authoritarianism, and their mechanistic
understanding of history and of conscience. The results of al
that were the deproblematization of the future and the de­
crease of conscience, refections of the exteral realit.
This deproblematization of the fture and mechanization
of science/world relations seriously weakened, and even ne­
gated, the ethical nature of world transformation, since opting
for other paths was not a possibility. The future was inexorable
rather than problematic. Thus, there ensued a lack of concer
for pedagogical work, whch was put on hold awaiting infra­
stuctural transformation. Te fnal result was the rejecton of
dreaming, of utopia, very much like today's pragmatics.
"Is there a way out for Brazil?" Ths question is constantly
posed to me, and once in a while I bring it wit me under my
metaphorical tree. My answer is yes. Except that there is a
way out only to the extent that we are determined to forge it.
Tere is no way out that will become visible by chace.
Societies do not constitute themselves due to the fact that
they are this or thatj it is not their destiny to be not serious
or to be examples of honor. Societies are not; they are in the
process of being what we make of them in history, as a possi­
bility. Thus, we have an ethical responsibility.
I history were a time of determiism, one where every
present necessarily were te future expected yesterday, and
every tomorow were something already known, there would
be no room for opting, for rupture. Social struggle would be
reduced to either delaying the inexorable future or helping it
54 P AU L O F R E I R E
arrive. One effcient way t delay it is to reproduce the present
with cosmetic changes that pass as requirements of
"moderni ty. "
The struggle would be between those who, satisfed with
today, would make an effor to delay the future as much as
possible, to put up obstacles against any substantive change,
and those who, exploited today, aspire to a new reality.
Tactic, the j argon of the satisfed, includes true aspects of
society's dynamic present, except that they mold those to their
ideology. Basing themselves on a real concern, for example,
the discussion around the size of goverent, they advocate
its almost complete absence or a role for it of mere manage­
ment for the powerfuL
Thus, we see the greediness with which they defend the
privatization of every public company that turns a proft; we
see the aggressiveness with which they attack anyone who,
while defending a new understanding of the tasks and limits
of government, rebels against its confnement to the role of
defending the interests of the rich. Democratic fghters are
referred to as old, /I charged with not having historic feeling,
and called antiquity defenders, having nothing to do with neo­
liberal modernity. At the same time, the "modern" fles away
at rigorous agrarian reform, without which any serious trans­
formation is shot dead. Not one modern capitalist society has
failed to conduct its agrarian reform, indispensable to the crea­
tion and maintenance of a domestic market. That is why
among those democracies, agrarian reform is no longer dis­
cussed, and not because this process is "ancient" or a "viola­
tion of private property./I
Once in Africa, I was told that a convenient way to capture
monkeys was to prepare as natural a site as possible where a
bag of corn was to be placed, tied to a tree trunk. The top
portion of the bag was to contain a round wire frame allowing
the monkeys to get into and out of the bag easily with their
hands, provided that no cor was being held. The monkeys
P E D A G O G Y O F T H E H E A R T ' 55
imprison themselves, for once they grab any corn, they never
let go.
Within an understanding of history as possibility, tomorrow
is problematic. In order for it to come, it is necessary that we
build it through transforming today. Different tomorrows are
possible. The strugle is no longer reduced to either delaying
what is to come or ensuring its arrival; it is necessary to rein­
vent the future. Education is indispensable for this reinven­
tion. By accepting ourselves as active subjects and objects of
history, we become beings who make division. It makes us
ethical beings.
Here lies one of the mistakes of some postmoderists who,
while recognizing the requirement for fast decisions, brought
about by technological advances, in this new historic time,
state the contemporariness of a critical pedagogy, which as­
signs strategic value to the education of women and men cap­
able of realizing, comparing, opting, and naturally, acting.
Indeed, the need to make decisions quickly is an important act
in societies where information and communication become
accelerated. Te fundamental problem for the centers of power
lies in how to produce so specialized a variety of criticalness
that decisions will be produced in line with the truth of the
strong-the oppressors-and will always negate the truth of
the weak.
Neolberals and Progressives
From the poit of view of neoliberal power and ideology, criti­
cal pedagogy is solely concerned with how promptly problems
of a technical nature and bureaucratic diffculties can be over­
come. Still in this view, social and political-ideological issues
do not integrate the spectrum of concerns akin to educational
practice, which is essentially neutral. This characteristic must
be maintained in the trainng and education of young workers,
56

P A U L 0 F R EI R E
in need of technical knowledge that can qualify them for the
world of production.
We both, neoliberals and progressives, agree with the cur­
rent demands of technology. However, we drastically diverge
in our pedagogcal-political response to them.
For we progessives, there is no thinking about technical
education in itself, one that does not inquire in favor of what
or whom, or against what it operates. From a pragmatist point
of view, since there is no right or left any longer, it is important
to make people more competent to deal with the diffculties
with which they are faced.
One of the fundamental differences between a pragmatic
and a progessive is that what is strategic to the pragmatic
may, under special circumstances, be considered tactical to the
progressive, whereas what is strategic to the latter is always
rejected by the former.
In spite of the differences between the nineteenth century
and the present time-which require a refnement of analyti­
cal methods, technical reformulations, production of new
knowledge-the domination of the majority by the few has
not disappeared. I would like to emphasize the uncomfortable
situation of Third World intellectuals. Contemporary of their
First World colleagues, they discuss postmodernity with them
while living with the uncontrolled exploitation characteristic
of a dependent, perverse, and outdated capitalism.
Brazilian intellectuals who state that today's fundamental
topic is no longer work but leisure, are dealing with a reality
in which 33 million out of 150 million Brazilians die of
starvation.
Today's permanent and increasingly accelerated revolution
of technology, the main bastion of capitalism against social­
ism, alters socioeconomic reality and requires a new compre­
hension of the facts upon which new political action must be
founded. Today it is no longer possible to use, in the more
modern areas of the Third World, political tactics that were
effcient in the middle of the century.
P E D A G O G Y 0 F T HE H EA R T

57
I feel serious work, meticulous research, and critical refec­
tion about dominant power, which is gaining increasing di­
mensions, have never been as needed as they are today. The
activity of progressive intellectuals must never equate that of
people who, recogizing the strength of obstacles, consider
them to be insurmountable. That would be a fatalistic posi­
tion, alien to the task of the progressive. Understanding
obstacles as challenges, the progressive must search for appro­
priate answers.
I light of the existing dominion over information, of the
ease with which it is managed by and communicated to the
network of power, it is not diffcult to imagine the diffculties
faced by those operating at the extremities of the circuit. How
limited is the power of those, for example, working in the
soybean felds of Brazil, who can hardly imagine that the possi­
bilities of their production are known with long notice at the
Chicago stock exchange.
One of the main political implications of the possession and
utilization of technology associated with remote monitor­
ing and geogaphic information systems is the ability to
make predictions regarding the environment. Environment
here is understood as the physical, historical, and social­
economic substratum created from the dialectic confronta­
tion between nature and man.
Te above-mentioned technologies make it possible to cary
out, with cartographic precision, the tasks of defning
location and area of occurence, classifying, evaluating, and
predicting environmental phenomena, generating essential
information to support political-economic decisions con­
cering the use of environmental resources.
Such technolOgical support may be directed toward the early
assessment, for example, of expected agricultural crops as
58 • P AU L O F R E I R E
good or bad; i this case, fabulous proft may be geneated
in the commodity markets based on early information.
(Letter from Professor Jorge Xavier da Silva,
Federal University of Rio de Janeiro, to the author, 1994)
Also, what to say about the ease with which production can
be transferred from one area of the world to another, making
workers more vulnerable? Their vulnerabilit decreases their
disposition to fgt. It is possible that, with the growing global­
iation of the economy, strikes may lose effcacy i certain
sectors of production.
All that and much more makes the domination power of
the few over the many more robust and makes the struggle of
the latter extremely diffcult. Recogizing, however, the tragic
natre of our times does not mean surrender. Te struggle of
men and women may fnd obstacles; victory may be delayed,
but never suppressed.
In place of immobilist fatalism, I propose critical optiism,
one that may engage us i the struggle toward knowing, know­
ing on a par with our times and at the service of the exploited.
As I speak with such hope about the possibility of changing
the world, I do not intend to sound like a lyrical, naive educa­
tor. Even though I may speak in this fashion, I do not igore
how much more diffcult it is becoming to focus on the needs
of the oppressed, of those kept from being. I recognize the
obstacles the "new order" represents to the most fragle pieces
of the world, such as its intellectuals, obstacles that push them
into fatalist positions before the concentration of power.
I recogize reality. I recognize the obstacles, but I refuse to
resign in silence or to be reduced to a soft, ashamed, skeptical
echo of the dominant discourse. The quixotic position of Be­
renger has always excited me. From the beginning, he was
always i opposition to his fellows, who one by one, became
rhinoceroses in spite of his plea:
Ma Carabine, Ma Carabine!
Cante tout Ie man de, je me
P E D A G O G Y 0 F T H E H E A R T

59
defendIait! Je sils Ie dernier
homme, je Ie resterai jusqu' au
bout! Ie ne capitule pas!
(Eugene Ionesco, Rinoceros,
Paris: Edtons Galimad, 1 959, p. 246)
I like being a person precisely because of my ethical and
political responsibility before the world and other people. I
cannot be if others are not; above all, I cannot be if I forbid
others from being. I a a human being. I am a man and not a
rhinoceros as Berenger shouts.
Democratic Adinistation
When today Lula states that an ageement over the much­
needed agarian reform would be preferable to an insuffciently
discussed law, tat does not mean this struggle has become
less urgent to him.
Lula knows-today much better than the average of the left­
ist leadership of yesterday and tan the representatives of a
certain outdated left of today-that there is a language of his­
toric possibility, neither falling short of nor going beyond
limits.
Contrary to what the irresponsible may think, the language
of those who are immersed in our contradictory reality moved
by te dream of maing it less perverse is the language of
possibility. It is the restrained language of those fghting for
their utopia, those impatiently patient. It is not the discourse
of those who boast a power they do not have, threatening the
whole world. It is the talk of those who are certain of the ethic
*Luiz Igacio Lula da Silva, or Lwa as he is better kown, is a hstoric politcal
fgure �n Brazil. One of the founders of PT, the Workers' Party, he comes from
a workmg-class background. Throug his active union leadership in Sao Paulo,
he became a sybol of progressive politiCS and ran for president against Fer­
nando Collor de Melo, losing by a tight margn, in 1989.
60 • P AU L O F R E I R E
rigor of their fght and their dream aganst the perversity of a
societ of inequality such as ours, those who do al in their
power to mobilize and organize the popular classes and othe
segents of socety toward the democratic institution of a fair
government. Such a goverment would represent a party that
accepted the alterate nature of democracy and, as a result,
was continually exposed to popular judgment. Such position
demands a fundamental sort of learing: tat of humity
which requires that one respect adverse judgent from the
people and, at the same time, that one not be able to doubt
the utopia of democracy.
In realit, i we do al we can to make school more demo­
cratic, quantitatively and qualitatively, we will be confdent
in our progessive choice, not caing whether we w the next
election or not. The fact that we have not gotten approved our
proposed model for the general treatment of public propert,
health, education, and culture does not invalidate the demo­
cratic dream. I cannot allow my understanding of the world to
become elitist just because I have lost a democratic electionj
what I do need is to contnue in my struggle for the improve­
ment and democratization of the institutions within society. I
must not simply blame the people either, making the popula­
tion responsible for not knowing how to vote or for being un­
gateful. I must identify the presence of the ruling ideology,
the strength of this ideology, and the democratic inexerience
that is deeply rooted in our traditions. For example, after Sena­
tor Eduardo Suplicy's defeat in the race for mayor of Sao Paulo,
after Luiza Erundina's adinistration, we could not accept a
single one of the following propositions:
• our political dream of a less perverse society no longer
makes sense
• our efort within Luiza Erundina's goverent was a
mistake
• the people cannot vote because they did not choose the
PT candidate.
P E D A G O G Y 0 F T H E H E A R T

61
None of tese statements is correct. I must say that the
efort we made at the City Department of Education, within
the Erundina adinistration ( 1989-92), was politically serious,
democratic, and scientifcally founded. We have no reason to
reget the administrative reform we implemented at the
department toward decentraliZing decisions. Without it, it
would have been less easy to encourage democratic modes of
behavior.
Administative structres at the service of centralized
power do not foster democratic behavior. One of the roles of
democratic leaderships is precisely overcoming authoritarian
systems and creatig the conditions for decision making of a
dialogic natre. Brazilian centralism, whch Alulsio Teixeira
fought so much against, was an expression of our authoritarian
tradition and fed into it (see note 6, page US).
Aso, we have no reason to regret the work we did in the
area of continual professional development for teachers. Tis
work was based on critical refection over educational practice
and counted on important contributions from professors of the
Pontifcal Catholic University of Sao Paulo (PUC), of the State
University of Campinas (UICAMP), and of the University of
Sao Paulo (USP). I partcular, it counted on the contribution
of Pofessor Madalena Wefort, one of te most respected spe­
cialists in this area.
The urgently needed improvement in te quality of ou edu­
cation is linked to increased respect for educators, through
signcant improvement of their salaies, through continual
development, ad through refor of teaching preparation pro­
gams. Al this implies the paticipation of Brazilian universi­
ties, since this development task is not restricted to schools
of education. That is what we did, my team and I, when I was
Secretary of Education for the city of Sao Paulo. I spoke at
length with te presidents of PUC, UNICAMp and USp and
then we signed cooperation agreements. We couted on the
support of linguists, mathematicians, computer specialists,
philosophers, specialists in curriculum theory, and sex educa-
62 P A U L O F R E I R E
tors. I this particular feld, I would like to emphasize the
excellent work of Marta Suplicy and of the Group for Work
and Research in Sexual Orientation ! GTPOS). It was no coinci­
dence that during the Erudina administration we were able
to surpass the school*success rates of an entire decade.
One of the crucial problems with Brazilian education-mis­
takenly termed school evasion, in reality school expulsion­
is political-ideologcal. Its solution is linked to the professional
development of educators and implies a political and ideologi­
cal comprehension of language on their part, one that allows
them to realize the class nature of speech. The alarming rate
of school failure in literacy grades is connected to the lack of
scientifc preparation on te part of educators, ad it also has
to do with an elitist ideology that discriminates against popu­
lar boys and girls. In part, this exlains the exsting contempt
for the learners' cultural identity, the disrespect for popular
syntax, and te almost complete disregard for the learners'
baggage of exeriential knowledge.
During that period at the Department of Education, we ob­
served gradual improvement in performance on the part of
students, as the pedagogy of questioning started to gain gound
against the pedagog of aswers, and as issues around the body
were addressed in the Sexal Orientation Program. A more
critical knowledge about te conscious body and exerience
in dealing with questions stimulated te development of epis­
temological curiosity.
We have no reason to regret the democratic fashion in which
we administered the department, through committees, the
base of which was the School Council. The council played
more than a consulting role, in efect having decision-making
power. We have no reason to reget our having insisted that
public schools become popular and democratic-in other
words, less authoritarian and elitist. We have no reason to re­
gret having worked a reorientation of the curriculum in proc­
ess. We have no reason to reget the evaluation and
development seminas for technical personnel within the cen-
P E D A G O G Y O F T H E H E A R T ' 63
tr for Educational Action, held with vigilantes and other
workers in the public schools. We have nothing to apologize
for concerning the popular rallies, where we discussed our pro­
posals and actions.
How could we blame ourselves for having organzed evalu­
ation seminars involving schools of diferent areas and two
conferences on local education, both of which counted on ex­
taordinary participation of the entire school system (see note
7, page 1 19)1
Finally, how could we apologize for the First Conference on
Adult Literacy Learners? It was a forum where the learners
had voice and not one where they were just talked about (see
note 8, page 122).
Without humility, it would be diffcult to carry out such
a program. Thus, the learng of another virtue becomes a
requirement: perseverance, the tenacity with which we must
fgt for our dream. We should not gve up at the frst confron*
tations, but with them, learn how to make fewer mistakes.
I the life span of a person, fve, ten, twenty years represent
something, someties a lot, but that is not the case in the
history of a nation.
If we are progressive, if we have more experience as opposi­
tion than as government, we must be reminded that, in such
a historic moment as ours, it is easier to win elections t
it is to govern. As we stroty react against the defamatory
accusations leveled against us, may we not allow ourselves to
adopt the same untruthful language used against us?
We must also observe, with ethical rigor, our rigt and our
duty to speak about how we intend to gover and avoid dema­
gogc promises or impossible dreams. If, in order to win an
election, I needed to make a false promise, it would be prefer­
able to lose and continue my political-pedagogical militancy,
persevering in my ethical position.
It is fundamental not to give in to the temptation of be­
lieving that the ends justify the means, making condemnable
agreements and deals with antagonistic forces. If I a proges-
64 • P AU L O F R E I R E
sive, I cannot join forces with tose who deny the popular
classes a voice. Much needed are agreements among forces
that, while different, do not antagonize each other and that
can share the responsibility of governing.
It is imperative that my discourse as a candidate not be
betrayed by my actions as an elected offcial. It is important
not to give voters the idea that change is easy; change is df­
cult, but possible. We must insist on the possibilit of change
in spite of diffculties.
Te question then lies in determining how to tr diffcult­
ies into possibility. For that reason, in the struggle for change,
we must be neither solely patient nor solely impatient, but
(as noted) patiently impatient. Unlimited patience, one that is
never restless, ends up immobilizing transformative action.
Te same is the case with willfl impatience, which demands
immediate results from action even while it is still being
planned.
Te mechanist, solely impatient, denies dialectics even
when he claims to be dialectic. The answer is in the balanced
dosage of both patence and impatience. The world cannot be
transformed without either one, for both are needed.
The absolutely impatient bet exclusively on their will and
their decision to fgt, not taking into account contrary forces,
or the available means for use during the struggle. The abso­
lutely patient, valuing neither the reasons for the struggle nor
teir right to it, tend to transfer to God the responsibility for
addressig human shortcomings. Through different paths,
both strengthen the power of the unfair. This is the position
of some religous individuals, who dichotomize worldliness
and transcendentalism. Along these lines, the more we make
the world into a vale of tears jwhere, by prayi and forgiving
those who have sinned against us today, we will ea our
heaven tomorrow), the more our lives on earth will become
an efective way of puging our guilt. It is very easy for those
who make money, eat, dess, enjoy music, travel, and have
social prestige to ask for patience from those who are denied
all that.
P E D A G O G Y O F T H E H E A R T • 65
I am not against prayer, and I am opposed to te state's
exercise of the absurd power of closig dow sects or chuches,
silenCing voices, imposing behaviors. However, I refse to ac­
cept this mind-narrowing form of religion. The prayer that
believers should engage in, as I see it, is one where they ask
God for strength and courage to ft with dedication to over­
come injustice.
I have always prayed, asking that God give me icreased
disposition to fght against the abuses of the powerfl against
the oppressed. I have always prayed in order that the weakness
of the ofended would tansfor itself into the strength with
which they would fnally defeat the power of the great. I would
never ask that God punish those aong the violated who re­
belled with just rage against the endless evils of the greedy. I
have always seen, in the depths of courage of the renegade,
even if it was not always very transparent, his ability to love,
indispensable to the reinstatement of justice. After al, te
oppressed did not initiate oppression, nor did te uloved initi­
ate hatred; rather, they are the primary targets of oppression
and hatred.
Mind-narrowing religous behavior supports the exploita­
tion practiced by the rich. It reinforces the discourse of the
reactionary who, while religiously indifferent, clasp their
hands in prayer to accuse "land squatters, incited by profes­
sional subversives, of violating ownership rigts and of threat­
ening the peace society requires." Those who wage such
accusations never speak of what agrarian reform law repre­
sents in Brazil. They never refer to the percentage of those
who own land in comparison to those who have nothing. Tey
never say, "How terrible!
II
at the sigt of desperate families
who dine on hospital waste, pieces of removed breasts, or dis­
carded food in the dump sites of urban centers.
Tese are people who not only become insensitive to the
knowledge of tens of millions of Brazilians dying of starvation,
but also accuse the hungy of indolence and incompetence.
66 • P AU L O F R E I R E
Also members of this group are some with more sensitivity
who, before the popular requests for improved living condi­
tions, ask restlessly: "What would become of my wife's charity
if social justice were made?"
It is people like that we must democratically defeat. People
who tink of themselves frst, of themselves second, and never
of others, especially never of those in the popular classes.
Lessons from Ele
One day, forbidden from being, I found myself away from my
homeland.
Until 1960, besides Recife, I only knew a few cities in Per­
nambuco, and I had been for a couple of days in Rio, Sao Paulo,
Florianopolis, and Porto Aegre. The year before the coup, I
had been to alBrazilian capitals. I remember how, from North
to South, the cities were awake, restless, dreaming of basic
refors, from which this country remains exempt. I remember
the verbal incontinence of the Brazilia left, who used to claim
a power that they did not have. As a result, they scared the
right, leading it to grow stronger and prepare to stage the Coup
of 1964.
At times, in one's fght for justice, one neglects seeking a
more rigorous knowledge of human beings. One may underes­
timate the power of the dominant, igore the deep-seated pres­
ence of the oppressor in te oppressed, and end up in exile.
Exile is a space-time dimension that one has not chosen} and
where one arrives marked by rage} fears, sufering, early long­
ing, love, broken hope, and also by a certain shy hope, one that
sigals return. There is also the wish and the need to remake
oneself, remake one's broken dream.
Exile could not be solely a nostalgic experience} a parenthe­
sis without any reference to tomorrow's retun. It imposed
itself as a time for revision and development, even to those
who intended to return a if they had never left.
P E D A G O G Y 0 F T H E H E A R T

67
Even for those who can quickly resolve their matters of sur­
vval, exile is not simply a time to be lived, but one to be suf­
fered. It is not possible to suffer such a time without living itj
only when one lives this time as an existential experience, can
one suffer it. That is why only men and women can be exiled.
I will never forget a comment by the president of Guinea
Bissau at the time, Luiz Cabral, during a helicopter ride from
the coutryside to te capital: While looking at te forest, and
seeing some bird move across the sky, he said, "I hope, com­
rade Paulo, that our animals may soon retur from exile."
He was speaking metaphOrically. Threatened by war, the ai­
mals in his country had sougt other support systems. None of
them had a planned retur, and from the human point of view,
none had suf ered teir distance from that support system.
Suffering exile is more than knowing the reality of it. It
requires embracing it with all the pain this embrace repre­
sentsj this is the only way the exiled can prepare for the retur.
Suffering exile is accepting the tragedy of rupture, which char­
acterizes te experience of existing in a borrowed context. One
suffers exile as one deals better with the diffculties associated
with being unable to return to one's origin. One sufers exile
as one reconciles the contradictions between the present
where one lives, in a space where one has experienced no past,
and the future, which has to be built in uncertain space.
Suf ering exile implies recognizing that one has let his or
her context of origin; it means experiencing bitterness, the
clarity of a cloudy place where one must make rigt moves to
get trough. Exile cannot be suffered when it is all pain and
pessimism. Exile cannot be sufered when it is all reason. One
suffers exile when his or her conscious body, reason, and feel­
ings-one's whole body-is touched by it. I am not reduced to
grieving alone, to have a project for the future. I do not live
only in the past. Rather, I exist in the present, where I prepare
myself for the possible return.
68 • P AU L O F R E I R E
Some in exile, however, become bitter and never imagine
any possibility of return. I their constant grief, they neither
truly engage themselves in the borrowed context, something
that could result in a certain preoccupation with their context
of origin, nor correctly drea about the retu. Tey lament
exile so much that they are not able to endure it.
I met some exiles who, bitter and sad, remained loyal to
the political dream responsible for their uprooting. I cannot
remember a single one who had regetted the utopia he or she
had fought and been exiled for.
There are also naive optimsts, who announce the date of
the retur every week, along with the fall of the oppressive
regime. Te day comes and goes, no retu, and almost uncon­
sciously, they set another date, which again never comes. And
they go on afrid of accepting the truth of their reality.
One thing ca be easily realized in the circumstance of ex­
ie: how virtues and faws become highlighted. While a limited
situation, exile is provoking. It is impossible to go throug it
without being tested in your ability to love or feel anger, your
ability to tolerate the diferent, to hear and to respect them.
I met some exiled who believed temselves to possess supe­
ror qualities. It was as if they were special beings on almost
impossible missions that launched them above all those who
remained in the mediocrit of their daily existence in their
context of orign. They, then, saw themselves as creditors of
eternal gatitude from the ones who stayed, who could not
even imagine the exiled were fghting for their freedom.
Once in Geneva, an exle told me that, in Brazil, he had
experenced the sensation of having been chosen when once,
in clandestinity, while walking on a street bustling with peo­
ple, he said to himself, "Poor men and women, little do they
know about their condition of being exploited, and they can't
even imagine that here, incognito, I am their savior. /I Listening
to hiself engaged in such discourse, he told me, he reted
to the world. He asked for forgveness from the people for
P E D A G O G Y 0 F T H E H E A R T

69
tng such an absurdity and saved himself fom te aro­
gnce he could have taken on in exile.
One of the tings tat the exled, especially the chosen ones,
rarely think about is that there is another exile at times as
diffcult as teir own: that of te ones who stay. There is noth­
ing mellow about the exile of the ones who stay, whether be­
cause they could not leave the country, or because they
heroically refsed to move away from their land and culture.
Tere is nothing mellow about the insecurity in which they
live, the sleepless nights, the startled awakenings with every
car that hits the brake in the neighborhood, the almost certain
presence of undercover agents at the service of repression
within the university environment, the uneasiness of hvng
to be restained and only speak in half-truths. What t say
about the uncertainty of this half-freedom where, fom whis­
per to whisper, one learns of the fall of another fellow, the
repressor closing in frther and further?
For all these reasons, a we think of t. he "interal exled "
?
it is important to give them credit for something: we were
able to return much more as a function of their struggle than
as a result of our protests. The role of those who, from out of
the country, denounced repression is undeniable, but it would
be a primary error to emphasize only the importance of the
ones who, from abroad, refused to accept the silence imposed
by dictatorship.
Te exiled who, once back in Brazil, arogantly intended to
teach those who stayed, instead of releag Brazil wit them,
would be incurring error.
I my case, I made an efort to understand, from the perspec­
tive of someone coming from abroad, the analyses concering
the country made by those who stayed. I would compare my
reading from afar to that of te ones who, up close and wth
no gaps, had their context as a text. I this relearg of Brazil,
my exeriences as an exile were of great value: my meetings
with others in exile and my exeriences around the world,
described in Pedagog of Hope.
70 • P A U L O F R E I R E
Each person in exile reacts, sufers, grows, and overcomes
diffculties in a diferent way. Each exiled person experiences
exile in his or her own way. Only one thing is the same for all
exiles: they fnd themselves in a borrowed context. The way
they exist in this context, and how they dea with their uproot­
ing, depends on a number of internal and exteral factors: the
exile's political choice, which may be more or less clear, the
coherence between their progressive discourse and their prac­
tice, at times reticent, and their ability to educate their long­
ing, their homesickness, so it does not drag into nostalgia.
I met some exiles who virtually immobilized themselves,
who could not manage surviving away from their word unless
they made their entire bodies, feelings, fears, desires, reason,
gravitate toward the dream of return. It was as if making
speeches about the return and inquiring about the signs and
the risks of the return were already a bit like returning. The
existential splinters that made them suffer away from Brazil
were somewhat smoothed out and softened through those
speeches. In some almost delirious conversations about the
ret, I could notice how their permaence in exile was
becoming less and less viable. What they refused to accept,
however, was not te country where they were, but the cir­
cumstance they found themselves in. It was exile itself that
kept them from exercising their most basic right: that of re­
turning home. For those in exle who dealt well with the tension
brougt on by te forbidden ret, listening to that nostalgic
discourse posed a problem: on the one hand, they could not en­
courage unreal analyses on the part of their fellow exiles, on the
other, tey felt uncomfortable to disenchant them.
It was necessary to fnd pathways leading to disagreement
with their naively optimistic diagosis, through which one
would not completely unveil the unfeasibility of the return at
that given time. The way was to help them accept exile as an
irrefutable, limited situation. It was to help them overcome
P E D A G O G Y O F T H E H E A R T 71
the state that they found themselves in: they became so an­
guished in exile that they kept themselves from suffering it.
There was one day, during my exle, when I experienced the
bitteress of hopelessness that I had always tried to keep away
from myself. News about advances in the strggle for amnesty
within Brazil had become more and more frequent. A "demo­
cratic opening" marched on and, with it, at a given moment,
our return seemed evident. It was a matter of days. I before,
in critical terms, the retur was not viable, at that point, on
the contrary, it was almost certain. I before I could and I
should not surrender before the impossibility of return, now,
tantalized with the almost-certainty of the retur home, it
became extremely diffcult to accept that a reunion with my
world could not take placel Released, my longing and home­
sickness made me more vulnerable.
It was June of 1979, if my memory serves correctly. I was
home in the morg when the phone rang. A Brazilian jour­
nalist, from Paris, asked if I had already heard that my name
was on a list publicized by the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign
Affairs of the ten Brazilian exles who were barred from re­
tung. Ten minutes later, from Ber, Swiss National Rado
put the same question, asking me to comment on my reaction.
Taken by indistinguishable emotion, I said that I frst had to
obtain confrmation. I was concerned about the consequences
of commenting on a case that I was not sure I was a part of.
I felt as if I had been walking along a plain when, all of a sud­
den, I found myself on the edge of a clif, or as if, after having
fought with the waves all night, I had died on the beach at dawn.
Never, had I felt the fragility of my uprooting so strongly.
A few days later, I received two newspaper clippings from
Brazil. One of them listed my name alongside tose of nine
other I/nonamnestiables, " such as: Luiz Carlos Prestes, Miguel
Arraes, Leonel Brizola, and Marcio Moreira Alves. I the other
news piece, the spokesperson for the Planalto Palace contra­
dicted the information. I recovered strength. I the frst few
72 • P AU L O F R E I R E
days of August 1979 we landed at Viracopos-Elza, my frst
wife, myself, and our children, Joaquim and Lutgardes. The
permanent retu took place in June of the following year.
" Has the gentleman had problems with the Brazilian gov­
erment?1I the offcer asked tactfully, wth my passport in his
hand.
til
do, " I answered gently, without arogance. With a
friendly smile, another offcer approached, holding one of my
books. I understood his gesture and autogaphed it. We walked
across the passport check. It was fnally over, both factally
and legally, the exle I had gone into at forty-three and was
now leavin at ffty-eigt.
Was I retng old? No. I was returng lived, matured,
tested at different times. I was returning hopefl, motivated
to relearn Brazil, to participate in the stuggle for democracy
and for public school to become popular school gadually, thus
becoming less elitist, more critical, more open. I was returning
young, in spite of physical appearance, my gray beard, and the
thinning hair.
A I write tis, at seventy-fve, I continue to feel young,
declining-not for vanity or fear of disclosing my agethe privi­
leges senior citizens are entitled to, for example, at airports.
The main criterion for evaluating age, youth, and old age
cannot be that of the calendar. No one is old just because he
or she was born a long time ago or young just because he or
she was bor a short time ago. People are old or young much
more as a function of how they think of the world, te avail­
ability they have for curiously giving themselves to knowl­
edge. The search for knowledge should never make us tired,
and the acquisition of it should never make us immobile and
satisfed. People are young or old much more as a fnction of
te energy and the hope that they can readily put into starting
over, especially if what they have done continues to embody
their dream, an ethically valid and politically necessary dream.
We are young or old to the extent that we tend to accept change
or not as a sig of life, rather than embrace te standstil as a
sign of deat.
P E D A G O G Y O F T H E H E A R T • 73
People are young to the extent that they fght to overcome
prejudce. A person would be old, even in spite of being only
twenty-two, if he or she arogantly dismissed others and the
word. We gradually become old as we unconSCiously begin to
refuse novelty wit the argument tat "in our day things were
better. /I The best time for the young person of tenty-two or
seventy is always the one that he or she lives in. Only by living
time as best as possible can one live it young.
Deeply living the plots presented to us by social experience
and accepting the dramatic nature of reinventing the world
ad the pathways t youth. We gow old if we believe, as we
realize the importance we have gained in our environment,
that it is of our own merit. We grow old if we believe this
importance lies in ourselves rather than in the relations be­
tween ourselves, others, and the world.
Pride and self-suffciency make us old; only in huIility can
I be open to the life experience where I both help and am
helped. I cannot make myself alone, nor ca I do things alone.
I make myself with others, and with others, I can do things.
Te more youth educators possess, the more possible it will
be for them to communicate with youth. Te young can help
educators maintain their youth while educators can help the
youg not lose theirs.
Old, as defned here, cannot remake te world; that is up
to youth. The ideal, however, is to add, to the readiness of
youth that the young possess, the collected wsdom of the old
who have stayed young.
People are being falsely young when they adopt an irrespon­
sible attitude toward risk, when they take risks purely for the
thrill onto Risk only makes sense when it is taken for a valu­
able reason, an ideal, a dream beyond risk itself.
There is a horrible way to grow old: objecting to necessary
political, economic, and social change, a prerequisite for over­
coIing injustice. Nevertheless, there is no youth that is ex­
empt from aging fast as it attempts to immobilize history; this
is what reaction is about. Reaction and yout are as incompat-
74 P A U L O F R E I R E
ible as defendig life and fearing freedom, which is a way of
negating life.
How can we maintain ourselves young i we proclaim that
the poor are lazy and that indolence is the cause of their pov­
erty? How can we maintain ourselves young i we discriminate
against blacks, women, homosexuals, ad workers? Preserva­
tion of youth is a demanding process. It does not tolerate inco­
herence. One cannot be, at the same time, young and racist,
young and macho, young and abusive.
I it is possible for old to become young and for young to
become old, if a twenty-two-year-old young person who has
become old can recover youth, a young person at age seventy
could, all of a sudden, renounce youth and, tragcally, turn old.
Such a person would be trading beauty for ugliness, and would
refuse his or her previous discourse and action. Awakened
from the dream, he or she would then bury utopia and preserve
what should be radically changed.
Conservatism is also incompatible with youth. What is in ef­
fect cannot be preserved, what is efective stands on its own.
Who, for example, would dare to propose a ban on the telephone?
Between radically changng the agrarian structure of the
country and maintaining it as is, reactionary action would pre­
serve it. Deep down, the reactionary are the tue subversives,
for they fgt to maintain an outdated order. The most advance
a reactionary would alow him/herself is reformism, a process
where reforms are implemented to avoid deeper transforma­
tion. I a progressive practice, possible and necessary reforms
are implemented to make that transformation viable.
My decided refusal then is of reformism, not reforms.
Fighting against reformism is a duty of the progessive, who
must use the contradictions of reformist practice to defeat it.
A reformist government may encourage advances beyond its
purpose through some of its reforms. That reformism may
manage to avoid deeper tansforation is a historic possibility
but so is overcoming reformism another historical possibilit.
P E D A G O G Y 0 F T H E H E A R T

75
Tus, the historical-social struggle of ethics, of decision, of
departure, of choice ad the role of critical conscientization i
history acquire paramount importance.
For all these reasons, I must insist and reinsist on critical
education. The argument that the teaching of content, de­
posited in thelearner, will sooner or later bring about a critical
percepton of reality does not convince me. In the progessive
perspective, the process of teaching-where the teaching chal­
lenges learners to apprehend the object, to then learn it in
their relations with the word-implies the exercise of critical
perception, perception of the object's reason for being. It im­
plies the sharpening of the learner's epistemological curiosity
which cannot be satisfed with mere description of the object's
concept. I must not leave for a random tomorrow something
that is part of my task as a progressive educator right now: a
critical reading of te world, alongside a critical reading of
the word.
A progressive educator must not exerience the task of
teaching in mechanical fashion. He or she must not merely
transfer the profle of the concept of te object to learners. If
I teach Portuguese, I must teach the use of accents, subject­
verb agreement, the syntax of verbs, noun case, the use of
pronouns, the personal infnitive. However, as I teach the Por­
tuguese language, I must not postpone dealing with issues of
language that relate to social class. I must not avoid te issue
of class syntax, grammar, semantics, and spelling. Hoping that
the teaching of content, in and of itself, will generate tomor­
row a radical intelligence of realit is to take on a controlled
position rather than a critical one. I means to fall for a magical
comprehension of content, which attributes to it a criticalizing
power of its own: lTe more we deposit content in the learn­
ers' heads, and the more diversifed that content is, the more
possible it will be for them to, sooner or later, experience a
critical awakening, decide, and break away. "
Any back-alley neoliberal knows very well that such view
is absolute nonsense and that he or she would lend his or her
76

P A U L 0 F R E I R E
support to any educational project where the "readin of the
world" was irelevant.
T
h
e "Lefts " and the Rght
The political-pedagogical practice of progressive Brazilian edu­
catos takes place in a society challenged by economic global­
ization, hunger, poverty, taditionalism, modernity, and even
postmoderty, by authoritarianism, by democracy, by vio­
lence, by impunity, by cynicism, by apathy, by hopelessness,
but also by hope. It is a society where the majority of voters
reveal an undeniable inclination toward change. liTe popular
majority have been rigt in deciding what they want, but they
have ered in their choice of the partisa forces that they have
brougt to power, " as Ana Maria Freire lucidly analyzes. Tey
were rigt when they chose change, but they erred when they
chose Collor and his entourage.
They want change; they want to win over infation; they
want a strong economy; they want justice, education, and
health care for themselves and their families; they want peace
in the shanty towns and urban centers; they want to eat and
sleep. They want to be happy in a present lived with dignity
and in a future whose realization they play a part in. They
vote, however, for partisan coalitions, some of whose predomi­
nant forces are, by nature, antagonistic to change in favor of
the .oppressed.
I am certain that the greatest responsibility for such mis­
match belongs to te "lefts" themselves. We speak of the lefts
in the plural and te rigt in the singular. The singularity of
the rigt has to do with the ease wit which its diferent cur­
rents unify before danger. Union among the left is always dif­
fcult and cumbersome. While the rigt is only sectarian
against progessive thought and practice, the Ilefts" are sectar­
i among themselves. I there are three or four factions
within a leftist party, each believes itself to be the only one
P E D A G O G Y O F T H E H E A RT

77
truly progessive, and they all fght among temselves. 'lly
leftist-activist members are teated as lthe rigt of the part"
or as "mgers of the capitalist crisis.
7f
I have no doubt that the radical experience of tolerance is
part of the immediate renovation that leftist parties need to
undergo if they ae to remain historically valid. And here, I
speak of a tolerance tat must not be confused with status quo.
I speak of tolerance in reconciling difering comprehenSions of
political action by party members, which does not mean lack
of principles or discipline. The tolerance that needs to be lived
in the intimacy of a leftist political party should transcend
its borders. It must not be practiced only among progessive
positions within te party, but also between the party and soci­
ety at large. It should also be efective beteen the party's
leadership and the popular classes, a tolerance made explicit
in that leadership's dscourse and their practice.
A leftist political party intent on preserving their discourse
within an intensely contradictory societ such as ours, intent
on climbing to power, without which it is not possible t
chage the country, must learn to reread our reality. Learning
to reread implies learning a new language. One cannot reread
the world if one does not improve the old tools, i one does
not reinvent them, i one does not le to deal with the re­
lated parts within the whole one seeks to discover. Likewise,
a new reading of my world requires a new language-tat of
possibility, open to hope. Nowadays we are so vulnerable be­
fore unreachable forces-the collision of an asteroid with the
earth, the tragedy of ADS, the possibility of having my little
backyard spied on from halfay across the word-hope has
become indispensable to our existence. It is diffcult to main�
tain it, hard to reinforce it, but it is impossible to exst with­
out it.
A leftist party cannot engage i a dialogue with the popular
classes using outdated language. As it reveals optimism, it
must be critical; its hope must not be that of an irresponsible
adventurer. Its criticism of the injustice within the capitalist
78 P AU L O F R E I R E
system must be strong. That, though, does not mean this criti­
cism should be pronounced with anger rather than with the
goodness and peace characteristic of those engaged in the good
combat. This must not be the discourse of bitterness, without
even the faintest trace of hope. On the contary, it must be
hopeful, critically optimistic, and "drenched" in ethcs.
I can see no reason why progressive activists, men and
women, should be careless about their bodies, enemies of beau­
tifulness, as if looking good were an exclusive right of the
bourgeois. Today's youth has nothing to do with that: they
paint their faces and take to the streets wearing that beautiful
joy that also flls their protest.
I search of its renewa, a leftist party must lose any old
trace of avant-gardism. It must lose any trace of any leadership
that decrees itself as the edge, as the fnal word, one who de­
fes and enlightens. Tis word necessarily comes from out­
side the body of the popular classes. Changing from an avant­
gardist party to one of the masses alters not only the party's
understanding of its role in the history of political struggle,
but also its methods and organization, g�ing from a centralism
only strategically called democratic to decentralization, truly
democratic.
The role of activists in an authoritarian, hierarchical party
is a very different thing from their duty within a democratic
one. In the frst instance, the discourse of activists, while
members of the party's hierarchy, comes molded by the party's
leadership, which is equally molded by its orthodoxy, myths,
and absolute truths. I the second instance, the activists'
political-pedagogical practice is far from any savior's dream
about the "uncultured masses. " Their hopeful discourse is not
that of someone intending to liberate others, but that of some­
one inviting others to liberate themselves together. I an
authoritarian practice, different activities seek to blind­
fold the masses and lead them to a domesticated futurei in a
democratic practice, as tey expose their reading of the world
P E D A G O G Y 0 F T H E H E A R T

79
to popular goups, activists learn with them how the
people know.
By learning how and what the people know, activists can
and should teach better what the people already know. They
learn with the oppressed the indispensable ropes of their resist­
ance, which are, in an elitist view, classifed as flaws of
character.
One of the urgent duties of a leftist party in touch with its
time is making all its statements, denunciations, and an­
nouncements rigorously ethical. It should never accept that
lying pays off, nor should it surrender the people's truth to the
oppressor. I my prison exerience, I never told the colonel
who questioned me that I knew communists. I never lost sleep
over that either.
Aother duty of a progressive party is to struggle, with the
most claity possible, to make popular classes more aware of
the problematic nature of the future, It is not true that social­
ism will come because it is announcedj it is not true either
that socialism collapsed with the Berlin Wall, or that victori­
ous capitalism is an eternal future that has begun. The truth
is that the future is created by us, through transforation of
the present.
Could it be that the present we are living is a good one?
Could it be that this is a more or less just present? Could it
be that our society has been at least minimally decent? Could
it be that we fnd it possible to sleep while we know tens of
millions starve to death? Could it be that we can accept our
educational system as reasonable with its current quantitative
and qualitative defciencies? Should we continue to make
deals with the World Bank where we spend more than we actu­
ally receive? While Secretary of Education in the Erundina
administration, I had the fortunate opportuity to decline, po­
litely but categorically, an offer for one of these deals harful
to our country ( see "0 Banco do Imperio, " an interview with
Marilia Fonseca by Paulo Moreira Leite, in Veta magazine,
1 1 /23/94).
80 • P A U L O F R E I R E
Could it be that lack of respect for public property is a Bra­
zilian way of beig that we cannot escape? Could it be that
violence, skepticism, and irresponsibility are unchangeable
marks of Brazilian natre? Nol To change what we presently
are it is necessary to change the structures of power radically.
However, no one can do tis alone. No political party, no
matter how competent and serious, can do this alone. It is not
just any old political coalition that will accomplish it either.
Only forces that feel equally at home wit certain fundamen­
tal principles, even though they may have surface diferences,
can unite for the needed change. How can we expect agraian
reform, eve of mediocre gade, from geat land owners? How
can we exect unstoppable geed to accept limits to its profts?
How can we exect the elitist to propose progressive cultural
progams and educational projects?
I can imane how difcult conversation must be, some­
times, between progessives who accept being the right's limit
and their new parters. And here I mean not necessarily con­
versation about goverent plans, where the diffculties must
be even geater. I mean general conversation that brings back
memories of past struggles, around the radicalness of their for­
mer colleagues in teir dream of world transformation.
When the time comes for those progressives to govern, they
must either break up with their allies in the right, requiring
support from the left, or try some new partisan confguration,
or lie to the people once again. That is why I attribute greater
responsibility for such discontinuities to the left itself. Te
diffculty those in the left fd in reaching ageement and sort­
ing their differences, which are much less serious than those
they have with the rigt, winds up helping their oppositon.
I an interview in the Fola de sao Pauo newspaper, the
famous Mexcan atopologist, Carlos Castanheda, stated,
while discussing the left in Latin America, that, in the case of
Brazil, it would have been ideal i te confgration of the
presidential race in the second round of 1989 had been that of
te frst round in 1994 (see note 9, page 123).
P E D A G O G Y 0 F T H E H E A R T

81
Tat would have been, i my vie, i the left had already
leared to be tolerant, to hae historical sensibility, not to
claim ownership over the tuth. It would have been, i the left
had learned the importance of history, the impatently patient
wait. Here I mean a wait where those who wait never sette
down, where tose who wait more along impatently patient
i carying out their dreams or projects.
It would have been, i the majorit of progessives had al­
ready understood that socia tansformation only really takes
place when most of society takes ownership of it and takes
te iitiative to exand its social radus of acceptance. When
transforation is more or less imposed and its implementa­
tion is not followed by any efort or exlanation about its rea­
son for being, what results is blind obedience, immobilization,
passivit, and fear. It !ay also lead, someday, to uprising.
No one in his right mind would think of a left whose activist
force was made up of celestial beings. Politics is a job for con­
crete men and women, those with faws and vrtes. But one
would expect the left to become more coherent, refUSing coali­
tons with its antagonists. One woud also deIand that the
"lefts" overcome their superfcial difeences, having their
common identity as a base.
The democratic, open, critical testmony of progessive
leadership before one another has a pedagOgcal dimension.
Undoubtedly, the positions taen by the left, especally those
taken by the Workers' Party (PT), have moved te Brazilian
political process forward.
For this reason, the rigt was unable to fnd any visibilit
in the presidential race of 1994 other than by decreeig as its
limt a man from outside its ranks, oe wth a political past
the right had condemned. I, while having h as its possible
limit, the rigt !ade h concede more than he should have
.
f
It was also forced to take a few steps beyond its natual limits.
I the rgt had chosen a candidate from wtin its ranks, while
the left had remained united, it would not have advanced and
wuld possibly have lost the election.
82 P A U L O F R E I R E
In this sense, Ferando Henrique Cardoso's victory is as
much a result of the Real Plan as of the Brazilian left's struggle,
PT included. Logically, added to all that is the president's per­
sonality, political skill, and competence.
It is unfortunate that, presently, the advancement experi­
enced by the right is entering undeniable reversal, which, I
hope, will not be enough to immobilize popular demands. I
order to fght effectively against a possible paralysis, it is neces­
sary that progressive forces be alert and ready to denounce
even the smallest attempt to mislead the popular classes.
It is necessary, above all, that the left face some most de­
structive social infrmities: raging sectarianism, authoritarian
messianism, and overfowing arrogance.
In order to stay faithful to my utopia of a less perverse soci­
ety, I do not need to repeat a discourse that is no longer in line
with our times, nor do I need to subscribe to the neoliberal
one. As a progressive, I must say no to a certain professional­
ization of the political-partisan practice. It is also indispensa­
ble that this practice overcome the voluntary amateurishness
of some well-meaning activists. Progressive practice must,
however, be kept from sprawling into a mental bureaucracy,
one that ties us down to our truth, and that we may become
enslaved to.
No leftist party can remain faithful to its democratic dream
if it falls into the temptation of rallying cries, slogans, prescrip­
tions, indoctrination, and the untouchable power of leader­
ships. Such temptations inhibit the development of tolerance,
in the absence of which democracy is not viable.
No leftist party can remain faithful to its democratic dream
if it falls into the temptation of seeing itself as possessing a
truth outside which there is no salvation, or i its leadership
proclaims itself as the avant-garde edge of the working class.
Any progressive party intent on preserving itself as such,
must not lack the ethics of humility, of tolerance, of per­
servance in the peaceful struggle, of vigor, of an ever-ready
curiosity. It must not lack hope with which to restart the
P E D A G O G Y O F T H E H E A R T 83
struggle whenever necessary. It must not defend the interests
of the popular classes, their right to a dignifying life, their right
to pronouncing the world, and at the same time look the other
way while the taxpayer's money is being stolen. Such a party's
coherence must be absolute. A political party is not a monas­
tery of sanctifed monks, but it should aspire to become an
association of truly serious and coherent people, those who
work to shorten more and more the distance between what
they say and what they do.
A leftist party intent on bringing itself to meet the demands
of its time needs to overcome the old prejudice against any­
thing that resembles a bourgeois concession. It must be able
to realize that, at a time as needy for humanization as ours,
fghting for solidarity before the negation of even minimal
rights suffered by most, is endlessly more valuable than any
bureaucratic discourse of ultraleftist favor.
An authentic progessive party must not become sectarian,
for that would represent a move away from its normal radical
position. Radicalness is tolerant; sectarianism is blind and
antidemocratic. Unlike the sectarian, always tied to their
truth, the radical are always open to revising themselves; they
are always ready to discuss their positions. The radical are not
intransigent, even though they can never condone unethical
behavior.
Radicalness is serene, so long as it does not fear change
when it is needed. That is why the progressive are always open
to overcoming. Continuing a discussion and defending a cer­
tain argument make no more sense to them if someone can
convince them of the opposite. That is not the case with the
sectarian, who will continue to defend their position even if
convinced of their error. Radicals are at the service of truth;
the sectarian at the service of their truth, which they hope
to impose.
Sectarization is sterile, is necrophilic. Radicalness is crea­
tive, biophilic. Radicals fght for purity; the sectarian will set­
tle for puritanism, which is make-believe purity. Never has
84 P AU L O F R E I R E
Brazil had a deeper need for progressive men and women
serious, radical, engaged in the struggle for tansforming soci·
et and in giving testimony of their respect for the people.
There is no denying a certain degree of optimism toward
te real changes Brazilian society may experience from now
on. Overall, there seems to be an atmosphere of hope. It feels
like fatigue at the highest degree. Ad that gets added to outra­
geous pillage of public money, impunity, and you-scratch-my­
back-I'll-scratch-your-back politics, one of the most resilient
vices in this country.
Even rigt-wing forces seem a bit intimidated by the indig­
nation felt within Brazilian society. Ay chance of the present
goverent's proving to be effective, while a serious project,
will depend on that intimidation. But the fundamental changes
to the country will not count on the endorsement of the rigt.
And the right did not vote for Ferendo Henrique because he
was a lesser evil. Not at all. The right chose hi as its lmit,
and he accepted that condition. My hopewhich is based on
my personal knowledge of him and on his political life his­
tory-is that he will go beyond the limits that they hope to
force down on h.
A I see it, the true left, one not afraid or ashamed of defn­
ing itself as such, should not play the role of betting on the
rigt's success. Istead, the left should focus on underminig
the rigt's importace and its power of infuence over govern­
mental decisions. The critical left's role is to realize tat, hav­
ing completed the stage of democratic transition, we now enter
another state, that of democratic itmacy Tus far we had
been crossing the road beteen authoritarianism and democ­
racy. Now, already in democracy, we must, on the one hand,
reinorce it and, on the other, move forward in te social do­
main. Whether it had been under Lula, or be it under Ferdo
Henrique Cardoso, the goverent embodies this movement.
Not at any time will Brazil have ever needed so much to
count on its radicals' engaging in the struggle for deep social
transformation, for unity wtin dversity. This expression is
P E D A G O G Y O F T H E H E A R T

85
made up of two nouns connected by the preposition wtin. It
is interesting how, in addition to its characteristic connective
function, prepositions presuppose another: to impregate a
phrase with the very meang of the relationshp it embodies.
Tere is a certai kinship between the relationship-meaning
of the preposition and the syntactc status of the word that
requires it. When I say, I live on Valen�a Street, " the preposi­
ton on means placement, coinciding with the syntactic status
of the verb to live, or to reside. For this reason, I cannot say
"living to Valen�a Street." Te proposition to indicates move:
ment while the status of the word steet, regarding the verb,
r/quires the preposition of place on. It is just as incorrect to
say, "I live to Valenca Street/' a it is to sa� "I went on Pedro's
house. To go is a verb of movement, thus requiing the prepo­
sition to, not on.
I I say unity within diversity it is because, even while I
recognize that the differences between people, goups, and eth­
nicities may make it more diffcult to work in unity, unity is
still possible. What is more: it is needed, considering that the
objectives the different goups fgt for coincide. Equality of
and i objectives may make unity possible within the differ­
ence. The lack of unity among the reconcilable "different"
helps the hegemony of the antagonistic "diferent. " Te most
important is the fght against the main enemy.
Terefore, the "diferent" who accept unity cannot forego
unity in their fght; they must have objectives beyond those
specifc ones of each goup. There has to be a geater dream
a utopia the different aspire to and for which they are abl�
to make concessions. Unity within diversity is possible, for
example, between antiracist goups, regardless of the goup
members' skin color. In order for that to happen, it is necessary
for the antiracist groups to overcome the limits of their core
racial group and fght for radical transformation of the socio­
economic system that intensifes racism.
Te perversit of racism is not inherent to the nature of
human beings. We are not racist; we become racist just as we
may stop being that way.
86

P A U L 0 F R E I R E
Te problem I have with racist people is not the color of
their skin, but rather the color of their ideology. Likewise, my
diffculty with the macho does not rest in their sex, but in
their discriminatory ideology. Being racist or macho, progres�
sive or reactionary, is not an integral part of human nature;
rather it is an orientation toward being more. And that orien­
tation is incompatible with any sort of discrimination.
I I am certain that the ony kind of prejudice that can be
fully exlained by class analysis is the prejudice of class, I also
know tat the class factor is hidden within both sexual and
racial discrimination. We cannot reduce all prejudice to a clas­
sist exlanation, but we may not overlook in understanding
the different kinds of discrimation.
When a so�called minority refuses to join forces with an­
other minority, it reveals a prejudiced certainty: that of the
other's natural inability to be fair and decent. I do not under�
stand how, in Brazil, we can maintain feminist, black, Indian,
working�class groups separately struggling for a less perverse
society. Each goup is fghting its own battles.
Unity within diversity is a imposition of the very fght.
The dominant know that very well. Thus, one of their golden
rules is, IIdivide to govern." We, who are classifed by them as
minorities, take on this profle. Therefore, we tend to divide
forces fghting among and against ourselves, instead of fting
the common enemy.
Tolerance reveals excessive self-valuation on the part of the
intolerant in relation to others, who are considered by the in­
tolerant to be inferior, to their class, their race, their group,
their sex, their nation. For this reason, tere is no tolerance
within a lack of humility. How can one be tolerant if one
considers others to be iferior? But one cannot be humble by
bureaucratically doing favors to others. I order to be humble,
one must be so in practice as one enters relationships with
others. One is not humble by uderestimating others or over�
estimating oneself.
P E D A G O G Y 0 F T H E H E A R T

87
The oppressor is not humble, but arrogant. The oppressed
is not humble either, but humiliated. In order for oppressor
and oppressed to become humble, it is necessary for the op­
pressor to convert to the cause of the oppressed, and for the
oppressed to commit to his own fght for liberation. It is only
from that point on that both will have met the requirements
to learing humility.
Theories considering liberation as a gven fact of history, or
basing it exclusively on scientifc knowledge, never excited
me very much. The same goes for those that did not accept
giving any serious consideration, for example, to human na­
ture, even if human nature was understood to be socially and
historically constituted. I mean human nature while taking
place in history, rather than prior to history. I cannot think
the issue of liberation, and all that it implies, without thinking
about human nature.
The possibility of discering comparing, chOOSing, program­
ming, perforing, evaluating, commiting, taking risks, makes
us beings of decision and, thus, ethical beings. For this rea­
son, fting against discrimination is an ethical imperative.
Whether discriminated against for being black, female, homo­
sexal, working class, Brazilian, Arabic, JeWish-regardless of
te reason-we have te obligation to fght against discrimina­
tion. Discrimination offends us all, for it hurts the substan­
tiveness of our being.
Our fght against the different discriminations, against any
negation of our being, will only lead to victory if we can realize
te obvious: unity wtin diversity And by unity I mean that
of the reconcilable different, not of the antagonically different.
Among the latter, in the process of the struggle, there may be
a pact as a function of circumstantial objectives serving both
extremes. Among the former, unity is based on strategic and
not only tactic objectives.
The appropriateness of my discourse might be questioned,
for I speak as an activist when I should speak as theoretician
88 • P AU L O F R E I R E
and vice versa. I reject such dichotomy: I a not a theoreti­
cian say on Wednesdays, and an activist on Saturdays.
Te criticism of capitalism I put forth, from an ethical point
of view, derives as much from the educator as it does fom the
activist, which I seek to continue to be in my own way. My
activism can never become dissociated from my theoretical
work; on the contrary, the former has its tactics and strateges
forulated on the latter. The moment we recognize that food
production around the world could be suffcient to feed twice
its population, it is desolating to realize the nubers of those
who come into the world but do not stay, or those who do but
are forced into early departure by hunger.
My struggle against capitalism is founded on that-its in­
trinsic perversity, its antisolidarity nature.
The argument has been destroyed of scarcity as a production
problem that capitalism would not be able to respond to and
that would represent an obstacle to te preservation of this
system. Capitalism is efective in this and other aspects, but it
has shown its other face-absolute insensitivity to the etical
dimension of existence.
It has produced scarcity within abudance and need within
plenty. Tus, the neoliberal feel the need to impregate their
discourse with a fatalism, to them irefutable, according
to which "things are the way they are because there is no
other way."
This cynical discourse tends to convince that the problem
lies in destiny or fate, rather than severely criticize a system
that, in spite of lack of scarcity, condemns a large part of hu­
manity to hunger and death. Successive technological revolu­
tions have rendered capitalism bare. They have forced it to
expose its own evil-millions of people dying from starvation,
head-to-head with wealth.
I refuse, for al tese reasons, to think that we are eternally
destined to live the negation of our own selves. In order to be
in the world, my conscious body, my ushed and historical
P E D A G O G Y O F T H E H E A R T • 89
being, needs food as much a it needs ethics. Te fght wuld
make no sense to me without this ethics backdrop, upon
which experiences of comparison, criticism, choice, decision,
and rupture take place.
I wuld be a melancholy and unmotivated being i it could
be scientifcally proved that the laws of history or natue
would take care of surpassing human misencounters without
any mark of freedom: as i everyting were predetermined,
preestablished, as i this were a world without erors or mis­
takes, without alternatives. Error and mistakes imply the ad­
venture of te spirit. Such adventure does not take place where
there is no space for freedom. There is only error when the
individual in error is conscious of the world and of himself or
herself in the world, with himself or herself and with others;
there is only error when whoever errs can know he or she has
ered because he or she knows tat he or she does not know.
At last, in this process, eror is a temporary form of kowing.
At the very moment I write these lines, I a reminded of
Berenger, Ionesco's character. His cries of refsal to become a
rhinoceros are a powerful testimony to our rebelliousness, our
affmation as men and women in the exercise of our citizen­
ship, in the struggle for the millions derived of it.
Seriousness ad Happiness
Tere is much talk today, not only in Brazil, about education
and citizenship. There is talk about fgting for democracy,
about the active involvement of the popular classes in shaping
the destiny of cities. I wuld like to make it clear that it is not
possible to make Brazilian society more and more democratic
without startg by attacking hunger, unemployment, the
health crisis, and that of education. Te solution to these prob­
lems implies redefning the role of the state, mov away
from an economistic comprehension of development, and in-
90 • P AU L O F R E I R E
stituting an educational practice coherent with democratic
values.
A educational practice must be instituted that proposes
and takes advantages of situations where the learners may ex­
perience the power and the value of unity within diversity. It
should do nothing to stimulate lack of solidarity and fellow­
ship. It should do nothing that works against the development
of serious discipline of body and mind, without which al ef­
forts for knowledge fail. It must do everyting to ensure an
atmosphere in the classroom where teaching, learning, and
studying are serous acts, but also ones that generate happi­
ness. Only to an authoritarian mind can the act of educating
be seen as a dull task. Democratic educators can ony see the
acts of teaching, of leang, of stdying as serious, demanding
tasks that not only generate satisfacton but are pleasurable in
and of themselves.
Te satisfaction with which they stand before the students,
the confdence with which they speak, the openness with
which they listen, and the justice wit which they address the
students' problems make the democratic educator a model.
Thei authority is affred without disrespect of freedom. It
is affrmed for this very reason. Because they respect freedom,
they are respected. A democratic educator cannot allow his or
her authority to become atrophied, for that would exacerbate
the learners' freedom. He or she cannot contradict himself or
herself in favor of his or her authority nor in favor of the lea­
ers' freedom: neither authoritarianism nor permissiveness.
The power of a democratic educator lies in exemplary coher­
ence; that is what sustains his or her authorit. A educator
who says one thing and does another is irresponsible, and not
only ineffective but also harmful. He or she is more of a dis­
service than a coherent authoritarian.
A educator's authoritarianism is not only manifested in
te repressive use of authority, which restricts the movements
of the leaers. It is equally manifested in a number of opportu­
nities, in his or her excessive vglance over the learners, in
P E D A G O G Y 0 F T H E H E A R T

91
his or her lack of respect for the leaers' creativity and for
his or her cultural identity. It is also manifested in his or her
lack of acceptance of the popular-class learners' way of being,
the manner in which he or she warns the students and cen­
sures them. A educator's authoritarianism is also manifested
in his or her narrow understanding of the teach/learn equation,
within which the learners are restricted to the mechanical
memorization of what the educator deposits in them. That is
the "banking educator," as I termed him or her in Pedagogy
of te Oppressed.
Today in Brazil, we are, perhaps more than yesterday,
in need of an exemplary democratic educational practice.
We need campaigs implemented, for example, through
democracy-studies weeks in public and private schools, u­
versities, vocational schools, unions. We need campaigs that
could food our cities with democracy. They would present the
history of democracy and allow for debates on the relationship
between democracy and ethics, democracy and popular classes,
democracy and economics. They would also focus on elections
and the rights and obligations they imply. They would focus
on the Brazilian lack of democratic exerience, on democracy
and tolerance. A taste for freedom and democracy; irreconcil­
ably contradictory forces, reconcilably different forces; unity
withn diversity.
I do not mean to sound as i I suddenly believed that democ­
racy could be taught throug speeches. Democracy is taught
and learned throug the practice of democracy. It is possible
and necessary, however, to discuss the presence or absence of
a democratic practice, the reasons for being, for example, of
our democratic inexerience.
Brazilian society has enoug historical exerience with the
betrayal of democracy and with democratic rebelliousness
upon which to build discussion that can strengthen the latter
(see note 10, page 126).
The practice of simulated elections for president and gover­
nor is already common, especially in private urban schools.
92 • P AU L O F R E I R E
Troug this process, the learers gradually acquaint tem­
selves with political stuggle, the positions of political parties,
and teir ethical demands.
Diaogsm
I now return to the discssion of a dialogic relationship, while
a fndamental practice to human nature and to democracy
on the one hand, and on the other, as an epistemological
requirement.
As a matter of method, I never directly focus my attention
on the object tat challenges me in the process of knowledge
discovery. On the contrary, by taking epistemological distance
from the object, I proceed to approach it by encircling it. "Tak­
ig epistemological distance" means taking the object in hand
in order to get to know it; in my "epistemological encircling"
of it, I seek to decipher some of its reasons for being in order to
appropriate its substantiveness better. In the epistemologcal
encircling, I do not intend to isolate the object to apprehend
it; in this operation, I try to understand the object, the interior
of its relationship wit others.
This is how I will work troug te issue of dialogism.
Istead of describing a profle of the concept of dialogism, I
will begin by attempting to comprehend its foundation, what
makes of it a strategic requirement, rather than solely the tac­
tics of "smart" subjects toward reaching results. Dialogsm
must not be understood as a tool used by the educator, at
times, in keeping with his or her political choices. Dialogism
is a requirement of human nature and also a sign of the educa­
tor's democratic stand.
There is no communication without dialogism, and com­
munication lies at the core of the vital phenomenon. In this
sense, communication is life and a vector for more-life. But, if
communication and information occur on the level of life upon
its support, let us imagine its importce and, thus, that of
P E D A G O G Y O F T H E H E A R T ' 93
dialogsm for human exstence in the world. On ts level ,
communication and information are served by sophistcated
languages and by technolOgical instruments that "shorten"
space and time. The social production of language and of in­
struments with which human beings can better interfere in
the world announce what technology will be.
Not too long ago, my gandson, Alexndre Dowbor, called
me to say that his computer, connected to the Interet, had
flpicked up" a message from a German scholar requesting my
address. He responded to her request and also provided my fax
number. Fifteen minutes later, I was talking with te German
professor: thanks to technology.
I my mother, who died in 1978, had bee back to te eath
for a moment and listened to my conversaton wit Alexandre,
she would have understood nothing.
I have called attention to human nature as beig socially
and historically constituted, rather than as preexsting. The
traj ectory throug which we make ourselves conscious is
marked by fniteness, by inconclusion, and it characterizes us
as historical beings.
Not only have we been unfnished, but we have made our­
selves capable of knowing ourselves as such. Here, an opportu­
nt is open for us to become immersed in a permanent search.
One of the roots of education, which makes it specifcally hu­
man, lies in the radicalness of an inconc1usion that is per­
ceived as such. The permanence of education also lies in the
constant character of the search, perceived as necessary. Like­
wise, here lie also roots of the metaphysical foundation of
hope. How would it be possible for a consCously inconclusive
being to become immersed in a peranent search wthout
hope? My hope starts from my nature as a project. For this
reason I am hopeful, and not for pure stubborn ess.
In order for fniteness, which implies a process, a claim for
education, it is necessary that the being involved becomes
aware of it. Consciousness of one's inconclusiveness makes
that being educable. Unfnishedness in the absence of con-
94 • P AU L O F R E I R E
sciousness about it engenders domestication and cultivation.
Animas are domesticated; plants are cultivated; men and
women educate temselves.
Consciousness of, an intentionality of consciousness does
not end with rationality. Consciousness about the world,
which implies consciousness about myself in the world, with
it and with others, which also implies our ability to realize
the world, to understand it, is not limited to a rationalistic
experience. Tis consciousness is a totality-reason, feelings,
emotions, desires; my body, conscious of the world and myself,
seizes the world toward which it has an intention.
My conscious body's constant exercise in releasing itself
even to or from my consciousness intending towad the world
brings or contains in itself a certain quality of life that, in
the human existence, becomes more intense and richer. I a
referring to the need for relational exerience on the level of
exstence and of interactons, the level of living.
Tere is a fundaental element in interaction, which takes
on greater complexit in relationship. I am referring to curios­
ity, some sort of openess to comprehending what is in the
orbit of the challenged being's sensibility. It is this human
disposition to be surprised before people, what they do, say,
seem like, before facts and phenomena, before beauty and
ugliness, this unrefrainable need to understand in order to ex­
plain, to seek the reason for being of facts. It is this desire,
always alive, of feeling, living, realizing what lies in the realm
of one's "visions of depth" (see Pedagogy of the Oppressed,
New Revised 20th-Aniversary Edition, New York: Contin­
uum, 1993).
Without the curiosity tat makes us beings in permanent
availability for questioning-be the questioning well con­
structed or poody founded, it does not matter-there would
be no gnoseologic activit a concrete expression of our possi­
bility of knowing.
Concern with the mechanical memorization of content is
curious, the use of repetitive exercises that surpass a reason-
P E D A G O G Y 0 F T H E H E A R T

95
able limit while leaving out a critical education about curiosity
Isee Paulo Freire and Antonio Faundez, Learning to Question,
New York: Continuum, 1989). We continue to discourse about
answers and questions that were not posed to us, without em­
phasizing the importance of curiosity to the students.
Let us take half a day in Pedro's life as the object of our
curiosity. Let us follow his main movements: he awakes,
showers, eats breakfast. He skims the frst pages of the news­
paper, and since he lives near the university where he works,
he walks over there. He leaves the house, greets some people,
walks past others; carefree, he observes the rushed movement
of those coming and going; he says good morning to some,
smiles at others. At the sight of a WALK sign, he walks across
to the other side. He runs into a friend, detains himself. It is
a short conversation, promises of meeting again, who knows,
maybe next Wednesday. They know they are not going to meet
then. The promises will not hurt either one. They will not
expect each other next Wednesday.
Peter gets to the university. He geets some coworkers and
students. He heads over to the room where the Tuesday semi­
nars are held.
So far, from the moment of his morning shower to his ar­
rival at the seminar room, Pedro has not once questioned him­
self about this or that action of his. His mind is not
epistemologcally operating. This is what characterizes our
movement through the world of day-to-day life.
That does not mean to say that there may not be curiosity
in day-to-day life. It exists and i could not not exist: there we
have it, human life, existence. In this domain, however, ou
curiosity is unguarded, spontaneous, without any methodical
rigor. It does not lack method, for there canot be curiosity
without method: it is methodical in itself.
There is another way to immerse ourselves pleasurably in
a challenge. It is a matter of aesthetic curiosity. It is what
makes me stop and gaze upon the sunset. It is what detains
me, lost in my contemplation of the speed and elegance with
96 • P A U L O F R E I R E
which te clouds move across te blue depth of te sky. It is
what touches me when faced with a work of art that centers
me in beauty.
Unguarded curiosity must not be the way for Pedro to be­
have in the classroom. Te seminar room is a theoretica qon­
text, which is in a contadictory relationship with a concrete
context, where facts occurj tus, it demands epistemological
curiosity. Tis curiosity, however, does not refuse to consider
the aesthetic. On the contrary, it aails itself of it.
I a teoretical context, we take distance from the concrete
one in order, while objectifying it, to examine what takes place
in it critically. I a concrete context, there is always the possi­
bility of its subjects' adopting a refective-critical positionj in
it, spontaneous curiosity may come to be epistemological.
I, while engaged in concreteness, I could not distance my­
self from it in order to understand it better only because I
found myself in action, the relationship between the concrete
context and the theoretical one would be solely mechanical.
I order to refect theoretically upon my practice, it is not
required that I change physical contexts. It is required that my
curiosit become epistemological. Te appropriate context for
the exercse of epistemological curiosity is the theoretical one.
But physical space is not what makes a context theoretical, the
state of the mind is. That being, hence, how we may convert a
given moment in the concrete contex into a theoretical
moment.
Likewise, the space of the concrete context does not neces­
sarily make it theoretical, but the epistemologically curious
postre with which we may operate in it does. In the same
way, the methodological rigor indispensable to the theoretical
context may be twisted, leading one to operate mechanically
in tat context. The bakig model of educational practice is
of this kind.
Spontaneous curiosity is not what makes it possible to take
epistemological distance. This task belongs to epistemological
curiosity-overcomin naive curiosity it makes itself more
P E D A G O G Y 0 F T H E H E A R T

97
methodically rigorous. It is this methodical rigor that takes
knowledge from the level of comon sense to that of scientifc
knowledge. Scientifc kowledge is not what is rigorous. Rigor
lies in the method applied in an approach to the object.This
rigor allows for a geater or lesse precision in the knowledge
produced or found throug our epistemologcal quest.
As we emphasize an epistemologically curious posture as
fundamental in constituting the theoretical contex, the im­
portace of this space should be clear. Due attention to the
educational space, while it is a context open to the exercise of
epistemologcal curiosity, should be a concer of every serious
educational project.
Attention should go ito every detail of the school space:
hygiene, wall furishings, cleanliness of desks, the teacher'S
desk setup, educational materials, books, magzines, news­
papers, dictiOnaries, encyclopedias, and little by little, the in­
toduction of projectors, video, fax, computers. By making
clear that the educational space is valuable, the administration
is able to demand the due respect for it from leers. Furthe,
this is the way to facilitating the eercise of epistemological
curiosit. Without that, the progessive educational practice
deteriorates.
While a practice of learnig and teaching, educational prac­
tice is goseologc by nature. The role of te progressive educa­
tor is to challenge the learner's naive cuiosity in order that
they can both share criticalness. That is how a educational
practice can afr itself as the unveiling of hidden truths.
I have previously mentioned the mistake of the postodern­
ist, who before such contemporary demands as responsiveness
to diferent situations, must defend a certain variety of critical
education. To them, however, such education must not go be­
yond the administrative and technical domains, which are
seen as neutral.
Te pragmatic reactionary educator who teaches biology
for example, sees no reason to chalenge the learer to discuss
te vital phenomenon from a social, ideological, or politcal
98

P A U L 0 F R E I R E
point of view. What is strictly necessary for them is to deposit
contents about the vital phenomenon in te leaer.
A technicistic vision of education, which renders it purely
techical, or worse yet neutral, works toward the instrumental
taiing of the learer. It assumes that there i no longer any
antagonism between interests, that everything is more or less
the same, and that all that really matters is solely technical
training, the standardization of content, and the transfer of a
well-behaved knowledge of result.
Within such political vision, the permanent development of
educators will adhere too much to te banking model. The
enligtened professional development comIittees will be in­
terested in traning front-line educators-reduced to the role
of subordinate intellectuals-into using teaching techniques
and materials designed to transfer the " indispensable" content
Isee Henry Girou, Teachers as Intelectuals-Toward a Criti­
cal Pedagogy).
Well to the liking of the World Bank, this political vision
necessarily ignores the intelligence and judgent and creatve
abilities of teachers. Teachers need to be respected, decently
paid, called into discussions of their problems, the local, re­
gional, and national problems woven into the problems of edu­
cation. They must not be diminished and blamed for the gaps
in their professional development (see note 11, page 138).
Let us overcome the gaps, but not from te starting point
of raising the proclaimed incompetence of teachers. It would
be extaordinary if-given our historic situation of disrespect
toward public problems, toward teachers, with the starving
salaries that they receive-the majority of them did not result
in desperation (see note 12, page 139).
We shall overcome the gaps by redirectng public spending,
eliminating wasteful spending, and eradicating contempt for
public property, through an effective fscal policy, and by revis­
ing the role of the state. From all that, the concrete possibility
will result in a pedagogical policy based on the decent treat­
ment of teachers and on the exercise of teir legitimate devel-
P E D A G O G Y O F T H E H E A R T

99
opment. Only from this point on will it be possible to demand
effectiveness from teachers.
Let us return to the issue of dialogism in relation to naive
and epistemological curiosity. A dialogic relationship-com­
munication and intercommunicaton among active subj ects
who are immune to the bureaucratization of their minds and
open to discovery and to knowing moreis indispensable to
knowledge. The social nature of this process makes a dialogi­
cal relationship a natural element of it. I that sense, authori­
tarian antidialogue violates the natre of human beings, their
process of discovery, and it contradicts democracy.
Authoritarian regimes are enemies of curiosity. They pun­
ish citizens for displaying it. Authoritarian power is prying,
not curious o questioning. Dialogue, on the other hand, is fll
of curiosity ad unrest. It is full of mutual respect between the
dialoging subjects. Dialogsm presupposes maturity, a spirit
of adventure, confdence in questioning, and seriousness in
providing answers. In a dialogc atmosphere, the questioning
subject knows the reason for being the questioner. They do
not ask questions just for asking or just to seem alive to the
listener.
A dialogic relationship is the mark of a gnoseologic process:
it is not a favor or kindness. Dialogic seriousness and surrender
to a critical quest must not be confsed with babbling. To
dialogue is not to babble. That is why there may be dialogue
in a professor's critical, rigorously methodical exposition, to
which the leaers' listen as i to eat up the discourse, but also
to understand its intellection.
Even though things are never just their atmosphere, but are
things themselves, we may speak of a dalogic atosphere.
There is an invisible, previous dialogue where one does not
need to make up questions. Truly democratic educators are
not for the moment, but are by nature dialogic. One of their
substantive tasks in our society is to gestate this dialogIC
atmosphere.
100 • P AU L O F R E I R E
Dialogic exerience is fundamental for building epistemo­
logical curiosity. Dialogue also implies a critical posture; it
implies a preoccupation with the raison d'etre of the objects
that mediates the subj ects of the dialogue.
The growing gap between educational practice and the epis­
temologica curiosity exercise is of concer to me. I fear the
curiosity achieved by an educational practice reduced to pure
technique may be an anesthesized curiosity, one that does not
go past a scentifcist position before the world.
Tis is what lies at the core of the "pragmatic" discourse
about education. The utopia of solidarity makes way for tech­
nical training directed toward survival in a world without
dreams, "which have created enough problems." I this case,
what matters is training learers just so they can manage well.
What counts is training them so that they can adapt wthout
protest. Protest agitates, undermines, twists the truth; it dis­
rupts and moves against order, against the silence needed from
those who produce.
I reject this fataism in the name of my understanding of
the human being and of history, of my ethical point of view
and, because I cannot deny it, of my faith. Here and in other
writings, I have spoken about how I understand the human
being and history. I would lie to emphasize the fniteness we
are aware of that makes us beings inserted in a permanent
search for being moreboth the natural inclination and te
risk of losing diection at the same time. Our historical incli­
nation is not fate, but rather possibility. And there cannot be
possibility that is not exosed to its negation, to impossibility.
Conversely, something impossible today may come to be pos­
sible some day. I history as possibility we cannot be but re­
sponsible, thus ethical. Such responsibilit implies an equally
ethical struggle so that we can live up to it. The fact that
we are ontologically responsible is not something that can be
experienced without search, without fgting against those
who irresponsibly prohibit us from being responsible for our
own freedom. For this reason, the strugge for liberation im-
P E D A G O G Y O F T H E H E A R T

101
plies a previous task, that of accepting the very struggle only
as we stand for it. That is how we liberate ourselves, or fail
to. Freedom, without which we cannot be, is not a gft but
a conquest.
The statement, "Tings are as they are because they cannot
be any other way, " is one of te many instruments used by
the dominant in an attempt to abort the dominated's resist­
ance. Te more historically anesthetized, the more fatalisti­
cally immersed in a reality impossible to be touched, let alone
transformed, the less of a fture we have. Hope is pulverized
in the immobility of a crushing present, some sort of fnal stop
beyond which nothing is possible (Pedagogy of Hope).
My Faith and Hope
Some time ago, I had lunch wit an American woman religious
and to homeless people in San Francisco. Our conversation
was interspersed with hopelessness throughout. "Once on the
streets, you can never get out. What else could I ofer you
besides my desolation? The days go by. The nigts are con­
sumed and I feel crushed inside them. It has been a lon time
since I have had a ray of light make a crack in my days and
nights. At frst, my hope resided in dreams. I used to think
that I could experience some happiness while I was sleeping,"
said one of them with a distat gaze. It was the same expres­
sion in the eyes of the country boy from Sao Paulo who only
had nigtmares. In any case, the nights of that homeless per­
son seemed better, "I can dive into them ad drow my pain,!'
My ethical and political responsibility does not allow me to
hesitate before the cynicism of those who say, IIThings are as
they are because there is no other way." If I settled for the lie
in this phrase, I would be betraying the desperate in the world,
like that one in San Francisco. I do not know his name. I never
saw him again. If he still lives, on the bottom of time, he wl
probably not read this text. He wil not know how much he
102 • P AU L O F R E I R E
helped me by speaking about his impotence, which he made
critically clear as he described his tragic exerience: falling on
the streets without ever being able to retum.
To or three days after that lunch, I visited a Catholic house
in San Francisco where poor and relegated people received
help. A white woman, frazzled and with diffculty in aculat­
ing her speech, looked at me. "You are American, aren't you?
7I
With teary eyes, a suffered sparkle, she answered: "No! I am
poor. That was the fst time I heard poverty used as a nation­
ality. Feeling guilty, rather accepting the guilt te system has
attributed her for her lack of success, she said she was not
America. In her self-incrimination, it was as i she begged
for forgiveness fom Aericanness for not having a successful
existence. That desolate woman expressed, in a very signif­
cant way, the absence of citizenship in her. She had been ex­
pelled from existence itself. This is the extraordinary power
of ideology. That woman had introj ected it to such a degee
that, as she spoke, it was as i it were not her any longer,
but ideology itself that spoke. Her discourse manifested the
dominant ideology that inhabitd her to te point that she was
all self-criticism.
I thought: III we were in a tial, this poor woman would be
the defendant and her own prosecutor at the same time. She'd
have no defense."
Her guilt inhibited her the same way a fatalist posture
would. The fatalism of the poor undeniably helps only the
dominant. We are tempted to tn that fatalism is an inven­
tion of the dominant to impede rebellion from the dominated,
or to put it of as much as possible. We are tempted to t
of it as an invention whose engineering is discussed in the
offces of dominant leaders. It is not quite like that: the fabric
of the oppressive situation is what generates a fatalistic under­
standing of the world, of a God strangely loving toward its
children, for it tests them with pain, need, and misfortune.
Generating itself in the oppressive situation and serving it,
fatalism is nourished by the oppressors. The comprehension
P E D A G O G Y 0 F T H E H E A R T

10
of a God that punishes rebelliousness against injustice and
blesses resigned acceptance of antilove is natural to fatalism.
The situation that generates such intelligence of the world
and of God does not offer those immersed in it any way out
other than settling for their own pain. Becoming unsettled,
indicating any doubt about the legitimacy of that situation
would mean a sin against the will of God. Supported by the
historic anesthesia of the suffering and patient populations,
the dominant use God to their ends.
Te issue around liberation and its practice is not fghting
against the religiousness of the popular classes, which is a rigt
of theirs and an expression of their culture, but rather over­
comig, wt it, the vision of a God at the service of the strong
for a God on the side of those with whom justice, truth, and
love should be. What marked popular religiousness-resiga­
tion and annihlation-would be substituted with forms of re­
sistance to outage, to perversity.
This way, submission-faith toward a destiny that would re­
fect God's will makes way for a spurring faith of loving rebel­
liousness. I this ]rocess, there is an understanding of the
body-for those who have evolved in their faith-as the dwell­
ing of sin turns into an inteligence of the body a the temple
of God.
When I defend unit wt diversity, I a thinking of unity
between those who live their liberating faith and those who
do not have it, regardless of why.
I cannot see how those who so live their faith could negate
those who do not live it, and vice versa. I our utopia is the
constant changng of the world and the overcoming of injus­
tice, I cannot refuse the contribution of progessives who have
no faith, nor can I be rejected for having it. What must not be
accepted in those who proclaim their faith is that they use it
at the service of the popular classes' uncriticalness.
Tis is how I have always understood God-a presence in
history that does not preclude me from making history, but
rather pushes me toward world transformation, which makes
104

P A U L 0 F R E I R E
it possible to restore te humanity of tose who exloit and
of te weak.
One of the positives among all the negativity of the troubles
my family faced was having gone through the crisis that we
did without being tempted to adopt a fatalistic position. Far
from us was the idea that we were being tested by God. On
te contrary, early on I found myself convinced of the need to
change the world, to repair what seemed wrong to me. This
attitude was more like a premoniton, intuition, than absolute
knowledge (see Letters to Cristina, 1996).
I do not feel very comfortable speaking about my faith. At
least, I do not feel as comfortable as I do when speaking about
my political choice, my utopia, and my pedagogical dreams. I
do want to mention, however, te fundamental importance of
my faith in my strugle for overcoming an oppressive reality
and for building a less ugly society, one that is less evil and
more humane.
Al arguments in favor of the legitmacy of my strugge for
a more people-oriented society have their deepest roots in my
faith. It sustains me, motivates me, challenges me, and it has
never allowed me to say, "Stop, settle down; things are as tey
are because they cannot be ay other way.
Still young, I read in Miguel de Unamuno that "ideas are to
be had; beliefs are for one to be in." I am in my faith, but
because it does not immobilize me, being in faith means mov­
ing, engaging in different forms of action coherent with that
faith. It is to engage in action that reafs it and never action
tat negates it. Negating faith is not being without it, but
rather contadictg it throug acts. Not having faith is both
a possibility and a rigt of human beings, who cease to be
human i they are denied their freedom to believe or not be­
lieve. Having faith, believing, is not the problem; the problem
is claiming to have it ad, at the same time, contadicting it
i action.
I that sense, coherence and a taste for it are indispensable
in building a balance between what I preach and what I do.
P E D A G O G Y 0 F T H E H E A R T

105
To give testimony against one's proclaimed fait is to work
against faith.
Since I was a child, I have never been able to understand
how it could be possible to reconcile faith in Christ with dis­
crimination on the basis of race, sex, social class, or national
orgn. How is it possible to "walk" with Chrst, but refer to
the popular classes as "tese stinky people" or "riffraf.
It is not easy to have faith. Above all, it is not easy due to the
demands fait places on whoever experieces it. It demands a
stand for freedom, which implies respect for the freedom of
others, in an ethical sense, in the sense of humility, coherence,
and tolerance.
I vigorous fait can authentically emerge among the abused,
it is less likely to blossom among the arrogant. I order for
tose to be touched by faith, they frst need to be emptied of
the power that makes them all-poweful. So tat, hUIiliated,
they may live true faith, tey need to assume no humiliaton
even i weak, without losing humility.
'
For this reason, savation implies liberation, engagement i
a struggle for it. It is as i the fght against exploitation, its
motivation, and the refusal of resignation were paths to salva­
tion. Te process of salvation cannot be realized without
rebelliousness.
It is not easy to have faith.
A fiend asked me, as i he already knew the answer, how
far my optimism would g before the absurdly high number of
daily bank robberies, witness kil s, massacres, Candelarias,
embezzlements, scandals, kidnappings, rapes, scandals in Con­
gess, undue amnesties, the betrayal of the impeachment via
legal technique.
My friend asked me these questions on the same day tat
Collor was acquitted in te Supreme Court and the second
witness in the Candelaria massacre was killed. My friend had
come to hear that, in spite of everything, my hope and my
optimism are still alive. His question increased my respon­
sibility because I realized that, in my hope, he was seeking
106 • P AU L O F R E I R E
support for h. What he may not have known is that I needed
h as much as he needed me. The struggle for hope is perma­
nent, and it becomes intensifed when one realizes it is not a
soltary struggle {see note 13, p. 140}.
I hope is rooted in the inconclusioD of a being, something
else is needed in order to personify it. It is necessary to accept
the inconc1usion that one becomes aware of. As one does tat,
one's inconclusion becomes critical} and they may never lack
hope again. Critcal acceptance of my inconclusion necessarily
immerses me in permanent search. What makes me hopeful
is not so much the certainty of the fnd, but my movement in
search. It is not possible to search witout hope, not even
in solitude.
It is true that te ethical deterioration of Brazilian society
has been reaching unbearable levels. But it is also certain that,
no matter how deep the valleys may be, the reemergence of
decency and decorum is always possible.
Once more, in Brazilian history, i is urgent for purity to
manifest itself against to-faced moralism, and for translucent
seriousness to shine throug against the audacity of shame­
lessness. I order to preserve hope, it is necessary to identify
also as examples of deterioration the disrespect for popular
classes, the indecent salaries paid to teachers in basic educa­
tion, te lack of respect for public propert, the excesses of
goverment, unemployment, destitution, and hunger. These
truly constitute the porography of our lives. And so does dis­
crimination, be it against blacks, women, homosexuals, te
indigenous, the fat, the old.
It is imperative that we maintain hope even when the harsh­
ness of reality may suggest the opposite. On this level, the
struggle for hope means the denunciation, in no uncertain
ters, of all abuses, schemes, and omissions. As we denounce
tem, we awaken i oters ad ourselves the need, and also
the taste, for hope.
And what could education do toward hope? A gnoseologc
process, education engages subjects (educators and leaersJ,
P E D A G O G Y 0 F T H E H E A R T

107
mediated by a cognizable object, or the content to be taugt
by the educator-subject ad learned by the learner-subj ect.
Whatever the perspective through which we appreciate au­
thentic educational practicegnoseologic, aesthetic, ethical,
political-its process implies hope. Unhopeful educators con­
tradict their practice. They are men and women without ad­
dress, ad without a destination. They are lost in history.
In an effort to maintan hope alive, since it is indispensable
for happiness in school life, educators should always analyze
the comings and goigs of social reality. Tese are the move­
ments that make a higher reason for hope possible.
From a historical point of view, a rigorous analysis of the
facts reveals that certain events considered negatve are more
positive than they may seem. No matter how shocking te
facts may be, the remedy could never be the closing of society
once again. I reality, te nega.tives we exerience today do not
raise doubts about democracy. It is exactly because we are exer­
cising democracy with renewed vigor that certai events are
taking place and that we are becoming aare of many others.
The impeachment, for example, of a president woud not
have been possible if Brazil had not reached the level of
political-democratic maturity it has. Only the improvement
of democracy, which implies overcoming social injustice, can
demonstrate how worthwhile all the hope we put into the fgt
was. I reality, a regie that abuses power was never an into­
duction to democracy. During the time since we began trasi­
tioning from authoritarianinism to democracy, in the obstacles
faced, we felt the risk that hope would run out. This is a transi­
tion that is now complete, there being no reason to speak
about it from now on. We now need to consolidate democracy,
shore up its institutions, ensure a return to development, and
ensure economic balance, with which we may face the social
problems that affct us.
In alliance with the right, we will never accomplish that.
Notes
BY ANA MARIA ARUJO FREIRE
Introduction
Sharing a book with Paulo Freire is both a privilege and a pleasure
of mine. As his wife, I never took his invitations to participate in
his work as a right or duty, but as a privilege and pleasure.
It is a privilege to contribute to his writings, and in the process
make and remake myself both as an intellectual and as a Brazilian.
Paulo's narative in this book, as in the others he wrote, is taken
from the day-to-day of his life, his emotions and refections, his
exeriences as Recifean, Pernambucan, and Brazilian as lived out
in the world. Walking dow this path along with him thus makes
and remakes me more historian and more authentically national.
It is a pleasure to know myself as sharing with him not only
te daily joy of the good husband-wife relationship, but also the
satisfaction of living and sharing political-pedagogical concers
which, my own previously, have become more and more ours in
recent years.
I Pedagogy of the Heart, my care in producing these notes are
the same wth which I wrote the notes for Pedagogy of Hope and
Letters t Cristina. Thus, I wish to place myself "under the shade
of this mango treeN-which refects Paulo's original Portguese
title for his book-with the privilege and pleasure of being able
to enjoy Paulo's ideas and his company, since he feels more lucid
and creative under this and other Northeaster trees.
These notes are not meant to invade the author's text, but to
complement it. Some may perhaps seem unnecessarYi however,
Paulo'S language and ideas go beyond the local level, leading me
to translate them for a universal public. My notes intend to con-
110 N O T E S
textualize this text in many of its apparently obvious time, space,
and Brazilian culture references. They are simply descriptions,
narratives, and refections meant to clarify, but never to interfere
in the dialogue between the author and his readers.
Note i-Page 36
I 1995, the National Conference of Bishops of Brazil ( CNBB) orga­
nized its annual Fraterity Campaign on behalf of the men,
women, and children whose political and economic powers have
been excluded fom participation in society. Through the cam­
paign, the Catholic Church exhorted society to be�ome
.
aware of
ad engage in concrete action in favor of those hlstoncally ex·
cluded of those less valued and left to chance.
T� group includes the elderly, the disabled, the Sick, the p
.
oor,
steet kids, sexually abused girls, the imprisoned, drug addicts,
the HIV positive, prostitutes, and the unemployed. The ba�e docu­
ment for the campaign announces: "There are approxlmately
130 000 inmates in 297 correctional facilities, representing an ex­
ces� of 2.5 inmates per space ( . . . ) fve hundred thousand girls
prostitute themselves on Brazilian streets ( . . . . J The youngest
prostitute on record was eig� ye
.
ars �ld. The
.
tr�c of un�erage
youth and children for prostituton IS a�:ng. Accordmg t?
CNBB data 32 million people starve, 7 mIllion suffer from phYSI­
cal or men�al illness, and millions of children begin working pre­
matrely. I addition, at least 500,000 people carry the mv
virus."
The Catholic Church in Brazil has, since the sixties, presented
a considerably progressive segment of the clergy, completely in­
volved with the cause of the oppressed. CNBB is one of its institu­
tions which had been opening space, until May 1995, with
Mon�ignor Luciano Mendes de Ameida, not only for evangeliza­
tion but also for fghting against sociopolitcal injustice. Toug­
out the entire military period ( 1964-85), the outaged voices of
various leaders, like Monsignor Paulo Evaristo �s, were raised
against the arbitrariness of, above all, the
.
�orturmg �nd the van-
ishig of political prisoners. With the pohtiCal opemng, the SItu­
ation of those excluded from material and cultural benefts had
N O T E S 1 1 1
been the main concern of this clergy, who to a large extent led
CNBB's actions. More recently, te privatizing and globalizing
neoliberalism of the current president of the republic has met the
repudation of these clergymen, because they know it is impos­
sible to integate the excluded into this system so highly individu­
alstic and disinclined toward social causes.
Note 2-Page 38
Freire talks about his childhood wrld through trees and their
shades, important components of Northeastern life. He speaks
about the caju tee, a tree natural to the region of mangos, whose
unique favor can be savored in the form of juice, preserved in its
natural state, or infused in cachaca to make, with the "friendly
caju, " the hppiness of those Sundays by the sea; the caju fruit
also yields delicious cashew nuts. He speaks, as well, of mango
trees, brougt by the Jesuits at the beginning of colonization, with
their huge, succulent fruit that varies in color, favor, and size.
He speaks of enormous jaca trees, which ofer generous pulp­
enveloped seeds, and of barrigdeira trees, or paineras, enormous
trees with "very thick trUs, with great water reserve, red fow­
ers, and fruit which is a winged capsule. (Aurelo Dictionary)­
its fakes are used to make soft and inexpensive pillows.
Emphasizing "colors, smells, fruits," Freire refers to the quali­
ties of trees that, up until the ftes-before skyscrapers fooded
cities with condos-flled the backyards of dwellings in any city
section, regardless of the social class residing in it, and thus at­
tracted birds. Tings of a missed past. Other fruits also populate
the author's memories, such as the caja, pitanga, star-fruit, ara�a,
papaya, umbu, gaviola, pinha, sapoti, inga, pitomba, mangaba,
guava, banana, jaboticaba, pomegranate, and pineapple . . . whose
pulps and juices and ice creams to this day delight those who have
not caved in to the marketing of sodas.
Note 3-Page 40
Speaking of the contradictions of "my homeland/' not only tne
Northeast but the whole of Brazil, generous and prodigal in crea-
112 • N O T E S
tive people of an exuberant nature, oftentimes watches on, not
without fght, while its dominant class, endorsed by the middle
tiers of society, treats millions of others with sordid contempt,
condemning them to hunger, poverty, disease, and illiteracy. Freire,
among so many others who fght for these people, goans wit
emotion and justifed indigation.
Some data points to the degree of injustice in the distribution
of social wealth among Brazilians. Social class in Brazil is, in great
part, linked to color. Black men and women, due to a slave mental­
ity still in existence, are looked upon as intrinsically inferior be­
ings. Between 1531 and 1810, there are records of 6. 1 million
slaves entering Brazil from Angola, The Ivory Coast, Luanda, and
Benguela. (By comparison, in 1810 the population of Brazil was of
4.1 million people, according to lEGE * data.) In 1990, the popula­
tion of African origin reached approximately 7.2 million blacks
and 57. 8 million darks-a designation that clearly indicates a rac­
ist view-within a total of 147.3 million Brazilians.
Our colonial-patriarchal heritage leaves women, even white
ones, with the smallest share of all the social wealth. There are
also discrepancies in the distribution of cultural and material
wealth among the different geogaphic regons.
The pligt of pensioners and the retired is tragc: 12.3 million
Social Security benefciaries receive only minimum wages ( ap­
proximately $100.00). In 1990, life exectancy was 65.49 years,
62. 14 for men and 68.98 for women. In the Northeast, these num­
bers dropped to 60.84 and 67. 74. I Surname, one of the poorest
countries in Latin America, the average life expectancy is 70 years
(Folho de Sio Paulo, 3/8/95).
I 1990, out of every thousand children bor alive, 51.6 died
on average: a rate of 58. 7 for males and 44.3 for females. I the
South Region, the per thousand rates were 33.6 and 19.6, ad in
the Northeast they reach, for males and females respectively, 95.6
and 80.6 (lGE, Annual Statistics Manual of Brazil, 1993). I
Spain, the per tousand rate is six for children who die within
the frst year of life. I Haiti, the poorest country in the Americas,
the average rate is 86 per thousand, lower than that of the North­
east ( 88.2 in aerage). In Sao Paulo, the chances a poor child born
*mGE: Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics.
N O T E S • 113
i the cit's outskirts will die within its frst year of life are 3.5
tmes higher than those of children born to families residing in
the central areas of the city, which have better services because
that is where the more privileged segments live.
Among the causes of death are "poorly defned intestinal infec­
tions"-diseases of destitution. I Brazil as a whole, such infec­
tions appear in eighth place as the cause of death; in the North,
they come in second place; in the Northeast, in third; in the
Souteast, twelth place; in the South, in tenth place; in the
Center-West, in ninth place.
I the past twenty years, we have become more and more a
violent society, as a result of the silence imposed by the military
dictatorship, which made the concentration of income easier: 80
percent of the deaths from homicide occur among youths between
fteen ad eigteen years of age; of all violent deaths among chil­
dren and youths (inclUding street boys and girls), the higest rate
i of homicides j31.6 percent); 31.2 percent are the result of trafc
accidents; 1 0 percent for lack of medical assistance (recorded in
Rio de Janeiro alone), and 1 .6 percent are suicides (from CBIA­
Braziia Center for Childood ad Adolescence, published by
Folho de Sio Paulo, 10/1/94).
Within an estimated population of 156.3 million for 1995, 41.9
million /26 percent of the total) are considered "poor" by the gov­
erment-those without enough income to cover expenses for
such basic needs as shelter, clothing, and education. From these,
16. 5 are considered "destitute," for they live in extreme poverty
and can ot even manage their basic nutritional needs.
Te gap in standards of living between the sexes is also glaring:
in 1990, the II average monthly income for persons ten years of age
and older" in Brazilian cruzeiros (Cr$), was Cr$24, 156.00, while
for women it was Cr$8,238.00. I the women in all regions had
one-third of the income of men, another datum reveals the gap
between different regions. While the average income in the North­
east was Cr$8,446.00, in the North it was Cr$17,652.00; in the
Southeast, Cr$19,846.00; in the South, Cr$16,452. 00, and in the
Center-West, Cr$18,589.00, in the years when the actual national
value of minimum wages reached Cr$lO, l l O.47.
Quasi woman-girls painly sufer the consequences of a highly
unjust society by prostituting themselves with foreig tourists. It
114 • N O T E S
is the so-called sex-tourism. In the hopes of marying Europeans, a
dream resulting from the fact that some such marriages do occur,
whethe successflly or tagically, the grls will join these tourists
for ffteen-day periods, happy and submissive vacation compan­
ions. According to the Congressional Investigative Committee on
Child Prostitution, there are 500,000 such grls; according to
UNICEF data, there are 10 million.
In 1990, according to fGE, the rate of illiteracy among persons
seven years old and older was 10.6 percent. In the North Regon
it was 14.2 percent; 1 1 .2 percent in the Southeast; 1 1 .0 percent
in te South; 1 7. 6 percent in the Center-West, and 39.1 percent
in the Northeast.
A UNICEF-fGE study, based on 1991 data, reveals that illiter­
acy reaches 1 .3 million Brazilians between the ages of ffteen and
seventeen, or 12.4 percent of all Brazilians within this age bracket.
The Sout and Southeast offer a better picture regarding literacy:
in four Souther cities and two in Sao Paulo, the iliteracy rate is
zero, and of the ft Brazilian cities with rates lower than 1 .5
percent, forty-nine are in these two regions. In the North and in
the Northeast, confrming their inferior condition, are located all
the fty cities with illiteracy rates higer tan 54 percent; in the
worst cases, the rates reach 61.97 percent up to 81 .23 percent.
The study indicates that out of 4,491 towns, 1,500 had illiteracy
rates higer than 20 percent: an alaring index, gven that those
who are not able to read and write by the time they are seventeen
will hardly manage to learn after that (Folha de Sio Pauo,
4/22195).
This situation is the result of a historic process of political­
economic-ideologcal development made acute by the intensif­
cation of income concentration since 1960. I that year, the top
10 percent richest segments had income thirty-four times higher
than that of the top 10 percent poorest segents. Thirty years
later, the diference has jumped to 78 times higher. In 1989, on
average for Latin America and the Caribbean, the top 20 percent
poorest segents accounted for 4. 1 percent of general income,
almost twice as much as the same segent in Brazil. Still ac­
cording to fGE, the top 1 percent richest segment of the Brazilian
population accounts for 13.9 percent of all income, while the top
50 percent poorest segents account for 12. 1 percent; 52 percent
N O T E S 115
of all workers make less than twice the minimum wage; 16.9
percent of children between ten and fourteen years of age already
work; 31 percent of the elderly receive no Social Security benefts;
only 12 percent of rural populations have bathroom facilities, and
4 million children are out of school (Folha de Sio Pauo, 3/8/95).
This is one of the most painful faces of a country that ranks
as the eighth largest economy in the world.
Note 4-Page 42
(More information on Rural Leagues may be found in note 34
which I wrote for Letters to Cristina. )
,
Note 5-Page 45
As he speaks about Northeasterners, Freire identifes with his
people not only on the basis of teir lyricism, their astute intelli­
gence, or their taste for the sun and the shade of trees and the
scents that most of tem exude with tropical diity, but also on
the basis of a solidarty of diference. It is the tragic difference
that the living conditions in the Northeast have been making
more and more marked between Freire, who for a number of rea­
sons, was able to break free from the narow-mindedness, apathy
immobilization, and lack of hope, and those who, still immersed
in all these things, perpetuate their condition as easy preys of the
"assistance and aid" tat facilitates all destitution.
Havng been the premier location for the Portuguese colonial­
mercantile venture since the sixteenth century, the Northeast
saw, as early as in the imperial era, te massive transference of
its geatest wealth, sugar, overseas or to the other Brazilian prov­
inces. The economic decadence of a region that did not orient
its infrastructure toward other industries wit the least bit of
enterprise, not even those so-called tropical, made for the stagna­
tion of productive social relations. Thus, historically centered in
latifndios, the Northeast perpetuated the elitist and enslaVing
authoritarianism that precludes from having, being, wanting, be­
ing able, and knowing an immense rural population, even more
1 16 • N O T B S
tan in the big cities. A contingent of men and women deeply
rooted in a magical conception of the world easiy falls prey, out of
an instinct of survival, to the compassionless web of the "lords, "
owners of everything and everyone, and allow themselves to be
"assisted" and even enslaved.
I the Northeaster latifundios, the order of the day is to tor­
ture and kill alworkers who lead or support the struggle against
exloitation. In Bahia alone, between 1979 and 1988, 138 rural
worker leaders were murdered. By eliminating these liberating
minds and spreading terror, the land owners intend to subjugate
their victims throug silence ( Ogunde, volume I, number 2, Sava­
dor, Bahia, 6/30/89, p. 4).
Of the 1,781 murders perpetrated against Brazilian rural work­
ers between 1964 and 1994, "only twenty-nine cases went to tial,
and in only fourteen were there convictions; the other ffteen
resulted in acquittals! ( . . . 1 The number of workers kept as slaves
in different estates is a strong indicator: 40,694, between 1989
and 1993. Te murderers of Chico Mendes . . . remain at large.
Priests who fgt for the rights of the rural are threatened with
death" {Newsletter by the goup Torture Never Again-Rio de
Janeiro, number 16, March 1994, p. 41.
The Josue de Castro Center, in a joint study with the Save the
Children Fund, annouces that, "in 1994, sixty thousand children
between seven and thirteen years of age labored in the heavy work
of sugarcane harvestng in th plants and mills of the Zona da
Mata area of Perambuco ( . . . ). This multitude of minors repre­
sented 25 percent of the work force employed in the sugarcane
harvest ( . . . ) the average family income in the region was a miser­
able $23 monthly, and the wages made by the minors would only
suffce to buy 58.6 percent of the "minmum recommended ra­
tion, " that is, the nourishment needed merely to replace the en­
ergy used on the job.
Fifty-six percent of these children began work at the age of
seven, 57 percent hurt themselves with sickles while working i
te sugarcane felds, 90 percent are hired under the table, and 100
percent of the chldren are recruited for a forty-four-hour work
week {Nova Escola magazine, number 84, May 1995, p. 511.
World Bank dt indicate that the 1224 latifundios in The
Northeast, each larer than 10,000 hectares, control more land,
N O T E S • 1 1 7
in absolute terms, than 1 . 7 million minifndios would" (in Ca­
ma Juntos, newsletter of the Juazeiro Diocese, Bahia, volume
16, number 169, December 1991, p.7).
I 1991, the rual workers' newspaper exosed the concetra­
tion of productve lands: 50 percent of them belong to 2 percent
of �and owners, resulting in a 70 percent exodus of the rural pou­
latlOn, who most often fnd unemployent, margnalization, and
hunger ISem-Tera, volume 1 0, number 107, September 1991). The
biggest land owner in Brazil owns 2. 1 million hectares an area
equivalent to ll Salvador IAeroesp Newspaper, Sao Paulo: number
203, December 1994-January 1995)_
Ninety thousand houses that served as homes for plant workers
have been destroyed in the past four years, after the layoff of local
reSidents, who are then reduced to bOias-tias. * Plant owners ar­
gue that the costs associated with bringg rural workers to a
par with urban workers, mandated by the 1988 Consttution has
exorbitantly increased employers' paymets into Social Sec�rity.
A study by the Federal University of Alagoas shows that the
chge in rural labor relations has contibuted t the process of
gettoization, to violence, to child mortality, and to the cultural
crumbling of the populations involved.
I order to convey a better sense of the magitude of this demo­
lition, I can give to examples: in the past twenty-nine years,
the Housin Authorit in Alagoas has only built 23,034 poular
houses; according to IGl, in 1991 the capital of the state had
forty-nine favelas, and by 1995 this number had climbed to 120
(Folha de Sao Paulo, 5/28/95).
I the metime, agarian reform-needed to solve a number
of national problems and particularly imperative in the Northeast
due to the miserable situation of its people, and one of the reaso�
for the deposition of President Joao Goulart in 1964-was resur­
rected in the democratic-transition administration of Jose Samey
(3/15/85-3/15/90) under the title of National Plan for Agrarian
Reform. The plan served only to derail the struggle of the landless
who naively gave a vote of confdence to the goverment, con-
* Boias frias-a tenn referring to the hords of destitute rawrkers who have
no place to go and make a living by beig transported frosugarcane feld to
suarcane feld to work on the harvest.
1 18 N O T E S
cering its promises of settements: up until the end of the plan,
in December 1989, only 10 percent of what was promised had
been realized ( Ogude, Bahia, number 9) . The Land Program dur­
ing the Collor administration, which promised to settle four hun­
dred thousand families, was forgotten; the same president allowed
sugarcane plant owners to refnance their debt, shoring up the
privileged situation of the exploiters.
In May 1 995, immediately after the new CNBB board of direc­
tors (whose position is, in the least, conservative) took offce, the
present, neoliberal government of Ferando Henrique Cardoso
fred the president of the National Istitute of Colonization and
Agrarian Reform, a man trusted by the progressive clergy, and
engaged with them in te issues of the landless and of rural labor.
That happened at the same time that the debt of 1,227 farmers
with the Bank of Brazil was renegotiated as a function of pressue
from the "ruralist caucus" in congress, which plays with its sup­
port to the reforms desired by the government.
¡¡
On the basis of an average one thousand reais per hectare,
the goverent could claim back nothig less than three million
hectares of land. I we take as an average ffteen hectares per fam­
ily, that land would have allowed the settlement of two hundred
thousand families; in other words, the entire settlement goal of
the FHC administration" (8em Tera, number 147, May 1995). For
all these reasons, fve million small land owners can no longer
obtain fnancing from government banks and are subjected to us­
ig their land to pay the debt they incurred in order to produce.
Note 6-Page 61
Anisio Teixeira is one of the most important educators in BraziL
Born in Bahia, in 1900, the son of a very rich family, he early on
dedicated himself to education. He was unable to do it his entire
life because, wrongly accused of being a communist, he was pulled
away from his geatest interest twice, duing the getuian and the
military dictatorships. He died at the age of seventy-one, after a
lifetime committed to the cause of public education.
His extensive work and role within national public agencies
lhe was secretary of education in Bahia twice, and in Rio de Ja-
N O T E S 1 19
neiro, then Federal District, and he directed bot Capes and
CNPq), * as well as international ones (UNESCO), always focused
on strengthening public education and fgting elitism, submis­
sion, fear, educational centralization, and bureaucratic policies
that diminish the act of educating. His guidelines were democracy
and economic development throug industrialization based on
science and social peace, attained by citizens primarily educated
by the state. Knowledge would be the result of exerience, creativ­
ity, and responsibility by means of an education directed toward
the future.
A man of integity, intelligence, and tolerance toward others,
but rigorous with himself, combative, not prejudiced, and enter­
prising, Teixeira was a follower and advocate of John Dewey's
ideas. With a doctorate degree from Columbia University, he be­
came an admirer of Dewey and the U.S., which was the reason
why the Brazilian left never forgave him. During the two most
authoritarian periods of Brazilian history, he suffered with accusa­
tions of being a communist, even though he was a liberal, only
because his North American master infuenced Krupskaya, Le­
nin's wife and mastermind of Russia's educational polcy. Mis­
understood or valued, reprimanded or exulted, Anisio Teixeira
never caved in during his struggle for a more egalitarian and
just Brazil.
Note l-Page 63
The two seminars Freire refers to took place after his twenty­
nine-month term heading the department of education (SME) of
Sao Paulo, but they were inspired in his understanding of educa­
tion, giving continuity to the dialogic process in the act of educat­
ing initiated by him. From the early stages of organization, dozens
of meetigs were held at which projects and ideas were discussed.
Informational bulletins and communications were issued. Te
intent of the events was to share the emotion, the work, and
the invention of local education. During the two-year preparation
' Capes: The Ministry of Education's Center for Research Support.
CNPq: National Research Coucil.
120 N O T E S
stage, almost fourteen thousand people debated victories and n­
cessities of public education (Offcial Publication of SME-SP, p. 5).
The objectives of the First Municpal Seminar on Education­
the frst on record with the characteristics, dimensions, and na­
ture of the seminar, held from October 1 to 4 in 1991-were "to
broaden discussions around the political-educational principles of
SME, dscuss basic topics associated wit national education, cre­
ate another opportunity in the process of permanent development
of educators, record and publicize te advances of pedagogical ac­
ton in local schools, foster discussion on the diverse experiences
within the different areas of public education impact in the local
schools" (p. 81.
The First Seminar drew six thousand registrations-educators,
school workers, parents, public school students, and guests fom
other institutions. It included symposiums, roundtables, practice
reports, thematic discussion groups, displays of pedagogical mate­
rial, and atistic events. During these sessions, day and night,
participants refected on the relationship of education to: free­
dom, democratization, knowledge, the educatorls commitmentl
and the national policy on the education of children and adults.
Tey also discussed, among other topicsi elementary and basic
education, interdiSCiplinary integation, urban planning and edu­
cation, evaluation, and the issue of women as education workers.
Within thematic gOUPSI the one hundred registered schools pre­
sented suggestions about the fll-day school schedule, literacy
and child education, a new quality for educationl the classroom,
human rights and social relations, and matematics and informa­
tics (computers). There were presentations by art students, fute
goups, choirsl dance, parades, and theater.
Ensuring the continuity of this process, from August 1 1 to 15,
1992, the Second Seminar was held at the Anhembi Conven­
tion Center in Sao Paulo. Some events were held in the area of
the Centers for Educational Action (NAE's). The NAE's, ten
administrative-pedagogical regionsl were the base of the depart­
ment of education and were implemented by Freire in substitu­
tion for the educational precincts, as dated and inadequate, a
designation a the understanding of education tey represented.
The event counted on the participation of seven thousand peo­
ple associated with the department of education and guests from
N O T E S 121
various institutions. Going deeper in the educatonal issue, the
second seminar had as its objective debating on: education and
citizenship, powe relationships within the scope of te school,
the role of municipal, state, and federal councis on education,
exeriments caried out on the state and national levels, altera­
tve educational proposals, human rigts, violence, marginaliza­
tion, and the rght to education.
During the various sessions, such issues as curriculum, peda­
gogcal projects for child education, teacher development, power
relations in the schools, sexual orientation, night school, the Bill
of Rights of Children and Adolescents, and the new law of Guide­
lines and Bases for Education were discussed. Proposals of inter­
disciplinarity and curriculum integration were also heard and
discussed. Materials produced by teachers and students were on
display, such as models, books, photos, posters, artistic produc­
tions, and softare. The video shows and artistic presentations
represented the happy face of schools, which Paulo Freire sougt
to impress on the Sao Panlo public schools.
To other smaller seminars deserve mention. They were held
with parents and were also inspired by Freire's concept of educa­
tion. He had previously held such seminars in Recife, back in the
1950s when he worked at the SESI schools. The First Municipal
Parents Seminar took place on December 14, 1991, and it had the
objectve of strengthening the school councils and of promoting
integration among parents, teachers, school workers, and stu­
dents. At the end of the event, it was proposed that other such
seminars be held and that Parent Development Groups and groups
of school council representatives be formed.
The Second Parent Seminar took place on July 4, 1992, and had
a even stronger participation of parents and educators. Among
other proposals, the fnal document included those for: the cea­
tion of newsletters and bulletin boards for publicizing information
in particular at PTA-meetng time, the creation of study groups
on the rights and duties of the school community, discussions in
each school about the issue of public safety, the integation of
margnalized students, ample publiCizing of the new School Regu­
latons, and permanent meetings between parents and teachers
(Ente Conselhos, November 1992).
122 N O T E S
These four events carried the Freire mark, for while already
removed from the depatment of education, he had impressed on
the Sao Paulo public-education system a sense of priority concern­
ing: te democratization of the administration, a policy for the
education of children and adults, the democratization of accessl
and renewed qualit of education.
Note 8-Page 63
When Freire speaks of the voice of literacy learners in this confer­
ence organized by he and his staf at the department of education
of Sao Paulo, he is referring not only to a fact that occurred for
te frst time in the history of education-an assembly where
educator-learers gathered and discussed the teaching-learning
process in which they were politically engaged-but also to the
very speeches made by the learners themselves.
One of the strong presences was that of an approximately fty­
year-old literacy learner who married prematurely by the decision
of her fatherl a farmer from Alagoas. A strong soul, with calloused
hands and ease in communicating, the democratic leader of a com­
munity in the outskirts of Sao Paulo, she frequently asked te
three-thousand-person audience if they wanted her to continue
speaking: and they did.
She interspersed testimony about her life in the Norteast with
her experience as a woman who, freeing herself from prejudice
and determinations, had leaed in that event something she
would never have otherwise conceived of. Her knowledge was
being made, produced rigt there and thenl on December 16, 19901
i the exchange of ideas about literacy with her fellow learners
and educators. She clearly understood the adversity of her illiter­
acy in reading and in writing, as well as all that she was acquiring
through the act of discussing the present daYI based on yesterday,
and with hope for tomorrow. She becae more politicized as she
better understood herself.
She encouraged other women to seek the schools, regardless of
their parents', children1s, or husbands' wishes, regardless of sex,
classl or age discrimination, wherever it may come from. The
N O T E S 12
conference participants cheered as they felt as men and women
who were making themselves citizens.
A pioneer in understanding adult education a an act of respect
toward the adult
1
s oral discourse and reading of the world acquired
throug years lived i society, and of movement toward overcom­
ing those facts, Freire too was daring to organize an event of such
a nature. He silently participated in the conference, witnessing
the satisfaction of individuals who were becoming initiated in the
process of knowing what they know and being able to know more.
He was there as secretary of education, but also as an educator
whose utopia is literacy that leads to a reading of the word and
of the world.
The conference was organized by MOVA (Movement for the
Literacy of Adults and Youth) and by EDA-DOT IAdult Education
Progam of the Directorship of Tchnical Orientation) in coopera­
tion with the Forum of Popular Movements for Literacy of the
City of Sao Paulo, made up of ffty-seven organizations. The event
was meant above all to tighten the linkages among literacy lean­
ers while citizens, deepening the debate about illiteracy and its
overcoming, renew the commitment between literacy learers
and educators, and present the activities of MOVA and EDA
learers.
Note 9-Page 80
What Freire endorses in Castanheda's interview is the ageement
PSDB, a "left party, " made in the elections of 1994 to elect one
of its exponents for president of the republic. T that endl PSDB
counted on the support of veteran politicians, from PFL Ifrom
its inception a right-wing party) and from PTB (founded in the
1 940s under the inspiration of Vargas's populism and today com­
pletely removed from its ideological origns in favor of op­
pressed segentsl.
In 1 9891 after the defeat of its candidate Mao Covas in the
frst voting roud of the elections, PSDB supported the then candi­
date of the lefts, Luiz Igacio Lula da Silva, against Ferando CoI­
lor de Mello. I 1994, not only did PSDB enter an alliance with
PFL and its mass of voters, but also it had to endorse elitist POSI-
124 • N O T E S
tions agglutinated under a fa�ade of "liberal front." Even more
than that, it accepted, as nominee for vice president Marco Ma­
ciel historically a right-winger.
: the PT (Workers' Party) candidate, who had led the intetion­
of-vote polls since 1992, did not accept a pact with PSDB, this
party did not want to take any chances and became a�sociated
with those who aspired to neoliberalism without breakmg away
from te neocolonialism still in place, in particular in rural areas.
PSDB than was agglutinated into the coalition IUnion, Work, and
Progress, letting go of ideals supported by �e leftist profe�sor
and intellectual Ferando Henrique, for whIch he was extled
in 1964.
Thus, FHC, forer minister of foreig affairs and of the econ-
omy in te Itamar Franco administration, was elected on October
15 1994 in the frst round of the presidential election with 54.3
pe�cent �f the valid votes; Lula came in second, with 27.04 p�r­
cent of the valid votes, defeated now no longer by an antagoOlst
but by a former ?artner.
.
.
.
• •
Lula's campaIgn had begu m Apnl 1993, With the CItizen-
ship Caravans, " durig which he visited six hundred cities in �ll
states to speak to the poor population, to hear it, ad feel out Its
expectations. A perspective of victory for him was ��m o�t of the
highly positive reSonance of his work and out of dISIllusIOnment
with Collor. However, a congessman from PSDB was able to get
the Supreme Electoral Court to prohibit the use of free-TV air
time for showing any images not generated in a studio. Lula, thus,
lost his strongest campaign instent: the people who attended
the rallies during the caravans.
From May 1994 until the eve of the elections, Lula visited 128
cities in nineteen states and te Federal District. Cardoso had in
his favor a convincing discourse in the free-TV time, the PFL
forces linked to large landowners, business leaders, especially in
Sao Paulo and part of the middle class, who identifed with his
7
.
ideas and had regained its buying power of the 1970s as an lme-
diate beneft of the Real Plan, implemented by him.
The 1994 elections divided left forces into two antagonistic
groups, above all due to the ideologcal gap opened between then,
breaking up a union forged in 1989, which had sigaled a consoli­
dated future.
N O T E S • 125
Durng the presidential elections of 1989, the second-round
dispute was between Ferando Collor de Mello /PRN) and Luiz
Inacio Lula da Silva (PT), who led the Popular Brazil Front, sup­
ported by PSDB, PDT PCB, the progessive wing of PMDB, and
PV. to Collor's New Brazil Coalition, fored by PRN, PTR, PST
and PSC, was added the support of other right-win denomin­
tions: PL, PDS, PSD, PFL, PTB, PDC, and the conservative wing
of PMDB.
The to largest unions, CUT and CGT, were in opposition
to each other from the beginning of the frst roundi the former
supported Lula and the latter endorsed Collor. Lula received non­
explicit support from CNBB, even thoug many priests and
bishops openly supported him. The press reported that members
of eighty thousand ecclesiastic grassroot communities would
campaign for the workers' candidate at the voting sites. The reac­
tionary forces counted on the country's political-economic elite.
In order to lower the risk of tampering with eection results,
The PT set up a parallel vote-count system, with 150 personal
computers manned by eigt hundred people, in addition to 1 .5
million election monitors. Collor's last rally was in Belo Hori­
zonte, on December 13, 1989. Thirteen thousand people attended,
according to the press, since it rained heavily. On the same day,
Lula held a rally in Rio de Janeiro attended by one hundred forty­
fve thousand people.
On December 14 te last debate between te two candidates
was broadcast by a pool of television networks from Sao Paulo.
Te progam had a 79 percent viewing rati in geater Sao Paulo,
about 12 million people, and millions of other interested viewers
throughout the country. After the debate, the polls indicated a
better performance by Collor (who had a 42 percent approval rate,
agaist Lula/s 27 percent). In part, these results were due to accu­
sations by a forer girlfriend of the P candidate's that he had
wanted the abortion of their daughter. Emotionally destabilized
by the low hit, the workers' candidate hd a hard time building
his argument in the debate. And added to all that, there was a
false accusation that PT was involved in the kidnapping of busi­
nessma Abilio Diniz.
Four days after the elections, the results became known: Collor
won with 42.75 percent of the vote; Lula had 37.86 percent. The
126 • N O T B S
traps set up for the last minute, deceiving propaganda thoug the
media and robust campaign-fnancing contributions took Collor
to po�er. Soon thereafter, the people who made him president
impeached him (see notes 1, 2, and 46, Letters to Cristina).
Note 10-Page 91
Episodes of democratic rebelliousness, almost always accom­
panied by betrayal of democracy, are recorded throughout Brazil­
ian history. Some of these movements were embedded in socia
struggles for utopian democratic societies; some were entirely
based upon economics; they were all plentiful of conscious resist­
ance to the established power. In most cases, they were character­
ized by violence, not yet extirpated from our understandng of
antagonistc relatons, which remains colonialistic to this d

y.
Tat is especially the case in relations between those who retam
power, the oppressors by "right" and the oppressed, "i�trin

ically
inferior. Here are some of the most important rebellions m Bra­
zilian history:
( 1 ) The Republic of Guaranis ( 1610-1 7681, constituted by the
Indians of an area including parts of Brazilian, Argentine, and
Paraguayan territory, achieved social organization comparable to
that described in Utopia by Tomas More. They manufactured
fabric and musical instruments, plated, and raised animals. They
had as many as three hundred inhabitants united throug work,
ideals, and with the aid of Jesuit priests. They were massacred in
1 768, after years of resistance.
( 2) Quilombos, in particular the Palmares, whose greatest
leader was Zumbi (compare note 41, Pedagogy of Hope).
13) Te Dutch invasions i the Northeast-in Bahia ( 1624-25)
and in Perambuco ( 1630-54)-took place when the Kingdom of
Portugal (and, as a result, Brazil) was subsumed by the Spanish
monarchy in alliance with the Dutch. By taking over the main
economic centers in the colony, they intended to recover losses
incur ed with the unpaid debt of landowners. When the dominant
interests-those of local landowners and the Portuguese mon­
archy, reconstituted in 1640-opposed those of the invaders, the
N O T E S 127
resistance movement included slaves, Indians, and whites in what
was termed Perambucan Insurection. The Dutch were only
completely driven out of Pernambuco in 1654, after bloody bat­
tles. A new spirit emerged among the people then: the knowledge
that united the colonized could fght against exteral enemies.
With its prohibitions, exploitations, and punishments, Portugal
was in contradiction, preparing the resistance uprisings against
its domination that would take place until 1 822.
(4) The Beckman Rebellion ( 1684) in Maranhao was the frst
manifestation against the commercial monopoly held by the
crown. I did not have a separatist intent, nor did it hope to dispute
our condition as a colony. It was led by Manuel Beckman, who,
defeated, was executed by the repressive forces of the Metropolis;
all other rebels were arrested.
( 5) The War of Mascates 1 1 710-14) was bor from opposition
between sugarcane lords who lived in Olinda, the main village in
Pernambuco, and Portuguese traders who lived in Recife. The lat­
ter were creditors of Olinda's elite, and they asked King Don Toao
V to elevate Recife to the category of village, thus entitled to
having a House of Representatives. Led by Berardo Vieira de
Melo, the landowners intended to tum Perambuco into a repub­
lic. With the rebellion defeated, te dream was
o
ver; some of them
were exled to India and Vieira de Melo died with his son in a
Lisbon prison.
(6) The Bahian Inconfdence or Rebellion of Taylors ( 1 789) took
place in Salvador and was organized by intellectuals, priests, mili­
tary personnel, artisans, slaves, and freed blacks. The political
project of rebellion, inspired by the French Revolution, Voltaire,
and Rousseau (translated by the rebels), included the constitution
of a Bahian Republic, legal equality among all people, and thus
the end of slavery, the end of the Portuguese monopoly on trade,
and political participation for the population. Once the rebellion
was dominated, some were pardoned, but those from popular
classes-Luiz Gonzaga das Virgens and Lucas Dantas, Joao de
Deus and Manoel Faustino, both mulattos like Dantas-were con­
demned to death by hanging. This insurrection reveals the degee
of dissatisfaction and consciousness that invaded diferent seg­
ments of SOCiety in relation to the bloody colonial stucture.
128 • N O T E S
( 7) The most important separatist movement, improperly
called Mineira Icondence ( 1 789), came about in the clmax of
the mining cycle as a reaction to the crown's repressive viglance
and to the legislation that exropriated the gold production. To
guarantee its receipt of 20 percent of all fused gold, the crown
perfected its laws more and more, until it decreed the derrama:
in case 1,500 kilos of gold were not at the Fusing House by a
certain date, the population would have to proVide the remaining
amount at any cost. In 1789, with the decline of mining explora­
tion, there were 596 kilos of gold missing to complete the de­
maded amount, but above all, there were plenty of reasons for
the insurrection. Minas Gerais intellectuals, followers of the En­
ligtenment, advocated then separation from Portugal, the consti­
tution of a republic, the creation of a unversity in Sao Joao d'EI
Rei, and the development of manufacturing industry, forbidden
in Brazil in 1785 by D Maria I, amon many other prohibitions.
Betrayed by Joaquim Silverio dos Reis, the revolutionaries were
punished with exle in Africa (some managed to obtain the king's
pardon). The principal rebel, dentist Joaquim Jose da Silva Xavier,
Tiradentes, had his assets confscated and his descendants pro­
scribed; he was hanged and dismembered, having different parts
of his body displayed along public ways and his head stuck to a
hig pole in Vila Rica (today, Ouro Preto). The violence of such
repression was opposed by a strong resistance and rebellion,
which in spite of leaving deep scars of pain and broken hope,
irreversibly opened te way to Brazilian emancipation.
(8) The Revolution of 1817, in Recife, was also heavily iu­
enced by the French Enlightenment, divulged by the Olinda Semi­
nary and by the Are6pago de Itambe, a secret society devoted to
the propagation of anticolonialism. Victorious in a frst stage, the
rebellion established a provisional republican government made
up of men from the local elite, who wrote an Organic Law ensur­
ing freedom of conscience and the press, except for attacks on the
Constituton and religions (all tolerated, even thoug Catholicism
was deemed the offcial religon, and its clergy was put on te
state's payroll), creating a Constitutional Assembly, and abolish­
ing taxation on products of basic necessity. The Northeastern
provinces adered. The emissary sent to Ceara was arrested, and
Father Roma, sent to Bahia, was arrested and executed; othes
N O T E S • 129
went to the US., Argentna, and Enand, te country where H­
polito Jose da Costa published Coreio Brazilense, te frst Brazl­
ian periodical. Repression came promptly: D. Joao V, regent of
te Portuguese Crown, personally gave instuctions to the feared
Count of Arhes, te goveror of Bahia, to contain the rebellion.
Pernambuco resisted in vain. Thee leaders were executed i Sal­
vador, amon whom was Father Miguelinho and three oters con­
demned to death by hanging in Recife; the leader Domingos
Teotonio Jorge was one of them. Even thoug the Revolution of
1817 did not caim for the end of slavery, it counted on popular
support. One more tme, the crown, now established in Brazil,
proclaiming it the United Kingdom of Portugal and Algarves, did
not lose its colonialist mark, but manifested it i bloody
retaliation.
(9) Te Confederation of te Equator ( 1821) was another epi­
sode of rebellion followed by betayals to democracy. The frus.
tated aspiratons of 1817 did not die. On October 5 1821
f J
Pernambucans exelled the goveror who had crshed the rebel.
lious movement fou years earlier. Already in Augst, having as
a leader Gervasio Pires Ferreira, forme revolutonary of 1817,
they had set up a provisional goverent, parallel to the offcial
one, in te city of Goiana. With the country's independence in
1822, fstation increased before the absolutism of D. Pedro I,
who dissolved the Constitutional Assembly. Te new provisional
goverent was dissolved by Perambucan liberals who elected
a Govering Board headed by Manoel de Carvalho Pais de An­
drade, also a fgter in 1817. The fear for arbitrary measures to be
tken by the recendy emperor-appointed goveror, and by D. Pe­
do I himself, led to the explosion, on July 2, 1824, of an armed
movement that was named Confederation of the Equator (bringng
together Perambuco, Ceara, Rio Grande do Norte, and Paraiba).
It would be a new independent state i te form of a federative
repUblic. I order to repress the movement, the goverent took
loans abroad and hired the naval forces of Lord Cochrane. Te

mperor's military toops attcked Recife and Olinda frst, br­
mg the rebels under contol. Following that, all the others were
captured one by one until they got to Ceara, where the rebels
capitulated on November 29, 1824. Te immediate trials included
atrocites. Te Carmelite and popular leader Friar Caneca was
130 • N O T E S
executed by gunshot because the executoners refused to pull the
rope he had been sentenced to hang from. I there was the inten­
tion of autonomy in the Confedertion of the Equator, that is less
due to the lack of national unity, which really did not fully exist
yet, than to the only possibility at that moment of making opposi­
tion to the cental power, which was excessively authoritarian,
discriminatory, and centralizing, very much as in colonial Brazil.
Such authoritarianism had been generating historically h
privileges and leading the dominant to combat their antagonists
with cruelty so as to perpetuate the exclusion of many and the
proft of few.
( 10) Cabanagem 1 1 833-39) was a revolutionary movement that
took place in Para; it was the frst and only one in Brazilian history
where popular segents in fact took power and ran, even if with­
out continuity or a plan of action, the political Hfe of an entire
province. The Cabanos (a population of cabin dwellers along the
margins of the Amazon rivers) felt that independence had not
improved their lives and decided, with help from local leaders, to
fgt against the central power during the period of Regencies
( 1831-40). The repression operation, conducted with mercenary
troops under the command of the Englishman Grenfell, responded
to the frst manifestations by throwing three hundred revolution­
aries in the hold of a ship and flling it with chalk. Wit D. Pedro
I's abdication in 1 831, manifestations against local powers
emerged once again. The Cabanos invaded Belem and executed
the president of the province and other authorities. A famer, Felix
Antonio Malcher, took offce as governor of Paraj however, in an
unexpected turn, he declared his loyalty to te future emperor,
D. Pedro II, and repressed the rebellion that had made him chief.
The movement destituted and executed him. Malcher's sub­
stitute, Francisco Vinage, also betrayed the revolutionary
ideals proving to be submissive to the regency. His brother, Anto­
nio Vinagre, became the leader, eve though Francisco remained
in command, and that enbled the representative of the central
power to recover the goverent. Subsequently, Belem was sur­
rounded by the Cabanos coming from the interior; the president
of the province sought refuge, and the rebellious declared Para an
autonomous republic. The Cabanos's second goverent was or-
N O T E S • 131
ganiz�d by the deocrat serigaeio, Eduardo Nogueira
Angehm, who was betrayed by his fellows. On May 13, 1 836, the
new

resident, appointed by the central power, conquered BeIem
and dIsbanded the revolutionaries, who ran away to the interior.
I the three following years, they kept fghting with no results
until the movement was completely eradicated. The repression
l

ft a balance of forty thousand deaths (40 percent of the popula­
tIOn of the Grao-Para Province).
I l l ) �alaiada and the Insurrection of Slaves ( 1838-41 ). In


ranhao,
.
t�e fr

e population dedicated to cattle raisin enjoyed
hVlng conditIons Just as precarious as those of slaves. Te political
context, dominated by disputes between the liberal faction and
the remainders of the Portuguese Liberal Party, fueled an atmo­
sphere of dissatisfaction on the part of the less favored above all
t�

mixed

nd bl�ck segents, who clearly realized th� impossi­
bIl

ty of therr SOCIal
��
ension. Tus, a cowboy fom mixed origin,
Ralmundo Gomes VielIa, took over the jailhouse in the village of
Manga, on December 13, 1 838, leading the movement that was
called Belaiada. Having great action mobilit, the movement at­
tracted sympathizers, took a signifcant part of Maranhao and
infltrated all the way to Piaul, terifying the powerfl u that
province. The massive slave escapes in that regon which since
the eighteenth century had led to the formation of QUilombos as
the only for of resistance and survival for slaves, began to add
strength to the ranks of the balmos, especially after 1 839, when
they conquered the village of Caxas. Overcoming mutual dif£er­
e

ces, balaios
.
and rebellious blacks aglutinated and together
WIth some Indians were able to obtain weapons and provisions to
organize a contingent of eleven thousad men. Alarmed, in 1 840
the central power sent as president of the province Colonel Luis
Alves de Lima e Silva, eventually gven the title of Duke of Cax­
ias. He enlisted the support of traders and land and slave owners
and organized the fgt against the rebels, abandoned by the hige;
segents of society who feared the radicalization of the move­
ment's popular nature. Te eight thousand men in the offcial
forces were divided in three columns and surounded the balaios.
*F.or

sy dwellers who make a lvg out of extractin latex from trees i the
prtlVe way.
132 • N O T E S
Te soldiers arested 498 women, 686 childen, and after killing
may slaves, retured the ones left to their owners. I 1841, the
balaio Raimundo Gomes dissociated himself from the black
leader Cosme Bento d Chagas, and with seven hundred wea­
ened rebels and without am unitiont he srendered. Once sur­
rounded Cosme was unable to regroup the movement. Already
wounded, wandering, and huted, the strong freed slave, with
about to hundred quilombers, was arrested as he attempted to
seek refuge in the jungle with Indians. His goup was annihilated.
Cosme called his rebellion "War of Law and Republican Freedom
t
'
and gave himself the title of "'lustee and Emperor of Freedom."
He also gave himself te rigt to concede gfts through the Order
of Rosario and to cover himsel with sacred objects from the
Catolic Church. Even thoug he was considered by Lima e Silva
himself a great leader, he was tried as a ferocious killer and r

­
sponsible for the black insurrection, and not as a rebel or
.
balmo
ally. Sentenced to death on April S, 1 842, he was hanged il Sep­
tember at about forty years of age. At a time when color was
just as disempowered as rebelliousness, the oppressed found a
common gound upon which to uite. Whites ad blacks, the free
and te enslaved, fought against the geater problem that affected
almost all: desttution. Fighting against social injustices, such as
hunger and slavery, beig part of democratic rebel1iou

ness w

s
met with massacre and death in one's own coutry, Just as m
colonial times.
( 12) The War of Farapos or Farroupilha ( 1835-45)

as ini

ated
in te province of Sao Pedro de Rio Grande de Sul by Its dommant
segent without participation from the people, precluded from
having any voice in the episode and summoned for the armed
fht only in the capacity of providers of physical �orce. Gaucho
cattle raisers and beef and leather traders, who supphed such prod­
ucts to the national exporter provinces (such as Pernambuco) and
were kept from foreign markets, faced competition also from the
coutries in te Prata region, who were able to offer their products
at lower prices in Brazil. The ranchers felt they were hared by
te offcial privileges given to Brazil's exorting regions; rebel­
lious in 1835 they proclaimed the Rio-Grandense Republic or
Pirar Republic, having Bento Goncalves as frst president. Made
to step down and arrested by the mercenay forces of Grenfell, he
N O T E S • 133
was taken to Salvador. Subsequently, he escaped and retned to
Rio Grande do Sul and reinitiated the fgt of farrapos with help
from, among others, the Italian Giuseppe Garibaldi. Garibaldi pro­
claimedt in Laguna (presently te state of Santa Catarina), te
Catarinense Republic or Juliana Republic. I 1 842, the Baron of
Caxias was appointed president of that province with the mission
of "pacifying it," just as he had done in Maranhao. He counted
on the support of farapo Bento Ribeiro, who divided the revolu­
tonary. I March 1 845 the farrapo leader Dai Canabarro and
Caxias siged an agreement. Te cease-fe was rewarded with
general amnesty; farrapo soldiers and offcerst except for generals,
were engaged in the imperial armYi the house of representatives
was to be strengthened; taxes were lowered on products traded
i the domestic market. The usual repressive tactics were not
observed, obviously because there was no intention of afecting
te elite.
( 13) Sabinada ( 1837-8) was a middle-class movement that
took place in Salvador. At the timet a law was being prepared that
was interpretative of the Additional Act to the Constitution of
1824; it had a recentralizing orientaton. I November 1 837 the
guard from the Sao Pedro Fort rebelled against certain political
devel�pmentst and under the leadership of surgeon Francisco Sa­
bino Alvarez da Rocha Vieira, allowed farrapo Bento Goncalves,
who was arrested at the fort, to escape. Sabino obtained the sup­
port of the goveror' s troops. The governor was forced to escape,
and the Bahian Republic was instituted. Offcial repression
counted on the support of landowners around Bahia and was char­
acterized by the usual massacrest even with prsoners being
bured alive. The "Bloody Trial
t
l did not reserve any better fate
to those who were tied later.
( 14) Praieira Revolution ( 1848-50). Te sociopolitical situation
i Perambuco was a truthful depiction of Brazil in the middle
of the last century (even thoug in Pernambuco things were
made harder due to the decline of the sugar trade, the province
went from being the main one to a secondary one). On one
side there were powerfl landowers and foreign traders; on the
other, there was a destitute mass mostly made up of slaves. Denial
of those differences had already emerged in that province but it
really exploded during the popular praieiro movementt which
134 N O T E S
sougt a better world throug social reform agaist the stifing
and absolute domination represented by such fres as Rego
Baros, province president, and Cavalcanti, the most powerfl
landowner at the time. Since 1 842, the Diario Novo newspaper,
whose printing press was on Praia Street (thus the name of the
movement) brougt together radical liberal politicians in combat
against the conservative and teir domineering and exploitative
conduct. Beteen 1 845 and 1 847, the radical committed violent
acts against Portguese traders, but under the infuence of utopian
socialist thought they began to orient their actions towad social
reform. The Perambucan historian Amaro Quintas, in a study
about Praeira ideology, emphasizes the fact that some intellectu­
als stood out in their role as disseminators of new European
thougt: the engineer and archtect Vauthier, a revolutionary and
builder of the Santa Isabel Theater; the geometry professor Anto­
nio Pedro de Figueiredo, nicknamed Cousin Fusco (because he
was mulatto and because of his interest in te philosopher
Cousin, whose texts he translated), and who could see farther
than the others as he denounced the antagonism between classes,
and the fawed social organization, based on latifundios, beyond
the despotism of local families; Abreu e Lima, the general of the
masses, author of pionee socialist works (published in 1835, be­
fore Marx's Maifesto) about te class conflict between free men
and slaves; Antono Borges da Fonseca, the Republico, a popular
speaker and j ournalist, author of Manifesto do Mundo, of 111/49,
signed by all praeiro leaders. The document demanded a Constitu­
tional Assembly, political-administrative decentralization, free
and universal vote rights, freedom of thought and press, the right
to work, exclusive rights to retail for Brazilian citizens, indepen­
dence between the branches of constituted power, the elimination
of the Moderator Power and te rigt to make gfts, judiciary
reform, and the elimination of conventional interest law and of
the recruiting system. The two main leaders in the Praeira were
Pedro Ivo, at the military command, and Borges d Fonseca who,
at the political command, ensured a turn of the movement in
te direction of social reform. On the operational level, however,
rebellious forces, for the most part made up of coutrymen poorly
familiar with the topography of Recife, got lost in te city's laby­
rinth of steets, hastening their deeat. According to Aaro
N O T E S 135
Quintas, the Praeira was not successful because, in addition to
the lack of material resources, the popular potental was not well
oriented or effectively utilized at the appropriate moment for the
taking of power. Pedro Ivo was the only one knowledgeable of
other combats, including guerrillas. Arrested, he was sentenced
to life in prison along with other leaders. The Praeira was
the most real ad the last of the democratic rebellions in
imperial times.
( 15) Te Rebellion of Canudos ( 1 893-97) did not arise fom
rebelliousness against certain segments of society; rather, its
foundation was religiousness. Denying Brazilian social structure
as a whole, the movement only became an armed confict when
it was pushed into that by central power forces. Antoni Vicent
Mendes Maciel, a religous man who wandered around the North­
east preaching Catholicism-the Church was in a campaig to
come closer to the people-and later making opposition to exclu­
s�ons and rn ing away from persecution settled, at the age of
slXty-fve, on an abandoned farm in the Bahian wilderess, on the
b:ks of the Vaza-Barris River. He came upon an extremely poor
VIllage where people smoked pipes over a yad long: / canudos.
II
He attracted followers and ceated a commuity that had up to
thirt thousand members. He became a "counselor" for the com­
munity which was well organized from a social, political, eco­
nomic, religous, and cultural point of view. The goup's motto
was to work and lead an honest life in order to win the Kingdom
of God. Such a fact seemed a threat to the dominant, who began
to accuse the community and its leader of being religious fanatics
because they prophesied the end of te world for the end of the
nineteenth century. They were also accused of being extreme
monarchists because they abhored civil marriage and the seculari­
zation of cemeteries, certainly due to mystical and misinfored
readings about the nature of the republic, and since they rebelled
against taxation, were considered to be luring away workers from
neigborng farms. Finally, the community was accused of med­
dling i the business of the Church, the state, and of the landown­
ers. The dominant urged the community leader to dissolve the
goup, but to no avail. Faced with his resistance, they called in
the army. After three failed attempts at repression, it was only in
the fourth expedition, armed with canons and machine guns,
136 • N O T E S
that they were able to crush Canudos, on October 5, 1897, twelve
days after the death of Antonio The Counselor; the community
went down without surender. I his book Os Sertoes, author
Euclides da Cunha depicted the survivors: "They were only four:
an old man, two ugly men, and a child, before whom fve thousand
soldiers roared furiously. " The setting was formed by thousands
of people ded from the "stubbornness" of their faith and their
hope for a better world. In a poor, small, and lmited world such
as the one that they had created they had all that tey wanted.
Not being able to or not wanting to understand them, the tyranny
of the dominant eliminated them with bloody violence. The mys­
tique of Canudos did not die: every October 5 pilgrims go to that
location to pray, even though the Vaza-Barris River and the ruins
of the village have been fooded by the immense Corocob6 Dam.
( 16) Contestado War ( 1912-16). The need for subsistence la�
and messianic religiousness led about fty thousand rural reSI­
dents from Santa Catarina and Parana to dispute among them­
selves the demarcation of lands between the two states. Monks
and religous laypersons adhered to the movement. One of them,
Jose Maria, considered to be the reincarnation of monk Joao Maria
because he had the same habits and because both became involved
in the fgt for land, died in a confrontation alongside the coun­
trymen. This fact was taken as a divine sig t�t they shoul�
abandon the fgt for the land and ute. They beheved that thelI
religiOUS leaders, who advocated the end of the republic and the
return of monarchy, at which time the "army of Saint Sebastian"
and that of the countrymen killed would return and defeat the
forces of evil. The offcial troops attacked by land and by air (air­
planes were used against the country's population for the fst
time in Brazilian history) allied with the police and hired killers.
These troops, acting in the name of the "threatened republic,"
served the interests of local landowners and colonizing compa­
nies. They attacked the core of the rebellion, the "holy villages/'
until they were destroyed in 1916, killing thousands of country
folks whose only error was to believe in a monarchy that would
bring them the happiness of heaven and land to live on.
( 1 7) Te Caldeirao exeriment ( 1922-31 ), located in the back
lands of Ceara, was conducted by Priest Cicero Romao Batista,
the revered Padm Ci�o. He tned his farm over to a religious
N O T E S • 137
m, Jose Loure�o, so that he would r it. At tat locaton, an
area of approximately 1,200 hectares in Juazeiro, the religous
man founded te Order of Penitents, whose motto was faith-work­
cooperation. Production was plentil, but the fear and the geed
on the part of latifndo owners was geater. Priest Cicero, the
owner of land and buildings, and mentor of the order, already
excommunicated from the Catholic Church due to his unortho­
dox ecclesiastic practices, a political leader who made opposition
to dominant persons and interests, served as a good excuse for the
bishop in the next rval town, Crato, to support the attack by
conservative forces to the Caldeirao Community. Reactionary
forces applauded police action; led by Captain Beera, they set
fe to fonr hundred cabins leaving about two thousand people
withont shelter. Te communit moved to a different locaton
with six hundred cabins and three thousand people, who, more
cautious, began to bury their provisions. A new joint action on
the part of the army and the police, in which three airplanes were
used, crushed the community. The total balance was four hundred
deaths, including sixteeB children. One more small religious com­
munity massacred, destroyed by forces of te power established
to defend the interests of the dominant. Dreams of freedom were
crushed so that archaic and unjust forms of colonialist social orga­
nization could remain. Today's social movements seekng land
for agriculture have been repressed with the same violence re­
corded in previous centuries. The Country Leagues of the 1950s
and 1960s reappeared in the 1980s wit the Movement of Landless
Rural Workers (MST), and they were more successful tha all
previous movements since they did obtain some settlements. The
murder of seringueiro (rubber extractor) leader Chico Mendes,
committed at the end of 1988 by farmers, added his name to a
list of many other union leaders who were ht by the secular
extermination of the oppressed in Brazilian societ. It is as i we
were still living in colonial times, when killing and massacrig
were legal rigts of those under the tutelage of the metropolis.
{Bibliogaphy: CALADO, Alder Julio F., Rethining the 500
Years, Joao Pessoa, Ideia, 1 994; QUINT AS, Amaro, Te Social Sen­
tent i the Praeira Revolution, Recife, Ofcinas Gfcas da
Imprensa Offcial, 1946; ALENCAR, Francisco et aI., History of
138 • N O T E S
Brazian Society Rio de Janeiro, Ao Livro Tecnco, 1981;
KOSHA, Luiz and PEREIRA, Denise, Brazilian History Sao
Paulo, Atual, 1 979; SANTOS, Maria Januaria Vilela, Btlaiada and
the Insurrecton of Slaves in Maranhao, Sao Paulo, Aica, 1 983;
COST, Nicola S., Canudos: Order and Progess in the Back­
lads, Sao Paulo, Modema, 1990; BASBAU¥, Leoncio, History in
te Backands, volume 2, Sao Paulo, Alfa-Omega, 1975. )
Note l 1-Page 98
Tis reference leads me to Marlia Fonseca's research on contracts
beteen the Brazilian goverent and the World Bank. She built
her dissertation based on documents, some confdential, kept at
the bank's headquarters i Washington; receipts for payments
made t the Brazilian 1easury Department, letters from cabinet
members, and recorded interviews with technicians from the
bank. Segents of these contracts depict the World Bank's exro­
priation of Brazil:
I general each contract ends up costing Brazil three
times its orignal value. Also, another important aspect
is not discussed; that i, the retu of this investment in
pedagogcal ters . . . . The projects failed . . . when crite­
ria were adopted which met the objectives set by the
Word Bank and by the Brazilian government. Schools
do not improve. Teachers, who should be tained, stil
demonstate the same defciencies as before. Student
performace aso remained the sae [my italic]. Over
tenty years, the World Bank invested $100 million in
educational projects in Brazil. The Brazilian government
itself spent $21 7 million on the same projects and has
incredibly high debt, of another $80 million. Not to men­
tion te servicin of this debt. One cannot say that spend­
ing $280 million in order to receive $100 million is a
good deal.
I agree with the author who says that the World Bank "is not a
charitable organization . . . it is a superpower, " whose fnancing
N O T E S • 139
logc is incompatible with social investment; that it has clear
political orientation toward interventon in creditor countries
given that it is paid for by the countries in control of the intema�
tonal economy; that its demands and conditions are less advanta­
geous than those of landing banks in general (0.75 percent a year
over the reserved amount, which is paid out after a year, when
the creditor country receives reimbursement, plus 0.5 percent as
payment for the fnds raised). For conscious politicians and educa­
tors, the World Bank represents an undeniable political and eco­
nomic threat ( Veia magazine, 12/23/94).
Note 12-Page 98
Disrespect for teachers and education is indeed historical in Bra­
zil. Back in colonial times, schools were private; they belonged
to the JeSUits, thus being religous schools, and only clergymen
could teach in them. These clergymen having made vows of obedi­
ence and poverty, their mission was considered to be transmitting
knowledge always for the glory of Christ and the Catholic Church.
Education was valued in Jesuit ters, disassociated fom local
reality, tied to the Ratio Studiorum, the educational code iple­
meted by all JeSuit schools around the world (it was in effect in
Brazil between 1 599 and 1 759), and i a priest did not receive any
�Cial r��ard for his teaching, he did not feel disrespected
il hls condItlOn as a teacher, for he believed there to be ecclesias­
tical and divine rewards that were te truly important ones
for him.
Starting from the Jesuit exulsion in 1 759, schools became
secular, public or private, and bot education and teachers-who
were mistakenly taken as priests of knowledge, as the image of
te Iisoldiers of Christ, " and eventually due to principles of law­
have been suffering with the lack of interest, seriousness and
justice that they receive fom the powers of the state ad
'
from
many of those chartered for education.
With the expulsion of the Jesuits, Brazil went schoolless for
thirteen years. There came "loose schools," which followed the
Jesuit's educational programs, and which offered no systematza­
ton of knowledge with improvsed teachers. Al the euphoria
140 • N O T E S
wit the arival of te Portuguese Royal Family (an entourage of
fteen thousand people), followed by some "cultural creations"­
the opening of higher education progams specializing in such
areas of knowledge as engineering and medicine, and the trans­
plantation of the National Library from the metropolis-was not
enoug to reverse the educational picture in the colony.
Note 13-Page 106
(For more detais concering chacina d candehlria, " see note 2
in Letters to Cristina, where I add more inforation.)
We cannot close our eyes and our hearts to te present, perma­
nent, and generalized violence that is sadly affecting Brazilian
society) by acknowledging and understanding it, we will have the
capacity to overcome it. Violent deaths in Brazil happen most
among the youths across all social classes; among the upper and
middle classes we witness many deaths due to the high speed of
cars in the major cities of the country. The most cruel deaths,
which are linked to meanness, are always committed among
lower classes and between lower classes and the police.
On March 4, 1995, the nation witnessed, via television, the
most perverse execution of a "margnalized" youth. Te tele­
vision flming crew was going to tape a report in a shopping center
in Rio de Janeiro when three assailants entered shooting. The
police arrived when the assailants were leaVing. One escaped, the
other we saw dead lying on the ground where a large number of
people gathered in silence. The third assailant, who was in his
twenties, was televised on the lot gound. He had been hit by a
police bullet. He was later dragged to the other side of the car that
was used in the hold up.
Away from the TV viewers, but not from the large number of
people on the street, the wounded yout's body was hit by three
more bullets. Shortly afterward, a policeman stated that, ac­
cording to him, the youth had threatened h. Both interational
and national human-rights organizations protested this cold exe­
cution. Six months later, tese policemen were found guilty.
N O T E S • 141
Countries that were colonized by the Europeans in A .
d ' A ' b
enca
an m nca- ecause of their colonization-today remain re-
duced �o third-word status through which they reroduce the
s�e VIOlence �at the colonizers used to subjugate and kill the
nano:al
.
populatIOn. Even though w have broken the yoke of
c?l�mahsm, we h
.
ave not been able to overcome the day-to-day
killings by tose l power against the dispossessed classes tt
are labeled by the ruling class as outlaws and margnals. I truth
these so-called o�tlaws and marginals are excluded from the sys:
tem and are for�ldden to �ave kowledge, desires, power, and to
b fully human m our SOCIeties.
Also by Paulo Freire from Continuum
Pedagog of Hope
Reliving Pedagogy of the Oppressed
This is the eagerly awaited sequel to Pedagogy of
the Oppressed, in which Freire refects on the im­
pact his writings have made over the past twent­
fve years. Pedagogy of Hope represents a chronicle
and synthesis of the ongoing social strugles of Latin
America and the Third World since the landmark
publication of Pedagogy of the Oppressed.
With Pedagogy of Hope, Freire once again explores
his best-known analytical themes with even
deeper understading and a greater wisdom. Cer­
tainly, all of these themes have to be analyzed as
elements of a body of critical, liberationist pedagogy.
In this book, the reader comes to understand Freire's
thinking even better, through the critical seri­
ousness, humanistic objectivity, and engaged subjec­
tivity which, as in all of Freire's books, are wedded
to a unique creative innovativeness.
"Apowerful, scholarly defense of the radical liberal
position. " -Choice
Pedagog of te City
This unique book describes the everyday strugges,
political as well as administrative, fought in the ur­
ban schools of Sao Paulo. Its forthright examination
of urban education has many applications for
schools in the u.S.
IIJust as unrelenting and visionary [as Pedagogy of
the Oppressed]. It is all the more powerful precisely
because Freire is not speaking theoretically. "
-Te Oter Side
Pedagog of te Oppressed
New Revised 20th-Anniversary Edition
More than 600,000 sold worldwide. "Brilliant meth­
odology of a highly charged and politically provoca­
tive character." -JONATHAN KOZOL
Educton for Critca Consciousness
Two important studies are brougt together for the
frst time. The book comes out of Freire's innova­
tive work i the feld of adult literacy in Brazil and
hs studies of the practice of agricultural exten­
sion" in Chile.
These volumes are available at your bookstore, or
may be ordered from the publisher:
Continuum
370 Lexington Avenue
New York, NY 10017

OTHER BOOKS BY PAULO FREIRE FROM CONTINUUM

PA ULO FREIRE

Pedagogy of the Oppressed Education for Critical Consciousness Pedagogy of the City Pedagogy of Hope Reliving UPedagogy of the Oppressed"

PEDAGOGY OF THE HEART
NOTES
BY

ANA MARIA ARAOJo FREIRE

Translated by Donalda Macedo and Alexandre Oliveira

Foreword by Martin Carnoy Preface by Ladislau Dowbor

CONTINUUM

NEW YORK

Contents

Foreword by Martin Carnoy 7
2000
The Continuum Publishing Company 370 Lexington Avenue New York, NY 10017 Copyright © 1997 by Ana Maria Araujo Freire

Preface by Ladislau Dowbor 21 Under the Shade of a Mango nee 29 Solitude-Communion 29 Life Support and the World 32 My First World 37
Hope 42 The Limit of the Right

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means,
electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the written permission '0£ The Continuum Publishing Company. Printed in the United States of America

51
55

Neoliberals and Progressives Democratic Administration Lessons from Exile

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Freire, Paulo, 1921[A sombra desta mangueira. Ana Maria Araujo Freire Alexandre Oliveira
I

59
76

Pedagogy of the heart I Paulo Freire) notes by translated by Donaldo Macedo and foreword by Martin Camoy. cm. ). : alk. paper
I

English)

66

The "Leftsll and the Right Seriousness and Happiness

89

p.

Dialogism 92
My Faith and Hope

Includes bibliographical references (p. ISBN 0-8264-1131-2 (pbk.)

101

I. Politics and education. 3. Politics and education-Brazil.
LC71.F7413 370.11 '5-dc21

2. Populat education. 4. Populat education-Brazil.

I. Freire, Ana Maria Araujo, 19331997

11. Title.
97-15797

Notes by Ana Maria AIauio Freire 109

C1P

Paulo Freire looks into his own life to reflect on education and politics. only about . is still run on the basis of c1ientelismo. enormously wealthy and enormously poor. Brazil is in many ways unique. And. In this book.Foreword BY MARTIN CARNOY. multiparty and highly democratic at one level. the illiterate. the hungry. exile. and even the holding of political power as Sao Paulo's Secretary of Education. politics and education. He was also a political activist-a passionate progressive who believed in the inseparability of learning from political consciousness and of political con­ sciousness from political action. the power­ less. it is one of the most stratified and least accessible in Latin America. Even with rapid enrollment growth in the past ten years. In that office. the marginalized. in which politicians maintain power by using public resources for very specific private interests. One of the great new industrial economies. STANFORD UNIVERSITY The late Paulo Freire was the most important educator of the second half of this century. All of these experiences have only increased his commitment to the excluded. He lived through military rule. He reveals himself as an uncompromising democrat and unrepentant radical reformer. Its political system. Much of the book is about Brazil and particular issues of Brazilian politics. although as Freire argues. he made policy for the education of hundreds of thousands of pupils. the educational system is now internally democratic in many municipalities. it has the most unequal income distribution of any of the world's major countries.

these have been expanded. The capital­ ist nation-state in the period of agricultural expansion and industrialization was largely defined in terms of the bound­ aries of its national raw-material base. we have entered the global age and we entered it together with Paulo Freire. but so has the spread of lower-tech industrial technology. A communi­ cations and information revolution has made this shift possi­ ble. Nation-states still have a role in influencing the course of their development. from the cradle of Luso-Afro-American civilization. democratic. As globalization changes the concept of economic time and space. He is an anomaly among educators be­ cause he is truly international. Capital and labor and knowledge are increasingly conceived: of in global terms. and unifying. * Our social condition may appear to be altogether different. We in the North need to pay much greater attention to them. authentic." come globalized. translated as "under the shade of this mango tree. What are these new conditions? The first is that world econ­ omy has changed profoundly in the past generation. we find that the questions we are asking ourselves require the same larger considerations. They also have a range of policy choices framed by political forces. He is as well known in Nicara­ gua or in France as he is in Brazil. We can see this in the variety of approaches to capitalist development found among highly industrialized countries. progressives must continuously examine their underlying strategies. The recent change represents a profound shift of economic time and space. In that sense. and large accumulations of capital to areas out­ side of the United States/Europe axis. the political control vested in national territories changes. But the increased competition for capital and for goods and services made possi­ ble partly by the information and communications revolution has changed the conditions and possibilities for national poli­ cies. nonsectarian. Freire ad­ dresses progressives everywhere. sitting in the shade of his mango tree. a Northeast Brazilian. nations had to occupy more territory. Whatever the powerful role of capital flows in influencing national development in the past. But to do this. now a new global-information economy? What is the role of progressive intellectuals? And what is the role of democratic educationI again now in the information age? These are questions just as fundamental to those who want progressive change in the North as they are to Paulo Freire. his ideas are in the world and from the world. from the local and national into the global arena. The globalization of national and local economies is changing the underlying basis of the nation-state. Globalization does not simply mean inter­ national trade and movements of capital and labor. the Brazilian Nordestino. It has be·The original title of this book is A Sombra desta Mangueira. National (and local) politics today is increasingly con­ strained to shaping the culture of global capitalism as it is . or even more particularly. Teachers' salaries have fallen drastically during that same period (as in much of the rest of Latin America). To expand economic and political control. and the conditions in basic education are desperately poor. That definition is changing very quickly. not just among intellectuals but among primary school teachers and adu1t educators. and by the very size of the movements. and national market. but as we push below the surface of our everyday lives. the economy has always been global. he argues.8 • F O R BW O R D F O R BW O R D • 9 one-third of fifteen-to-nineteen-year-olds attend secondary school. education. Losing economic and political control meant losing territory. particularly in the speed by which capital can move from country to country. Even if Pau10 Freire was first and foremost Brazilian. New conditions demand new an­ swers to some of the same old difficult questions: What is the role of a progressive politics in the world system. urging them to remain ac­ tive. For better or worse. He also has an enormous following in the United States. So his Brazilian thoughts address worldly issues. Production is less and less conducted in one location or even in one country. national industries.

This contrasts sharply with the "incomplete" democratic politics of neoliberalism-a politics reduced to en­ hancing isolated individuals' solitary competitiveness in a Darwinian struggle. It helps its constituents become critical activists shaping the economy and society into a humane. Neoliberals and progressives seem to agree on one major criterion for a flexible and efficient state.10 • F O R EW0 R D F O R EWO R D 11 manifested nationally and locally. Economic globalization means the globalization of local social movements. Politi- . including the marginalized. Local becomes global and global becomes local. The neoliberal model for national and local culture subordinates them to the needs of the global market. to individual competi- tion i n a n isolated. Competi­ tion is not just local or even national. this on the assumption that unfettered capital accumulation will produce maximum economic growth and the greatest social good. This constitutes a second major new condi­ tion. How can the solidarity state hope to keep domestic capital from flying off into the ether of the global flows? How can such a state. and obsolete. or ethnicity. one where citizens are reintegrated through forming new political and social networks based both on information and critical analy­ sis of their own situation in the global environment. It must be demo­ cratic. The efficient state is also one that protects its citizens against the risks and excesses of a free market. But what does it mean for a state to be "flexible" and "efficient" in the information age? This is a fundamental political ques­ tion for national and local politics. race. flexibility and efficiency mean a minimalist state that allows business maximum freedom to accumulate capital. When capitalist states are inflexible. It is also the basic issue in defining authentic national and local culture in the global­ information age. But for all their new agreement on the principal of democracy. it is also true for us in the North. even when elections would have decided otherwise. But with Paulo Freire at our side. uneven participation. that it would inherently drive capital and new technology away. For neoliberals. rooted in the empowerment of citizens and work­ ers. par­ ticipative system that accumulates capital but not in an ex­ ploitative. In the past. Stability is impossible in societies marked by great income and information inequality. workers in Sao Paulo against workers in Shanghi. Brazilian capital competes against French. they drag down their states. the flexible and efficient state in the information age is very different. and the absence of a critically aware citizemy that is prepared to solve political problems in its own interest. even when the global market has no room for them and exclusion­ ary local ideologies segregate them. Freire's state is constructive. Capital needs a stable political environment for high returns over the long term. highly unequal fashion. both for the left and the right. When production systems have difficulty changing. even when the democratic decision was to restrict that controL Progressives also easily rationalized authoritarianism to maintain control of the process of capital accumulation in the hands of the state. inef­ ficient. let us consider this carefully. It is global. Freire's state is also one of solidarity. hope to attract international technology transfer and capi­ tal investment? Neoliberals argue that it cannot. where the measure of democracy if free and open elec­ tions. For Freire. Darwinian struggle for survival. Modern politics has always been intertwined with eco­ nomic production. Local poli� tics means the localization of global capitalism. This is not only the case for countries such as Brazil and Mexico. including all adult citizens as voters regardless of gender. Education is measured in terms of students' abil­ ity to score as well on mathematics tests as pupils in Korea or Japan or Germany. neoliberals easily opted for the authoritarian state to ensure unconditional capitalist control of capital accumulation. The neoliberal state is left to facilitate competition and to educate labor for competition in a global environment. neoliberals and progressives have a fundamental disagreement about the meaning of the democratic state. ex­ clUSion. they drag down their economies.

and to advancing its social objectives through the democratic but still market-supporting state. whether it be left parties in Brazil or labor unions in France.12 • F O R EW 0 R D F O REW O R D 13 cal and social stability needs reintegration of isolated individ­ uals so as to create a new collective will. capital investment. living with it and deepening it so that it has real meaning in people's every­ day lives. Capital also needs flexible workers. it is also a means to strengthening democracy. it must land somewhere to realize profits. Having achieved a transition to de­ mocracy. A progressive transformation of the state need not overthrow the market or capital accumulation per se to humanize economy and society. as Freire put it so well. the excluded-not just capital's needs. Yet. To accomplish its goals. the poor. This is no accident. especially when the party gains power. These are precisely what the solidarity state delivers. especially at the national level? This is a more difficult question. Democratic. All of these local struggles of definition are struggles over the culture of global capital in the information age. the old. antimilitary movements of the 1970s and 1980s. This is neither the welfare state nor the neoliberal state. and human capital development. Participation in elections is a hard-won right belonging as much to workers and peasants as to the bourgeoisie. it is new form of reintegrative state. capable of building and sustaining educa­ tional as well as training networks. progressive states that aim to create more equal distribution of income and reintegrative. The solidarity state can provide the basis of a more flexible. Yet these networks need to be developed on terms that represent the interests of workers. and to be flexible. the role of a progressive political party goes beyond Gramsci's counterhegemonical. Freire's conception of a progressive party is educational in the Gramscian tradition. But it is fair to ask what happens to a progressive party in the context of the new globalization and the new democracy. or "educa­ tional" function. Freire argues that to retain its authenticity. in periods of unemployment and training. Freire's position is centered in the democratic. However. has to go beyond the limits of the neoliberal defini­ tion to develop its own conditions of capitalist development. to gaining political power. Nowhere in Freire's answer to the neoliberal view of the state do we find a critique of participating in democratic elec­ tions. This is precisely the histori­ cal moment for such questioning. the left in Brazil now enters another political phase: intimacy with democracy. a party of the left needs constantly to open itself to dialogue. Worldwide neoliberal ideology attempts to define the limits of those politics. Freire writes. He believed that even as capital circulates in global space. what some analysts have called social capital. competitive. participative social institutions with an eye to promoting savings. Does globalization in the information age put new limits on what the state can transform. whether it be in the form of left party or in the form of the current progressive-intellectual leadership of a center-right coalition. a progressive political party needs to develop local and national politics that are consistent with the social and eco­ nomic changes wrought locally by the globalized economy. to change. That ancient debate between Kaut­ sky and Lenin about whether elections are a means for revolutionary workers to gain control of the capitalist state jKautsky) or nothing more than a bourgeois "trick" to co-opt the revolution jLenin) is relegated to the historical archives. jin Brazil) the left. and innovative economy by developing the new reintegrative networks required for workers and families in the information age. are fundamental to high productivity growth and reasonably high long-term rates of return to capital. and supporting workers. . Is globalized capital so pow­ erful that the state is limited to the neoliberal agenda? Freire says no. The impetus for pushing beyond the limits of the neoliberal definition worldwide has to come from social movements as­ sociated with political parties and alliances. workers need families and social institutions that are integrative. Thus.

and a disin­ tegrating system of social support. by corporate downsizing. buffeted by competition from Asia and the flight of its domestic industry abroad. Surprisingly. which include stringent reductions in pub­ lic debt and public deficits. the United States. undo the debt-driven economic chaos of the 1980s. In Italy. But unlike Brazil. Is this strategy a wrong one? Many progressive intellectuals in the United States believe so. and build the base for a new social policy in the next millennium? Con­ sistent with his own intellectual openness. The reductions. and toward social"investrnent" policies that focus on education to rebuild public confidence in the state. President Clin­ ton has. and in winning that battle. Romano Prodi heads the first center-left coalition to govern the country. Cardoso heads a "center-right" coalition. The United States should hardly be lacking confidence in its eco­ nomic future. Freire's Workers' Party jPT)." In this environment. and Brazil. neoliberals will con­ tinue to win the battle over the culture of American capital­ ism. United States workers are afraid. to push Clinton toward a broader. Freire and Cardoso both knew that Brazil's economic and po­ litical future depends on greater equality of income and wealth. Freire does not completely turn the page on this chapter of Brazilian history. including the nations of Europe and Brazil. The progressive wing of the Democratic Party would have to reorganize itself and rebuild its base (using the increasingly active labor unions and newly reawakened civil-rights organizations). driven by a conser­ vative German definition of healthy economic policy are inherently contractiOI�ary. Education enrollment is expanding rapidl}j and the democratizing educa­ tional policies pushed by PT-run and other local administra­ tions are being supported rather than opposed at the national level. and Europe is reshaping itself as a regional economic power. But Italy is part of the new Europe. deeper social agenda. Furthermore. But in the new global environment. They necessarily require a reduc- process of equalization is needed to develop the new Brazilian economy outside the suffocating confines of global neoliberal- . From the standpoint of Brazil's major left party.14 • F OR E W 0 R D F OR E W 0R D ' 15 Strategies for defining the new limits for flexible and effi­ cient states are necessarily localized in national and local reali­ ties. W ithout that push. Cardoso has abandoned his pro­ gressive ideals and is working well within the neoliberal defi­ nition of the state's role in the new global economy. like Fernando Henrique Cardoso. there is no progressive political party or parties where alternative strategies can develop and be pre­ sented to the public. But the outcome of the Cardoso regime is hardly clear. stagnant wages. Cardoso believes that Brazil needs first to grow more confident of its economic future and to expand political par­ ticipation even if the tilt toward neoliberal economic-stabiliza­ tion policies delays equalization. tilted toward eco­ nomic policies that would reassure finance capital. Freire believed that the very ism. there are similarities among realities in Europe. under political circumstances that are very different. to shape similar battles in other countries. The successful onslaught of neoliberal ideology and a growing distrust of politicians has converted those fears into a "flight from the state. Cardoso appears committed to a strategy of deepening democracy-of refashioning the political involve­ ment of the great mass of the Brazilian poor and margin­ alized-as a means of eventually redefining the culture of Brazilian capitalism. One of these was espe­ cially important for Freire and the Brazilian left: the current president of Brazil is one of the world's leading progressive intellectuals and a brilliant political thinker and strategist: Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Is there any wonder that Brazil's progressive intellectuals are divided on which strategy is "correct"? Similar discussions are taking place in other countries. the better to compete in the new global economy_ Prodi's govern­ ment is confronted by the conditions of the Maastricht Treaty jmonetary union). Is this a mistaken strategy in a country where the process of capital accumulation has long been at the mercy of particular interests within and outside the coun­ try? Is it a mistake to solidify democratic political stability.

faces powerful economic and ideologi­ cal forces that dominate the coalition's strategies and policies. As families and traditional. create space. the struggle is at least partly ideological. and through this mean­ ing to enhance learning and keep children in school. and to be independent and creative. in a country where a large part of the electorate continues to believe in activist state interven­ tion and social policies. Beyond that. Freire has rede­ fined the political meaning of education and recast the under­ lying struggle over education. They shape people's lives and their place in the material world. and cooperation. and to feel empowered. as businesses restructure to be more produc­ tive. this in an Italy that desperately needs to invest in expanding and raising the quality of its university system. self-confidant. The up side is that in firms that focus on raising productivity. and liberating education is the path to knowledge and critical thinking. What do progressives-especially activist progressive intel­ lectuals-need to focus on in the new context? Freire puts it well in these pages: push against limits. He exhorts us to think of political strategies and state policies that will humanize the culture of global capital as it lands in our locality. But the struggle is not only ideological. and for the rich and the middle class. For him. In many studies of what employers value most in "high performance II organizations. stable neighborhoods disintegrate under the on- In no social policy has the new global information economy made Freire more relevant than in education.and collective-identity. Both these forms of flexibility disaggregate labor from the "job" as a per­ manent source of income and self-definition. separated from traditional social organizations based on the worker's job or workplace. Knowledge is the founda­ tion of the new global information economy. of innovativeness. The down side is that many firms see flexi­ bility in terms of lowering labor costs-to increase some work­ ers' opportunities. Education that works effectively to keep poor children in school and learning is absolutely essential to the notion of flexible produc­ tion. Freire thinks of critical education as a form of networking-a "community" of knowledge and knowledge formation. ConscientizaQQo is the essential ingredient of developing such meaning. Social policy has real economic and social consequences for the poor and marginalized. assembly-line indus- . to partici­ pate in diverse productive activities. and numerate individuals to compete in the new world economy. But its essential elements are the capacity to adjust quickly to changes in product demand and production technology. Globalization has enhanced the importance of knowledge. Prodi's situation reinforces the notion that even a center-left coalition. they are moving away from Fordist. trial production to flexible work organizations. par­ ticipative. these are precisely the characteristics that head the list. flexibility has meant the opportunity for workers to engage in multiple tasks and more interesting work. redefine the social agenda. Freire's conception of education is also essential to flexibility in Freire's focus on critical thinking. and the capacity to solve problems. and to make all jobs subject to potential elimination. the develop­ ment of self. In Freire's "intimacy" with democracy. and made to rely on his or her acquired capacity to adjust to change. literate. Flexibility can mean many things. The consequences are not just symbolic. New networks are also essential to flexibility and productivity. And finally. of critical thinking.16 • F O R EW 0 R D F O R EW O R D 17 tion of the social safety net and possibly reduction of educa­ tional spending. education has the potential to be liberating. critical-thinking. Freire's work as Secretary of Education in Sao Paulo was all about making the educational process meaningful for teach­ ers and pupils in low-income schools. Eco­ nomic progress in any country increasingly requires a broad base of highly conscious. democratic participation. to rid themselves more easily of others. led by political parties opposed to a neo­ liberal conception of the state. The worker is individualized. Paulo Freire's thoughts on education in these pages as else­ where speak to this transformation at several levels.

Freire understood this. consci­ Thus. For more than thirty years. Paulo Freire thought about the revolutionary nature of knowledge. entizaQiio could well be the centerpiece of a neoliberal educa­ tional policy if it enhances learning. the networks emerging from the critical construction of knowledge would likely enter into developing a new culture of capital. the nature of global capital. The new knowledge networks. higher test scores and low dropout rates are the currency of postmodern economies. and religious organizations with a common interest to enhance individual and collective value. in many ways. The basis for economic and so­ cial development in the new global economy is conscious criti­ cal thinking and knowledge networks. Freire's focus on critical thinking is also acceptable to neo­ liberals. they cannot uni­ laterally incorporate its participative democratic implications. Television. Freire's knowledge of communities could be the basis for new kinds of networks beyond the traditional political party. for example. problem solving education. democratic. Yet. . Neolib­ erais would not be willing to take the risk. could serve to shape the future nature of local and national politics. and makes schooling resources more effective. virtual community that could replace traditional job­ based social networks and residential neighborhoods. keeps children in school. has already made drastic changes. especially in countries where business ideology is powerful enough to harness critical thinking to the needs of mainstream private business-based activities. and where they have to get off. net­ works formed around schools and adult education. and from there. Freire envisages the political party as the major form of this critical­ knowledge community. but the traditional political party is also being transformed by the new information and communi­ cation environment. This is what Freire envisages. youth orga­ nizations. This list makes clear how far neoliberals can stay on Freire's education train. new networks are needed to reproduce skills and knowledge. The needs of global capitalists have caught up with his conception of education. In other words. To some degree. inclusive. Freire exposes a major contradiction of the neoliberal model in the information age. both as the reintegrators of disaggregated workers and as sites of continuing education and conscientizafiio. But now consider the meaning of Freire's critical education in a society with a more contested culture of capital. In a contested culture. It is this new and. In the great competitiveness debates now cir­ cling the globe.18 • F O REW 0 R D F O REWORD 19 slaught of flexible production. But once there. They are cer­ tainly comfortable with expanding schooling and making it more effective. deconstructing the traditional political party apparatus and the use of critical knowledge in politics. and this is where neo-' liberals retreat from effective.

the necessary evil. solidarity.Preface BY LADISLAU DOWBOR Writing a preface for a book by Paulo Freire gives one the strange sensation of being redundant. was responsible for a dominant theoretical framework where concerns with ethics. Un­ doubtedly. The dry legacy inherited from Jeremy Bentham and Stu­ Mill is utilitarianism. History reduced to economic mechanisms and all values subsumed by the realism of individual advantage. indeed do more for the poor than the lefts who clamor for justice. and the image's image. The "thirty golden years" that followed the end of World War II saw an impressive capitalist productive explosion. in a permanent distancing from himself. this explosion has led many to believe that profit­ driven capitalists. conscience- . which. and simple emotions such as happiness and personal satisfaction disap­ art pear. the rather cynical notion that it is enough for each individual to maximize his or her profit in order that a world can be obtained which is not socially ideal. probably more than any other. W hat is left for the preface writer to do is to recover the image in the mirror. who develop production. but which is the best possible. In his characteristic style. W hat is even stranger is for such a task to be bestowed on a professional in the field of economics. Paulo does not simply writej he thinks his act of writing through as well. capitalism. This trend be­ came even stronger when the authoritarian socialism alterna­ tive went down: only one option was left on the table.

lean-and-mean capitalism. while instruments for social control have remained nationaL As a result." This modernity. Another important parameter is the deep transformation that occurred in spaces for social reproduction. titled Post-Capitalist Society. Human beings handle potent agropesticides. and that manages technology of irreversible. Likewise. in effect. The result of such a society that transforms itself while following different rhythms is that human beings are handling technologies far more advanced than their own political matu­ rity. universal impact. but decisions remain in the hands of central governments. nobody controls the nearly $1 trillion* • circulating daily in global financial spaces. about five to six hundred companies control 25 percent of world production. we have accumu­ lated more technological knowledge than in the entire history of humanity. faced. One central parameter is provided by the current techno­ logical explosion. robotics. ones capable of surpassing this articulated chaos of corpo­ rate interests that we have come to call neoliberalism. dominate in the most technologically dynamic areas. Today. And. The political world has become an im­ pressive web of institutions that have to make decisions about what they do not know. total qual­ ity. there is no organized power structure capable of organizing any effec­ tive compensation for the nearly $500 billion annually trans­ ferred from poor to rich countries. Within such an environment of lost governability. benchmarking. whose technologic innovations fill us with awe. by the increased use of drugs. is leaving little room for reflecting upon values. and that have no decision-making power over the realities with which they are. This fact is ascertained by the destruction of life in rivers and in the ocean. In the meantime. I50-9000. Humanity will not survive without more advanced forms of social organiza­ tion. Today. There is little opportunity within cor­ porate strategy for reflection upon the social or environmental interests of humanity. gives very little sense of commitment or compassion . compelled by the very rules of effiCiency. it is our very conceptualization over the organizational hierarchy of political power that must be rethought. human capacity for government has evolved extremely slowly. As a result of reengineering. society has become widely urbanized. by ozone depletion. are equally dominant today in the dynamic environments of serv­ ice and finance. Peter Drucker. This rebuilding is necessary and most comprehensive.S" unless otherwise noted. for example. and so many other magic words that promise effectiveness and effi­ ciency. it involves the very conceptualizing of the civilization we wish to build.22 • PR E F A C E PR E F �C E • 23 bearing humanity felt cornered into a pragmatic form of fatal­ ism decorating their day-to-day lives with increasingly absurd technological junk while trying to reconstruct their horizon of viable utopias. which are in the front-line of difficulties but at the base of the power pyramid. All dollar figures are U. even if the different directions in this acceler­ ated process of transformation are hard to predict. some pa­ rameters are becoming most clear. telecomputing. the mega­ structures of the end of this century prosper: large transna­ tional corporations. In the past twenty years. initially focused on productive sectors. sophisticated systems for genetic manipulation. write a book. fine chemistry proc­ esses that allow for the back-alley production of both advanced medication and cocaine or heroine. and mold the world to the de­ mands of competition. Economies have become internationalized for the largest part. in the midst of the communist collapse. seeking the construc­ tion of a community "based on commitment and compassion. On another level. and by the availability of sophisticated systems of destruction available to any would-be terrorist. much like the time when na­ tions consisted of "capitalsll surrounded by dispersed rural populations. . industrial fishing fleets with advanced technology for locating schools of fish. It is curious to see the pope of American business administra­ tion. aiming at returning the reins of its own development to society. nu­ clear and bacteriological weapons. Urbanization threw the problem over to the cit­ ies.

structurally speaking. while the West. we are seeking to reinsert values. It is unnecessary to keep multiplying the examples.000 per-capita income. It is not hard to predict that a planet that is becoming smaller and smaller each day. Finally. more production. 3. Gradually. and a large part of the world's population is simply kept at the margin of the central process of wealth accumulation led by transna­ tional corporations. It is necessary to seek new solutions. and political realms. The important thing is that the time is running out when human­ ity can rely on spontaneous "mechanisms. what is coming on strong now is a redefinition of the search itself.2 billion dwellers of the underdeveloped world live on an average of $350. less than We realize. and this number increases by about ten million each year. along the lines of the infamous trickle­ down effect. ethics. $30 a month. A first obvious realization is that capitalism constitutes an excellent environment for making production more dynamic. who also looks for answers in the eco­ nomic. To the extent that there is a certain gap between the rich and the poor. They cannot manage the fifty cents per child that they would need for iodine.24 • P R E F A CE P R E F ACE • 25 W hile eight hundred million people in rich countries enjoy an ostentatious $20. the very core of capitalist theory-that the maxi­ mization of individual interests will guarantee the best social interests-is negated by the facts. at the end of this century. the very power struggle generated by privileges and by the accumulation of wealth by minorities prevents a balanced distribution. Today. that it is quite simply a theoretical error to predict a certain ethics of privilege. while some twelve million simply die before the age of five. more jobs. a statistic projected for one hundred eighty million by the year 2000. more prosperity for all. and finally. social. recommends that it care for its environment. cannot live with increasingly dramatic economic polarization. laissez-passer. through insecure approaches. condemned on their first day of life. In part. but it has yet to learn how to create effective distribution mechanisms. Rather than the search for a more effective way of doing the same. and CD players. And this leads us to rethink the social agents capable of bringing about transformations and mobilization strategies. the notion that the accumulation of wealth by the rich would lead to more investments." on laissez-faire. without defining itself as a civilization. which has devastated it. about one hundred fifty million children starve in the world. where people are tired of living under the terror of unemploy­ ment or of killing themselves working for objectives that are in doubtful relation to quality of life. to prevent goiter. At this stage of global capi­ talism. the challenge posed by the end of this century is the question of our com­ mon future. Half a million mothers die in labor every year for not having access to basic medical information and services: in all the rich countries combined. VCRs. In reality. About one million children become mutilated for life every year. compensatory social policies by governments are insuf­ ficient not only in the countries bearing the negative onus for current development models. Close to ninety million new inhabitants come into the world annually. The end of all hope for trickling down means that. But each day we have better and better comput­ ers. markets become segmented. . this is the path that leads an economist who realizes that the problems within his field call for solutions belonging to a broader universe onto the same discussion platform as that of an educator. neoliberalism does not re­ spond to modern challenges. After all. but also in developed countries. this number is only five thousand. due to advances in transportation and communications. A devastated Africa cries the loss of its last trees and sees its unprotected soil taken away by the wind and by pouring rains. and objectives into the dyna­ mics of social reproduction. about sixty million of whom are born into the most destitute areas. or the ten cents for vitamin A to prevent blindness. llliteracy affects more than eight hundred million people.

Any person with common sense under­ stands how absurd it is for us to spend hours of our lives in city traffic. tree-shaded yards. A long time ago. Capitalism requires that free-of-charge happiness be substituted for what can be bought and sold. and the personal commitment im­ plied by that search." This century-and-a-half of capitalism has disjointed communities and created a truly anonymous society. but it also include�. bUilding bridges and pathways amid the smells and tastes of childhood. and of values. A reordering of spaces for social reproduction has every­ thing to do with this process. one way or another. a better life includes access to better things. slower than carriages from the turn of the century. free time. and time. That was a deep shock. forming and transforming education. and individual transportation reserved for medium-length week­ end trips or for large purchases. By the same token. The alternative is not being against technology. health. We powerlessly watch the stupefaction of children and adults in front of the television and the fact that we spend more and more time intensely working to buy more things designed to save us time. "That which is global divides. In large part. but also forms of social organization that destroy our ability to use it ade­ quately. more and more we perceive capitalism as the genera­ tor of scarcity: while the volume of technological toys avail­ able in stores increases. but then I was surprised with myself: "The anonymous human being is not supposed to hurt?" With the global society of long distances and large numbers. streets for playing or walking around. modern-world techno­ logical dynamiCS. economic injustice and absurdity. I met an elderly lady begging for money and was astounded by her resemblance to my mother. Indeed. the ensuing human relations. We are all used to the conscience blow we take when we walk past street children. The source is essential here. in the most positive sense. wasting oil. it is the local that allows for union. it shifted over to the intellect. traveling at an average speed lower than ten miles per hour. whereas contexts that generate soli­ darity build environments where people feel more fulfilled. we see the amaz­ ing advancement of available potential. and the path- . How to rebuild solidarity is the radical objective of Paulo Freire's reasoning.26 · P R E F AC E P R E F AC E • 27 Pedagogy of the Heart. bumper to bumper. when he states that all concerned with the environment and social causes have "progress-pho­ bia" as a common trait. clean air. We have already built our defenses. Today. it brings us back to our real objectives. pavement. It considers. clean drinking water. tree-shaded streets. for while we are still intoxi­ cated with technological innovations. of feelings naturally generated before the known person. of politics. breathing polluted air. Capitalism does not bring us only product. but only when inserted in a view of technology directed toward an enhanced quality of life. which is satisfied with rationalization. parts. whose members only interact through functional sys­ tems and electronic terminals. That which globalizes divides. reason. The automobile is great. more-or­ less artificial political divisions touch on this generally nonex­ plicit belief that man is either naturally good or naturally evil. and fundamentally so. as human beings Hypnotized by little pocket mirrors. in the original Portuguese entitled "under this mango tree. It is not very difficult to invert Sartre's sentence and state that happiness lies within others. fruits eaten without fear of chemi­ cals. solidarity became no longer a matter of the heart." perhaps more so than Paulo Freire's other books. as Milton Friedman would have it. In the fortunate expression of Milton Santos. and we are unable to turn it into a better life. clean rivers for fishing and swimming. the search for political alternatives. and spaces for informal socialization become more and more scarce. we know the extent to which contexts that pitch man against man generate hell. presents an explicit view of the world. returning to the mango tree as the source of an identity that rediscovers and re-creates itself. with a high priority for comfortable and affordable public transportation.

in the foreword. it is much broader a concept than that of right or left. It is interesting for me to think now how important. On the contrary. or as if I feel awkward in the world. page 26. and the needs that involve me in a permanent search that would not be viable through • An allusion to the Portuguese title of this volume. Under the Shade of a Mango Tree Solitude-Communion The search that brings me to the comforting shade of this mango tree * could be of little interest to most people. What I should do is to totally let myself be taken by the feelings of being under it. While I am physically alone proves that I understand the essentiality of to be with. by isolating myself I get to know myself bet­ ter while I recognize my limits. There has to be an a priori reason that has been lost in the pleasure of finding refuge under the shade of this tree. as well as the preface. footnote page 8. To come under the shade of this mango tree with such delib­ erateness and to experience the fulfillment of solitude empha­ size my need for communion. it is to be with. Th be alone has represented for me throughout my lifetime a form of being with. even indispen­ sable. to the complete human being. asking myself questions. rationality is ratIOnally clamor­ ing for the right to its emotional roots. T his is the return to the shade of the mango tree. or talking to myself. and to make this experience more and more intense to the extent that I prove its existence. to live it. In Paulo Freire's reasoning. I never avoid being w ith others as if I am afraid of company. . And with the smells and tastes of childhood.28 · PR E F AC E way to solutions has to go through a deep rearticulation of the social fabric. secluded from the world and others. Cf. My talks are not always triggered by my questions. a deeply radical one: human solidarity. as if I do not need others to feel fulfilled. I find refuge under its shade when I am there alone.

I know that I know. in any way. To question and to answer repre­ sent a constitutive path to curiosity. It never is. The fundamental certainty is that I can know. the only place where it is possible to work toward the necessary provisional certainties. In being methodical concerning the certainty of uncertain­ ties does not deny the isolation of the cognitive possibility. I have been always engaged with many thoughts concerning the challenges that draw me to this or that issue or to the doubts that make me unquiet. Only an education of question can trigger. motivate. These types of people are characterized by the feeling that the more they have. I do not have a side of me that is schematic. I need the world as the world needs me. an education of answer would be wrong if the answer is not per­ ceived as part of the question. instead of rejecting communion. I speak. that I can produce forms of knowledge that do not exist yet. me­ ticulous. /I and when they are in bad mood. A negative isolation is to be found in those who timidly or methodically look to find some refuge in being alone. it does not diminish the possibility of knowing with more methodological rigor that would en­ hance the level of the accuracy of the findings. the important thing is to educate the curiosity through which knowledge is constituted as it grows and refines itself through the very exercise of knowing. I am a totality and not a dichotomy. It is obvious that the mistake inherent in an education that forms only in giving answers does not reside in the answer itself but in the rupture between the answer and the question. Knowledge has historicity. and also with reason. or I write does not. I also know that what I know cannot be divorced from the historical continuity./I Let me first make it clear that I refuse to accept a certain type of scientistic criticism that insinuates that I lack rigor in the way I deal with these issues or the overaffective language same as that of yesterday and will continue to be the same as that of tomorrow. which suffocates the rights of others. A nega­ tive isolation is characterized by those who selfishly require that everything revolves around them so as to meet their needs. diminish the commitment with which I announce or denounce. as if the certainty of today were the . to know what before was not possible to know. Isolation can only make sense when. By the same token. and another side that is disarticulated or imprecise. These doubts take me to uncer­ tainties. On the contrary.30 PAU L O F R E I R E P E D AG O G Y 0 F TH E H E A R T • 31 isolation. I use in this process. it confirms it as a moment of its existence. But this does not at all dimin­ ish. on the one hand. which simply likes the world. In being conscious that I can know socially and histOrically. with feelings. their class. I also know that I do not know. the more they want to have--and it does not matter what means they use to achieve their ends. In order to know better what I already know implies. These are the people who when they are in a good mood. it is always in the process of being. The mistake lies in the fact that the answer is given independ­ ently from the question that triggers it. some­ times. which predisposes me to know the following: first. that I can know what I do not know yetj third. nationalist. or their group due to their greed. that I can know better what I knowj second. These individuals can only see themselves. Thus. In the same way. An education of answers does not at all help the curiosity that is indispensable in the cognitive process. The passion with which I know. I know with my en­ tire body. with passion. It is not the case that it is impossible to be certain about some things. this form of education emphasizes the mechanical memoriza­ tion of contents. call the popular classes "those people. W hat is impossible is to be absolutely certain. This form of solitude is often required by those who only see themselves even when they are surrounded by a mul­ titude of people. These are insensitive people who add arrogance and meanness to their insensitivity. the fundamental certainty that I can knowj on the other hand. and reinforce curiosity. refer to them as "trashy people.

must be in the process of being. in the world with its social. and timeless could even be compatible with animal life but it remains incompatible with human existence. and cultural context. In other words. Life Support and the World It would be unthinkable to have a world where the human experience took place outside of a continuity. think. in order to be. It is for this reason that we can tell stories about what happens in the life-support world. and timeless. tential experience they acquire a special connotation. We cannot survive the death of history: while it is constituted by us. we talk about various forms of life that are formed in it. horizontal. to thereby create a world that is plane. this change depends upon the proportion to which the human body becomes a conscient body that can capture. while human beings. a knowledge about the process to operate in the world. spoke. live. would became old. However. horizontal. and began to communicate with one another represents tasks that involve solidarity and. Once these instruments are invented. To be certain or to doubt would represent historical forms of being. their activities in the life support represent a mere meddling. that is. the shift from life support to world implies technical inventions and instruments that make the interven­ tion in the world easier. The creation intensifies to the degree that the " See T Cambridge Encyclopedia of Language. in the exis- . Nothing that we engender. Cambridge: Cambridge Uni­ he versity Press. transform the world. The world. It is impossible to change the world into something that is unappealingly immobile. The life-support becomes world and life becomes existence to the degree that there is an in· creasing solidarity between the mind and the hands. an inventory about the findings but. * The process through which humans became erect. human beings interfere more than just merely meddle with the world. it makes and remakes us. both communication and intercommunication in­ volve the comprehension of the world. In this sense. outside of history. within which nothing happens out­ side of what has been preestablished. in being new. In this sense. appro hend. like us. men and women never stop the process of creating and rein­ venting new techniques with which they perfect their pres­ ence in the world. historical. the animals usually adapt to the life-support world. above all. produced instruments. To be in the world necessarily implies being with the world and with others. The life-support world does not imply a language or the erect posture that permitted the liberation of the hands. If communication and intercommunication represent proc­ esses that speak to life about the support system. a vision with respect to the ends proposed in these operations. 1987. simultaneously. developed understanding. the history that is processed in the world is what is made by human beings. A world that is plane. and make explicit takes place outside of time and history. In this instance. and transform the world so it ceases being an empty space to be filled by contents. What occurs is the transcendence of a historical phase for another that does not eliminate the continuity of history in the depth of change itself. For those beings who are simply in the life support. is a process of being limited and condi­ tioned by the knowledge that we produce. All operations in the world necessarily involve their comprehension. imply cause and effect due to the presence of humans and their invention of the world as well as their domination over the life support. The often-proclaimed "death of history" implies the death of women and men. transcending another that. in integrating themselves to their con­ texts so that they can intervene in them.32 • PAUL O F R E I R E P E D A G O G Y O F T H E HEA R T · 33 It is necessary that we should always be expecting that a new knowledge will arise. History.

it also cannot be reduced to an object to be manipulated. one I have always attempted to address coherently with my democratic dream. both idealists and mechanists. it takes a mere few months for the proce­ dure to become obsolete. In certain fields of science and the present technology. in knowing that it is a human production. Rarely do I find myself under the shadow of my mango tree without feeling unquiet and not thinking about this. I am a being who rejects the condition of being a mere object. *See Neil Postman. E D A G O G Y 0 F THE HE A R T • 35 rhythm of change is accelerated by developed techniques. It behooves the progressive political parties to fight in favor of economic development and the limitation of the size of the state. I am a being who makes things. 1992. and the capriciousness with The Surrender of Culture to Technology. The ability to reflect." The relations between them are naturally dialec­ tical. fears and takes risks. The state cannot be so liberal as the neoliberals would like it to be. becomes angry and is enchanted. which leads to unem­ ployment. If one is a mechanist or an idealist. and. emerges and establishes a dialectical relationship with the world. and with others. The time period between significant changes in the world diminishes increasingly. for reasons that are purely economic. in and of itself. The question between conscience/world that involves their mutual relations led Sar­ tre to observe that /I conscience and world take place at the same time. This does not mean that one mechanistic or idealistic practice is freed from its fundamental error. knows and ignores. in their own way. to program. to Investigate. bad. New . I do not accept that it is. they continue to be consid­ ered efficient. Technology: Y ork: Allred A. to evaluate. I am a being who rejects a view of technology as a demon's deed designed to throw out God's work. a fundamental theme of postmodernity. even though these procedures or instruments become obsolete. By the same token. I am a being who does not bow before the indisputable power accu­ mulated by technology because. * It is not enough for me to ask: "What can one do? T echnol­ ogy necessarily engenders automatism. speaks. one can­ not alter the dialectic conscience/world and subjectivity/objec­ tivity. /I No: I do not accept this form of fatalism. these procedures have /I which they pretended to mold history instead of making it with others would lead to a remaking of one another in the process.. and that defend the idea that before changing the world the moral conscience must be puri­ fied. be­ come obstacles to connect intelligence of the world. which become more and more adequate to deal with these challenges.. The projects of economic development cannot exclude men and women of history in the name of any fatalism. Sometimes. The unemployed must change: they should seek leisure./I This has to do with the resources spent in the development of a particular technological procedure or instruments that have not yet been operated. dreams and loves. regardless of the school of thought and the philosophy that one studies. a longer shelf life. will usually end up in a great failure. I am not a being in the life support but a being in the world.34 • PA U L O F R E I R E . and to transform is unique to human beings in the world and with the world. which also implies the conscience of the self. By rejecting the dialectical tension between conscience! world. with the world. projects that are based on a mechanistic vision in which the conscience is a mere reflex of the objective materiality cannot escape the punishment of history. Knopf. Life becomes existence and life support be­ comes world when the conscience about the world. The plans of ac­ tion that are based on the conception that conscience is the arbitrary maker of the world. This has been a theme that has always challenged me. Many possible dreams end up not being viable due to the excess of certainty of their agents. The state should neither be an almighty entity nor a lackey that obeys the orders of those who live well. If history is not a superior entity that is above our heads and possesses us.

This cannot. The poor people. where I had my first scares and fears. My first world was the yard in my house. cashew trees with their branches kneeling down to the shaded ground. when [ was around five years old. That night I could hardly sleep because of my fright. a total denouncement of fatalism is necessary. the country. I happily understood that my security depended on the way my parents spoke to each other and to me. These trees with their varied colors. however. We are conditioned beings but not determined beings. the yard of the house where I was born. alongside material power. The insecurity weakened me. but I possess my more immediate and particular world: the street. it is not because it should be that way. Above all. We cannot reject the struggle for the exercise of our capacit­ ies and our rights to decide. A sense of security slowly returned to the degree that. the neighbor­ hood. "Things are the way they are because they cannot be different. with the mango trees. along with the breadfruit trees among others. I vehemently reject such immo­ bilization of history. were destined to die of cold no matter if they are from the South or the North of the world.36 • PAU L O F R E I R E P E DA G O G Y 0 F T H E H E A RT • 37 My radical posture requires of me an absolute loyalty to all men and women. and those who have been excluded. Neither can I invent a "scientific" explanation to cover up a lie (see note I. in needing it. One day. The affirmation that "Things are the way they are because they cannot be otherwisell is hatefully fatalistic since it de­ crees that happiness only belongs to those in power. TechnolOgical advances enhance with great efficiency the ideological support of material power. the diSinherited. All of a sudden. they mi­ raculously saved me. I would search for it through the relationship be­ tween my mother and my father. and that coexists indiffer­ ently with the hunger of millions of people to whom every­ thing is denied. I felt as if the ground was disappearing from under my feet. For this to happen. I insist that history is possibility and not determinism. with much effort. In this way. be the determining essence of the economic practice. Without this form of exercise it is not worth speaking about ethics." They cannot be different because if they were. It is necessary that the weakness of the powerless is transformed into a force capable of announcing justice. My F irst World Because I am a being in the world and with the world. I dreamed that I was falling from a high precipice from which. neither could I have. When I woke up in the morn­ ing. The power of those in power always aims to decimate the powerless. I cannot become fatalistic in order to meet the interests of the ruling class. and fruits would attract various birds where they would take advantage of the If the economic and political power of the ruling class denies the powerless the minimum space to survive. One of the most important tasks for progressive intellectu­ als is to demystify postmodem discourses with respect to the inexorability of this situation. It is impossible to understand his­ tory as possibility if we do not recognize human beings as beings who make free decisions. page 110). the city. But. smells. the full awareness about the extent and depth of that situation. I did not have. there was always another force--ideology-which is also material and strength­ ens the power structure. they would be in conflict with the interests of the ruling class. does not deserve my respect as an educator. I guessed that there was a relationship difficulty between my father and my mother. We are transformative beings and not beings for accommodation. An economy that is incapable of developing programs according to human needs. And it is not well to say. it does not deserve my respect as a human being. where I learned to walk and to speak. I have not a little piece of the life-support world. .

neighbor­ hoods. writing phrases and words in the ground shaded by the mango trees. and a North­ eastern. we have specific needs. In certain moments} our love for our backyard is extended to other places and. like magic-recoiled into time and almost saw myself again as a child. learning to read with the help of my mother and father. a street corner} a ground smell. a posterior view of the world can be done in a more critical. talk about} and make reference to always has a backyard. page 1 1 1}. I was also longing for Re­ cife. My childhood backyard has been unveiling itself to many other spaces-spaces that are not necessarily other yards. in my backyard full of trees. from Pernanbuco. To see again what had already been seen before always implies seeing angles that were not perceived before. a distant land that causes us some unquietness that has to do with one's backyard} one's street corners.38 • PA UL 0 FR E IRE PE DA G O G Y 0 F THE HE A R T • 39 space provided by the trees for them to sing {see note 2. The way Brazil exists for me could not have been possible without my backyard to which I later added streets. "I am Brazilian. and more rigorous way. full of confidence. This is a homeland for which we sometimes lose sleep. The land that people love. It represented my other geographic point of reference where my other personal point of reference was represented by my parents. my original signpost where my Brazilianism is generated. let me express the obvious that my homeland is not the only geographic point I retain with much clarity in my memory. a Latin American. which I express when I say without arrogance: "I am Brazilian. However} my longing for Brazil. " I feel something more than when I say. I was constituted by these different points of reference. Rio. and one's dreams. I a language that is spoken with different intonations. Afterward. in its unity within diversity. with the hope that in our struggle we will remake ourselves by making a society that is less unjust. Joao Pessoa. Natal. My homeland is. some­ thing for which we fight. For this reason. had begun to be prepared by the lived relationship I had with my backyard. It is for this reason that my longing was not exclusively for Recife. My longings were also not limited to the more particular places such as certain street corners} or plazas such as the Casa Plaza. with an identity. The existential road is the reverse. that also included my longing for Recife that made it authentic. and we have . "I am from Recife. it was as if I had discovered that the longing I was feeling for my homeland. during my exile. one winter afternoon in Geneva. Manaus. it presented itself to me. When I thought that I had forgotten my childhood backyard and that I had little to do with it. it ends up fixing itself in a large place where we make our home. Fortaleza. Before I could become a citizen of the world I was and am first a citizen of Recife. My childhood backyard constituted my immediate objec­ tivity. my brothers. and that I can reproduce with my eyes closed. our city. No one becomes local from a universal location. a cutting cold. During that afternoon while reading a letter I had received from Recife 1all of a sudden. the more I extend myself to other places so as to become a citizen of the world. /I But I also know I could feel so intensely Brazilian without first recognizing Recife. we plant our seed. Thus. and cities. The more rooted I am in my location. a space in time that involves geogra- was realized as the I who made things. I missed Brazil in its totality. It included the longing for my back­ yard. the thinking I and the speaking 1. and a world citizen. my grandmother. my aunts and my nanny. I became a Brazilian. above all. Coritiba. a suffocating heat. I am citizen of Recife. I am first from Recife. was not limited to Recife only. Because I was longing for Brazil. Spaces where this man of today sees the child of yesterday in himself and learns to see better what he had seen before. a beloved black mother who became part of my family. less naive. Porto Alegre." When I say. a street. and Gioania. In that afternoon.

A good carpenter who does not fight to expand his or her political space. And they do this with the appearance of considering them­ selves up-to-date and able to transcend "old ideologies. Thus. I used to think of it. I never thought of my homeland in a myopic manner: it is not superior nor inferior to other lands. it is also what we. my homeland holds my dream of freedom­ a freedom that I cannot impose on others but for which I have always fought. by the same token. and birds. without protests. It is a form of fighting for it. as women and men. authoritarianism. Our homeland depends on how we organize its production. My homeland is also pain. In being in favor of something or someone. or who does not socially struggle to make his or her trade better and. My homeland is the dramatic coexistence of different times that come together in the same geographical space-back­ wardness. It is not possible to separate them. we continue to be what Aristotle said so welL We are political animals. Our homeland is constituted by its geography. When I think about my homeland. We continue to be that into which we have turned: political animals. my nostalgia was never reduced to a sad cry or a desperate complaint. and postmodernity. Our homeland involves a strug­ gle for different dreams that are sometimes in antagonistic . they are reincarnating old formulas that are necessary to pre­ serve the power of the dominant class. culture. beaches. a good engineer who avoids the struggle for the rights of a citizen. as I continue to do so. its food and the taste we develop for it. The Brazilian professor who discusses educa­ tion and postmodernity in the university is the same person who must live with the cruel reality of millions of men and women who are dying of hunger.40 • PAU L O F REI RE PED A G O G Y 0 F T HE HE A R T • 41 phy. What is ironic in this enthusiastic adherence to the present pragmatism by old progressive mili­ tants is that. The technical mastery is just as important for students as the political understanding is for a citizen. hunger. I am necessarily against someone. That is why when I was forced to be away from my home­ land." They speak of the great need of professionalizing pedagogical pro­ grams even if they are empty of any possibility to understand society critically. It is also the hope of millions who remain hungry for social justice. As women and men. this statement is just as conservative as an educational practice is falsely progressive when it rejects the technical preparation of students so as to focus only on the political dimension of education. magical conscience. its history. make of it. its education. poverty. flowers. page lII). mis­ ery. it is necessary to ask: "With whom am H Against what and whom am H /I To think about my homeland when asking these questions and without answering them. For all of this. I begin to see how much more we must travel to struggle so as to transcend the pervasive structures of exploita­ tion. traditionalism. ends up working against the profeSSional efficacy of their trade. its ecology. in embraCing what appears to them to be new. modernity. This statement is made under the progres­ sive rubric! However. to rupture. To think of my homeland is to nurture my dream. They consider a happy life that in which one lives by adapting to a world without anger. To serve the dominant order is what many intellectuals of today who were progressive yesterday are doing when they reject all educational practices that unveil the dominant ideol­ ogy while reducing education to a mere transference of con­ tents that are considered IIsufficient" to guarantee a happy life. would lead me to pure idealizations that are removed from reality. rivers. to opt (see note 3. and without dreams of transformation. The lack of clarity with respect to the problems involved in these inquiries and the lack of interest toward these problems make us complicit with the violent oppressors and with the (dislorder that benefits them. democracy. history. its culture. My homeland is filled with the beauty of waterfalls. misery. and its biology. as a contradictory historical space that requires of me-wherever I am presented with a decision to make-to take a position. hunger. animals.

however. he absolutely knows he has a future. an abstraction. and professional development as much as it does dreams and utopia. who while describing the obstacles the new time poses to liberation. pragmatic and neoliberal. The future is not a donation: it exists as a necessity of history and implies its continuity. nor has it metamorphosed into a make-believe mirage (see note 4. " a man. and professional development of learners. education requires technical. Such a view is as fatalistic as that of the mechanistic. Recently in Bavaria. The education needed today has nothing to do with dreams. but rather with the technical. The Forest Zone countryman's talk. New Y Such profoundly resigned attitude characterizes the compre­ hension modes and the practices of yesterday's progressives. forged in their long-lived experience with exploitation or in the hope gestated in their struggle for justice. 1994). Freire." One of the fundamental differences between me and such fatalistic intellectuals-sociologists. still young. as he used to think. I reject the notion that nothing can be done about the conse­ quences of economic globalization and refuse to bow my head gently because nothing can be done against the unavoidable. inexorable. there is no longer viable novelty. Such a future will not come if we do not speak about it at the same time that we make it. scientific. "I am a countryman. It is as fatalistic as the intellectual of postmoder­ nity. If. Accepting the inexorability of what takes place is an excellent contribution to the dominant forces in their unequal fight against the "condemned of the earth. or educators. " a "reading of text. a German educator friend mentioned having heard from a "leftist" activist: "Paulo Freire no longer makes any sense." His fatalism might have turned into a possible dream. sir. conscientiousness. utopias. that is any different from yesterday. " but rather believing that it should also include a "reading of con­ text. point me out as just another dreamer. yesterday or today. I have no tomorrow that is any different from today. economists. scientific. philosophers. (Paulo ork: Continuum. It might have become the utopia of liberation. that educational practice should be re­ stricted to a "reading of the word. under the burden of existential weariness. that man has participated in the struggle of the Rural Leagues. History has not died. " here is understood as training. their anger toward the poor. His political practice will have taught him that his future lies in the transformation of a perverse today where he and his fellow countrymen and countrywomen are quasi persons. page 1 15). my difference lies Hope When I think about my homeland. Our homeland is. I am reminded both of the smugness of the rich. For these fatal­ istic intellectuals. "The com­ pulsive dreamer speaks of change when there is nothing left to change. from the Forest Zone in Pernambuco once told me. in the end. for whom the future is . and of the poor's lack of hope. This is exactly what has always interested the dominant classes: the depoliticization of education. Pedagogy of Hope. the pragmatic of today. " a "reading of the world. At this point. which he will have begun to understand as a social process against the force that crushes him. He thus understands the problematization of the future rather than its inexorability. equally unappealable for the dominant. " Above all. " "Development. antidialectic intellectual. Not one certain future for exploited countrymen and another.42 PAU L O F R E I R E P E DA G O G Y O F T H E H E A R T • 43 relationship due to the existence of the social classes that in­ form it. explained a fatalistic view of his own presence in the world. In reality. while reassured rather than disillusioned. it does not matter-lies in my never accepting. this experience might have helped to change his understanding of the facts and his "reading of the world. " they say. Leftists who used to criticize me as a "bourgeois idealist" now. in the present world. proclaims them insurmountable.

For this reason. Although a progressive educator. I only have nightmares. those precluded from being. in need of everything. the countryman's fatalistic under­ standing-"we have no tomorrow"-rnakes him not viable. in a TV report about landless rural workers in the interior of Sao Paulo. lack of nourishment. or not. He could not see a future for himself. for ethics at last. daring moments of fight. generates longing. . If they do not exist. I' he repeated. we must hopefully labor to create them. In speaking about hunger. I must not be satisfied with defining it as "urgent need for food. While thinking about my homeland. page U5). and that does not exist for the fatalistic. Hope is an ontological requirement for human beings. I cannot ignore these varieties of thinking.44 • PAU L O F R E I R E P E D A G O G Y O F T H E H E A R T ' 45 in my critical. to the extent that men and women have become beings who relate to the world and to others. except for the time when one is re­ minded of rebellious. the more subjected and less able to dream of freedom that they are. Hope of liberation does not mean liberation already. I must not reduce my in­ structional practice to the sole teaching of technique or con­ tent. That is a lie. the less able will concrete human beings be to face their challenges. Liberation is a possibility. I canno t suggest to them either that their situ­ ation is the result of God's will. for choice. Stopping at the description of the object or twisting its reasons for being are mind-narrowing processes. How­ ever. "I only have nightmares. The oppressed grandchild repeats the suffering of their grandparent. Thus. I must recognize the reasons for the phenomenon. their historical nature is conditioned to the possibility of becoming concrete. deprivation from. Such must not be the politics of a progressive government. Almost al· ways. one in which the future is drowned. In this context. "00 you usually dream?" IINo. but also they reorient our actions upon reality. they are easy prey for aid-and-assistance policies that further immerse them in a mind-narrowing daily existence. must never assistancia­ (see note 5. the less hope there will be for the oppressed and the more peace there will be for the oppressors. This is what happens to the oppressed ma­ jorities in the Northeast of this country. rather it stimulates naive thinking about the world. hope is impossible. It is necessary to fight for it. one can realize the importance of educa­ tion for decision. nostalgia. in-no-way-naive optimism and in the hope that encourages me. Being inconclusive and conscious of their inconclu­ sion-or as Franc.ois Jacob puts it. The past. "programmed to learn"­ human beings could not be without the impulse of hope. existentially tired and historically anesthetized that they are Tired and anesthetized. which in assisting the needy. as if to insist that the reporter never forget that fact. His engagement in some sort of fight would imply his over­ coming that understanding. Without a vision for tomorrow. big appetite. Once." The criti­ cal intelligence of something implies the apprehenSion of its reason for being. The past does not generate hope. the reporter asked a country adolescent. Obviously. or scarcity of food. lize them. The more of a sombering present there is. which nullifies tomorrow. This is a hope that originates in the very nature of human beings. What was fundamental in his answer was his fatalist. My comprehension of hunger is not dictionary: once recogniz­ ing the meaning of the word. an experience in which it was impossible to dream." he replied. leaving untouched the exercise of a critical understanding of reality. If I cannot be indifferent to the pain of those who go hungry. even worse. for rupture. not fate nor destiny nor bur­ den. The bitterness of that adolescent's existence was so profound that his presence in the world had become a nightmare. concrete situations of oppression reduce the oppressed's historical time to an everlasting present of hopelessness and resignation. within historically favorable condi­ tions. understood as immobilization of what was. immobilist understanding. education in the service of domination cannot cause critical and dialectic thinking. Not only do they express concrete situ­ ations that condition them.

underscores the importance of the social. The neoliberal point of view reinforces a pseudoneutrality of the educational practice. on the other hand. the capitalist system was doomed to end with history itself. They wipe out sixty years of human achievement with a sponge. that is not the case with the class as a whole. power. our dream materialized into political struggle. from both a political and an ethical standpoint.46 • PAULO F R E I R E P E D A G O G Y O F T H E HE ART 47 One of the main differences between assistance policies and those that assist without 1/ assistencializing" is that the former insist on the suggestion that the great big problem with the oppressed lies in deficiencies of naturej the latter. but rather with his own decided opposition. of utopia. and the political: in sum. without dreams. of democratically inventing our society. I must return to my criticism of the pragmatic neoliberal position. and about the disappearance of social classes. as it created the social classes of modem society. When I think about my homeland. in such a dehumanizing society. implies regrettable errorj it involves taking away the learners' epistemological curiosity. reading of text/reading of context dichotomy-will not gain pedagogical endorsement and shall become mere ideology. who are not required to ap­ prehend it in order to learn it. When they speak about the death of history. the economic. transforming this offensive world into a more people-oriented one. about the possible dream. In that case. considering it an error of history finally corrected. it will be considered inappropriate for the present moment. I hope that teenage boy may have realized that. it is urgent that the disowned unite and that we all fight in favor of liberation. Such "neutrality" serves as the foundation for reducing the education of a plumber to training in the techniques and procedures involved in wrench mas­ tering. if not at all an easy one. History has yet to record any case of class suicide. . the dominant class bumps into its limits. they make me certain that they defend a posterior sort of fatalism. Thus. Even the most progressive and democratic busi­ nessperson will always be limited by the interests of his or her social class. According to such discourse. one without social classes. he or she will wind up working against himself or herself. Speaking of that. but that is finally here. After a few years. If the bUSinessperson overcomes this limit and accepts a progressive variety of education. I think. For this reason. above all. It is as if they regret not having stated the domestication of the future sooner. be­ tween an object and its reason for being. preknown time. the capitalist system would have a greater purpose than the one Marx attributed to the working class: being the undertaker of the dominant class. reducing it to the transfer of infor­ mational content to the learners. It is necessary for us to defeat these lords-whose speeches promise what they know they cannot deliver-by voting them down. I should add. I hope he has come to understand that transformation is not brought about with the approval of landlords or of other peo­ ple. as a future that was late in coming. The mechanists of Marxist origin deproblematized the future and reduced it to a premade. so as to overcome the nightmare to which the dominant class reduces the existence of the poor. according to which an effective educational practice today must be centered in technical training or in the deposit of content into the learn­ ers. of ideologies. the selection and organization of the content to be taught in the schools would be up to specialists. those who now de­ fend the end of history welcome the "new time. " the time of ildefinitive victory" for capitalism. Such ideological separation between text and context. I would like to call attention to an implication present in a veiled manner within neoliberal discourse. As it constituted itself. Every educational practice that goes beyond that­ which avoids the reading of the word/reading of the world. Worse yet. without conflict. without utopia. as it accepts the notion of more education for the working class. having reached the levels it has. It is possible that some businessperson may venture into such " conversion".

a rainbow. I refuse to accept that the presence of authoritarianism within socialism is due to some ontolOgical incompatibility between human beings and the essence of socialism. Reality is not only blue or only green: it is multicolored. Let us return once again to my homeland. would intimidate any Recifean. indicating thirty-eight degrees fahrenheit. I remembered Sartre's letter published in Le Mond in reply to Kosik. They dreamed of an ocean of roses that they did not find. Some of the reports I have heard support my initial reaction to the disintegration of authoritarian socialism. of hope against fatalism. " it is surrendered to the generations as they come.48 • PAU L O F R E I R E PEDAGOGY OF THB H BART • 49 We had a long conversation about that in Prague-Nita Imy wife) and myself with Karel Kosik. the deproblematization of the future. in an afternoon when the thermometer. I have met educators from the former East Germany who tell me. some old friends from the seventies. not just to be polite. That would be the same as saying: "S0 averse is human nature to the fundamental virtues of socialism that only under coercion would it be possible to make it work. It is not true that capitalism is the radiant future we have already come to. if not the only one. as a given fact rather than a time in progress. regard­ less of what attributes it may receive. who took his philosophic manuscripts and promised to return them as soon as they had read them. the notable Czech philoso­ pher. in which he denounced the invasion of his house by police. in this process is the conflict of interests between the dominant and the dominated. that it is finally possible for them to read my work and that they regret having experienced a time when. without that representing any negation of its funda- mental reasons. about their sectarian blindness. since I do not believe Stalinist au­ thoritarianism is part of the nature of socialism. in the least. German educators. If it is impossible for me to kill all that is romantic in my relation­ ship with my homeland. I remembered Kosik's humor in telling Sartre about "being certain of having lost the manuscripts" if the police's reading them was to be a condition for their return. I am writing this page in a hotel in Bavaria. material ones and ones of an econOInic nature. It is from the starting point of the concrete reality new generations come to face. I must also emphasize the popular masses' interdiction from enjoying such beauty. " And. weary from the limitation of their freedom. . and lucid. None of the reports from those who have been disenchanted with the capitalist world has revealed nostalgia over the authoritarian. this disintegration always seemed to imply some sort of ode to freedom." That which human ontology rejects. of freedom against despotism. such reading would have been made difficult. energetic. I must not reduce my comprehension of it to my desire to transform it. I have no reason to adInit that a truly democratic socialism is an impos­ sible proposition. It was critical. on the contrary. in Munich. and thus ab:::lut its do­ mestication. they dreamed of the I'opening" of the capitalist world. and asphyxiating experience of "realist socialism. We reminisced about a letter Kosik wrote Sartre in the seventies. When I underscore its beauty. We spoke about the sense­ lessness and rudeness of bureaucrats. whether IlfinishedJl or "lost} 1/ it is always in proc­ ess of being. re­ port on how frequent the complaints and wounded hopes of men and women 1/ on the other sidell became and on how. One of the im­ portant records in this century of intelligence against stupid­ ity. the future as a time already known. is authoritarianism. We spoke about the dogmatism of authoritarian socialism. A "no-man's land. I could never think of it in romantic terms exclUSively. to death. their attraction to immobility. bureaucratic. author of Dialectics of the Concrete. An important factor. To me. added to those of a technological order. that it becomes possible to articulate dreams of re-creating society. about its inflexibility.

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As I speak about my homeland, I describe an ideal shared in communion with a countless number of Brazilians: the realization of a land where loving may be less difficult and where the popular classes may have a voice, rather than be­ coming frightened shadows before the arrogance of the powerful. When I speak about my homeland, I do not refer only to the beauties of Rio, of the Guanabara Bay, of Christ the Redeemer, of the waterfalls Brazil is so rich in; I don't only speak of the beaches in the Northeast, their warm waters, of the Pantanal and the Amazon, of Villa Lobos's Studies, of Carlos Gomes's music} of Aleijadinho's art, of samba and its Schools, of Carna­ val, popular music, soccer, the country's art, its science, and Brasilia. I also refer to the hunger of millions, to degrading destitution, to murdered children, to established disorder, to swindling, to the everpresent authoritarianism, and to multi­ plying violence. I refer to the class war raging throughout the country, perhaps, that is too hard-hitting in Rio. It is a class war that hides and makes confusing a frustrated class struggle. All that also makes up my homeland. And I cannot cross my arms, indifferent, before any of this. The homeland of my dreams is my homeland rid of all such horrors. No society can rid itself of these horrors by decree, or just because some of its fundamental, active subjects, the domi­ nant, happen to bestow, in a gesture of love, a whole new way of life upon the IIcondemned of the land." Overcoming these horrors implies a political decision, popular mobilization, or­ ganization, political intervention, and lucid, hopeful, coher­ ent, tolerant leadership. While a virtue, tolerance does not grow on trees, neither is it a concept that can be learned through mechanical transfer­ ence, from a speaking, active subject who deposits it into sub­ dued patients. The learning of tolerance takes place through testimony. Above all, it implies that, while fighting for my dream, I must not become passionately closed within myself. It is necessary that I open myself to knowledge and refuse to

isolate myself within the circle of m y own truth o r reject all that is different from it or from me. Tolerance is the open, postmodernly progressive way for me, while living with the different, to learn from it and better fight the antagonistic. Unprotected by coherence, however, tolerance runs the risk of losing itself. Coherence between what we say and do sets lim­ its to tolerance and keeps it from derailing into connivance. For example, in coexisting with neoliberals, I may discuss our positions. I cannot, however, enter agreements from which concessions would result that might deteriorate my strategic dream. In that case, I would be not tolerant but rather conniv­ ing with the pollution of my dream.

The Limit of the Right
If, however, in a given political context I come to be considered a lesser evil by the neoliberal, I cannot keep them from voting
for me. They are free to do that. What is up to me in this case is to refuse to accept that their tacit vote would be turned into a favor, an element of bargaining. Their voting for me does not make them into my journey companions, nor should it put me in a position to have to promote them politically. There is another context, a dramatic one, where an activist of truly progressive tradition happily accepts being the right's

limit. To settle into such a position is to run an excessively high risk of becoming right. It is easy to fall into such contradiction, jeopardizing much of the dream in shady alliances; it is hard to secure coherent agreements. What is most common is for there to be fighting between the alike and rupture between the different, as if they were antagonistic. I have no doubt that unity within diversity imposes itself to the lefts (plural) as a means to defeating the right (singular) and, thus, democratizing society. Latin Americans of the left incur an error that I find to be dangerous-and that tends to intensify-as they move back-

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ward, believing to be moving forward, in search of the elusive

center. It is almost always the case that a less perverse right or one self-proclaimed center intends to make its reactionar­
ism more suave. It always remains right, though. In light of the collapse of the socialist world, perplexed left­ ist activists have been turning

ing truths must not renounce their fundamental task, which is critical-educational. Instead of converting myself to the center and occasionally coming to power, as a progressive, I would rather embrace democratic pedagogy and, not knowing when, attain power along with the popular classes in order to reinvent it. The lefts' sectarianism and dogmatism were always most unbearable and made them almost "religious, " as they con­ strued themselves into holders of the truth, with their exces­ sive certainty, their authoritarianism, and their mechanistic understanding of history and of conscience. The results of all that were the deproblematization of the future and the de­ crease of conscience, reflections of the external reality. This deproblematization of the future and mechanization of science/world relations seriously weakened, and even ne­ gated, the ethical nature of world transformation, since opting for other paths was not a possibility. The future was inexorable rather than problematic. Thus, there ensued a lack of concern for pedagogical work, which was put on hold awaiting infra­ structural transformation. The final result was the rejection of dreaming, of utopia, very much like today's pragmatics. "Is there a way out for Brazil? " This question is constantly posed to me, and once in a while I bring it with me under my metaphorical tree. My answer is

pragmatic and centrist. That

alone is no major concern. We all have the right to change, to

think and act today in a different way from yesterday. Besides,
no one who goes through such change has any reason to hide it. But I am precluded from understanding by reality; how one could justify the change by saying that social classes have dis­ appeared} thus altering the essence of conflicts by removing their social-class-generated antagonistic character. I cannot understand how one would

adopt the center as the left's new

address, how one could move to the center as if that were the only place progressive forces could aspire to today. I do not accept this form of fatalism also. It is as if, in order to be left, one necessarily has to go through the center; in order to be progressive one needs to go through a conservative stage. It is one thing to realize that the popular classes have be­ come uninterested in ideological discourses that drift into rambling babble; it is quite another to say that ideologies have died. The popular majority's lack of interest in ideological analyses is not enough to kill ideologies. This very lack of interests is an ideological expression: ideologies can only be ideologically killed. While converting to democracy and becoming no longer par­ ties of

yes. Except that there is a

way out only to the extent that we are determined to forge it. There is no way out that will become visible by chance. Societies do not constitute themselves due to the fact that they are this or thatj it is not their destiny to be not serious or to be examples of honor. Societies are

ranks, leftist parties must become truly pedagogical

instruments. They must respond to the demands of their time and become capable of inventing communication channels to the expropriated and to those adhering to them.

not; they are in the

process of being what we make of them in history, as a possi­ bility. Thus, we have an ethical responsibility.

A democratic style of doing politics, especially in societies with strong authoritarian traditions} requires concretely ac­
quiring a taste for freedom, for commitment to the rights of others, and for tolerance as a life-guiding rule. The leftist par­ ties that authenticate themselves through the effort of unveil-

If history were a time of determinism, one where every present necessarily were the future expected yesterday, and
every tomorrow were something already known, there would be no room for opting, for rupture. Social struggle would be reduced to either delaying the inexorable future or helping it

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arrive. One efficient way to delay it is to reproduce the present
with cosmetic changes that pass as requirements of "modernity. " The struggle would be between those who, satisfied with today, would make an effort to delay the future as much as possible, to put up obstacles against any substantive change, and those who, exploited today, aspire to a new reality.

imprison themselves, for once they grab any corn, they never let go. Within an understanding of history as possibility, tomorrow is problematic. In order for it to come, it is necessary that we build it through transforming today. Different tomorrows are possible. The struggle is no longer reduced to either delaying what is to come or ensuring its arrival; it is necessary to rein­ vent the future. Education is indispensable for this reinven­ tion. By accepting ourselves as active subjects and objects of history, we become beings who make division. It makes us ethical beings. Here lies one of the mistakes of some postmodernists who, while recognizing the requirement for fast decisions, brought about by technological advances, in this new historic time, state the contemporariness of a critical pedagogy, which as­ signs strategic value to the education of women and men cap­ able of realizing, comparing, opting, and naturally, acting. Indeed, the need to make decisions quickly is an important act in societies where information and communication become accelerated. The fundamental problem for the centers of power lies in how to produce so specialized a variety of criticalness that decisions will be produced in line with the truth of the strong-the oppressors-and will always negate the truth of the weak.

Tactic, the jargon of the satisfied, includes true aspects of society's dynamic present, except that they mold those to their
ideology. Basing themselves on a real concern, for example, the discussion around the size of government, they advocate its almost complete absence or a role for it of mere manage­ ment for the powerfuL Thus, we see the greediness with which they defend the privatization of every public company that turns a profit; we see the aggressiveness with which they attack anyone who, while defending a new understanding of the tasks and limits of government, rebels against its confinement to the role of defending the interests of the rich. Democratic fighters are referred to as and called antiquity defenders, having nothing to do with neo­ liberal modernity. At the same time, the "modern" files away at rigorous agrarian reform, without which any serious trans­ formation is shot dead. Not one modern capitalist society has failed to conduct its agrarian reform, indispensable to the crea­ tion and maintenance of a domestic market. That is why among those democracies, agrarian reform is no longer dis­ cussed, and not because this process is "ancient" or a "viola­ tion of private property./I Once in Africa, I was told that a convenient way to capture monkeys was to prepare as natural a site as possible where a bag of corn was to be placed, tied to a tree trunk. The top portion of the bag was to contain a round wire frame allowing the monkeys to get into and out of the bag easily with their hands, provided that no corn was being held. The monkeys
II

old, /I charged with not having historic feeling,

Neoliberals and Progressives
From the point of view of neoliberal power and ideology, criti­ cal pedagogy is solely concerned with how promptly problems of a technical nature and bureaucratic difficulties can be over­ come. Still in this view, social and political-ideological issues do not integrate the spectrum of concerns akin to educational practice, which is essentially neutral. This characteristic must be maintained in the training and education of young workers,

and outdated capitalism. Today's permanent and increasingly accelerated revolution of technology. I would like to emphasize the uncomfortable situation of Third World intellectuals. One of the main political implications of the possession and utilization of technology associated with remote monitor­ ing and geographic information systems is the ability to make predictions regarding the environment. Environment here is understood as the physical. the main bastion of capitalism against social­ ism. Contemporary of their First World colleagues. generating essential information to support political-economic decisions con­ cerning the use of environmental resources. That would be a fatalistic posi­ tion. it is not difficult to imagine the difficulties faced by those operating at the extremities of the circuit. they discuss postmodernity with them while living with the uncontrolled exploitation characteristic of a dependent. recognizing the strength of obstacles. However. with cartographic precision. for example. From a pragmatist point of view. neoliberals and progressives. alters socioeconomic reality and requires a new compre­ hension of the facts upon which new political action must be founded. which is gaining increasing di­ mensions. classifying. Understanding obstacles as challenges. The activity of progressive intellectuals must never equate that of people who. In spite of the differences between the nineteenth century and the present time-which require a refinement of analyti­ cal methods. of expected agricultural crops as . have never been as needed as they are today. we drastically diverge in our pedagogical-political response to them. one that does not inquire in favor of what or whom. How limited is the power of those. technical reformulations. In light of the existing dominion over information. under special circumstances.56 • PAU L 0 F R EI R E PED A G O G Y 0 F T HE HEA R T • 57 in need of technical knowledge that can qualify them for the world of production. agree with the cur­ rent demands of technology. Such technolOgical support may be directed toward the early assessment. working in the soybean fields of Brazil. The above-mentioned technologies make it possible to carry out. since there is no right or left any longer. and social­ economic substratum created from the dialectic confronta­ tion between nature and man. We both. For we progressives. political tactics that were efficient in the middle of the century. of the ease with which it is managed by and communicated to the network of power. or against what it operates. historical. meticulous research. the tasks of defining location and area of occurrence. I feel serious work. it is important to make people more competent to deal with the difficulties with which they are faced. consider them to be insurmountable. and critical reflec­ tion about dominant power. evaluating. in the more modern areas of the Third World. Brazilian intellectuals who state that today's fundamental topic is no longer work but leisure. who can hardly imagine that the possi­ bilities of their production are known with long notice at the Chicago stock exchange. production of new knowledge-the domination of the majority by the few has not disappeared. are dealing with a reality in which 33 million out of 150 million Brazilians die of starvation. One of the fundamental differences between a pragmatic and a progressive is that what is strategic to the pragmatic may. the progressive must search for appro­ priate answers. be considered tactical to the progressive. and predicting environmental phenomena. perverse. whereas what is strategic to the latter is always rejected by the former. for example. alien to the task of the progressive. Today it is no longer possible to use. there is no thinking about technical education in itself.

of those kept from being. victory may be delayed. (Letter from Professor Jorge Xavier da Silva. je Ie resterai jusqu' au bout! Ie ne capitule pas! (Eugene Ionesco. losing by a tight margin. je me � . I recognize the obstacles. skeptical echo of the dominant discourse. Even though I may speak in this fashion. who one by one. in this case. Paris: Editions Gallimard. Federal University of Rio de Janeiro. however. The struggle of men and women may find obstacles. The quixotic position of Be­ renger has always excited me. he became a symbol of progressive politiCS and ran for president against Fer­ nando Collor de Melo. As I speak with such hope about the possibility of changing the world. threatening the whole world. I do not intend to sound like a lyrical. Lula knows-today much better than the average of the left­ ist leadership of yesterday and than the representatives of a certain outdated left of today-that there is a language of his­ toric possibility. but I refuse to resign in silence or to be reduced to a soft. Ma Carabine! Cantle tout Ie man de. but never suppressed.58 • PAU L O F R E I R E P E DA G O G Y 0 F T H E H E A RT • 59 good or bad. I recognize reality. I do not ignore how much more difficult it is becoming to focus on the needs of the oppressed. I cannot be if others are not. the W orkers' Party. It is the talk of those who are certain of the ethic *Luiz Ignacio Lula da Silva. the tragic nature of our times does not mean surrender. or Lwa as he is better known. From the beginning. above all. with the growing global­ ization of the economy. I propose critical optimism. to the author. I am a human being. It is possible that. such as its intellectuals. One of the founders of PT. fabulous profit may be generated in the commodity markets based on early information. know­ ing on a par with our times and at the service of the exploited. 246) Also. I am a man and not a rhinoceros as Berenger shouts. In place of immobilist fatalism. neither falling short of nor going beyond limits. 1994) defendIait! Je sills Ie dernier homme. one that may engage us in the struggle toward knowing. that does not mean this struggle has become less urgent to him. what to say about the ease with which production can be transferred from one area of the world to another. he was always in opposition to his fellows. became rhinoceroses in spite of his plea: Ma Carabine. the language of those who are immersed in our contradictory reality moved by the dream of making it less perverse is the language of possibility. 1 959. ashamed. obstacles that push them into fatalist positions before the concentration of power. strikes may lose efficacy in certain sectors of production. those impatiently patient. I recognize the obstacles the "new order" represents to the most fragile pieces of the world. Democratic Administration When today Lula * states that an agreement over the much­ needed agrarian reform would be preferable to an insufficiently discussed law. Contrary to what the irresponsible may think. Rhinoceros. Recognizing. p. making workers more vulnerable? Their vulnerability decreases their disposition to fight. All that and much more makes the domination power of the few over the many more robust and makes the struggle of the latter extremely difficult. in 1989. is a historic political figure n Brazil. Through his active union leadership in Sao Paulo. he comes from a workmg-class background. I like being a person precisely because of my ethical and political responsibility before the world and other people. It is the restrained language of those fighting for their utopia. I cannot be if I forbid others from being. naive educa­ tor. It is not the discourse of those who boast a power they do not have.

at the same time. health. • . through continual development. of the State University of Campinas (UNICAMP). the strength of this ideology. UNICAMp. after Sena­ tor Eduardo Suplicy's defeat in the race for mayor of Sao Paulo. which requires that one respect adverse judgment from the people and. philosophers. We have no reason to regret the administrative reform we implemented at the department toward decentraliZing decisions. was an expression of our authoritarian tradition and fed into it (see note 6. and the democratic inexperience that is deeply rooted in our traditions. it counted on the contribution of Professor Madalena Weffort. and through reform of teaching preparation pro­ grams. one of the most respected spe­ cialists in this area. I must say that the effort we made at the City Department of Education. we have no reason to regret the work we did in the area of continual professional development for teachers. was continually exposed to popular judgment. quantitatively and qualitatively. I must not simply blame the people either. We counted on the support of linguists. we could not accept a single one of the following propositions: • • None of these statements is correct. The fact that we have not gotten approved our proposed model for the general treatment of public property. mathematicians. after Luiza Erundina's administration. The urgently needed improvement in the quality of our edu­ cation is linked to increased respect for educators. through significant improvement of their salaries. All this implies the participation of Brazilian universi­ ties. education. and then we signed cooperation agreements.60 • PAU L O F R E I R E P E DAGO GY 0F THE HEART • 61 rigor of their fight and their dream against the perversity of a society of inequality such as ours. those who do all in their power to mobilize and organize the popular classes and other segments of society toward the democratic institution of a fair government. In particular. Without it. when I was Secretary of Education for the city of Sao Paulo. and scientifically founded. which Alulsio Teixeira fought so much against. Administrative structures at the service of centralized power do not foster democratic behavior. Such position demands a fundamental sort of learning: that of humility. I spoke at length with the presidents of PUC. my team and I. and culture does not invalidate the demo­ cratic dream. specialists in curriculum theory. Brazilian centralism. not caring whether we win the next election or not. that one not be able to doubt the utopia of democracy. computer specialists. Such a government would represent a party that accepted the alternate nature of democracy and. That is what we did. I must identify the presence of the ruling ideology. since this development task is not restricted to schools of education. if we do all we can to make school more demo­ cratic. within the Erundina administration ( 1989-92). Also. was politically serious. One of the roles of democratic leaderships is precisely overcoming authoritarian systems and creating the conditions for decision making of a dialogic nature.. This work was based on critical reflection over educational practice and counted on important contributions from professors of the Pontifical Catholic University of Sao Paulo (PUC). we will be confident in our progressive choice. it would have been less easy to encourage democratic modes of behavior. democratic. and sex educa- our political dream of a less perverse society no longer makes sense our effort within Luiza Erundina's government was a mistake the people cannot vote because they did not choose the PT candidate. In reality. For example. and USp. and of the University of Sao Paulo (USP). making the popula­ tion responsible for not knowing how to vote or for being un­ grateful. I cannot allow my understanding of the world to become elitist just because I have lost a democratic electionj what I do need is to continue in my struggle for the improve­ ment and democratization of the institutions within society. page US). as a result.

I would like to emphasize the excellent work of Marta Suplicy and of the Group for Work and Research in Sexual Orientation !GTPOS). learn how to make fewer mistakes. In the life span of a person. twenty years represent something. page (see 122). How could we blame ourselves for having organized evalu­ ation seminars involving schools of different areas and two conferences on local education. how could we apologize for the First Conference on 7. in such a historic moment as ours. and as issues around the body were addressed in the Sexual Orientation Program. We have no reason to regret our having insisted that public schools become popular and democratic-in other words. One of the crucial problems with Brazilian education-mis­ takenly termed school evasion . held with vigilantes and other workers in the public schools. we must be reminded that. where we discussed our pro­ posals and actions. but with them.62 PAULO F R E I R E P E D A G O G Y OF THE H E ART ' 63 tors. one that allows them to realize the class nature of speech. in order to win an election. It was no coinci­ dence that during the Erundina administration we were able to surpass the school*success rates of an entire decade. this explains the existing contempt for the learners' cultural identity. Thus. in effect having decision-making power. In part. our right and our duty to speak about how we intend to govern and avoid dema­ gogic promises or impossible dreams. it would be difficult to carry out such a program. If. I needed to make a false promise. It is fundamental not to give in to the temptation of be­ lieving that the ends justify the means. the disrespect for popular syntax. During that period at the Department of Education. through committees. page Adult Literacy Learners? It was a forum where the learners had voice and not one where they were just talked about note 8. We have nothing to apologize for concerning the popular rallies. five. In this particular field. it would be prefer­ able to lose and continue my political-pedagogical militancy. may we not allow ourselves to adopt the same untruthful language used against us? We must also observe. we ob­ served gradual improvement in performance on the part of students. As we strotigly react against the defamatory accusations leveled against us. The council played more than a consulting role. both of which counted on ex­ traordinary participation of the entire school system (see note 1 19)1 Finally. as the pedagogy of questioning started to gain ground against the pedagogy of answers. and it also has to do with an elitist ideology that discriminates against popu­ lar boys and girls. sometimes a lot. making condemnable agreements and deals with antagonistic forces. Its solution is linked to the professional development of educators and implies a political and ideologi­ cal comprehension of language on their part. ten. if we have more experience as opposi­ tion than as government. Without humility. the tenacity with which we must fight for our dream. We have no reason to regret the evaluation and development seminars for technical personnel within the cen- ters for Educational Action. the base of which was the School Council. We should not give up at the first confron* tations. persevering in my ethical position. less authoritarian and elitist. it is easier to win elections than it is to govern. and the almost complete disregard for the learners' baggage of experiential knowledge. the learning of another virtue becomes a requirement: perseverance. A more critical knowledge about the conscious body and experience in dealing with questions stimulated the development of epis­ temological curiosity. but that is not the case in the history of a nation. We have no reason to re­ gret having worked a reorientation of the curriculum in proc­ ess. If we are progressive. We have no reason to regret the democratic fashion in which we administered the department. with ethical rigor. The alarming rate of school failure in literacy grades is connected to the lack of scientific preparation on the part of educators. in reality school expulsion­ is political-ideological. If I am progres- .

I refuse to ac­ cept this mind-narrowing form of religion. for both are needed. Along these lines. the more we make the world into a vale of tears jwhere. both strengthen the power of the unfair. is one where they ask God for strength and courage to fight with dedication to over­ come injustice. one that is never restless. pieces of removed breasts.64 • PAU L O F R E I R E P E D A G O G Y O F T H E H E A RT • 65 sive. I have always prayed in order that the weakness of the offended would transform itself into the strength with which they would finally defeat the power of the great. Unlimited patience. I cannot join forces with those who deny the popular classes a voice. or the available means for use during the struggle. even if it was not always very transparent. we will earn our heaven tomorrow). However. Through different paths. The world cannot be transformed without either one. These are people who not only become insensitive to the knowledge of tens of millions of Brazilians dying of starvation. by praying and forgiving those who have sinned against us today. rather. who dichotomize worldliness and transcendentalism. They who dine on hospital waste. The absolutely impatient bet exclusively on their will and their decision to fight. change is diffi­ cult. do not antagonize each other and that can share the responsibility of governing. silenCing voices. It is important not to give voters the idea that change is easy. eat. I am not against prayer. clasp their hands in prayer to accuse "land squatters. asking that God give me increased disposition to fight against the abuses of the powerful against the oppressed. who own land in comparison to those who have nothing. not taking into account contrary forces. or dis­ . I would never ask that God punish those among the violated who re­ belled with just rage against the endless evils of the greedy. I have always prayed. but (as noted) patiently impatient. but possible. they are the primary targets of oppression and hatred. dress." Those who wage such accusations never speak of what agrarian reform law repre­ sents in Brazil. "How terrible! II at the sight of desperate families carded food in the dump sites of urban centers. tend to transfer to God the responsibility for addressing human shortcomings. and I am opposed to the state's exercise of the absurd power of closing down sects or churches. denies dialectics even when he claims to be dialectic. nor did the unloved initi­ ate hatred. The abso­ lutely patient. After all. It is imperative that my discourse as a candidate not be betrayed by my actions as an elected official. in the struggle for change. we must be neither solely patient nor solely impatient. It is very easy for those who make money. It reinforces the discourse of the reactionary who. in the depths of courage of the renegade. imposing behaviors. while religiously indifferent. the more our lives on earth will become an effective way of purging our guilt. The question then lies in determining how to turn difficult­ ies into possibility. the oppressed did not initiate oppression. while different. enjoy music. which demands immediate results from action even while it is still being planned. but also accuse the hungry of indolence and incompetence. The same is the case with willful impatience. The mechanist. as I see it. They never refer to the percentage of those never say. incited by profes­ sional subversives. I have always seen. We must insist on the possibility of change in spite of difficulties. his ability to love. Mind-narrowing religious behavior supports the exploita­ tion practiced by the rich. of violating ownership rights and of threat­ ening the peace society requires. indispensable to the reinstatement of justice. valuing neither the reasons for the struggle nor their right to it. This is the position of some religious individuals. ends up immobilizing transformative action. Much needed are agreements among forces that. and have social prestige to ask for patience from those who are denied all that. The prayer that believers should engage in. travel. solely impatient. The answer is in the balanced dosage of both patience and impatience. For that reason.

from which this country remains exempt. and also by a certain shy hope. suffering. and feel­ ings-one's whole body-is touched by it. they scared the right. dreaming of basic reforms. besides Recife. none had suffered their distance from that support system. One suffers exile as one deals better with the difficulties associated with being unable to return to one's origin. One may underes­ timate the power of the dominant. the ani­ mals in his country had sought other support systems. leading it to grow stronger and prepare to stage the Coup of 1964. I will never forget a comment by the president of Guinea Bissau at the time. I remember the verbal incontinence of the Brazilian left. during a helicopter ride from the countryside to the capital: While looking at the forest. the clarity of a cloudy place where one must make right moves to get through. . even to those who intended to return as if they had never left. he said. Sao Paulo. which has to be built in uncertain space. Threatened by war. Suffering exile is accepting the tragedy of rupture.66 • PAU L O F R E I R E P E DAGO GY 0F T H E HEART • 67 Also members of this group are some with more sensitivity who. One suffers exile when his or her conscious body. love. one neglects seeking a more rigorous knowledge of human beings. who used to claim a power that they did not have. where I prepare myself for the possible return. and Porto Alegre. The year before the coup. and end up in exile. One suffers exile as one reconciles the contradictions between the present where one lives. Exile cannot be suffered when it is all pain and pessimism. broken hope. and never of others. I had been to all Brazilian capitals. Florianopolis. It requires embracing it with all the pain this embrace repre­ sentsj this is the only way the exiled can prepare for the return. Suffering exile is more than knowing the reality of it. Even for those who can quickly resolve their matters of sur­ vival. I exist in the present. from North to South. com­ rade Paulo. and from the human point of view. Suffering exile implies recognizing that one has left his or her context of origin. ask restlessly: "What would become of my wife's charity if social justice were made?" It is people like that we must democratically defeat. in one's fight for justice. None of them had a planned return. People who think of themselves first. ignore the deep-seated pres­ ence of the oppressor in the oppressed. which char­ acterizes the experience of existing in a borrowed context. I only knew a few cities in Per­ nambuco. of themselves second. but one to be suf­ fered. remake one's broken dream. Rather. it means experiencing bitterness." He was speaking metaphOrically. Luiz Cabral. Exile could not be solely a nostalgic experience} a parenthe­ sis without any reference to tomorrow's return. the cities were awake. At times. exile is not simply a time to be lived. early long­ ing. Exile is a space-time dimension that one has not chosen} and where one arrives marked by rage} fears. can one suffer it. and seeing some bird move across the sky. It is not possible to suffer such a time without living itj only when one lives this time as an existential experience. "I hope. that our animals may soon return from exile. before the popular requests for improved living condi­ tions. I found myself away from my homeland. I remember how. Lessons from Exile One day. I do not live only in the past. There is also the wish and the need to remake oneself. That is why only men and women can be exiled. It imposed itself as a time for revision and development. and I had been for a couple of days in Rio. forbidden from being. in a space where one has experienced no past. I am not reduced to grieving alone. one that signals return. Exile cannot be suffered when it is all reason. Until 1960. restless. and the future. As a result. to have a project for the future. especially never of those in the popular classes. reason.

"Poor men and women. but it would be a primary error to emphasize only the importance of the ones who. nor correctly dream about the return. they set another date. And they go on afraid of accepting the truth of their reality. saw themselves as creditors of eternal gratitude from the ones who stayed. one learns of the fall of another fellow. He asked for forgiveness from the people for . I would compare my reading from afar to that of the ones who. the repressor closing in further and further? For all these reasons. and almost uncon­ sciously. to hear and to respect them. Once in Geneva.68 • PAU L O F R E I R E P E D A G O GY 0 F T H E H E A RT • 69 Some in exile. as we think of the "internal exiledI " . or because they heroically refused to move away from their land and culture. he said to himself. and they can't even imagine that here. while walking on a street bustling with peo­ ple. described in Pedagogy of Hope. they neither truly engage themselves in the borrowed context. I am their savior. There is noth­ ing mellow about the exile of the ones who stay. In this relearning of Brazil. the analyses concerning the country made by those who stayed. from whis­ per to whisper. become bitter and never imagine any possibility of return. had their context as a text. to himself engaged in such discourse. little do they know about their condition of being exploited. There is nothing mellow about the insecurity in which they live. who could not even imagine the exiled were fighting for their freedom. the almost certain presence of undercover agents at the service of repression within the university environment. an exile told me that. While a limited situation. no return. I met some exiles who. incognito. up close and with no gaps. In my case. he told me. he had experienced the sensation of having been chosen when once. The exiled who. They. something that could result in a certain preoccupation with their context of origin. denounced repression is undeniable. arrogantly intended to teach those who stayed. however. from abroad. The day comes and goes. he returned to the world. once back in Brazil. They lament exile so much that they are not able to endure it. exile is provoking. /I Listening thinking such an absurdity and saved himself from the arro­ gance he could have taken on in exile. One of the things that the exiled. rarely think about is that there is another exile at times as difficult as their own: that of the ones who stay. The role of those who. who announce the date of the return every week. along with the fall of the oppressive regime. remained loyal to the political dream responsible for their uprooting. I met some exiled who believed themselves to possess supe­ rior qualities. my experiences as an exile were of great value: my meetings with others in exile and my experiences around the world. It is impossible to go through it without being tested in your ability to love or feel anger. refused to accept the silence imposed by dictatorship. the sleepless nights. the uneasiness of having to be restrained and only speak in half-truths. I cannot remember a single one who had regretted the utopia he or she had fought and been exiled for. instead of relearning Brazil with them. it is important to give them credit for something: we were able to return much more as a function of their struggle than as a result of our protests. whether be­ cause they could not leave the country. the startled awakenings with every car that hits the brake in the neighborhood. It was as if they were special beings on almost impossible missions that launched them above all those who remained in the mediocrity of their daily existence in their context of origin. What to say about the uncertainty of this half-freedom where. in Brazil. bitter and sad. your ability to tolerate the different. which again never comes. especially the chosen ones. would be incurring error. from the perspec­ tive of someone coming from abroad. There are also naive optimists. from out of the country. I made an effort to understand. In their constant grief. in clandestinity. One thing can be easily realized in the circumstance of ex­ ile: how virtues and flaws become highlighted. then.

Leonel Brizola. It was June of 1979. on the other. their homesickness. during my exile. The existential splinters that made them suffer away from Brazil were somewhat smoothed out and softened through those speeches. and overcomes difficulties in a different way. Swiss National Radio put the same question. they felt uncomfortable to disenchant them. tantalized with the almost-certainty of the return home. but the cir­ cumstance they found themselves in. A few days later. and their ability to educate their long­ ing. gravitate toward the dream of return. now. I said that I first had to obtain confirmation. I recovered strength. Each exiled person experiences exile in his or her own way. It was to help them overcome the state that they found themselves in: they became so an­ guished in exile that they kept themselves from suffering it. Only one thing is the same for all exiles: they find themselves in a borrowed context. desires.70 • PAU L O F R E I R E P E D A G O G Y O F T H E H E A RT 71 Each person in exile reacts. " such as: Luiz Carlos Prestes. Taken by indistinguishable emotion. It was as if making speeches about the return and inquiring about the signs and the risks of the return were already a bit like returning. One of them listed my name alongside those of nine other I/nonamnestiables. suffers. through which one would not completely unveil the unfeasibility of the return at that given time. It was exile itself that kept them from exercising their most basic right: that of re­ turning home. reason. so it does not drag into nostalgia. The way they exist in this context. I found myself on the edge of a cliff. A Brazilian jour­ nalist. limited situation. it became extremely difficult to accept that a reunion with my world could not take placel Released. when I experienced the bitterness of hopelessness that I had always tried to keep away from myself. Ten minutes later. and Marcio Moreira Alves. For those in exile who dealt well with the tension brought on by the forbidden return. depends on a number of internal and external factors: the exile's political choice. I had died on the beach at dawn. News about advances in the struggle for amnesty within Brazil had become more and more frequent. If before I could and I should not surrender before the impossibility of return. on the contrary. they could not en­ courage unreal analyses on the part of their fellow exiles. fears. grows. the return was not viable. I met some exiles who virtually immobilized themselves. had I felt the fragility of my uprooting so strongly. at a given moment. In the other news piece. In some almost delirious conversations about the return. in critical terms. asking me to comment on my reaction. What they refused to accept. the coherence between their progressive discourse and their prac­ tice. my longing and home­ sickness made me more vulnerable. was not the country where they were. A " demo­ cratic opening" marched on and. and how they deal with their uproot­ ing. at that point. I was concerned about the consequences of commenting on a case that I was not sure I was a part of. feelings. it was almost certain. our return seemed evident. if my memory serves correctly. Miguel Arraes. at times reticent. I was home in the morning when the phone rang. which may be more or less clear. It was necessary to find pathways leading to disagreement with their naively optimistic diagnosis. I received two newspaper clippings from Brazil. however. There was one day. with it. from Bern. the spokesperson for the Planalto Palace contra­ dicted the information. from Paris. The way was to help them accept exile as an irrefutable. I could notice how their permanence in exile was becoming less and less viable. or as if. Never. listening to that nostalgic discourse posed a problem: on the one hand. In the first few . I felt as if I had been walking along a plain when. after having fought with the waves all night. It was a matter of days. all of a sud­ den. who could not manage surviving away from their world unless they made their entire bodies. If before. asked if I had already heard that my name was on a list publicized by the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the ten Brazilian exiles who were barred from re­ turning.

the more possible it will be for them to communicate with youth. The permanent return took place in June of the following year. The young can help educators maintain their youth while educators can help the young not lose theirs. holding one of my books. Deeply living the plots presented to us by social experience and accepting the dramatic nature of reinventing the world and the pathways to youth. and the acquisition of it should never make us immobile and satisfied. as defined here. an ethically valid and politically necessary dream. especially if what they have done continues to embody their dream. with the argument that "in our day things were better. No one is old just because he or she was born a long time ago or young just because he or she was born a short time ago. that it is of our own merit. that is up to youth. more critical. I cannot make myself alone. as we realize the importance we have gained in our environment. /I The best time for the young person of twenty-two or seventy is always the one that he or she lives in. an ideal. With a friendly smile. and our children. " Has the gentleman had problems with the Brazilian gov­ ernment?1I the officer asked tactfully. Old. rather than embrace the standstill as a sign of death. til do. Nevertheless. the avail­ ability they have for curiously giving themselves to knowl­ edge. Reaction and youth are as incompat- . We are young or old to the extent that we tend to accept change or not as a sign of life. to the readiness of youth that the young possess. my first wife. declining-not for vanity or fear of disclosing my age-the privi­ leges senior citizens are entitled to. I can do things. and social change. when they take risks purely for the thrill onto Risk only makes sense when it is taken for a valu­ able reason. is to add. only in huInility can I be open to the life experience where I both help and am helped. there is no youth that is ex­ empt from aging fast as it attempts to immobilize history. We walked across the passport check. the collected wisdom of the old who have stayed young. a prerequisite for over­ coIning injustice. nor can I do things alone. We gradually become old as we unconSCiously begin to refuse novelty. and with others. even in spite of being only twenty-two. Joaquim and Lutgardes. the exile I had gone into at forty-three and was now leaving at fifty-eight. It was finally over. economic. A person would be old. matured. if he or she arrogantly dismissed others and the world. and the thinning hair. myself. my gray beard. for example. at airports. Pride and self-sufficiency make us old. Was I returning old? No. both factually and legally. another officer approached. and the world. and old age cannot be that of the calendar. The search for knowledge should never make us tired. We grow old if we believe. The ideal. with my passport in his hand. however. People are young to the extent that they fight to overcome prejudice. I understood his gesture and autographed it. I was returning hopeful. People are being falsely young when they adopt an irrespon­ sible attitude toward risk. People are old or young much more as a function of how they think of the world. The more youth educators possess. I was returning lived. People are young or old much more as a function of the energy and the hope that they can readily put into starting over. I continue to feel young. As I write this. in spite of physical appearance. thus becoming less elitist. a dream beyond risk itself. this is what reaction is about. We grow old if we believe this importance lies in ourselves rather than in the relations be­ tween ourselves. to participate in the struggle for democracy and for public school to become popular school gradually. more open. cannot remake the world. The main criterion for evaluating age. There is a horrible way to grow old: objecting to necessary political. I was returning young. at seventy-five. motivated to relearn Brazil. tested at different times. youth. I make myself with others. without arrogance." I answered gently.72 • PAU L O F R E I R E P E D A G O G Y O F T H E H E A RT • 73 days of August 1979 we landed at Viracopos-Elza. Only by living time as best as possible can one live it young. others.

which cannot be satisfied with mere description of the object's concept. of departure. If I teach Portuguese. possible and necessary reforms are implemented to make that transformation viable. young and racist. in and of itself. Such a person would be trading beauty for ugliness. In the progressive perspective. It im­ plies the sharpening of the learner's epistemological curiosity. a young person at age seventy could. would dare to propose a ban on the telephone? Between radically changing the agrarian structure of the country and maintaining it as is. alongside a critical reading of the word. A reformist government may encourage advances beyond its purpose through some of its reforms. I must not avoid the issue of class syntax. One cannot be. How can we maintain ourselves young if we proclaim that the poor are lazy and that indolence is the cause of their pov­ erty? How can we maintain ourselves young if we discriminate against blacks. " Any back-alley neoliberal knows very well that such view is absolute nonsense and that he or she would lend his or her young and macho. as I teach the Por­ tuguese language. if a twenty-two-year-old young person who has become old can recover youth. and the more diversified that content is. he or she would then bury utopia and preserve what should be radically changed. of decision. semantics. What is in ef­ fect cannot be preserved. The most advance a reactionary would allow him/herself is reformism. The argument that the teaching of content. I must teach the use of accents.74 PAU L O F R E I R E P E DA G O G Y 0 F T H E H EART • 75 ible as defending life and fearing freedom. In a progressive practice. a process where reforms are implemented to avoid deeper transforma­ tion. the syntax of verbs. I must not postpone dealing with issues of language that relate to social class. However. perception of the object's reason for being. renounce youth and. and spelling. and would refuse his or her previous discourse and action. who must use the contradictions of reformist practice to defeat it. Conservatism is also incompatible with youth. will generate tomor­ row a radical intelligence of reality is to take on a controlled position rather than a critical one. If it is possible for old to become young and for young to become old. which is a way of negating life. I must insist and reinsist on critical education. subject­ verb agreement. Who. the use of pronouns. to then learn it in their relations with the world-implies the exercise of critical perception. and workers? Preserva­ tion of youth is a demanding process. grammar. noun case. That reformism may manage to avoid deeper transformation is a historic possibility. Thus. what is effective stands on its own. which attributes to it a criticalizing power of its own: liThe more we deposit content in the learn­ ers' heads. My decided refusal then is of reformism. the reactionary are the true subversives. not reforms. the historical-social struggle of ethics. homosexuals. I must not leave for a random tomorrow something that is part of my task as a progressive educator right now: a critical reading of the world. young and abusive. A progressive educator must not experience the task of teaching in mechanical fashion. at the same time. and break away. experience a critical awakening. It means to fall for a magical comprehension of content. for they fight to maintain an outdated order. women. sooner or later. the process of teaching-where the teaching chal­ lenges learners to apprehend the object. tragically. Fighting against reformism is a duty of the progressive. Deep down. of choice and the role of critical conscientization in history acquire paramount importance. all of a sudden. will sooner or later bring about a critical perception of reality does not convince me. It does not tolerate inco­ herence. de­ posited in thelearner. decide. For all these reasons. He or she must not merely transfer the profile of the concept of the object to learners. Awakened from the dream. the personal infinitive. reactionary action would pre­ serve it. for example. the more possible it will be for them to. Hoping that the teaching of content. but so is overcoming reformism another historical possibility. turn old. .

by hopelessness. If there are three or four factions within a leftist party. the tragedy of AIDS.76 • PAU L 0 F R E I R E P E D AG O G Y O F T H E H E A RT • 77 support to any educational project where the "reading of the world" was irrelevant. and they all fight among themselves. but they have erred in their choice of the partisan forces that they have brought to power. some of whose predomi­ nant forces are. A leftist party cannot engage in a dialogue with the popular classes using outdated language. but they erred when they chose Collor and his entourage. hard to reinforce it. h T e "Lefts " and the Righ t The political-pedagogical practice of progressive Brazilian edu­ cators takes place in a society challenged by economic global­ ization. Learning to reread implies learning a new language. however. The tolerance that needs to be lived in the intimacy of a leftist political party should transcend its borders. A leftist political party intent on preserving their discourse within an intensely contradictory society such as ours. They want to be happy in a present lived with dignity and in a future whose realization they play a part in. each believes itself to be the only one or as "managers of the capitalist crisis. by authoritarianism. They want change. They vote. if one does not learn to deal with the re­ lated parts within the whole one seeks to discover. " as Ana Maria Freire lucidly analyzes. the I/lefts" are sectar­ ian among themselves. Likewise. by apathy. While the right is only sectarian against progressive thought and practice. modernity. Its criticism of the injustice within the capitalist . by impunity. they want peace in the shanty towns and urban centers. and even postmodernity. by vio­ lence. II I have no doubt that the radical experience of tolerance is truly progressive. poverty. it must be critical. 'Ihlly leftist-activist members are treated as lithe right of the party" part of the immediate renovation that leftist parties need to undergo if they are to remain historically valid. I speak of a tolerance that must not be confused with status quo. intent on climbing to power. traditionalism. a new reading of my world requires a new language-that of possibility. It is difficult to main� tain it. without which it is not possible to change the country. by cynicism. its hope must not be that of an irresponsible adventurer. And here. which does not mean lack of principles or discipline. and health care for themselves and their families. but it is impossible to exist with­ out it. It is a society where the majority of voters reveal an undeniable inclination toward change. they want to eat and sleep. We speak of the lefts in the plural and the right in the singular. open to hope. The singularity of the right has to do with the ease with which its different cur­ rents unify before danger. I speak of tolerance in reconciling differing comprehenSions of political action by party members. Nowadays we are so vulnerable be­ fore unreachable forces-the collision of an asteroid with the earth. a tolerance made explicit in that leadership's discourse and their practice. but also between the party and soci­ ety at large. I am certain that the greatest responsibility for such mis­ match belongs to the "lefts" themselves. One cannot reread the world if one does not improve the old tools. they want justice. the possibility of having my little backyard spied on from halfway across the world-hope has become indispensable to our existence. As it reveals optimism. It must not be practiced only among progressive positions within the party. It should also be effective between the party's leadership and the popular classes. antagonistic to change in favor of the . They were right when they chose change.oppressed. by democracy. but also by hope. education. for partisan coalitions. they want a strong economy. Union among the left is always dif­ ficult and cumbersome. by nature. must learn to reread our reality. they want to win over inflation. liThe popular majority have been right in deciding what they want. if one does not reinvent them. hunger.

and absolute truths. without even the faintest trace of hope. 1 1 /23/94). hierarchical party is a very different thing from their duty within a democratic one. but that of some­ one inviting others to liberate themselves together. in V eta magazine. which is equally molded by its orthodoxy. It should never accept that lying pays off. nor should it surrender the people's truth to the oppressor. I had the fortunate opportunity to decline. Today's youth has nothing to do with that: they paint their faces and take to the streets wearing that beautiful joy that also fills their protest. On the contrary. it must be hopeful. myths. as the final word. or that victori­ ous capitalism is an eternal future that has begun. This word necessarily comes from out­ side the body of the popular classes. Could it be that the present we are living is a good one? Could it be that this is a more or less just present? Could it be that our society has been at least minimally decent? Could it be that we find it possible to sleep while we know tens of millions starve to death? Could it be that we can accept our educational system as reasonable with its current quantitative and qualitative deficiencies? Should we continue to make deals with the World Bank where we spend more than we actu­ ally receive? While Secretary of Education in the Erundina administration. The truth is that the future is created by us. while members of the party's hierarchy. one who de­ fines and enlightens. . By learning how and what the people know. I can see no reason why progressive activists. In an authoritarian practice. This must not be the discourse of bitterness. an offer for one of these deals harmful to our country (see "0 Banco do Imperio. enemies of beau­ tifulness. though. which are.78 PAU L O F R E I R E P E D A G O G Y 0 F T H E H E A RT • 79 system must be strong. a leftist party must lose any old trace of avant-gardism. comes molded by the party's leadership." Their hopeful discourse is not that of someone intending to liberate others. II One of the urgent duties of a leftist party in touch with its time is making all its statements. activists can and should teach better what the people already know. to make popular classes more aware of the problematic nature of the future. Another duty of a progressive party is to struggle. That. activists learn with them how the people know. In the first instance. The role of activists in an authoritarian. denunciations. the activists' political-pedagogical practice is far from any savior's dream about the "uncultured masses. as they expose their reading of the world to popular groups. and an­ nouncements rigorously ethical. and "drenched" in ethics. They learn with the oppressed the indispensable ropes of their resist­ ance. but also its methods and organization. the discourse of activists. It is not true that social­ ism will come because it is announcedj it is not true either that socialism collapsed with the Berlin Wall. classified as /I flaws of character." an interview with Marilia Fonseca by Paulo Moreira Leite. critically optimistic. In the second instance. in an elitist view. as if looking good were an exclusive right of the bourgeois. I never lost sleep over that either. po­ litely but categorically. does not mean this criti­ cism should be pronounced with anger rather than with the goodness and peace characteristic of those engaged in the good combat. with the most clarity possible. g�ing from a centralism only strategically called democratic to decentralization. I never told the colonel who questioned me that I knew communists. should be careless about their bodies. truly democratic. men and women. In my prison experience. through transformation of the present. Changing from an avant­ gardist party to one of the masses alters not only the party's understanding of its role in the history of political struggle. It must lose any trace of any leadership that decrees itself as the edge. In search of its renewal. different activities seek to blind­ fold the masses and lead them to a domesticated futurei in a democratic practice.

Only forces that feel equally at home with certain fundamen­ tal principles. Undoubtedly. in the case of Brazil. if the left had already learned to be tolerant. to have historical sensibility. critical testimony of progressive leadership before one another has a pedagOgical dimension. If the right had chosen a candidate from within its ranks. The democratic. even though they may have surface differences. around the radicalness of their for­ mer colleagues in their dream of world transformation. the right !nade him concede more than he should have' . The difficulty those in the left find in reaching agreement and sort­ ing their differences. the positions taken by the left. they must either break up with their allies in the right. In an interview in the Folha de sao Paulo newspaper. Carlos Castanheda. It was also forced to take a few steps beyond its natural limits. someday. passivity. what results is blind obedience. especially those taken by the Workers' Party (PT). where the difficulties must be even greater. Politics is a job for con­ crete men and women. However. It would have been. that. those with flaws and virtues. which are much less serious than those they have with the right. open. Here I mean a wait where those who wait never settle down. skepticism. the right was unable to find any visibility in the presidential race of 1994 other than by decreeing as its limit a man from outside its ranks. even of mediocre grade. in my view. can do this alone. and irresponsibility are unchangeable marks of Brazilian nature? Nol T change what we presently o are it is necessary to change the structures of power radically. one with a political past the right had condemned. How can we expect agrarian reform. It !nay also lead. If. No one in his right mind would think of a left whose activist force was made up of celestial beings. and fear. from great land owners? How That would have been. No political party. can unite for the needed change. It would have been. not to claim ownership over the truth. can we expect unstoppable greed to accept limits to its profits? How can we expect the elitist to propose progressive cultural programs and educational projects? I can imagine how difficult conversation must be. the famous Mexican anthropologist. or lie to the people once again. immobilization. it would have been ideal if the configuration of the presidential race in the second round of 1989 had been that of the first round in 1994 (see note 9. I mean general conversation that brings back memories of past struggles. or try some new partisan configuration. When transformation is more or less imposed and its implementa­ tion is not followed by any effort or explanation about its rea­ son for being. . while discussing the left in Latin America. page 123). One would also deInand that the "lefts" overcome their superficial differences. to uprising. while the left had remained united.80 • PAU L O F R E I R E P E DA G O G Y 0 F T H E H E A RT • 81 Could it be that lack of respect for public property is a Bra­ zilian way of being that we cannot escape? Could it be that violence. while having him as its possible limit. stated. It is not just any old political coalition that will accomplish it either. no one can do this alone. winds up helping their opposition. requiring support from the left. When the time comes for those progressives to govern. For this reason. That is why I attribute greater responsibility for such discontinuities to the left itself. And here I mean not necessarily con­ versation about government plans. no matter how competent and serious. have moved the Brazilian political process forward. between progressives who accept being the right's limit and their new partners. refUSing coali­ tions with its antagonists. But one would expect the left to become more coherent. some­ times. where those who wait more along impatiently patient in carrying out their dreams or projects. if the majority of progressives had al­ ready understood that social transformation only really takes place when most of society takes ownership of it and takes the initiative to expand its social radius of acceptance. it would not have advanced and would possibly have lost the election. the impatiently patient wait. having their common identity as a base. if the left had learned the importance of history.

the sectarian will set­ tle for puritanism. presently. they are always ready to discuss their positions. or if its leadership proclaims itself as the avant-garde edge of the working class. who will continue to defend their position even if convinced of their error. Such a party's coherence must be absolute. but it should aspire to become an association of truly serious and coherent people. of vigor. It is necessary. An authentic progressive party must not become sectarian. sectarianism is blind and antidemocratic. and the untouchable power of leader­ ships. That is why the progressive are always open to overcoming. It must not defend the interests of the popular classes. and that we may become enslaved to. fighting for solidarity. so long as it does not fear change when it is needed. As a progressive. PT included. above all. No leftist party can remain faithful to its democratic dream if it falls into the temptation of rallying cries. It is also indispensa­ ble that this practice overcome the voluntary amateurishness of some well-meaning activists. A political party is not a monas­ tery of sanctified monks. that the left face some most de­ structive social infirmities: raging sectarianism. It must not lack hope with which to restart the struggle whenever necessary. I do not need to repeat a discourse that is no longer in line with our times. is endlessly more valuable than any bureaucratic discourse of ultraleftist flavor. which they hope to impose. added to all that is the president's per­ sonality. Continuing a discussion and defending a cer­ tain argument make no more sense to them if someone can convince them of the opposite. No leftist party can remain faithful to its democratic dream if it falls into the temptation of seeing itself as possessing a truth outside which there is no salvation. and competence. always tied to their truth. Radicalness is tolerant. of tolerance. and overflowing arrogance. the advancement experi­ enced by the right is entering undeniable reversal. biophilic. Fernando Henrique Cardoso's victory is as much a result of the Real Plan as of the Brazilian left's struggle. Unlike the sectarian. It is unfortunate that.82 PAU L O F R E I R E P E D A G O G Y O F T H E H E A R T 83 In this sense. of an ever-ready curiosity. Radicalness is crea­ tive. even though they can never condone unethical behavior. I hope. A leftist party intent on bringing itself to meet the demands of its time needs to overcome the old prejudice against any­ thing that resembles a bourgeois concession. Radicalness is serene. That is not the case with the sectarian. it is neces­ sary that progressive forces be alert and ready to denounce even the smallest attempt to mislead the popular classes. Sectarization is sterile. Radicals are at the service of truth. political skill. Radicals fight for purity. I must say no to a certain professional­ ization of the political-partisan practice. their right to a dignifying life. Any progressive party intent on preserving itself as such. slogans. Logically. must not lack the ethics of humility. nor do I need to subscribe to the neoliberal one. prescrip­ tions. which is make-believe purity. the sectarian at the service of their truth. Such temptations inhibit the development of tolerance. at a time as needy for humanization as ours. In order to fight effectively against a possible paralysis. their right to pronouncing the world. the radical are always open to revising themselves. will not be enough to immobilize popular demands. before the negation of even minimal rights suffered by most. one that ties us down to our truth. in the absence of which democracy is not viable. which. Progressive practice must. those who work to shorten more and more the distance between what they say and what they do. be kept from sprawling into a mental bureaucracy. indoctrination. Never has . In order to stay faithful to my utopia of a less perverse soci­ ety. It must be able to realize that. is necrophilic. of per­ servance in the peaceful struggle. however. and at the same time look the other way while the taxpayer's money is being stolen. for that would represent a move away from its normal radical position. The radical are not intransigent. authoritarian messianism.

the government embodies this movement. " The most important is the fight against the main enemy. not on. The critical left's role is to realize that. or be it under Fernando Henrique Cardoso. on the other. we become racist just as we may stop being that way. it is necessary for the antiracist groups to overcome the limits of their core racial group and fight for radical transformation of the socio­ economic system that intensifies racism. There has to be a greater dream a utopia the different aspire to and for which they are abl to make concessions. we now enter another state. while a serious project. regarding the verb. in addition to its characteristic connective function. there seems to be an atmosphere of hope. When I say. move forward in the social do­ main. And the right did not vote for Fernendo Henrique because he was a lesser evil. the true left." The proposition to indicates move ment while the status of the word street. Whether it had been under Lula. For this reason. "living to V alen�a Street. on the one hand. they must have objectives beyond those specific ones of each group. one not afraid or ashamed of defin­ ing itself as such. thus requiring the prepo­ sition to. Therefore. We are not racist. If I say unity within diversity. There is a certain kinship between the relationship-meaning of the preposition and the syntactic status of the word that requires it. it is because. "I live on V alen�a Street. But the fundamental changes to the country will not count on the endorsement of the right. Unity within diversity is possible. The perversity of racism is not inherent to the nature of human beings. groups. hav­ ing completed the stage of democratic transition. or to reside. even while I recognize that the differences between people. It feels like fatigue at the highest degree. " the preposi­ tion on means placement. prepositions presuppose another: to impregnate a phrase with the very meaning of the relationship it embodies. we must. one of the most resilient vices in this country. impunity.a Street/' as it is to sa� "I went on Pedro's house. coinciding with the syntactic status of the verb to live. regardless of the group members' skin color. and he accepted that condition. and you-scratch-my­ made up of two nouns connected by the preposition within. Thus far we had been crossing the road between authoritarianism and democ­ racy. reinforce it and. The lack of unity among the reconcilable "different" helps the hegemony of the antagonistic "different. My hope-which is based on my personal knowledge of him and on his political life his­ tory-is that he will go beyond the limits that they hope to force down on him. Equality of and in objectives may make unity possible within the differ­ ence. that of democratic intimacy. engaged in the struggle for transforming soci· ety and in giving testimony of their respect for the people. This expression is : nicities may make it more difficult to work in unity. Overall. the left should focus on undermining the right's importance and its power of influence over govern­ mental decisions.84 PAUL O F R E I R E P E D AG O G Y O F T H E H E ART • 85 Brazil had a deeper need for progressive men and women­ serious. radical. between antiracist groups. As I see it. the "different" who accept unity cannot forego unity in their fight. II To go is a verb of movement. Not at all. Any chance of the present government's proving to be effective. Now. Instead. considering that the objectives the different groups fight for coincide. unity is still possible. Not at any time will Brazil have ever needed so much to count on its radicals' engaging in the struggle for deep social transformation. "I live to Valenc. And that gets added to outra­ geous pillage of public money. What is more: it is needed. There is no denying a certain degree of optimism toward the real changes Brazilian society may experience from now on. I cannot say. Even right-wing forces seem a bit intimidated by the indig­ nation felt within Brazilian society. and eth­ back-I'll-scratch-your-back politics. should not play the role of betting on the right's success. It is just as incorrect to say. In order for that to happen. r/Squires the preposition of place on. It is interesting how. The right chose him as its limit. for example. for unity within diversity. will depend on that intimidation. already in democracy. � .

The same goes for those that did not accept giving any serious consideration. Therefore. even if human nature was understood to be socially and historically constituted. for it hurts the substan­ tiveness of our being. their group. performing. it reveals a prejudiced certainty: that of the other's natural inability to be fair and decent. female. not of the antagonically different." We. Whether discriminated against for being black. Among the former. I also know that the class factor is hidden within both sexual and racial discrimination. Being racist or macho. it is necessary for the op­ pressor to convert to the cause of the oppressed. is not an integral part of human nature. rather than prior to history. chOOSing. JeWish-regardless of the reason-we have the obligation to fight against discrimina­ tion. I do not under� stand how. we can maintain feminist. Unity within diversity is an imposition of the very fight. In order for oppressor and oppressed to become humble. in Brazil. The possibility of discerning comparing. Tolerance reveals excessive self-valuation on the part of the intolerant in relation to others. makes us beings of decision and. thus. their race. in the process of the struggle. Arabic. When a so�called minority refuses to join forces with an­ other minority. my difficulty with the macho does not rest in their sex. The oppressor is not humble. For this reason. evaluating. their sex. The appropriateness of my discourse might be questioned. Among the latter. who are considered by the in­ tolerant to be inferior. ethical beings. Indian. there is no tolerance within a lack of humility. black. How can one be tolerant if one considers others to be inferior? But one cannot be humble by bureaucratically doing favors to others. take on this profile. but arrogant. but we may not overlook in understanding the different kinds of discrimination. . I cannot think the issue of liberation. there may be a pact as a function of circumstantial objectives serving both extremes. without thinking about human nature. instead of fighting the common enemy. IIdivide to govern. rather it is an orientation toward being m ore. working class. for I speak as an activist when I should speak as theoretician If I am certain that the only kind of prejudice that can be fully explained by class analysis is the prejudice of class. taking risks. against any negation of our being.86 • PA U L 0 F R E IR E P E DA G O G Y 0 F T H E HE ART • 87 The problem I have with racist people is not the color of their skin. It is only from that point on that both will have met the requirements to learning humility. We cannot reduce all prejudice to a clas­ sist explanation. fighting against discrimination is an ethical imperative. Theories considering liberation as a given fact of history. Discrimination offends us all. The oppressed is not humble either. and all that it implies. to human na­ ture. Likewise. Brazilian. progres� sive or reactionary. or basing it exclusively on scientific knowledge. And that orien­ tation is incompatible with any sort of discrimination. one of their golden rules is. and for the oppressed to commit to his own fight for liberation. we tend to divide forces fighting among and against ourselves. Each group is fighting its own battles. to their class. One is not humble by underestimating others or over� estimating oneself. working�class groups separately struggling for a less perverse society. For this rea­ son. program­ ming. for example. The dominant know that very well. I mean human nature while taking place in history. commiting. never excited me very much. In order to be humble. one must be so in practice as one enters relationships with others. but in their discriminatory ideology. unity is based on strategic and not only tactic objectives. homo­ sexual. And by unity I mean that of the reconcilable different. will only lead to victory if we can realize the obvious: unity within diversity. who are classified by them as minorities. but humiliated. Our fight against the different discriminations. but rather the color of their ideology. Thus. their nation.

but it has shown its other face-absolute insensitivity to the ethical dimension of existence. choice. its antisolidarity nature. from an ethical point of view. and an activist on Saturdays. on the contrary. The criticism of capitalism I put forth. His cries of refusal to become a rhinoceros are a powerful testimony to our rebelliousness. rather than severely criticize a system that. upon which experiences of comparison. It has produced scarcity within abundance and need within plenty. as if this were a world without errors or mis­ takes. Thus. the health crisis. and rupture take place. I would like to make it clear that it is not possible to make Brazilian society more and more democratic without starting by attacking hunger. Successive technological revolu­ tions have rendered capitalism bare. in this process." This cynical discourse tends to convince that the problem lies in destiny or fate. about the active involvement of the popular classes in shaping the destiny of cities. my unfinished and historical Seriousness and Happiness There is much talk today. The fight would make no sense to me without this ethics backdrop. I reject such dichotomy: I am not a theoreti­ cian say on Wednesdays. the former has its tactics and strategies formulated on the latter. to think that we are eternally destined to live the negation of our own selves. In order to be in the world. being. and in- . it is desolating to realize the numbers of those who come into the world but do not stay. our affirmation as men and women in the exercise of our citizen­ ship. I am reminded of Berenger. my conscious body. unemployment. needs food as much as it needs ethics. preestablished. error is a temporary form of knowing. to them irrefutable. or those who do but are forced into early departure by hunger. Capitalism is effective in this and other aspects. My struggle against capitalism is founded on that-its in­ trinsic perversity. in spite of lack of scarcity. Such adventure does not take place where there is no space for freedom.88 • PAU L O F R E I R E P E D A G O G Y O F T H E H E A R T • 89 and vice versa. decision. and that of education. according to which "things are the way they are because there is no other way. At last. There is only error when the individual in error is conscious of the world and of himself or herself in the world. derives as much from the educator as it does from the activist. At the very moment I write these lines. in the struggle for the millions deprived of it. there is only error when whoever errs can know he or she has erred because he or she knows that he or she does not know. moving away from an economistic comprehension of development. The argument has been destroyed of scarcity as a production problem that capitalism would not be able to respond to and that would represent an obstacle to the preservation of this system. I would be a melancholy and unmotivated being if it could be scientifically proved that the laws of history or nature would take care of surpassing human misencounters without any mark of freedom: as if everything were predetermined. My activism can never become dissociated from my theoretical work. The moment we recognize that food production around the world could be sufficient to feed twice its population. There is talk about fighting for democracy. about education and citizenship. criticism. with himself or herself and with others. I refuse. without alternatives. which I seek to continue to be in my own way. head-to-head with wealth. Error and mistakes imply the ad­ venture of the spirit. They have forced it to expose its own evil-millions of people dying from starvation. condemns a large part of hu­ manity to hunger and death. the neoliberal feel the need to impregnate their discourse with a fatalism. Ionesco's character. for all these reasons. The solution to these prob­ lems implies redefining the role of the state. not only in Brazil.

Because they respect freedom. That is the "banking educator." as I termed him or her in Pedagogy of the Oppressed. unions. I do not mean to sound as if I suddenly believed that democ­ racy could be taught through speeches. without which all ef­ forts for knowledge fail. perhaps more than yesterday. that is what sustains his or her authority. especially in private urban schools. demanding tasks that not only generate satisfaction but are pleasurable in and of themselves. The satisfaction with which they stand before the students. of learning. He or she cannot contradict himself or herself in favor of his or her authority. It is affirmed for this very reason. The power of a democratic educator lies in exemplary coher­ ence. A democratic educator cannot allow his or her authority to become atrophied. democracy and economics. It is possible and necessary. It should do nothing to stimulate lack of solidarity and fellow­ ship. for example. Democratic educators can only see the acts of teaching. in his or her lack of respect for the learners' creativity. we are. to discuss the presence or absence of a democratic practice. reconcilably different forces. They would focus on the Brazilian lack of democratic experience. which restricts the movements of the learners.90 • PAU L O F R E I R E P E DA G O G Y 0 F T H E H E A R T • 91 stituting an educational practice coherent with democratic values. learning. for example. the reasons for being. in his or her excessive vigilance over the learners. of our democratic inexperience. It must do everything to ensure an atmosphere in the classroom where teaching. irreconcil­ ably contradictory forces. We need campaigns implemented. unity within diversity. on democracy and tolerance. Only to an authoritarian mind can the act of educating be seen as a dull task. It should do nothing that works against the development of serious discipline of body and mind. An educator's authoritarianism is not only manifested in the repressive use of authority. of studying as serious. Brazilian society has enough historical experience with the betrayal of democracy and with democratic rebelliousness upon which to build discussion that can strengthen the latter (see note 10. Democracy is taught and learned through the practice of democracy. It is also manifested in his or her lack of acceptance of the popular-class learners' way of being. A taste for freedom and democracy. It is equally manifested in a number of opportu­ nities. They would present the history of democracy and allow for debates on the relationship between democracy and ethics. An educator who says one thing and does another is irresponsible. An educator's authoritarianism is also manifested in his or her narrow understanding of the teach/learn equation. He or she is more of a dis­ service than a coherent authoritarian. in need of an exemplary democratic educational practice. the manner in which he or she warns the students and cen­ sures them. but also ones that generate happi­ ness. the confidence with which they speak. they are respected. however. through democracy-studies weeks in public and private schools. democracy and popular classes. and for his or her cultural identity. The practice of simulated elections for president and gover­ nor is already common. and the justice with which they address the students' problems make the democratic educator a model. and studying are serious acts. . Their authority is affirmed without disrespect of freedom. vocational schools. for that would exacerbate the learners' freedom. within which the learners are restricted to the mechanical memorization of what the educator deposits in them. and not only ineffective but also harmful. They would also focus on elections and the rights and obligations they imply. Today in Brazil. nor in favor of the learn­ ers' freedom: neither authoritarianism nor permissiveness. uni­ versities. page 126). We need campaigns that could flood our cities with democracy. the openness with which they listen. An educational practice must be instituted that proposes and takes advantages of situations where the learners may ex­ perience the power and the value of unity within diversity.

as an epistemological requirement. if communication and information occur on the level of life upon its support. that of If my mother. This is how I will work through the issue of dialogism. what makes of it a strategic requirement. He responded to her request and also provided my fax number. dialogism for human existence in the world. while a fundamental practice to human nature and to democracy on the one hand. Not too long ago. How would it be possible for a consCiously inconclusive being to become immersed in a permanent search without hope? My hope starts from my nature as a project. rather than solely the tac­ tics of "smart" subjects toward reaching results. The social production of language and of in­ struments with which human beings can better interfere in the world announce what technology will be. "Tak­ ign epistemological distance" means taking the object in hand in order to get to know it. had been back to the earth for a moment and listened to my conversation with Alexandre. in keeping with his or her political choices. rather than as preexisting. I do not intend to isolate the object to apprehend it. it is necessary that the being involved becomes aware of it. Fifteen minutes later. The permanence of education also lies in the constant character of the search. an opportu­ nity is open for us to become immersed in a permanent search. The trajectory through which we make ourselves conscious is marked by finiteness. communication and information are served by sophisticated languages and by technolOgical instruments that "shorten" space and time. Like­ wise. On the contrary. One of the roots of education. In order for finiteness. perceived as necessary. Here. On this level. in my "epistemological encircling" of it. thus. connected to the Internet. the positions of political parties. let us imagine its importance and. a claim for education. Alexandre Dowbor. but we have made our­ selves capable of knowing ourselves as such. communication is life and a vector for more-life. had flpicked up" a message from a German scholar requesting my address. my grandson. which makes it specifically hu­ man. Instead of describing a profile of the concept of dialogism. the interior of its relationship with others. Dialogism I now return to the discussion of a dialogic relationship. There is no communication without dialogism. In the epistemological encircling. I seek to decipher some of its reasons for being in order to appropriate its substantiveness better. But. Consciousness of one's inconclusiveness makes that being educable. Dialogism is a requirement of human nature and also a sign of the educa­ tor's democratic stand. As a matter of method. I was talking with the German professor: thanks to technology. lies in the radicalness of an inconc1usion that is per­ ceived as such. she would have understood nothing. I proceed to approach it by encircling it.92 • PAU L O F R E I R E P E DAG O G Y O F T H E H E ART ' 93 Through this process. In this sense. here lie also roots of the metaphysical foundation of hope. at times. called me to say that his computer. I try to understand the object. I have called attention to human nature as being socially and historically constituted. and com­ munication lies at the core of the vital phenomenon. and it characterizes us as historical beings. in this operation. and not for pure stubbornness. who died in 1978. I will begin by attempting to comprehend its foundation. by inconclusion. I never directly focus my attention on the object that challenges me in the process of knowledge discovery. Dialogism must not be understood as a tool used by the educator. by taking epistemological distance from the object. For this reason I am hopeful. and their ethical demands. which implies a process. Not only have we been unfinished. the learners gradually acquaint them­ selves with political struggle. and on the other. Unfinishedness in the absence of con- .

I am referring to the need for relational experience on the level of existence and of interactions. New Y ork: Continuum. plants are cultivated. to understand it. Learning to Question. seizes the world toward which it has an intention. It is what detains me. to seek the reason for being of facts. Animals are domesticated. the level of living. of feeling. however. Without the curiosity that makes us beings in permanent availability for questioning-be the questioning well con­ structed or poody founded. before beauty and ugliness. showers. The promises will not hurt either one. In this domain. So far. It does not lack method. this unrefrainable need to understand in order to ex­ plain.94 • PAU L O F R E. It is a short conversation. New Y uum. Let us follow his main movements : he awakes. Pedro has not once questioned him­ self about this or that action of his. This is what characterizes our movement through the world of day-to-day life. Consciousness about the world. from the moment of his morning shower to his ar­ rival at the seminar room. in the human existence. my body. without any methodical rigor. always alive. maybe next Wednesday. detains himself. 1993). our curiosity is unguarded. which implies consciousness about myself in the world. it does not matter-there would be no gnoseologic activity. seem like. with it and with others. he observes the rushed movement of those coming and going. It is a matter of aesthetic curiosity. lost in my contemplation of the speed and elegance with even to or from my consciousness intending toward the world brings or contains in itself a certain quality of life that. feelings. which takes on greater complexity in relationship. promises of meeting again. There is another way to immerse ourselves pleasurably in a challenge. 1989). He heads over to the room where the Tuesday semi­ nars are held. he says good morning to some. carefree. At the sight of a W ALK sign. They will not expect each other next Wednesday. greets some people. men and women educate themselves. spontaneous. smiles at others. It exists and it could not not exist: there we have it. before facts and phenomena. His mind is not epistemologically operating. human life. some sort of openness to comprehending what is in the orbit of the challenged being's sensibility. walks past others. say. It is what makes me stop and gaze upon the sunset. and since he lives near the university where he works. Consciousness of. It is this desire. I am referring to curios­ ity. he walks across to the other side. ork: Contin­ New Revised 20th-Anniversary Edition. emotions. a concrete expression of our possi­ bility of knowing. This consciousness is a totality-reason. They know they are not going to meet then. existence. an intentionality of consciousness does not end with rationality. who knows. Let us take half a day in Pedro's life as the object of our curiosity. conscious of the world and myself. is not limited to a rationalistic experience. PE DAGO GY 0 F THE HEART • 95 sciousness about it engenders domestication and cultivation. the use of repetitive exercises that surpass a reason- . desires. That does not mean to say that there may not be curiosity in day-to-day life. he walks over there. becomes more intense and richer. living. which also implies our ability to realize the world. eats breakfast. I R E. He runs into a friend. Peter gets to the university. We continue to discourse about answers and questions that were not posed to us. He greets some coworkers and students. He skims the first pages of the news­ paper. He leaves the house. It is this human disposition to be surprised before people. realizing what lies in the realm of one's "visions of depth" (see Pedagogy of the Oppressed. There is a fundamental element in interaction. Concern with the mechanical memorization of content is curious. for there cannot be curiosity without method: it is methodical in itself. My conscious body's constant exercise in releasing itself able limit while leaving out a critical education about curiosity Isee Paulo Freire and Antonio Faundez. without em­ phasizing the importance of curiosity to the students. what they do.

To them. it avails itself of it. it demands epistemological curiosity. While a practice of learning and teaching. The seminar room is a theoretical qon­ methodically rigorous. dictiOnaries. to examine what takes place in it critically. It is required that my curiosity become epistemological. but the epistemologically curious posture with which we may operate in it does. where facts occurj thus. If. and little by little. this is the way to facilitating the exercise of epistemological curiosity. how we may convert a given moment in the concrete context into a theoretical moment. who before such contemporary demands as responsiveness to different situations. the state of the mind is. the in­ troduction of projectors. however. books. such education must not go be­ yond the administrative and technical domains. In a theoretical context. leading one to operate mechanically in that context. we take distance from the concrete one in order. news­ papers. This curiosity. That being. the im­ portance of this space should be clear. This task belongs to epistemological curiosity-overcoming naive curiosity. The role of the progressive educa­ tor is to challenge the learner's naive curiosity in order that they can both share criticalness. while it is a context open to the exercise of epistemological curiosity. which are seen as neutral.96 • PAU L O F R E I R E P E D A G O G Y 0 F T H E H E A RT • 97 which the clouds move across the blue depth of the sky. Spontaneous curiosity is not what makes it possible to take epistemological distance. should be a concern of every serious educational project. Likewise. ideological. the relationship between the concrete context and the theoretical one would be solely mechanical. educational prac­ tice is gnoseologic by nature. educational materials. which is in a contradictory relationship with a concrete context. I could not distance my­ self from it in order to understand it better only because I found myself in action. the methodological rigor indispensable to the theoretical context may be twisted. Scientific knowledge is not what is rigorous. I have previously mentioned the mistake of the postrnodern­ ist. It is this methodical rigor that takes knowledge from the level of common sense to that of scientific knowledge. As we emphasize an epistemologically curious posture as fundamental in constituting the theoretical context. sees no reason to challenge the learner to discuss the vital phenomenon from a social. That is how an educational practice can affirm itself as the unveiling of hidden truths. By making clear that the educational space is valuable. the space of the concrete context does not neces­ sarily make it theoretical. Unguarded curiosity must not be the way for Pedro to be­ have in the classroom. The pragmatic reactionary educator who teaches biology. In order to reflect theoretically upon my practice. or political text. Without that. Further. must defend a certain variety of critical education. Due attention to the educational space. there is always the possi­ bility of its subjects' adopting a reflective-critical positionj in it. Rigor lies in the method applied in an approach to the object. however. fax. cleanliness of desks. video. But physical space is not what makes a context theoretical. In the same way. the teacher'S desk setup. it makes itself more . the progressive educational practice deteriorates. It is what touches me when faced with a work of art that centers me in beauty. for example. while engaged in concreteness. does not refuse to consider the aesthetic. magazines. The banking model of educational practice is of this kind. hence. encyclopedias. On the contrary. while objectifying it. computers. In a concrete context.This rigor allows for a greater or lesser precision in the knowledge produced or found through our epistemological quest. spontaneous curiosity may come to be epistemological. Attention should go into every detail of the school space: hygiene. wall furnishings. it is not required that I change physical contexts. The appropriate context for the exercise of epistemological curiosity is the theoretical one. the administration is able to demand the due respect for it from learners.

To dialogue is not to babble. Authoritarian power is prying. the concrete possibility will result in a pedagogical policy based on the decent treat­ ment of teachers and on the exercise of their legitimate devel- not for the moment. Authoritarian regimes are enemies of curiosity. but are by nature dialogic. called into discussions of their problems. and by revis­ ing the role of the state. Teachers as Intellectuals-Toward a Criti­ questioning. re­ gional. .98 • PAU L 0 F R E I R E P E DA G O GY OF T H E H E ART • 99 point of view. We shall overcome the gaps by redirecting public spending. They must not be diminished and blamed for the gaps in their professional development (see note 11. authori­ tarian antidialogue violates the nature of human beings. page 138). their process of discovery. but not from the starting point of raising the proclaimed incompetence of teachers. decently paid. which renders it purely technical. and eradicating contempt for public property. is full of curiosity and unrest. rigorously methodical exposition. Well to the liking of the World Bank. Truly democratic educators are cal Pedagogy). They pun­ ish citizens for displaying it. Dialogic seriousness and surrender to a critical quest must not be confused with babbling. a spirit of adventure. this political vision necessarily ignores the intelligence and judgment and creative abilities of teachers. Within such political vision. It assumes that there is no longer any antagonism between interests. From all that. It is full of mutual respect between the dialoging subjects. not curious or training of the learner. confidence in questioning. Even though things are never just their atmosphere. on the other hand. Only from this point on will it be possible to demand effectiveness from teachers. and national problems woven into the problems of edu­ cation. or worse yet neutral. works toward the instrumental opment. and that all that really matters is solely technical training. eliminating wasteful spending. toward teachers. There is an invisible. that everything is more or less the same. the standardization of content. previous dialogue where one does not need to make up questions. The enlightened professional development comInittees will be in­ terested in training front-line educators--reduced to the role of subordinate intellectuals--into using teaching techniques and materials designed to transfer the " indispensable" content Isee Henry Giroux. the questioning subject knows the reason for being the questioner. with the starving salaries that they receive-the majority of them did not result in desperation (s ee note 12. Let us overcome the gaps. Teachers need to be respected. we may speak of a dialogic atmosphere. and seriousness in providing answers. but also to understand its intellection. page 139). In that sense. In a dialogic atmosphere. through an effective fiscal policy. The social nature of this process makes a dialogi­ cal relationship a natural element of it. Let us return to the issue of dialogism in relation to naive and epistemological curiosity. the local. and the transfer of a well-behaved knowledge of results. Dialogue. but are things themselves. A dialogic relationship is the mark of a gnoseologic process: it is not a favor or kindness. A technicistic vision of education. They do not ask questions just for asking or just to seem alive to the listener. One of their substantive tasks in our society is to gestate this dialogIC atmosphere. the permanent development of educators will adhere too much to the banking model. What is strictly necessary for them is to deposit contents about the vital phenomenon in the learner. to which the learners' listen as if to eat up the discourse. A dialogic relationship-com­ munication and intercommunication among active subj ects who are immune to the bureaucratization of their minds and open to discovery and to knowing more-is indispensable to knowledge. It would be extraordinary if-given our historic situation of disrespect toward public problems. That is why there may be dialogue in a professor's critical. and it contradicts democracy. Dialogism presupposes maturity.

"Things are as they are because they cannot be any other way. Hope is pulverized in the immobility of a crushing present. my hope resided in dreams. without which we cannot be. The statement. Protest agitates. of my ethical point of view and. The utopia of solidarity makes way for tech­ nical training directed toward survival in a world without dreams. something impossible today may come to be pos­ sible some day. the nights of that homeless per­ son seemed better." is one of the many instruments used by the dominant in an attempt to abort the dominated's resist­ ance. This is what lies at the core of the "pragmatic" discourse about education. In any case. it implies a preoccupation with the raison d'etre of the objects that mediates the subj ects of the dialogue. against the silence needed from those who produce. undermines. let alone transformed." In this case. I would be betraying the desperate in the world. it dis­ rupts and moves against order. twists the truth. I never saw him again. Conversely." said one of them with a distant gaze. If he still lives. without fighting against those who irresponsibly prohibit us from being responsible for our own freedom. that of accepting the very struggle only as we stand for it." If I settled for the lie in this phrase. The fact that we are ontologically responsible is not something that can be experienced without search.!' My ethical and political responsibility does not allow me to hesitate before the cynicism of those who say. The growing gap between educational practice and the epis­ temological curiosity exercise is of concern to me. What counts is training them so that they can adapt without protest. It was the same expres­ sion in the eyes of the country boy from Sao Paulo who only had nightmares. you can never get out. Freedom. some sort of final stop beyond which nothing is possible (Pedagogy of Hope). For this reason. of my faith. My Faith and Hope Some time ago. the struggle for liberation im- plies a previous task. That is how we liberate ourselves. he will probably not read this text. IIThings are as they are because there is no other way. like that one in San Francisco. I have spoken about how I understand the human being and history. "I can dive into them and drown my pain. one that does not go past a scientificist position before the world. but rather possibility. In history as possibility we cannot be but re­ sponsible. I fear the curiosity achieved by an educational practice reduced to pure technique may be an anesthesized curiosity. It has been a long time since I have had a ray of light make a crack in my days and nights. what matters is training learners just so they can manage well.100 • PAU L O F R EI R E P E D A G O G Y O F T H E H E A RT • 101 Dialogic experience is fundamental for building epistemo­ logical curiosity. And there cannot be possibility that is not exposed to its negation. I had lunch with an American woman religious and two homeless people in San Francisco. At first. the less of a future we have. is not a gift but a conquest. Such responsibility implies an equally ethical struggle so that we can live up to it. Our conversation was interspersed with hopelessness throughout. He will not know how much he . Dialogue also implies a critical posture. The nights are con­ sumed and I feel crushed inside them. I do not know his name. the more fatalisti­ cally immersed in a reality impossible to be touched. or fail to. The more historically anesthetized. I used to think that I could experience some happiness while I was sleeping. to impossibility. "Once on the streets. thus ethical. Here and in other writings. "which have created enough problems. because I cannot deny it. Our historical incli­ nation is not fate. I would like to emphasize the finiteness we are aware of that makes us beings inserted in a permanent search for being more-both the natural inclination and the risk of losing direction at the same time. I reject this fatalism in the name of my understanding of the human being and of history. What else could I offer you besides my desolation? The days go by. on the bottom of time.

a suffered sparkle. If our utopia is the constant changing of the world and the overcoming of injus­ tice." Her guilt inhibited her the same way a fatalist posture would. this poor woman would be the defendant and her own prosecutor at the same time. rather accepting the guilt the system has attributed her for her lack of success. which makes poor. A white woman. or to put it off as much as possible. which he made critically clear as he described his tragic experience: falling on the streets without ever being able to retum. regardless of why. and love should be. as she spoke. The issue around liberation and its practice is not fighting against the religiousness of the popular classes. The situation that generates such intelligence of the world and of God does not offer those immersed in it any way out other than settling for their own pain. "You are American. That was the fust time I heard poverty used as a nation­ ality. fatalism is nourished by the oppressors. What must not be accepted in those who proclaim their faith is that they use it at the service of the popular classes' uncriticalness. I am thinking of unity between those who live their liberating faith and those who do not have it. indicating any doubt about the legitimacy of that situation would mean a sin against the will of God. it was as if she begged for forgiveness from Americanness for not having a successful existence. The comprehension I' . This is the extraordinary power of ideology.102 • PAU L O F R E I R E P E D A G O G Y 0 F T H E H E A RT • 103 helped me by speaking about his impotence. This way. It is not quite like that: the fabric of the oppressive situation is what generates a fatalistic under­ standing of the world. aren't you? II With teary eyes. When I defend unity within diversity. which is a right of theirs and an expression of their culture. What marked popular religiousness-resigna­ tion and annihilation-would be substituted with forms of re­ sistance to outrage. but rather pushes me toward world transformation. nor can I be rejected for having it. with it. and vice versa. This is how I have always understood God-a presence in history that does not preclude me from making history. the absence of citizenship in her. frazzled and with difficulty in articulat­ ing her speech. she answered: "No! I am of a God that punishes rebelliousness against injustice and blesses resigned acceptance of antilove is natural to fatalism. there is an understanding of the body-for those who have evolved in their faith-as the dwell­ ing of sin turns into an intelligence of the body as the temple of God. looked at me. We are tempted to think of it as an invention whose engineering is discussed in the offices of dominant leaders. the dominant use God to their ends. She had been ex­ pelled from existence itself. She'd have no defense. the vision of a God at the service of the strong for a God on the side of those with whom justice. That woman had introj ected it to such a degree that. and misfortune. In her self-incrimination. I thought: IIIf we were in a trial. That desolate woman expressed. truth. Her discourse manifested the dominant ideology that inhabited her to the point that she was all self-criticism. Generating itself in the oppressive situation and serving it. in a very signifi­ cant way. of a God strangely loving toward its children. I cannot refuse the contribution of progressives who have no faith. for it tests them with pain. need. Two or three days after that lunch. but ideology itself that spoke. The fatalism of the poor undeniably helps only the dominant. Feeling guilty. but rather over­ coming. it was as if it were not her any longer. to perversity. I visited a Catholic house in San Francisco where poor and relegated people received help. We are tempted to think that fatalism is an inven­ tion of the dominant to impede rebellion from the dominated. I cannot see how those who so live their faith could negate those who do not live it.rocess. submission-faith toward a destiny that would re­ flect God's will makes way for a spurring faith of loving rebel­ liousness. she said she was not American. In this ]!. Supported by the historic anesthesia of the suffering and patient populations. Becoming unsettled.

without losing humility. It is as if the fight against exploitation. A friend asked me. Since I was a child. in spite of everything. but rather contradicting it through acts. in my hope. So that. challenges me. It demands a stand for freedom. the fundamental importance of my faith in my struggle for overcoming an oppressive reality and for building a less ugly society. My friend asked me these questions on the same day that Collor was acquitted in the Supreme Court and the second witness in the Candelaria massacre was killed. they may live true faith. I read in Miguel de Unamuno that "ideas are to be had. His question increased my respon­ sibility because I realized that. the problem is claiming to have it and. in an ethical sense. in the sense of humility. coherence and a taste for it are indispensable in building a balance between what I preach and what I do. Candelarias. motivates me. It sustains me. as if he already knew the answer. Far from us was the idea that we were being tested by God. and tolerance.104 • PAU L 0 F R E I R E PEDAGOGY 0 F T H E H EART • 105 it possible to restore the humanity of those who exploit and of the weak. The process of salvation cannot be realized without rebelliousness. it is less likely to blossom among the arrogant. beliefs are for one to be in. To give testimony against one's proclaimed faith is to work against faith. All arguments in favor of the legitimacy of my struggle for a more people-oriented society have their deepest roots in my faith. who cease to be human if they are denied their freedom to believe or not be­ lieve. 1996). engaging in different forms of action coherent with that faith. II It is not easy to have faith. which implies respect for the freedom of others. my utopia. sex. one that is less evil and more humane. how far my optimism would go before the absurdly high number of daily bank robberies. the betrayal of the impeachment via legal technique. In that sense. scandals in Con­ gress. to repair what seemed wrong to me. In order for those to be touched by faith. . At least. rapes. How is it possible to "walk" with Christ. or national origin. than absolute knowledge (see Letters to Cristina. and my pedagogical dreams. On the contrary. is not the problem. My friend had come to hear that. it is not easy due to the demands faith places on whoever experiences it. but because it does not immobilize me. I have never been able to understand how it could be possible to reconcile faith in Christ with dis­ crimination on the basis of race. coherence. scandals." I am in my faith. settle down. undue amnesties. and the refusal of resignation were paths to salva­ tion. I do not feel as comfortable as I do when speaking about my political choice. If vigorous faith can authentically emerge among the abused. believing. Not having faith is both a possibility and a right of human beings. intuition. its motivation. It is to engage in action that reaffirms it and never action that negates it. engagement in a struggle for it. /I Still young. For this reason. Above all. It is not easy to have faith. Negating faith is not being without it. Having faith. at the same time. One of the positives among all the negativity of the troubles my family faced was having gone through the crisis that we did without being tempted to adopt a fatalistic position. being in faith means mov­ ing. embezzlements. he was seeking I do not feel very comfortable speaking about my faith. I do want to mention. salvation implies liberation. kidnappings. things are as they are because they cannot be any other way. contradicting it in action. witness killings. they need to assume no humiliation' even if weak. they first need to be emptied of the power that makes them all-powerful. massacres. my hope and my optimism are still alive. however. "Stop. and it has never allowed me to say. but refer to the popular classes as "these stinky people" or "riffraff. This attitude was more like a premonition. early on I found myself convinced of the need to change the world. hUIniliated. social class.

shore up its institutions.the indecent salaries paid to teachers in basic educa­ tion. It is imperative that we maintain hope even when the harsh­ ness of reality may suggest the opposite. unemployment. p. dress. And what could education do toward hope? A gnoseologic process. women. for example. In reality. in no uncertain terms. On this level. The struggle for hope is perma­ nent. If hope is rooted in the inconclusioD of a being. a rigorous analysis of the facts reveals that certain events considered negative are more positive than they may seem. 140}. It is exactly because we are exer­ cising democracy with renewed vigor that certain events are taking place and that we are becoming aware of many others. education engages subjects (educators and learnersJ. . the excesses of government. and omissions. the lack of respect for public property. of all abuses. What makes me hopeful is not so much the certainty of the find. we will never accomplish that. Critical acceptance of my inconclusion necessarily immerses me in permanent search. political-its process implies hope. Once more. This is a transi­ tion that is now complete. but my movement in search.106 • PAU L O F R E I R E P E D A G O G Y 0 F T H E H E A RT • 107 support for his. aesthetic. no matter how deep the valleys may be. it is necessary to identify also as examples of deterioration the disrespect for popular classes. In order to preserve hope. with which we may face the social problems that afflict us. we awaken in others and ourselves the need. or the content to be taught by the educator-subject and learned by the learner-subj ect. the fat. the struggle for hope means the denunciation. And so does dis­ crimination. Whatever the perspective through which we appreciate au­ thentic educational practice-gnoseologic. something else is needed in order to personify it. What he may not have known is that I needed mediated by a cognizable object. It is necessary to accept the inconc1usion that one becomes aware of. of a president would not have been possible if Brazil had not reached the level of political-democratic maturity it has. educators should always analyze the comings and goings of social reality. a regime that abuses power was never an intro­ duction to democracy. we felt the risk that hope would run out. the old. can demonstrate how worthwhile all the hope we put into the fight was. since it is indispensable for happiness in school life. ethical. Only the improvement of democracy. be it against blacks. in Brazilian history. From a historical point of view. and it becomes intensified when one realizes it i s not a solitary struggle {see note 13. the indigenous. In reality. there being no reason to speak about it from now on. They are lost in history. In an effort to maintain hope alive. The impeachment. schemes. homosexuals. These are the move­ ments that make a higher reason for hope possible. ensure a return to development. It is not possible to search without hope. But it is also certain that. and hunger. and ensure economic balance. and without a destination. for hope. and also the taste. in the obstacles faced. it is urgent for purity to manifest itself against two-faced moralism. No matter how shocking the facts may be. We now need to consolidate democracy. During the time since we began transi­ tioning from authoritarianinism to democracy. As we denounce them. Unhopeful educators con­ tradict their practice. and for translucent seriousness to shine through against the audacity of shame­ lessness.tives we experience today do not raise doubts about democracy. In alliance with the right. They are men and women without ad­ him as much as he needed me. destitution. As one does that. the reemergence of decency and decorum is always possible. It is true that the ethical deterioration of Brazilian society has been reaching unbearable levels. the remedy could never be the closing of society once again. which implies overcoming social injustice. These truly constitute the pornography of our lives. one's inconclusion becomes critical} and they may never lack hope again. not even in solitude. the nega.

In Pedagogy of the Heart. leading me to translate them for a universal public. As his wife. his emotions and reflections. my care in producing these notes are the same with which I wrote the notes for Pedagogy of Hope and Letters to Cristina. My notes intend to con- . as in the others he wrote. Some may perhaps seem unnecessarYi however. have become more and more ours in recent years. and in the process make and remake myself both as an intellectual and as a Brazilian. Walking down this path along with him thus makes and remakes me more historian and more authentically national. It is a pleasure to know myself as sharing with him not only the daily joy of the good husband-wife relationship. Pernambucan. Paulo'S language and ideas go beyond the local level. is taken from the day-to-day of his life. Thus. I never took his invitations to participate in his work as a right or duty. I wish to place myself "under the shade of this mango treeN-which reflects Paulo's original Portuguese title for his book-with the privilege and pleasure of being able to enjoy Paulo's ideas and his company.Notes BY ANA MARIA ARAUJO FREIRE Introduction Sharing a book with Paulo Freire is both a privilege and a pleasure of mine. my own previously. but as a privilege and pleasure. his experiences as Recifean. but also the satisfaction of living and sharing political-pedagogical concerns which. It is a privilege to contribute to his writings. but to complement it. Paulo's narrative in this book. These notes are not meant to invade the author's text. and Brazilian as lived out in the world. since he feels more lucid and creative under this and other Northeastern trees.

but never to interfere in the dialogue between the author and his readers. He speaks of enormous jaca trees. prostitutes.000 people carry the mv virus. CNBB is one of its institu­ tions which had been opening space. sexually abused girls. regardless of the social class residing in it. women. the Catholic Church exhorted society to be ome aware of . Note 2-Page 38 Freire talks about his childhood world through trees and their shades. In addition. . the disabled. pitomba. . above all. Through the cam­ paign. like Monsignor Paulo Evaristo s. the HIV positive. sapoti. jaboticaba. succulent fruit that varies in color. street kids. youth and children for prostitution IS a :n:nung. . More recently. completely in­ volved with the cause of the oppressed. and the unemployed. and size. pinha. as well. . 7 mIllion suffer from phYSI­ cal or men al illness. . graviola.1 10 NOTE S N O TE S 111 textualize this text in many of its apparently obvious time. Emphasizing "colors. of mango trees.5 inmates per space ( . inga. important components of Northeastern life. because they know it is impos­ sible to integrate the excluded into this system so highly individu­ alistic and disinclined toward social causes. the privatizing and globalizing neoliberalism of the current president of the republic ha s met the repudiation of these clergymen. at least 500. star-fruit. With the pohtiCal opemng. the poor. the outraged voices of various leaders. fruits. Through­ out the entire military period (1964-85). the imprisoned. preserved in its natural state. Note 3-Page 40 Speaking of the contradictions of "my homeland/' not only tne Northeast but the whole of Brazil. enormo us trees with "very thick trUflks. banana. until May 1995.a to make. a tree natural to the region of mangos. Accordmg t CNBB data 32 million people starve. who to a large extent led CNBB's actions." The Catholic Church in Brazil has. or infused in cachac. flavor. The ba e docu­ ment for the campaign announces: "There are approxlmately 130 000 inmates in 297 correctional facilities. and Brazilian culture references. with the "friendl y caju. generous and prodigal i n crea- . such as the caja. Things of a missed past. whose pulps and juices and ice creams to this day delight those who have not caved in to the marketing of sodas. the SItu­ ation of those excluded from material and cultural benefits had � � � � v. " the happiness of those Sundays by the sea. presented a considerably progressive segment of the clergy. with great water reserve. space. and engage in concrete action in favor of those hlstoncally ex· cluded of those less valued and left to chance. papaya. � Thi� � � � � � � � ? � maturely. and thus at­ tracted birds. which offer generous pulp­ enveloped seeds. II (Aurelio Diction ary)­ its flakes are used to make soft and inexpensive pillows. and pineapple . guava. up until the fifties-before skyscrapers flooded cities with condos-filled the backyards of dwellings in any city section. . pitanga. ishing of political prisoners. drug addicts. He speaks about the caju tree. brought by the Jesuits at the beginning of colonization. ) five hundred thousand girls prostitute themselves on Brazilian streets ( . whose unique flavor can be savored in the form of juice. and of barrigudeira trees. J The youngest prostitute on record was eigh years ld. Other fruits also populate the author's memories. the Sick. since the sixties. red flow­ ers. group includes the elderly. the National Conference of Bishops of Brazil ( CNBB) orga­ nized its annual Fraternity Campaign on behalf of the men. the caju fruit also yields delicious cashew nuts. and fruit which is a winged capsule. narratives. or paineras. ara�a. were raised against the arbitrariness of. pomegranate. with their huge. They are simply descriptions. and reflections meant to clarify. umbu. not only for evangeliza­ tion but also for fighting against sociopolitical injustice. smells. . the orturmg nd the an. He speaks. mangab a. . Note i-Page 36 In 1995. with Mon ignor Luciano Mendes de Almeida. . and millions of children begin working pre­ been the main concern of this clergy. The tr c of un erage . and children whose political and economic powers have been excluded from participation in society. representing an ex­ ces of 2." Freire refers to the quali­ ties of trees that.

6 (lEGE. There are also discrepancies in the distribution of cultural and material wealth among the different geographic regions. according to lEGE * data. 5 1 .14 for men and 68. linked to color. 1 6. which made the concentration of income easier: 8 0 percent of the deaths from homicide occur among youths between fifteen and eighteen years of age. and in the Northeast they reach. even white ones.00.446. was Cr$24. 1 0/1/94).846. life expectancy was 65. out of every thousand children born alive. not without fight.6 percent are suicides (from CBIA­ Brazilian Center for Childhood and Adolescence.1 million people. the popula­ tion of African origin reached approximately 7. in third. Among the causes of death are "poorly defined intestinal infec­ tions"-diseases of destitution. Within an estimated population of 1 56. In 1990. (By comparison.00). 156.8 million darks-a designation that clearly indicates a rac­ ist view-within a total of 147. we have become more and more a violent society.589. the highest rate is of homicides j31.00. among so many others who fight for these people. as a result of the silence imposed by the military dictatorship.3 for females.5 times higher than those of children born to families residing in the central areas of the city.00. in 1810 the population of Brazil was of 4. in the South. in the years when the actual national value of minimum wages reached Cr$l O. and illiteracy. in the Northeast. and 1 .74. In Spain. The plight of pensioners and the retired is tragic: 12. the per thousand rate is six for children who die within the first year of life. 3 1 . they come in second place. with the smallest share of all the social wealth. in ninth place.3 million Social Security beneficiaries receive only minimum wages (ap­ proximately $1 00. while for women it was Cr$8. and in the Center-West. 1993). treats millions of others with sordid contempt. In the past twenty years. Annual Statistics Manual of Brazil." for they live in extreme poverty and canno t even manage their basic nutritional needs. While the average income in the North­ east was Cr$8.5 are considered "destitute. twelfth place. in tenth place. these num­ bers dropped to 60. 95. the chances a poor child born *mGE: Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics. endorsed by the middle tiers of society. in the North it was Cr$1 7. Black men and women.47. Cr$19. there are records of 6.7 for males and 44.00.6 percent). In the Northeast.9 million /26 percent of the total) are considered "poor" by the gov­ ernment-those without enough income to cover expenses for such basic needs as shelter. Our colonial-patriarchal heritage leaves women.3 million for 1995.6. oftentimes watches on. the average life expectancy is 70 years (Folho de Siio Paulo. in the Center-West.84 and 67. the average rate is 86 per thousand. Social class in Brazil is. in the Southeast. groans with emotion and justified indignation. are looked upon as intrinsically inferior be­ ings. in the Southeast. 41. 62. in the North.652. due to a slave mental­ ity still in existence. in the South. Some data points to the degree of injustice in the distribution of social wealth among Brazilians. In Brazil as a whole. of all violent deaths among chil­ dren and youths (inclUding street boys and girls). while its dominant class.49 years. In Sao Paulo. published by Folho de Siio Paulo.238. Cr$16. It . Quasi woman-girls painfully suffer the consequences of a highly unjust society by prostituting themselves with foreign tourists. such infec­ tions appear in eighth place as the cause of death. 1 0 percent for lack of medical assistance (recorded in Rio de Janeiro alone). for males and females respectively. the poorest country in the Americas.2 percent are the result of traffic accidents. In the South Region. clothing.) In 1990.6 and 80. In Suriname.98 for women. which have better services because that is where the more privileged segments live.452.2 in average). l l O. In 1990. in the city's outskirts will die within its first year of life are 3. the per thousand rates were 33. 3/8/95).2 million blacks and 5 7.1 million slaves entering Brazil from Angola. Between 1 531 and 1 8 1 0. in great part. Freire.00. and education. another datum reveals the gap between different regions. If the women in all regions had one-third of the income of men.112 • N O T E S N O T E S • 113 tive people of an exuberant nature.00.3 million Brazilians. poverty. the II average monthly income for persons ten years of age and older" in Brazilian cruzeiros (Cr$). From these.6 died on average: a rate of 58. one of the poorest countries in Latin America. lower than that of the North­ east (88. and Benguela. Cr$18. condemning them to hunger. The gap in standards of living between the sexes is also glaring: in 1990. In Haiti.6 and 19. Luanda. disease.00. The Ivory Coast.

Thus.2 percent. This is one of the most painful faces of a country that ranks as the eighth largest economy in the world. In 1989. whether successfully or tragically. A UNICEF-ffiGE study. almost twice as much as the same segment in Brazil. The economic decadence of a region that did not orient its infrastructure toward other industries with the least bit of enterprise. This situation is the result of a historic process of political­ economic-ideological development made acute by the intensifi­ cation of income concentration since 1960. and knowing an immense rural population. According to the Congressional Investigative Committee on Child Prostitution.3 million Brazilians between the ages of fifteen and seventeen.6 percent in the Center-West. In that year. 16. In the hopes of marrying Europeans. not even those so-called tropical. happy and submissive vacation compan­ ions. In the North Region it was 14. in the worst cases.1 percent in the Northeast. or 12. the illiteracy rate is zero. the difference has jumped to 78 times higher. but also on the basis of a solidarity of difference. the rate of illiteracy among persons seven years old and older was 10. 1 percent of general income.491 towns.97 percent up to 8 1 . 4/22195). the top 1 0 percent richest segments had income thirty-four times higher than that of the top 1 0 percent poorest segments. In the North and in the Northeast. their astute intelli­ gence. sugar. In 1990. are located all the fifty cities with illiteracy rates higher than 54 percent. immobilization. confirming their inferior condition. according to ffiGE.5 percent. according to UNICEF data.000 such girls. and those who. the massive transference of its greatest wealth. who for a number of rea­ sons. and 39. 1 1 . which I wrote for Letters to Cristina. the Northeast perpetuated the elitist and enslaVing authoritarianism that precludes from having.23 percent. based on 1991 data.) Note 5-Page 45 As he speaks about Northeasterners.4 percent of all Brazilians within this age bracket. Having been the premier location for the Portuguese colonial­ mercantile venture since the sixteenth century.114 • N O TE S N OT E S 115 is the so-called sex-tourism. be­ ing able. perpetuate their condition as easy preys of the "assistance and aid" that facilitates all destitution. and 4 million children are out of school (Folha de Siio Paulo. on average for Latin America and the Caribbean.0 percent in the South. the top 20 percent poorest segments accounted for 4. The South and Southeast offer a better picture regarding literacy: in four Southern cities and two in Sao Paulo.500 had illiteracy rates higher than 20 percent: an alarming index. and lack of hope. as early as in the imperial era. the girls will join these tourists for fifteen-day periods. still immersed in all these things. 1 7. there are 500. Note 4-Page 42 (More information on Rural Leagues may be found in note 34. only 12 percent of rural populations have bathroom facilities. Still ac­ cording to ffiGE. while the top 50 percent poorest segments account for 12 . given that those who are not able to read and write by the time they are seventeen will hardly manage to learn after that (Folha de Siio Paulo. the rates reach 61. 3/8/95). 1. Freire identifies with his people not only on the basis of their lyricism. 52 percent of all workers make less than twice the minimum wage. 1 1 . a dream resulting from the fact that some such marriages do occur. Thirty years later. It is the tragic difference that the living conditions in the Northeast have been making more and more marked between Freire. The study indicates that out of 4. 1 percent.9 percent of children between ten and fourteen years of age already work. apathy.6 percent.2 percent in the Southeast. the top 1 percent richest segment of the Brazilian population accounts for 13. there are 10 million. overseas or to the other Brazilian prov­ inces. historically centered in latifundios.9 percent of all income. forty-nine are in these two regions. 3 1 percent of the elderly receive no Social Security benefits. wanting. and of the fifty Brazilian cities with rates lower than 1 . even more . was able to break free from the narrow-mindedness. the Northeast saw. or their taste for the sun and the shade of trees and the scents that most of them exude with tropical dignity. made for the stagna­ tion of productive social relations. being. reveals that illiter­ acy reaches 1 .

In the Northeastern latifundios. mandated by the 1988 Constitution has exorbitantly increased employers' payments into Social Sec rity. the order of the day is to tor­ ture and kill all workers who lead or support the struggle against exploitation. the rural workers' newspaper exposed the concentra­ tion of productive lands: 50 percent of them belong to 2 percent of and owners. 1 The number of workers kept as slaves in different estates is a strong indicator: 40. the land owners intend to subjugate their victims through silence (Ogunde.7). . I can give two examples: in the past twenty-nine years. and allow themselves to be "assisted" and even enslaved. In Bahia alone. newsletter of the Juazeiro Diocese. and hunger I Sem -T rra. Priests who fight for the rights of the rural are threatened with death" {Newsletter by the group Torture Never Again-Rio de Janeiro. and the wages made by the minors would only suffice to buy 58. resulting in a 70 percent exodus of the rural popu­ latlOn.6 percent of the "minimum recommended ra­ tion. Sava­ dor. number 2.034 popular houses. in absolute terms. who are then reduced to bOias-trias. to the compassionless web of the "lords. in 1 99 1 the capital of the state had forty-nine favelas. "in 1994. volume I. number 84.1 million hectares an area equivalent to lil Salvador IAeroesp Newspaper.781 murders perpetrated against Brazilian rural work­ ers between 1 964 and 1994. announces that. A contingent of men and women deeply rooted in a magical conception of the world easily falls prey. The murderers of Chico Mendes . the other fifteen resulted in acquittals! ( . the nourishment needed merely to replace the en­ ergy used on the job. p.694. 57 percent hurt themselves with sickles while working in the sugarcane fields. p. Fifty-six percent of these children began work at the age of seven. and to the cultural crumbling of the populations involved. number 107. "only twenty-nine cases went to trial. 4).1 16 • N O TBS N O TE S • 117 than in the big cities. p. � In order to convey a better sense of the magnitude of this demo­ lition. in a joint study with the Save the Children Fund. . ). ) the average family income in the region was a miser­ able $23 monthly. A study by the Federal University of Alagoas shows that the change in rural labor relations has contributed to the process of ghettoization. control more land. . and by 1995 this number had climbed to 120 (Folha de Sao Paulo. and one of the reaso for the deposition of President Joao Goulart in 1 964-was resur­ rected in the democratic-transition administration of Jose Samey (3/1 5/85-3/1 5/90) under the title of National Plan for Agrarian Reform. " owners of everything and everyone. December 1994-January 1995)_ Ninety thousand houses that served as homes for plant workers have been destroyed in the past four years. between 1979 and 1988. 90 percent are hired under the table. The Josue de Castro Center. after the layoff of local reSidents. . . according to IBGli. . 41. number 169. than 1 . Sao Paulo number 203. Plant owners ar­ gue that the costs associated with bringing rural workers to a * � : par with urban workers. The plan served only to derail the struggle of the landless who naively gave a vote of confidence to the government. 5 1 1. to child mortality. The e biggest land owner in Brazil owns 2. . con*Boias frias-a tenn referring to the hords of destitute rural workers who have no place to go and make a living by being transported from sugarcane field to sugarcane field to work on the harvest. .000 hectares. and 100 percent of the children are recruited for a forty-four-hour work week {Nova Escola magazine. " that is. sixty thousand children between seven and thirteen years of age labored in the heavy work of sugarcane harvesting in the plants and mills of the Zona da Mata area of Pernambuco ( . out of an instinct of survival. Bahia. between 1989 and 1993. 5/28/95). who most often find unemployment. In the meantime. September 1 99 1 ). March 1 994. 7 million minifundios would" (in Ca­ minhar Juntos. and in only fourteen were there convictions. marginalization. p. By eliminating these liberating minds and spreading terror. 6/30/89. agrarian reform-needed to solve a number of national problems and particularly imperative in the Northeast due to the miserable situation of its people. number 16. volume 1 6. the Housing Authority in Alagoas has only built 23. In 1 99 1 . � . December 1991. Bahia. Of the 1. to violence. 138 rural worker leaders were murdered. volume 1 0. World Bank data indicate that the 1/224 latifundios in The Northeast. each larger than 10. May 1995. This multitude of minors repre­ sented 25 percent of the work force employed in the sugarcane harvest ( . remain at large.

118 N O T E S N O T E S 1 19 cerning its promises of settlements: up until the end of the plan. educational centralization. submis­ sion. but they were inspired in his understanding of educa­ tion. His extensive work and role within national public agencies lhe was secretary of education in Bahia twice. The Land Program dur­ ing the Collor administration. He was unable to do it his entire life because.227 farmers with the Bank of Brazil was renegotiated as a function of pressure from the "ruralist caucus" in congress. Anisio T eixeira never caved in during his struggle for a more egalitarian and just Brazil. neoliberal government of Fernando Henrique Cardoso fired the president of the National Institute of Colonization and Agrarian Reform. wrongly accused of being a communist. as well as international ones (UNESCO). During the two most authoritarian periods of Brazilian history. CNPq: National Research Council. * Note l -Page 63 The two seminars Freire refers to took place after his twenty­ nine-month term heading the department of education (SME) of Sao Paulo. number 147. With a doctorate degree from Columbia University. II On the basis of an average one thousand reais per hectare. he suffered with accusa­ tions of being a communist.S. For all these reasons. During the two-year preparation ' Capes: The Ministry of Education's Center for Research Support. in 1900. Le­ nin's wife and mastermind of Russia's educational policy. fear. He died at the age of seventy-one. the son of a very rich family. neiro. in other words. only because his North American master influenced Krupskaya.. Knowledge would be the result of experience. and responsibility by means of an education directed toward the future. he be­ came an admirer of Dewey and the U. A man of integrity. that land would have allowed the settlement of two hundred thousand families. giving continuity to the dialogic process in the act of educat­ ing initiated by him. a man trusted by the progressive clergy. the present. and in Rio de Ja- . shoring up the privileged situation of the exploiters. he was pulled away from his greatest interest twice. creativ­ ity. and tolerance toward others. after a lifetime committed to the cause of public education. and engaged with them in the issues of the landless and of rural labor. which was the reason why the Brazilian left never forgave him. From the early stages of organization. and the invention of local education. combative. Informational bulletins and communications were issued. always focused on strengthening public education and fighting elitism. reprimanded or exulted. even though he was a liberal. attained by citizens primarily educated by the state. and he directed both Capes and CNPq). His guidelines were democracy and economic development through industrialization based on science and social peace. Note 6-Page 61 Anisio Teixeira is one of the most important educators in BraziL Born in Bahia. The intent of the events was to share the emotion. immediately after the new CNBB board of direc­ tors (whose position is. not prejudiced. he early on dedicated himself to education. during the getulian and the military dictatorships. Teixeira was a follower and advocate of John Dewey's ideas. and enter­ prising. in December 1 989. May 1995). conservative) took office. the work. in the least. then Federal District. dozens of meetings were held at which projects and ideas were discussed. intelligence. but rigorous with himself. only 1 0 percent of what was promised had been realized ( Ogunde. In May 1 995. five million small land owners can no longer obtain financing from government banks and are subjected to us­ ing their land to pay the debt they incurred in order to produce. If we take as an average fifteen hectares per fam­ ily. was forgotten. number 9). the entire settlement goal of the FHC administration" (8em Terra. That happened at the same time that the debt of 1. Bahia. the same president allowed sugarcane plant owners to refinance their debt. Mis­ understood or valued. and bureaucratic policies that diminish the act of educating. the government could claim back nothing less than three million hectares of land. which plays with its sup­ port to the reforms desired by the government. which promised to settle four hun­ dred thousand families.

knowledge. experiments carried out on the state and national levels. parades. as dated and inadequate. it was proposed that other such seminars be held and that Parent Development Groups and groups of school council representatives be formed. the Bill of Rights of Children and Adolescents. and artistic events. day and night. discuss basic topics associated with national education. The First Municipal Parents Seminar took place on December 14. . the educatorls commitmentl and the national policy on the education of children and adults. which Paulo Freire sought to impress on the Sao Panlo public schools. literacy and child education. The objectives of the First Municipal Seminar on Education­ the first on record with the characteristics. Materials produced by teachers and students were on display. interdiSCiplinary integration. public school students. teachers. human rights and social relations. He had previously held such seminars in Recife. school workers. During these sessions. practice reports. from August 1 1 to 15. a designation as the understanding of education they represented. and software. Proposals of inter­ disciplinarity and curriculum integration were also heard and discussed. power relations in the schools. power relationships within the scope of the school. thematic discussion groups. the final document included those for: the crea­ tion of newsletters and bulletin boards for publicizing information in particular at PT A-meeting time. cre­ ate another opportunity in the process of permanent development of educators. Going deeper in the educational issue. Among other proposals. state. night school. and stu­ dents. They were held with parents and were also inspired by Freire's concept of educa­ tion. p. marginaliza­ tion. 5). It included symposiums. and guests from other institutions. evaluation. violence. and theater. Ensuring the continuity of this process. sexual orientation. posters. parents. and na­ ture of the seminar. participants reflected on the relationship of education to: free­ dom. Some events were held in the area of the Centers for Educational Action (NAE's). The video shows and artistic presentations represented the happy face of schools. The Second Parent Seminar took place on July 4. among other topicsi elementary and basic education. At the end of the event. artistic produc­ tions. and the right to education. The event counted on the participation of seven thousand peo­ ple associated with the department of education and guests from various institutions. and mathematics and informa­ tics (computers). foster discussion on the diverse experiences within the different areas of public education impact in the local schools" (p. human rights. and the new law of Guide­ lines and Bases for Education were discussed. 1 992. teacher development. school workers. discussions in each school about the issue of public safety. record and publicize the advances of pedagogical ac­ tion in local schools. They also discussed. photos. During the various sessions. 1 991. democratization. choirsl dance. November 1992). The First Seminar drew six thousand registrations-educators. a new quality for educationl the classroom. Within thematic grOUPSI the one hundred registered schools pre­ sented suggestions about the full-day school schedule. the integration of marginalized students. the second seminar had as its objective debating on: education and citizenship. The NAE's. alterna­ tive educational proposals. books. and the issue of women as education workers. and permanent meetings between parents and teachers (Entre Conselhos. Two other smaller seminars deserve mention. the creation of study groups on the rights and duties of the school community. displays of pedagogical mate­ rial. peda­ gogical projects for child education. and it had the objective of strengthening the school councils and of promoting integration among parents. roundtables. the Second Seminar was held at the Anhembi Conven­ tion Center in Sao Paulo. and had an even stronger participation of parents and educators. back in the 1950s when he worked at the SESI schools. such issues as curriculum. dimensions. and federal councils on education. urban planning and edu­ cation. 1992. held from October 1 to 4 in 199 1-were "to broaden discussions around the political-educational principles of SME. such as models. 81. ten administrative-pedagogical regionsl were the base of the depart­ ment of education and were implemented by Freire in substitu­ tion for the educational precincts. flute groups. ample publiCizing of the new School Regu­ lations. almost fourteen thousand people debated victories and ne­ cessities of public education (Official Publication of SME-SP. the role of municipal.120 N O T E S N O T E S 121 stage. There were presentations by art students.

He was there as secretary of education. as well as all that she was acquiring through the act of discussing the present daYI based on yesterday. had learned in that event something she would never have otherwise conceived of. regardless of sex. She clearly understood the adversity of her illiter­ acy in reading and in writing. regardless of their parents'. The conference participants cheered as they felt as men and women who were making themselves citizens. In 1994. but also as an educator whose utopia is literacy that leads to a reading of the word and of the world. witnessing the satisfaction of individuals who were becoming initiated in the process of knowing what they know and being able to know more. A strong soul. wherever it may come from. Note 9-Page 80 What Freire endorses in Castanheda's interview is the agreement PSDB. She became more politicized as she better understood herself.122 N O TE S N O T E S 123 These four events carried the Freire mark. deepening the debate about illiteracy and its overcoming. produced right there and thenl on December 1 6. she frequently asked the three-thousand-person audience if they wanted her to continue speaking: and they did. In 1 9891 after the defeat of its candidate Mar'io Covas in the first voting round of the elections. 19901 in the exchange of ideas about literacy with her fellow learners and educators. Th that endl PSDB counted on the support of veteran politicians. and with hope for tomorrow. not only did PSDB enter an alliance with PFL and its mass of voters. One of the strong presences was that of an approximately fifty­ year-old literacy learner who married prematurely by the decision of her fatherl a farmer from Alagoas. against Fernando CoI­ lor de Mello. Freire too was daring to organize an event of such a nature. PSDB supported the then candi­ date of the lefts. and of movement toward overcom­ ing those facts. a policy for the education of children and adults. he is referring not only to a fact that occurred for the first time in the history of education-an assembly where educator-learners gathered and discussed the teaching-learning process in which they were politically engaged-but also to the very speeches made by the learners themselves. a "left party. Luiz Ignacio Lula da Silva. He silently participated in the conference. children1s. freeing herself from prejudice and determinations. he had impressed on the Sao Paulo public-education system a sense of priority concern­ ing: the democratization of the administration. classl or age discrimination. from PFL Ifrom its inception a right-wing party) and from PTB (founded in the 1 940s under the inspiration of V argas's populism and today com­ pletely removed from its ideological origins in favor of op­ pressed segmentsl. but also it had to endorse elitist POSI- . with calloused hands and ease in communicating. for while already removed from the department of education. A The conference was organized by MOV (Movement for the Literacy of Adults and Y outh) and by EDA-DOT IAdult Education Program of the Directorship of Thchnical Orientation) in coopera­ tion with the Forum of Popular Movements for Literacy of the City of Sao Paulo. the democratic leader of a com­ munity in the outskirts of Sao Paulo. She interspersed testimony about her life in the Northeast with her experience as a woman who. A pioneer in understanding adult education as an act of respect 1 toward the adult s oral discourse and reading of the world acquired through years lived in society. the democratization of accessl and renewed quality of education. or husbands' wishes. Note 8-Page 63 When Freire speaks of the voice of literacy learners in this confer­ ence organized by he and his staff at the department of education of Sao Paulo. " made in the elections of 1994 to elect one of its exponents for president of the republic. and present the activities of MOV and EDA A learners. Her knowledge was being made. She encouraged other women to seek the schools. made up of fifty-seven organizations. renew the commitment between literacy learners and educators. The event was meant above all to tighten the linkages among literacy learn­ ers while citizens.

Lula visited 128 cities in nineteen states and the Federal District. With the CItizen- � � � � � ? ship Caravans. the workers' candidate had a hard time building his argument in the debate. Thus. However. PCB. these results were due to accu­ sations by a former girlfriend of the PT candidate's that he had wanted the abortion of their daughter. The reac­ tionary forces counted on the country's political-economic elite. and PSC. Collor's last rally was in Belo Hori­ zonte. was added the support of other right-wing denomina­ tions: PL. Lula. on December 13. The PT set up a parallel vote-count system. Work. and the conservative wing of PMDB. PTR. this party did not want to take any chances and became a sociated with those who aspired to neoliberalism without breakmg away from the neocolonialism still in place. The two largest unions. Lula received non­ explicit support from CNBB.75 percent of the vote. the polls indicated a better performance by Collor (who had a 42 percent approval rate. and feel out Its expectations.86 percent. PSDB than was agglutinated into the coalition IlUnion. was elected on October 15 1994 in the first round of the presidential election with 54. since it rained heavily. against Lula/s 2 7 percent). Lula's campaIgn had begun m Apnl 1993. . In order to lower the risk of tampering with election results. Cardoso had in his favor a convincing discourse in the free-TV time. the results became known: Collor won with 42. The press reported that members of eighty thousand ecclesiastic grassroot communities would campaign for the workers' candidate at the voting sites. . the PT (W orkers' Party) candidate. And added to all that. lost his strongest campaign instrument: the people who attended the rallies during the caravans. to hear it. 1 989. business leaders. FHC. in particular in rural areas. for whIch he was extled in 1964. Four days after the elections. implemented by him. . The 1994 elections divided left forces into two antagonistic groups. PDT. " during which he visited six hundred cities in ll states to speak to the poor population. with 150 personal computers manned by eight hundred people. who had led the intention­ of-vote polls since 1992. the second-round dispute was between Fernando Collor de Mello /PRN) and Luiz Ignacio Lula da Silva (PT). After the debate. In part. Emotionally destabilized by the low hit. CUT and CGT. . which had signaled a consoli­ dated future." Even more than that.3 pe cent f the valid votes. PDC. who identified with his � ��m � ideas and had regained its buying power of the 1970s as an lmmediate benefit of the Real Plan. The � Progress.5 million election monitors. about 12 million people. Lula came in second. PSD. From May 1 994 until the eve of the elections. On the same day. The program had a 79 percent viewing rating in greater Sao Paulo. On December 14 the last debate between the two candidates was broadcast by a pool of television networks from Sao Paulo. PTB. and :rf During the presidential elections of 1989. who led the Popular Brazil Front. PFL. II letting go of ideals supported by e leftist profe sor and intellectual Fernando Henrique. formed by PRN. it accepted. the PFL forces linked to large landowners. Lula had 37. breaking up a union forged in 1989. Lula held a rally in Rio de Janeiro attended by one hundred forty­ five thousand people. defeated now no longer by an antagoOlst • • 1/ but by a former artner. PDS. to Collor's New Brazil Coalition. even though many priests and bishops openly supported him. did not accept a pact with PSDB. . there was a false accusation that PT was involved in the kidnapping of busi­ nessman Abilio Diniz. the progressive wing of PMDB. with 27. thus. above all due to the ideological gap opened between then:. PST. according to the press. as nominee for vice president Marco Ma­ ciel historically a right-winger. former minister of foreign affairs and of the economy in the Itamar Franco administration. and part of the middle class. in addition to 1 . a congressman from PSDB was able to get the Supreme Electoral Court to prohibit the use of free-TV air time for showing any images not generated in a studio. and millions of other interested viewers throughout the country. sup­ ported by PSDB. A perspective of victory for him was o t of the highly positive reSonance of his work and out of dISIllusIOnment with Collor. were in opposition to each other from the beginning of the first roundi the former supported Lula and the latter endorsed Collor. Thirteen thousand people attended. especially in Sao Paulo. and PV.04 p r­ cent of the valid votes.124 • N O T E S N O T E S • 125 tions agglutinated under a fa�ade of "liberal front.

constituted by the Indians of an area including parts of Brazilian. Once the rebellion was dominated. 13) The Dutch invasions in the Northeast-in Bahia ( 1624-25) and in Pernambuco ( 1630-54)-took place when the Kingdom of Portugal (and. They manufactured fabric and musical instruments. This insurrection reveals the degree of dissatisfaction and consciousness that invaded different seg­ ments of SOCiety in relation to the bloody colonial structure. Letters to Cristina). the people who made him president impeached him (see notes 1. artisans. all other rebels were arrested. ideals. the landowners intended to tum Pernambuco into a repub­ lic. the resistance movement included slaves. nor did it hope to dispute our condition as a colony. legal equality among all people. and with the aid of Jesuit priests. some of them were exiled to India and Vieira de Melo died with his son in a Lisbon prison. after years of resistance. mili­ tary personnel. the oppressors by "right" and the oppressed. The Dutch were only completely driven out of Pernambuco in 1654. and whites in what was termed Pernambucan Insurrection. deceiving propaganda through the media and robust campaign-financing contributions took Collor to po�er. they intended to recover losses incurred with the unpaid debt of landowners. (2) Quilombos. They had as many as three hundred inhabitants united through work. and Portuguese traders who lived in Recife. It was led by Manuel Beckman. both mulattos like Dantas-were con­ demned to death by hanging. They were massacred in 1 768. Pedagogy of Hope). (6) The Bahian Inconfidence or Rebellion of Taylors ( 1 789) took place in Salvador and was organized by intellectuals. Brazil) was subsumed by the Spanish monarchy in alliance with the Dutch. It did not have a separatist intent. Indians. who. By taking over the main economic centers in the colony.126 • N O TBS N O T E S 127 traps set up for the last minute. priests. which remains colonialistic to this d�y. almost always accom­ panied by betrayal of democracy. after bloody bat­ tles. achieved social organization comparable to that described in Utopia by Thomas More. (4) The Beckman Rebellion ( 1684) in Maranhao was the first manifestation against the commercial monopoly held by the crown. whose greatest leader was Zumbi (compare note 41. and raised animals. 2. thus entitled to having a House of Representatives. The lat­ ter were creditors of Olinda's elite. the end of the Portuguese monopoly on trade. planted. inspired by the French Revolution. and freed blacks. some were pardoned. With the rebellion defeated. and 46. preparing the resistance uprisings against its domination that would take place until 1 822. With its prohibitions. That is especially the case in relations between those who retam power. some were entirely based upon economics. Note 1 0-Page 91 Episodes of democratic rebelliousness. defeated. When the dominant interests-those of local landowners and the Portuguese mon­ archy. in particular the Palmares. Some of these movements were embedded in social struggles for utopian democratic societies. they were all plentiful of conscious resist­ ance to the established power. . and they asked King Don Toao V to elevate Recife to the category of village. and thus the end of slavery. reconstituted in 1640-opposed those of the invaders. and punishments. not yet extirpated from our understanding of antagonistic relations. "i�trin�ically inferior. the dream was over. as a result. exploitations. (5) The War of Mascates 1 1 710-14) was born from opposition between sugarcane lords who lived in Olinda. Voltaire. slaves. Soon thereafter. Portugal was in contradiction. was executed by the repressive forces of the Metropolis. Led by Bernardo Vieira de Melo. and Paraguayan territory. included the constitution of a Bahian Republic. In most cases. II Here are some of the most important rebellions m Bra­ zilian history: ( 1 ) The Republic of Guaranis ( 1610-1 7681. and political participation for the population. Argentine. Joao de Deus and Manoel Faustino. The political project of rebellion. the main village in Pernambuco. are recorded throughout Brazil­ ian history. A new spirit emerged among the people then: the knowledge that united the colonized could fight against external enemies. and Rousseau (translated by the rebels). but those from popular classes-Luiz Gonzaga das Virgens and Lucas Dantas. they were character­ ized by violence.

but manifested it in bloody retaliation. frustration increased before the absolutism of D. followers of the En­ lightenment. With the country's independence in 1 822. One more time. on July 2. The frus. Following that. The violence of such repression was opposed by a strong resistance and rebellion. but above all. others went to the US. which in spite of leaving deep scars of pain and broken hope. In order to repress the movement. The �mperor's military troops attacked Recife and Olinda first. and by D.128 • N O TES N O TE S • 129 ( 7) The most important separatist movement. parallel to the official one. where the rebels capitulated on November 29. with the decline of mining explora­ tion. 1 824. among many other prohibitions. I Pernambucans expelled the governor who had crushed the rebel. Pedro I. Maria I. the rebellion established a provisional republican government made up of men from the local elite. iradentes. Betrayed by Joaquim Silverio dos Reis. a secret society devoted to the propagation of anticolonialism. Rio Grande do Norte.500 kilos of gold were not at the Fusing House by a certain date. Joao VI. divulged by the Olinda Semi­ nary and by the Are6pago de Itambe. the revolutionaries were punished with exile in Africa (some managed to obtain the king's pardon). the government took loans abroad and hired the naval forces of Lord Cochrane. except for attacks on the Constitution and religions (all tolerated. It would be a new independent state in the form of a federative repUblic. in the city of Goiana. dentist Joaquim Jose da Silva Xavier. former revolutionary of 1 8 1 7. creating a Constitutional Assembly. On October 5 1821 . Argentina. led to the explosion. the governor of Bahia. regent of the Portuguese Crown. came about in the climax of the mining cycle as a reaction to the crown's repressive vigilance and to the legislation that expropriated the gold production. of an armed movement that was named Confederation of the Equator (bringing together Pernambuco. the crown perfected its laws more and more. irreversibly opened the way to Brazilian emancipation. having as a leader Gervasio Pires Ferreira. The Northeastern provinces adhered. and the development of manufacturing industry. bring­ mg the rebels under control. lious movement four years earlier. forbidden in Brazil in 1 785 by D. The principal rebel. who dissolved the Constitutional Assembly. having different parts of his body displayed along public ways and his head stuck to a high pole in Vila Rica (today. to contain the rebellion. they had set up a provisional government. who wrote an Organic Law ensur­ ing freedom of conscience and the press. In 1 789. was also heavily influ­ enced by the French Enlightenment. The fear for arbitrary measures to be taken by the recendy emperor-appointed governor. among whom was Father Miguelinho and three others con­ demned to death by hanging in Recife. the population would have to proVide the remaining amount at any cost. Three leaders were executed in Sal­ vador. and England. personally gave instructions to the feared Count of Arches. it counted on popular support. and abolish­ ing taxation on products of basic necessity. The emissary sent to Ceara was arrested. the creation of a university in Sao Joao d'EI Rei. and Paraiba). 1 824. Pernambuco resisted in vain. there were plenty of reasons for the insurrection. Minas Gerais intellectuals. (8) The Revolution of 1 8 1 7. improperly called Mineira Inconfidence ( 1 789). had his assets confiscated and his descendants pro­ T scribed. Pe­ dro I himself. he was hanged and dismembered. Ouro Preto). trated aspirations of 1 8 1 7 did not die. there were 596 kilos of gold missing to complete the de­ manded amount. the country where Hi­ polito Jose da Costa published Correio Braziliense. did not lose its colonialist mark. Ceara. all the others were captured one by one until they got to Ceara. the leader Domingos Teotonio Jorge was one of them. The immediate trials included atrocities. (9) The Confederation of the Equator ( 1 82 1 ) was another epi­ sode of rebellion followed by betrayals to democracy. even though Catholicism was deemed the official religion. The Carmelite and popular leader Friar Caneca was . also a fighter in 1 8 1 7.. Even though the Revolution of 1 8 1 7 did not claim for the end of slavery. and its clergy was put on the state's payroll). in Recife. until it decreed the derrama: in case 1. sent to Bahia. advocated then separation from Portugal. The new provisional government was dissolved by Pernambucan liberals who elected a Governing Board headed by Manoel de Carvalho Pais de An­ drade. the first Brazil­ ian periodical. To guarantee its receipt of 20 percent of all fused gold. Victorious in a first stage. now established in Brazil. proclaiming it the United Kingdom of Portugal and Algarves. Repression came promptly: D. the crown. was arrested and executed. Already in August. the consti­ tution of a republic. and Father Roma.

with help from local leaders. ( 10) Cabanagem 1 1 833-39) was a revolutionary movement that took place in Para. Subsequently. terrifying the powerful u: that province. dominated by disputes between the liberal faction and the remainders of the Portuguese Liberal Party. On May 13. they kept fighting with no results until the movement was completely eradicated. Pedro I's abdication in 1 831. I l l ) �alaiada and the Insurrection of Slaves ( 1838-41 ). Belem was sur­ rounded by the Cabanos coming from the interior. who clearly realized th impossi­ bIl�ty of therr SOCIal ��ension. His brother. The movement destituted and executed him. even if with­ out continuity or a plan of action. when they conquered the village of Caxias. The repression operation. took over the jailhouse in the village of Manga. If there was the inten­ tion of autonomy in the Confederation of the Equator. The Cabanos (a population of cabin dwellers along the margins of the Amazon rivers) felt that independence had not improved their lives and decided. He enlisted the support of traders and land and slave owners and organized the fight against the rebels. Alarmed. Ralmundo Gomes VielIa. and repressed the rebellion that had made him chief. a cowboy from mixed origin.130 • N O TE S N O TE S • 131 executed by gunshot because the executioners refused to pull the rope he had been sentenced to hang from. hVlng conditIons Just as precarious as those of slaves. The Cabanos's second government was or- ganiz�d by the democrat seringaeiro. which was excessively authoritarian. on December 13. Thus. in 1 840 the central power sent as president of the province Colonel Luis Alves de Lima e Silva. *F. Pedro II. leading the movement that was called Belaiada. The eight thousand men in the official forces were divided in three columns and surrounded the balaios. very much as in colonial Brazil. Such authoritarianism had been generating historically harmful privileges and leading the dominant to combat their antagonists with cruelty so as to perpetuate the exclusion of many and the profit of few. The Cabanos invaded Belem and executed the president of the province and other authorities. Overcoming mutual dif£er­ e�ces. 1 838. balaios and rebellious blacks agglutinated and together . especially after 1 839. � � Q . Malcher's sub­ stitute. and the rebellious declared Para an autonomous republic. Having great action mobility. Felix Antonio Malcher. * Eduardo Nogueira Angehm. in an unexpected turn. abandoned by the highe segments of society who feared the radicalization of the move­ ment's popular nature. The political context. became the leader. and that enabled the representative of the central power to recover the government. took office as governor of Paraj however. began to add strength to the ranks of the balmos. also betrayed the revolutionary ideals proving to be submissive to the regency. conducted with mercenary troops under the command of the Englishman Grenfell. appointed by the central power. manifestations against local powers emerged once again. and centralizing. responded to the first manifestations by throwing three hundred revolution­ aries in the hold of a ship and filling it with chalk. t e fr�e population dedicated to cattle raising enjoyed . 1 836. even though Francisco remained in command. that is less due to the lack of national unity. conquered BeIem and dIsbanded the revolutionaries. Anto­ nio Vinagre. The repression l�ft a balance of forty thousand deaths (40 percent of the popula­ tIOn of the Grao-Para Province). the political Hfe of an entire province. which really did not fully exist yet. to fight against the central power during the period of Regencies ( 183 1-40). it was the first and only one in Brazilian history where popular segments in fact took power and ran. In ��ranhao. eventually given the title of Duke of Cax­ ias. With D. the new �resident.or�sy dwellers who make a living out of extracting latex from trees in the prnmtlVe way. Francisco Vinagre. D. fueled an atmo­ sphere of dissatisfaction on the part of the less favored above all t�� mixed �nd bl�ck segments. In the three following years. the movement at­ tracted sympathizers. A farmer. he declared his loyalty to the future emperor. The massive slave escapes in that region which since the eighteenth century had led to the formation of Uilombos as the only form of resistance and survival for slaves. took a significant part of Maranhao and infiltrated all the way to Piaul. than to the only possibility at that moment of making opposi­ tion to the central power. who was betrayed by his fellows. discriminatory. WIth some Indians were able to obtain weapons and provisions to organize a contingent of eleven thousand men. the president of the province sought refuge. . who ran away to the interior.

having Bento Gonc. The "Bloody Trial l did not reserve any better fate to those who were tried later. He counted on the support of farrapo Bento Ribeiro. Denial of those differences had already emerged in that province but it really exploded during the popular praieiro movementt which . among others. he was hanged ill Sep­ tember at about forty years of age." just as he had done in Maranhao. was arrested as he attempted to seek refuge in the jungle with Indians. farrapo soldiers and officerst except for generals. (12) The War of Farrapos or Farroupilha ( 1835-45) �as ini�ated in the province of Sao Pedro de Rio Grande de Sul by Its dommant segment without participation from the people. he rlm was taken to Salvador. In 1841.alves. such as hunger and slavery. who supphed such prod­ ucts to the national exporter provinces (such as Pernambuco) and were kept from foreign markets. Gaucho cattle raisers and beef and leather traders. Made to step down and arrested by the mercenary forces of Grenfell. the province went from being the main one to a secondary one). who were able to offer their products at lower prices in Brazil. ( 14) Praieira Revolution ( 1848-50). and after killing many slaves. Just as m d colonial times. Official repression counted on the support of landowners around Bahia and was char­ acterized by the usual massacrest even with prisoners being t burned alive. Subsequently. In November 1 837 the guard from the Sao Pedro Fort rebelled against certain political devel�pmentst and under the leadership of surgeon Francisco Sa­ bino Alvarez da Rocha Vieira. 686 children. The usual repressive tactics were not observed. The cease-fire was rewarded with general amnesty. His group was annihilated. The governor was forced to escape. Already wounde . and hunted. The ranchers felt they were harmed by the official privileges given to Brazil's exporting regions. to escape. with about two hundred quilombers. there was a destitute mass mostly made up of slaves. the strong freed slave. In March 1 845 the farrapo leader Davi Canabarro and Caxias signed an agreement. On one side there were powerful landowners and foreign traders. Sentenced to death on April S. being part of democratic rebel1iou�ness w�s met with massacre and death in one's own country. who divided the revolu­ tionary. obviously because there was no intention of affecting the elite.alves as first president. the Italian Giuseppe Garibaldi. the oppressed found a common ground upon which to unite. Even though he was considered by Lima e Silva himself a great leader. ally. At the timet a law was being prepared that was interpretative of the Additional Act to the Constitution of 1824. the Catarinense Republic or Juliana Republic. precluded from having any voice in the episode and summoned for the armed fight only in the capacity of providers of physical �orce. and not as a rebel or balmo . the balaio Raimundo Gomes dissociated himself from the black leader Cosme Bento das Chagas. fought against the greater problem that affected almost all: destitution. ( 13) Sabinada (1837-38) was a middle-class movement that took place in Salvador. the Baron of Caxias was appointed president of that province with the mission of "pacifying it. he escaped and returned to Rio Grande do Sul and reinitiated the fight of farrapos with help from. the free and the enslaved. returned the ones left to their owners. were engaged in the imperial armYi the house of representatives was to be strengthened. it had a recentralizing orientation. The sociopolitical situation in Pernambuco was a truthful depiction of Brazil in the middle of the last century (even though in Pernambuco things were made harder due to the decline of the sugar trade. he was tried as a ferocious killer and r�­ sponsible for the black insurrection. allowed farrapo Bento Gonc. rebel­ lious in 1835 they proclaimed the Rio-Grandense Republic or Pira Republic. wandering. Whites and blacks. Once sur­ rounded Cosme was unable to regroup the movement. At a time when color was just as disempowered as rebelliousness. Fighting against social injustices.132 • NOTES N O TE S • 133 The soldiers arrested 498 women. 1 842. t Cosme called his rebellion "War of Law and Republican Freedom ' and gave himself the title of "'ll:ustee and Emperor of Freedom." He also gave himself the right to concede gifts through the Order of Rosario and to cover himself with sacred objects from the Catholic Church. In 1 842. taxes were lowered on products traded in the domestic market. Garibaldi pro­ claimedt in Laguna (presently the state of Santa Catarina). faced competition also from the countries in the Prata region. and with seven hundred weak­ ened rebels and without ammunitiont he surrendered. and the Bahian Republic was instituted. Sabino obtained the sup­ port of the governor's troops. who was arrested at the fort. on the other.

hastening their defeat. beyond the despotism of local families. they called in the army. freedom of thought and press. a religious man who wandered around the North­ east preaching Catholicism-the Church was in a campaign to come closer to the people-and later making opposition to exclu­ s�ons and running away from persecution settled. based on latifundios. were considered to be luring away workers from neighboring farms. and the elimination of conventional interest law and of the recruiting system. and the flawed social organization. in addition to the lack of material resources. Between 1 845 and 1 847. nicknamed Cousin Fusco (because he was mulatto and because of his interest in the philosopher Cousin. He came upon an extremely poor VIllage where people smoked pipes over a yard long: /Icanudos. for the most part made up of countrymen poorly familiar with the topography of Recife. the most powerful landowner at the time. he was sentenced to life in prison along with other leaders. its foundation was religiousness. however. religious. the geometry professor Anto­ nio Pedro de Figueiredo. the radical committed violent acts against Portuguese traders. a revolutionary and builder of the Santa Isabel Theater. it was only in the fourth expedition. The dominant urged the community leader to dissolve the group.134 N O T E S N O T E S 135 sought a better world through social reform against the stifling and absolute domination represented by such figures as Rego Barros. got lost in the city's laby­ rinth of streets. at the political command. and since they rebelled against taxation. indepen­ dence between the branches of constituted power. The group's motto was to work and lead an honest life in order to win the Kingdom of God. and Borges da Fonseca who. be­ fore Marx's Manifesto) about the class conflict between free men and slaves. and who could see farther than the others as he denounced the antagonism between classes. the state. the right to work. the Diario Novo newspaper. Since 1 842. The two main leaders in the Praeira were Pedro Ivo. eco­ nomic. and of the landown­ ers. The Pernambucan historian Amaro Quintas. rather. He became a "counselor" for the com­ munity. in a study about Praeira ideology. After three failed attempts at repression. armed with cannons and machine guns. emphasizes the fact that some intellectu­ als stood out in their role as disseminators of new European thought: the engineer and architect Vauthier. rebellious forces. at the age of slXty-five. author of pioneer socialist works (published in 1835. On the operational level. author of Manifesto do Mundo. on the b:mks of the Vaza-Barris River. the Republico. whose printing press was on Praia Street (thus the name of the movement) brought together radical liberal politicians in combat against the conservative and their domineering and exploitative conduct. Such a fact seemed a threat to the dominant. on an abandoned farm in the Bahian wilderness. but under the influence of utopian socialist thought they began to orient their actions toward social reform. Antonio Borges da Fonseca. Finally. They were also accused of being extreme monarchists because they abhored civil marriage and the seculari­ zation of cemeteries. the popular potential was not well oriented or effectively utilized at the appropriate moment for the taking of power. Pedro Ivo was the only one knowledgeable of other combats. but to no avail. and cultural point of view. who began to accuse the community and its leader of being religious fanatics because they prophesied the end of the world for the end of the nineteenth century. of 111/49. the Praeira was not successful because. political. political-administrative decentralization. including guerrillas. The document demanded a Constitu­ tional Assembly. Abreu e Lima. The Praeira was the most real and the last of the democratic rebellions in imperial times. exclusive rights to retail for Brazilian citizens. the general of the masses. whose texts he translated). certainly due to mystical and misinformed readings about the nature of the republic. Faced with his resistance. and Cavalcanti. signed by all praeiro leaders. a popular speaker and j ournalist. at the military command. Arrested. ( 15) The Rebellion of Canudos ( 1 8 93-97) did not arise from rebelliousness against certain segments of society. . According to Amaro Quintas. Antoni Vicent Mendes Maciel. the elimination of the Moderator Power and the right to make gifts. the community was accused of med­ dling in the business of the Church. free and universal vote rights.II He attracted followers and created a community that had up to thirty thousand members. which was well organized from a social. Denying Brazilian social structure as a whole. judiciary reform. province president. ensured a turn of the movement in the direction of social reform. the movement only became an armed conflict when it was pushed into that by central power forces.

( 16 ) Contestado War ( 19 12-16). located in the back lands of Ceara. They attacked the core of the rebellion. In a poor. The Social Sen­ timent in the Praeira Revolution. The murder of seringueiro (rubber extractor) leader Chico Mendes. " The setting was formed by thousands of people dead from the "stubbornness" of their faith and their hope for a better world. The official troops attacked by land and by air (air­ planes were used against the country's population for the first time in Brazilian history) allied with the police and hired killers. crushed the community. the religious man founded the Order of Penitents. History of . considered to be the reincarnation of monk Joao Maria because he had the same habits and because both became involved in the fight for land. 1 946. Crato. 1897. to support the attack by conservative forces to the Caldeirao Community.. Production was plentiful. committed at the end of 1988 by farmers. the revered Padim Ci�o. the owner of land and buildings.. Today's social movements seeking land for agriculture have been repressed with the same violence re­ corded in previous centuries. in which three airplanes were used. Reactionary forces applauded police action. Rethinking the 500 Y ears. author Euclides da Cunha depicted the survivors: "They were only four: an old man.200 hectares in Juazeiro. destroyed by forces of the power established to defend the interests of the dominant. even though the V aza-Barris River and the ruins of the village have been flooded by the immense Corocob6 Dam. They beheved that thelI religiOUS leaders. A new joint action on the part of the army and the police. who. Priest Cicero. Francisco et aI. so that he would run it. Oficinas Gnificas da Imprensa Official. small. they set fire to fonr hundred cabins leaving about two thousand people withont shelter. was conducted by Priest Cicero Romao Batista. the tyranny of the dominant eliminated them with bloody violence. The need for subsistence lan and messianic religiousness led about fifty thousand rural reSI­ dents from Santa Catarina and Parana to dispute among them­ selves the demarcation of lands between the two states." served the interests of local landowners and colonizing compa­ nies. The Country Leagues of the 1950s and 1960s reappeared in the 1980s with the Movement of Landless Rural Workers (MST). Amaro. This fact was taken as a divine sign t�t they shoul abandon the fight for the land and unite. Recife. Monks and religious laypersons adhered to the movement. Ideia. died in a confrontation alongside the coun­ trymen. Alder Julio F. and they were more successful than all previous movements since they did obtain some settlements. already excommunicated from the Catholic Church due to his unortho­ dox ecclesiastic practices. before whom five thousand soldiers roared furiously. The mys­ tique of Canudos did not die: every October 5 pilgrims go to that location to pray. and mentor of the order. the "holy villages/' until they were destroyed in 1916. when killing and massacring were legal rights of those under the tutelage of the metropolis. Dreams of freedom were crushed so that archaic and unjust forms of colonialist social orga­ nization could remain. began to bury their provisions. At that location. killing thousands of country folks whose only error was to believe in a monarchy that would bring them the happiness of heaven and land to live on. more cautious. and a child. Not being able to or not wanting to understand them. ALENCAR. These troops. Jose Maria. a political leader who made opposition to dominant persons and interests. including sixteeB children. It is as if we were still living in colonial times. at which time the "army of Saint Sebastian" and that of the countrymen killed would return and defeat the forces of evil. Jose Louren�o. 1 994. an area of approximately 1 . led by Captain Bezerra. served as a good excuse for the bishop in the next rival town. He turned his farm over to a religious � � man. In his book Os Sertoes. {Bibliography: CALADO. ( 1 7) The Caldeirao experiment ( 1 922-31 ). The community moved to a different location with six hundred cabins and three thousand people. but the fear and the greed on the part of latifundio owners was greater. two ugly men. on October 5. and limited world such as the one that they had created they had all that they wanted. One of them. who advocated the end of the republic and the return of monarchy. Joao Pessoa. the community went down without surrender. twelve days after the death of Antonio The Counselor. added his name to a list of many other union leaders who were hit by the secular extermination of the oppressed in Brazilian society. One more small religious com­ munity massacred. The total balance was four hundred deaths. whose motto was faith-work­ cooperation. acting in the name of the "threatened republic. QUINT AS.136 • N O TE S N O TE S • 137 that they were able to crush Canudos.

Not to men­ tion the servicing of this debt. T eachers. Denise. w ho should be trained.. public or private. schools were private. 1 98 1 . 1990. and only clergymen could teach in them. Sao Paulo. of another $80 million. 1 979. the World Bank invested $100 million in educational projects in Brazil. . Atual. receipts for payments made to the Brazilian 1reasury Department. Modema. some confidential. For conscious politicians and educa­ tors. for he believed there to be ecclesias­ tical and divine rewards that were the truly important ones for him. the educational code imple­ mented by all JeSuit schools around the world (it was in effect in Brazil between 1 599 and 1 759). SANTOS. disassociated from local reality. Sao Paulo. when crite­ ria were adopted which met the objectives set by the World Bank and by the Brazilian government.) logic is incompatible with social investment. Back in colonial times. they belonged to the JeSUits.5 percent as payment for the funds raised). . Sao Paulo. Schools do not improve. Also. Luiz and PEREIRA. Maria Januaria Vilela. seriousness and ' justice that they receive from the powers of the state and from many of those chartered for education. still demonstrate the same deficiencies as before. and both education and teachers-who were mistakenly taken as priests of knowledge. Canudos: Order and Progress in the Back­ lands. Ao Livro Tecnico. . . plus 0. that is. Brazilian History. and which offered no systematiza­ tion of knowledge with improvised teachers. and if a priest did not receive any Cial r��ard for his teaching. There came "loose schools. 1975. 1 2/23/94). " whose financing � secular. tied to the Ratio Studiorum. Education was valued in Jesuit terms. that it has clear political orientation toward intervention in creditor countries given that it is paid for by the countries in control of the intema� tional economy. Student performance also remained the same [my italic]. COSTA. kept at the bank's headquarters in Washington. the return of this investment in pedagogical terms. . The Brazilian government itself spent $21 7 million on the same projects and has incredibly high debt. Segments of these contracts depict the World Bank's expro­ priation of Brazil: Note 12-Page 98 Disrespect for teachers and education is indeed historical in Bra­ zil. KOSHIBA. Alfa-Omega. 1 983. One cannot say that spend­ ing $280 million in order to receive $ 100 million is a good deal. letters from cabinet members. Atica. Over twenty years. Nicola S. that its demands and conditions are less advanta­ geous than those of landing banks in general (0. All the euphoria . The projects failed . thus being religious schools. Starting from the Jesuit expulsion in 1 759. . With the expulsion of the Jesuits. another important aspect is not discussed. Rio de Janeiro. Sao Paulo. Leoncio. These clergymen having made vows of obedi­ ence and poverty." which followed the Jesuit's educational programs. I agree with the author who says that the World Bank "is not a charitable organization . the World Bank represents an undeniable political and eco­ nomic threat ( V eia magazine. which is paid out after a year. their mission was considered to be transmitting knowledge always for the glory of Christ and the Catholic Church. as the image of the Ii soldiers of Christ.138 • N O TE S N O T E S • 139 Brazilian Society. he did not feel disrespected ill hls condItlOn as a teacher. when the creditor country receives reimbursement. schools became In general each contract ends up costing Brazil three times its original value. and recorded interviews with technicians from the bank. BASBAU¥. . Brazil went schoolless for thirteen years. History in the Backlands. it is a superpower. " and eventually due to principles of law­ have been suffering with the lack of interest. volume 2. Btflaiada and the Insurrection of Slaves in Maranhao. She built her dissertation based on documents. Note l 1-Page 98 This reference leads me to Marilia Fonseca's research on contracts between the Brazilian government and the World Bank.75 percent a year over the reserved amount.

Violent deaths in Brazil happen most among the youths across all social classes. who was in his twenties. � � ?� :r: � � � � : . The police arrived when the assailants were leaVing. and generalized violence that is sadly affecting Brazilian society) by acknowledging and understanding it. and to be fully human m our SOCIeties.) We cannot close our eyes and our hearts to the present. was televised on the lot ground. The tele­ vision filming crew was going to tape a report in a shopping center in Rio de Janeiro when three assailants entered shooting. Both international and national human-rights organizations protested this cold exe­ cution. but not from the large number of people on the street. followed by some "cultural creations"­ the opening of higher education programs specializing in such areas of knowledge as engineering and medicine. On March 4. where I add more information. desires. 1995. c l mah we h ave not been able to overcom e the day-to-day . Countries that were colonized by the Europeans in Amenca . The third assailant. killings by those lD power against the dispossessed classes that are labeled by the ruling class as outl aws and marginals. the youth had threatened him. ac­ cording to him. perma­ nent.140 • NOTE S NOTE S • 141 with the arrival of the Portuguese Royal Family (an entourage of fifteen thousand people). these policemen were found guilty. the most perverse execution of a "marginalized" youth. which are linked to meanness. The most cruel deaths. Shortly afterward. and the trans­ plantation of the National Library from the metropolis-was not enough to reverse the educational picture in the colony. " see note 2 in Letters to Cristina. via television. and m Afnca-because of their colo ' ' nization-today remain reduced o third-world status thro ugh which they reproduce the s e VIOlence at the colonizers used to subjugat e and kill the nano al populatIOn. the wounded youth's body was hit by three more bullets. power. Six months later. the other we saw dead lying on the ground where a large number of people gathered in silence. He was later dragged to the other side of the car that was used in the hold up. are always committed among lower classes and between lower classes and the police. sm. Note 13-Page 1 06 (For more details concerning /Ichacina da candehlria. Even thou gh we have broken the yoke of . Away from the TV viewers. He had been hit by a police bullet. we will have the capacity to overcome it. the nation witnessed. One escaped. In truth these so-called o tlaws and margina ls are excluded from the sys tem and are for ldden to ave know ledge. a policeman stated that. among the upper and middle classes we witness many deaths due to the high speed of cars in the major cities of the country.

Cer­ tainly. " -Choice Pedagogy of the City This unique book describes the everyday struggles. political as well as administrative. in which Freire reflects on the im­ pact his writings have made over the past twenty­ five years. through the critical seri­ ousness. " the Oppressed]. all of these themes have to be analyzed as elements of a body of critical. Freire once again explores his best-known analytical themes with even deeper understanding and a greater wisdom. It is all -The Other Side . are wedded to a unique creative innovativeness. With Pedagogy of Hope. liberationist pedagogy. humanistic objectivity. Pedagogy of Hope represents a chronicle and synthesis of the ongoing social struggles of Latin America and the Third World since the landmark publication of Pedagogy of the Oppressed. IIJust as unrelenting and visionary [as Pedagogy of the more powerful precisely because Freire is not speaking theoretically. and engaged subjec­ tivity which. the reader comes to understand Freire's thinking even better. fought in the ur­ ban schools of Sao Paulo.Also by Paulo Freire from Continuum Pedagogy of Hope Reliving Pedagogy of the Oppressed This is the eagerly awaited sequel to Pedagogy of the Oppressed.S. "A powerful. scholarly defense of the radical liberal position. Its forthright examination of urban education has many applications for schools in the u. as in all of Freire's books. In this book.

000 sold worldwide. or may be ordered from the publisher: Continuum 370 Lexington Avenue New York." -JONATHAN KOZOL Education for Critical Consciousness T wo important studies are brought together for the first time. "Brilliant meth­ odology of a highly charged and politically provoca­ tive character. The book comes out of Freire's innova­ tive work in the field of adult literacy in Brazil and his studies of the practice of II agricultural exten­ sion" in Chile. These volumes are available at your bookstore.Pedagogy of the Oppressed New Revised 20th-Anniversary Edition More than 600. NY 10017 .