Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Lawrence Stenhouse
Bintree
1975
I
D E F I N I N G THE
C U R R IC U L U M PROBLEM
THE TEACHER
AS R E S E A R C H E R
• T h e r e is v o s c a l e i m p l i e d b y t h e s e n u m b e r s . K a c h n u m b e r is c l a s s i f i c a t o r y ; it d e s i g n a t e s a
p a r t ic u la r k in d o f ' c o r n m u n i c a t i o n e v e n t . T o w r it e t h e s e n u m b e r s d o w n d u r i n g o b s e r v a t i o n
is to e n u m e r a t e , n o t t o j u d g e a p o s i t i o n o n a s c a le .
The Teacher as Researcher *47
2) Interaction analysis systems are usually concerned only with overt,
observable behaviour. They take no account of the intentions which lie
behind such behaviour.
3) Interaction analysis systems are expressly concerned with ‘what can
be categorized and measured’. (Simon and Boyer 1970, 1) But, by using
crude measurement techniques, or ill-defined category boundaries, the
systems may well obscure, distort or ignore the qualitative features they
claim to be investigating.
4) Interaction analysis systems focus on ‘small bits of action or behaviour
rather than global concepts’ (Simon and Boyer 1970, 1). Inevitably,
therefore, they generate a super-abundance of data. Yet, to interpret
such data it has to be linked to a set of descriptive concepts - typically
the categories themselves - or to a small number of global concepts
built up from the categories.
5) By definition, the systems utilize pre-specified categories. If the
systems are intended to assist explanations, then the explanations may
be tautologous.
6) Finally, by placing firm boundaries on continuous phenomena, the
systems create a bias from which it is hard to escape. Reality - frozen in
this way - is often difficult to liberate from its static representation.
The authors note that some of these limitations have been acknowl-
edged by the originators of the systems. In particular, the first three
have been clearly defined by Flanders (1970, Chapter 2).
Adelman a n d W alker (1973) in a critical comment on th e F .I.A .C .
system suggest th a t ‘th e m ost significant weakness in th e theoretical
basis of the te c h n iq u e is in its naive conception of “ ta lk ” as a m eans
of hum an c o m m u n ic a tio n ’. In th eir own study of classroom s they
found th at th e talk did not fit the categories available fo r coding it.
The suggestion is th at Flanders* analytic categories are based on
classrooms w hich are instructional and where talk is in a public
dialogue form . I t ‘m akes little sense when applied to som e o f those
intimate conversations betw een teachers and children w here b o th are
talking b u t w h ere the only questions th at are being asked are those
asked by the children*. In short, F .I.A .C . - and for th a t m a tte r other
available in te rac tio n system s - does not fit open classroom s in which
talk is not as stereo ty p ed and lim ited in range and tone as it ten d s to
be in the teach er-d o m in ated instructional classroom. A delm an and
Walker make th is observation in th e ir summary.
Flanders* system for the analysis of classroom interaction is limited by
its inherent conception of talk. T his limits it to seeing teacher-student
interaction in term s of the transmission of information - sometimes one-
way, sometimes two-way. It does not concern itself with talk as the
expression and negotiation of meanings; as the medium through which
148 A n Introduction to Curriculum Development
people see themselves as others see them. The underlying concept is
simply one of information-exchange, it does not touch on the relation-
ships between talk and knowledge, between talk and identity, both for
oneself and for others. In short, it sees talk as transmission, not as
communication.
This finding confirm s th e experience of Elliott and M a cD o n a ld
who attem pted to p ro d u ce an interaction analysis system on classic
lines to m onitor discussion in the classroom and found them selves
unable to devise a lim ited category system which caught th e im p o rta n t
distinctions th ey w ere able to draw in qualitative analysis.
M y conclusion is th a t interaction analysis is a tech n iq u e o f very
lim ited use to th e te a c h e r in researching his own classroom . I t can be
used if he is engaged in basically instructional class teach in g , to
obtain a crude descrip tiv e im pression of some aspects of his verbal
behaviour in classroom situations; and it provides a basis for q u a n ti-
tative com parison o f his behaviour w ith that of other teach ers. In
research term s, how ever, I believe it is a cul-de-sac. A nd m an y of its
weaknesses com e from th e attem p t to provide quantitative d a ta w hich
will support generalizations, an attem p t not of central im p o rta n c e to
the teacher seeking an und erstan d in g o f the unique as well as th e
generalizable elem en ts in his own work. Interaction analysis system s
provide M irrors o f Behaviour (Sim on and Boyer 1967, 1970), b u t
they are d isto rtin g m irrors.
An alternative a p p ro ach to th e stu d y of classrooms w hich is avail-
able in the research litera tu re pays m uch m ore attention to th e c o n te n t
of teaching th a n does interaction analysis. T his approach is co n cern ed
with the logic o f teaching.
T h e lead in th is ty p e o f work was given by B. O. S m ith and his
colleagues at th e U niversity of Illinois. They w orked from th e
transcripts o f eighty-five tape recordings made in five h ig h schools,
and successively ad o p ted two different category system s for th e ir
analysis.
In th eir late r w ork th ey distinguished logical sequences o f teach in g
which they called ventures, and classified according to th e ir objectives.
T hus, for exam ple, causal ventures had as their c o n ten t objective
‘a cause-effect relationship betw een particular events o r betw een
classes of e v e n ts’, w hile conceptual ventures had as th e ir objective
learning ‘a se t o f con d itio n s either governing, or im plied by, th e use
of a te rm ’. (25) T h e y distinguished and exemplified eig h t types of
ventures.
W ithin th e logical stru c tu re of th e venture, they d istin g u ish ed
strategies.
The Teacher as Researcher *49
Pedagogically, strategy refers to a set of verbal actions that serves to
attain certain results and to guard against others. From a general stand
point, strategies may serve to induce students to engage in verbal
exchange, to ensure that certain points in the discourse will be made
clear, and to reduce the num ber of irrelevant or wrong responses as the
students participate in discussion, and so on.
(Smith, Meux et al. 1967, 49)
One dim ension of strategy is identified in the various k in d s o f
verbal m anipulation of th e content of teaching. These S m ith a n d his
colleagues call ‘moves*. A n d a consecutive sequence of m oves o f th e
same type is called a play.
It will be clear th at S m ith ’s categories rest more on logic th a n do
those of the in teractio n analysts, b u t the ‘strategy’, as defined above,
distinguishes te a c h e r control moves in interaction w ith th e pu p ils.
Even more th an th e interaction analysts Sm ith is tea c h e r-c en tred —
he sees the crucial elem en t in th e classroom as teacher u tte ran c e s -
and the eighty-five classroom sequences he and others have stu d ie d
and analysed over ten years are exam ples o f extremely form al teach in g.
As W alker (1971) com m en ts:
What is significant about Sm ith’s wrork is that he is able to use this highly
restricted approach to classroom activity and to realize a m eaningful
picture of life in at least some classrooms. Obviously, the fact th at he is
able to do this means that in the sample of classrooms he studied the
semantic aspects of the public verbal behaviour of the teacher constitute
the major communication system, and the social structure of the class is
geared to this restricted channel of communication.
(60)
And after su rv ey in g the work not only of Smith but also o f N u th a ll
and Laurence (1965) and of Bcllack (1966), and K licb ard (1966),
the same au th o r concludes:
Perhaps the m ost valuable thing to be learned from all these studies is
that among the m any possible ways that a teacher might function if his
sole concern was the presentation of knowledge, only a narrow range of
options is taken up in practice by the teacher. The main reason for this
seems to be that the teacher operates primarily in terms of roles other
than his concern with the presentation of knowledge. He acts as if his
main task was that of establishing and maintaining a certain social
structure within the classroom group. T h e main feature of this social
structure is the thing that Bcllack and Smith both assume - form ality in
verbal communication, and given this overriding concern of m aintaining
formality it is not surprising that teachers tend to dominate verbal out-
put, to give a large part of lesson content over to such arbitrary things
J 5° A n Introduction to Curriculum Development
as routine and management, and to rely heavily on description rather
than on higher cognitive operations. It is simply easier to manage a
formal context in this way.
The question that needs to be kept in mind through all this research
is, How docs the teacher manage knowledge in other contexts? In other
words, What happens in the ‘open’ classroom? and just what is the role
of private verbal communication in the classroom?
These are cru cial questions in the present context for c u rric u lu m
innovation often involves changing conceptions of the relatio n sh ip s
between know ledge an d teachers and learners and these changes are
of critical significance for the social structure of the classroom . N ew
curricula often involve th e teacher in abandoning the role w hich is
studied in m o st interactional and logical analyses of th e classroom .
We must n e ith e r m inim ize the usefulness, limited th o u g h it be, of
interactional a n d logical analysis nor assume that fu rth e r dev elo p -
ment of these ap p ro ach es will not capture a wider ap p licab ility . It
remains tru e th a t wc m u st look tow ards other approaches m o re able
to face the co m p lex ity of the classroom.
T he alternative app roach which has been most a ttra c tiv e to re -
search w orkers m ay be called ‘social anthropological*. I t ‘h as used
direct observation of classroom events as a starting p o in t in the
development o f th e o ry [and] . . . it rath er shies away fro m q u a n ti-
fication and uses only detailed field notes as a m eans o f recording*.
(Walker 1971, 83). In th is it resem bles the approach of th e a n th ro -
pologist who stu d ie s a com m unity or of the stu d e n t o f anim al
behaviour. T h e o ry is gradually built up from the ex am in atio n of
accum ulated observ atio n s. It is partial and fragm entary. A b o v e all it
attem pts not m erely generalization b u t also the characterizatio n o f the
uniqueness of p a rtic u la r situations.
T H E SCHOOL
A N D INNOVATION