Iny A Much Traveled Official of The Sixt

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2008 9:18 Stránka i
ABUSIR AND SAQQARA

IN THE YEAR 2005
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This book was published from the financial means allocated for the research
project of the Ministry of Education, Grant No. MSM 0021620826
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A B U S I R A N D S AQ Q A R A
IN THE YEAR 2005
PROCEEDINGS OF THE CONFERENCE
HELD IN PRAGUE (JUNE 27–JULY 5, 2005)
M i ro s l av B á r t a , Fi l i p C o p p e n s , Ja ro m í r K re j ã í
editors
Czech Institute of Egyptology, Faculty of Arts,

Charles University in Prague
Prague 2006
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Contributors
Hartwig Altenmüller, Dieter Arnold, Tarek El Awady, Ladislav Bare‰, Nathalie
Beaux, Catherine Bridonneau, Vassil Dobrev, Maghdy Ghandour, Yannis
Gourdon, Sergei Ivanov, Mohamed Ismail Khaled, Jifií Janák, Pfiemysl Klír,
Jaromír Krejãí, Alexei Krol, Kamil O. Kuraszkiewicz, Renata Landgráfová,
Michele Marcolin, Antonio J. Morales, Ludwig D. Morenz, Jana Mynáfiová,
Hana Navrátilová, Adela Oppenheim, Teodozja Rzeuska, Kvûta Smoláriková,
Eugen Strouhal, Isabel Stünkel, Bfietislav Vachala, Petra Vlãková, Hana
Vymazalová, Nicolai I. Vinokurov, Anna Wodziƒska, Christiane Ziegler
© Czech Institute of Egyptology, Faculty of Arts,

Charles University in Prague,
and individual authors
Prague 2006
ISBN 80-7308-116-4
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Table of contents
Foreword xiii
Abbreviations xiv
The Late Period and the Ptolemaic and Roman Era

L. Bare‰: The social status of the owners of the large Late Period shaft tombs 1
The Late Period shaft tombs represent a specific and well-defined type of
the funeral architecture in ancient Egypt. To evaluate the social status of their
owners, several criteria can be used, the most significant among them being
perhaps their titles. These can be divided into four groups (ranking,
administrative, military and priestly) that are evaluated separately and allow
drawing some preliminary conclusions.
S. Ivanov: Anthropomorphic figurines found at Kom Tuman (Memphis) 18

In 2000–2005 the Russian archaeological mission at Kom Tuman (Memphis)
discovered a series of pottery anthropomorphic figurines dating to the Late
Period – Ptolemaic time. They represent megallophalic men, nude women and
pottery plaques depicting women in a shrine. The present paper focuses on
the iconography and significance of these representations.
J. Janák, R. Landgráfová: Wooden fragments with some chapters of the

Book of the Dead belonging to Neferibreseneb Nekau 28
The contribution is dedicated to the wooden tablets containing several
chapters from the Book of the Dead discovered in the burial chamber of
Neferibreseneb Nekau in the tomb of Iufaa at Abusir. Besides the identification
of the texts on the individual tablets, parallel texts of the Late Period are
considered, as well as the titles of the owner. Finally, Nekau’s choice of wood
as a medium for his Book of the Dead is examined.
A. Krol, N. I. Vinokurov: A metallurgical furnace from Memphis 34

The paper deals with the unique metallurgical furnace discovered at Kom
Tuman (Memphis ruin field) by the archaeological expedition of the Russian
Institute of Egyptology in Cairo (Russian Academy of Sciences) in 2004. This
furnace consisted of four (originally eight) fire chambers turned out to be used
for smelting of either bronze scrap or rough ingot material. C14 analysis dated
it to the middle of the 8th century B.C.
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vi Table of contents
K. Smoláriková: The Step Pyramid – a constant inspiration to the Saite

Egyptians 42
‘The Egyptian practise of “borrowing” from ages past is hardly
a phenomenon which the Saites of Dynasty 26 could claim as their own
unique invention. Over the several millennia of Egyptian history, as ages of
unity and prosperity fluctuated with times of instability and decline, archaism
was often utilized to reinforce the claims of legitimacy for the aspiring ruler,
dynastic house or even deceased individual desirous of a prosperous
afterlife…’ Peter Der Manuelian
E. Strouhal, P. Klír: The relation of persons buried in the tomb of Iufaa at

Abusir 50
Three well preserved mummies of the five individuals found in the shaft
tomb of Iufaa by the mission of the Czech Institute of Egyptology at Abusir
are morphologically and genetically closely related. Lady Imakhetkherresnet
was a sister of Iufaa and they possessed a common mother Ankhtisi, who is
attested epigraphically. An anonymous old male was probably their father.
The skeletons of two other males, discovered in 2003–2004, survived only
partially and could not be compared morphologically. They shared, however,
three quarters of the preserved epigenetic features of the skulls, but had
different blood groups. Nevertheless, they could have been brothers. Both
were similar in half of the epigenetic features to the anonymous old male, but
only in one third to Iufaa and his sister. Lady Irturut, attested epigraphically
as the mother of Neko, could have possibly been also the mother of
Gemenefherbak as well as another wife of the anonymous male.
C. Ziegler, C. Bridonneau: A New Necropolis in Saqqara 57

The article focuses on the Late Period burials (end of the Pharaonic period
and beginning of the Ptolemaic period) discovered during the excavations in
the sector of the mastaba of Akhethetep in order to reach the Old Kingdom
stratum. The simple burials in the sand layer and the more elaborate tombs
hewed in the mastabas’ core and underground galleries point to different
periods and different social ranks.
The New Kingdom

J. Mynáfiová: Abusir – new evidence for the New Kingdom. LA 5, tomb A,
shaft 1 – blue-painted pottery 74
The rescue excavations in February 2002 in the easternmost part of the
locality revealed that our understanding of the Abusir necropolis in the New
Kingdom must be changed. The site cannot be further considered as almost
completely forgotten during this period. The present paper aims to present
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Table of contents vii
the results of the excavation works as well as possible links with other New
Kingdom sites in the Memphite area. Special attention is paid to the blue-
painted pottery from LA 5, tomb A, shaft 1.
H. Navrátilová: The phraseology of the visitors’ graffiti. A preliminary

report of the graffiti database 83
This paper shall deal with the contents of the graffiti texts, gathered within
a corpus of Besucherinschriften of the Memphite necropoleis. The earlier
group – mainly of Eighteen Dynasty inscriptions – might have been expressing
the interest in the ancient buildings, in any case, the buildings and owners are
often correctly identified. The graffiti betray therefore contemporary
knowledge of some facts related to the past. The later group – Ramesside
inscriptions – is much less historical in this respect and would debate
Assmann’s presupposition that Ramesside Egyptians were ‘revealing the past’.
The Middle Kingdom

D. Arnold: Changing the shape of the pyramid of Senusret III 108
During the 2005 excavation season of The Metropolitan Museum of Art
expedition at Dahshur an unexpected feature was observed on the north side
of the pyramid of Senusret III. The two lowest courses of the pyramid casing
did not have the same 50 degree inclination as the upper courses, but were
nearly vertical. A series of double grooves articulated this vertical base of
unknown height.
A. Oppenheim: Identifying artists in the time of Senusret III. The mastaba of

the vizier Nebit (North Mastaba 18) at Dahshur 116
In 1995 the Egyptian expedition of The Metropolitan Museum of Art
excavated the north half of the mastaba of Nebit, a vizier of the time of
Senusret III. Found were most of the large-scale inscriptions that covered the
top and the corners of the mastaba’s north wall. Subsequent restoration of the
wall has made it possible to examine the style of a continuous section of
decoration and to suggest that probably four sculptors carved the inscriptions.
A fifth sculptor seems to have worked on the sections found at the north end
of the mastaba’s east wall.
E. Strouhal, P. Klír: The anthropological examination of two queens from

the pyramid of Amenemhat III at Dahshur 133
Two almost complete skeletons were found in close vicinity to their
sarcophagi in separate burial chambers in the Pyramid of Amenemhat III
during the excavations of the German Archaeological Institute in 1978–1979.
According to the archaeological and epigraphic evidence they were his
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viii Table of contents
queens: one anonymous and the other one called Aat. Their skeletal remains
were found through compared metric, descriptive and epigenetic features as
well as serologically to be so different as to exclude blood relationship or
provenance of the same family. Both queens had elaborate sarcophagi and
burial equipment and were subjected to the at the time still rare excerebration,
which is known, to date, from only five other cases of the Middle Kingdom.
I. Stünkel: The relief decoration of the cult chapels of royal women in the
pyramid complex of Senusret III at Dahshur 147
The pyramid complex of Senusret III included a number of subsidiary
pyramids belonging to queens and princesses that had small adjoining
chapels for their funerary cults. The remains of these chapels have been
excavated by the Egyptian expedition of The Metropolitan Museum of Art
and more than 4,000 relief fragments from their wall decoration have been
recovered. This article gives an overview of the relief decoration, presents
examples of the various decorative elements, and provides a preliminary
reconstruction of the program.
The Old Kingdom and the First Intermediate Period

H. Altenmüller: Biographien und Domänennamen 167
In many cases, the names of the personifications of the domains – as
represented in the tombs of the Old Kingdom – are composed with the name
of a king. The scope of the investigation under course consists in an
examination of the significance of the king’s name in the context of the
toponymy of the estates, in regard to the chronology of the tomb where they
occur and under special consideration of the biography of the tomb owner.
T. El Awady: The royal family of Sahura. New evidence 191

The excavation of the Supreme Council of Antiquities (SCA) around the
upper part of Sahura’s causeway, during the archaeological seasons
2003–2004, revealed new and complete scenes of Sahura’s royal family. The
scenes significantly change the long established theories concerning the
beginning of the Fifth Dynasty and the family of king Sahura.
N. Beaux: Methods in hieroglyphic palaeography. Old Kingdom signs from

Saqqara and Giza 219
For the last fifteen years, I have been recording variants of signs on
monuments from Giza and Saqqara, private tombs (in particular the tomb of
Ti) as well as a royal tomb: the pyramid of Unas. The idea was to document,
for the Old Kingdom, the wealth and diversity of hieroglyphic signs, in order,
in the long run, to establish a list of signs and a palaeography for the Old
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Table of contents ix
Kingdom at Giza and Saqqara. Preparing these studies for publication and
reading recently published palaeographies have naturally led to reconsider
the aims and methods of a hieroglyphic palaeography.
V. Dobrev: Old Kingdom tombs at Tabbet al-Guesh (South Saqqara) 229

Since October 2000, the IFAO mission at South Saqqara revealed the
existence of a vast Old Kingdom necropolis. Several tombs from the Sixth
Dynasty show architectural similarities: mud brick enclosure, open-air
courtyard, chapels and pits cut in the mountain. This type of funerary
structure has been called by the Egyptians per djet ‘house of eternity’.
Geophysical survey evidence suggests the presence, in the middle of the
necropolis, of a pyramid and its mortuary temple.
M. Ghandour: An Old Kingdom cemetery in Southern Dahshur 236

In the spring of 1996 the Supreme Council of Antiquities (SCA) excavated
an Old Kingdom cemetery situated to the west of the so-called ‘Lake of
Dahshur’ and about 400 m south of the Pyramid of Amenemhat III. The
cemetery had already been partly excavated at the end of the 19th and the
beginning of the 20th century. The main goal of the excavation was to obtain
some idea of the architecture of the tombs, since previous publications had
treated the subject in an extremely cursory manner.
Y. Gourdon: The Royal Necropolis of Djedefra at Abu Rawash (seasons

2001–2005) 247
This article sums up the results of five campaigns of excavations at the
cemetery ‘F’ of Abu Rawash. The analysis of different aspects of some
mastabas (architecture, masonry, pottery, decoration…) shows that this
private burial ground was connected with the nearby pyramid of Djedefra
and should be dated back to the Fourth dynasty.
M. Ismail Khaled: Notes on the name of the domain IAgt 257

The article deals with the name of the domain IAgt, and suggests a new
interpretation of the meaning of the domain, based on the newly discovered
scenes from the causeway of Sahura at Abusir.
J. Krejãí: The tomb complex Lepsius No. 25 in Abusir 261

The article deals with the archaeological excavation of the tomb complex
Lepsius No. 25 constructed during the Fifth Dynasty in Abusir. On the basis of
the results of the archaeological excavation of this largely destroyed monument,
the article focuses on two questions: who were owners of this unusual twin
tomb and what did its original appearance look like? Whereas the second
question is easy to answer, the first one must remain open for the time being.
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x Table of contents
K. O. Kuraszkiewicz: Netjerikhet’s traces in the West 274

The paper describes several objects dating from the reign of Netjerikhet
that have been found in secondary, late Sixth Dynasty contexts west of the
Step Pyramid by the Polish-Egyptian archaeological mission at Saqqara.
Discussed is also the possible function of the so-called ‘boundary stelae’ as
well as some aspects of Netjerikhet’s funerary complex.
M. Marcolin: Iny, a much-traveled official of the Sixth Dynasty: unpublished

reliefs in Japan 282
Identified by the writer in a small museum of Tokyo, the fragments of
a hitherto unpublished Sixth Dynasty biographical inscription and some related
reliefs of historic and linguistic relevance are here presented and discussed.
Together with the attestation of the unknown owner and his vicissitudes under
the reigns of the kings Pepy I, Merenre and Pepy II, the noteworthy points in the
account are explicit references to several expeditions to the Levant, the reference
to the naval conveyance of goods and people there from, and the reference to an
episode of the attribution of a nickname experienced by the owner.
A. J. Morales: Traces of official and popular veneration to Nyuserra Iny at

Abusir. Late Fifth Dynasty to the Middle Kingdom 311
A study of the posthumous veneration of Nyuserra suggests the
permanence of the royal cult in his mortuary establishment at Abusir from the
end of the Old Kingdom to the Twelfth Dynasty. Literary, iconographic, and
archaeological evidence likewise support the existence of a distinct practice of
popular veneration to his divinized figure.
L. Morenz: The role of the Memphite area in the development of Egyptian

writing 342
In order to understand the development of Ancient Egyptian writing in its
cultural complexity we ought to take the social and geographical conditions
into consideration. The Memphite area played a central role in the development
of writing in Egypt. The second stage of this process when people learned to
write narrative texts as opposed to single words took place here and appears to
have been shaped by its specific geographical and administrative conditions as
well as its practices in cult and religion. In the following paper I will first briefly
discuss the cultural roots of writing in proto- and early dynastic Egypt, and
then look more closely at the role the Memphite area played.
T. Rzeuska: Funerary customs and rites on the Old Kingdom necropolis in

West Saqqara 353
As a result of numerous excavations carried out in ancient necropoleis, one
would expect a richness of artefacts to throw some light on their functional
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Table of contents xi
issues. Paradoxically, however, our knowledge of funeral rites is far from

being satisfactory. The interpretation of funeral customs is mainly based on
iconography and inscriptions, while other archaeological sources are being
included very sporadically. The analysis of pottery will facilitate the
reconstruction of a portion of the rituals held during burials on the Old
Kingdom necropolis in West Saqqara.
B. Vachala: Inti’s biographical text at Abusir South 378

The decoration of the façade of Inti’s tomb in southern Abusir (temp. Pepi I)
is carefully executed in painted sunk relief. Both the western and the eastern
sides of this façade bear a biographical text containing standard phrases and
an appeal to the living. Unfortunately, the texts have been only partially
preserved.
P. Vlãková: ‘Great Beard has shaved this Pepy’s head and Sothis has washed
this Pepy’s arm…’. The earliest attestation of ‘Grooming Model Implements’
from the Old Kingdom 385
On the basis of an analysis of a unique set of ‘grooming implements’,
originating from the tomb of the judge Inti at South Abusir (Shaft ‘A’), the
broader socio-cultural context of both the ritual and the physical dimensions
of the demands that the ancient Egyptian put on cleanliness that was required
by their funerary beliefs can be traced.
H. Vymazalová: Some accounts of woven materials in the papyrus archive

of Raneferef 397
The article deals with a group of documents from the archive of the
pyramid temple of Raneferef. The records reveal that different types of fabrics
of various sizes were brought to the mortuary temple of the king before the
DHwtyt and wAg-festivals, and distributed to the phyles to be used in their
service in the temple.
A. Wodziƒska: White carinated bowls (CD7) from the Giza Plateau mapping
project: tentative typology, use and origin 405
The GPMP site is characterized by large numbers of white carinated bowls
(CD7). Their hemispherical body resembles the so-called Meidum bowls.
However, the surface of the CD7 is always covered with a white wash. White
carinated bowls were produced in large quantities in one locality during
a very short span of time. Their occurrence was probably the result of the
demand of the local community for vessels which could be used for a very
specific purpose.
Indexes 430
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Foreword
The rapid development and change in our understanding of the Memphite

necropolis over the past decade has brought with it a need to provide in regular
intervals a forum for the international group of scholars active in the pyramid
fields and cemeteries of this region, a forum covering all periods of ancient
Egyptian history, from the Archaic period up into the Coptic era. In the year
2000 the first volume of articles on the Memphite necropolis, with special
interest in the regions of Abusir, Saqqara and Dahshur, saw the light of day.1
It provided archaeologists, egyptologists and anthropologists with an opportunity
to exchange information and present the latest results of their research to each
other as well as to the general public. The publication of the volume was
followed in September 2001 by an international symposium in Prague.2
The widespread interest in both the first volume and the symposium has led
the Czech Institute of Egyptology to a decision to continue bringing together
scholars working in the Memphite region on a regular basis. The present volume
is the result of the second international symposium dedicated to the necropolis
of Abusir, Saqqara and Dahshur that took place in Prague in June 2005.3
The thirty contributions to the volume cover numerous aspects of the
Memphite region from the Early Dynastic Period to the Roman era, but the bulk
of the papers focus on the Abusir–Saqqara necropolis in the Old Kingdom.
A study and interpretation of the archaeological remains and literary sources
form the main themes of interest among the contributions, but the most
characteristic feature of most papers is the use of a combination of archaeological,
literary and iconographic material in order to attain a deeper knowledge and
better understanding of the Memphite necropolis and its development over time.
Our thanks go to Marta ·trachová for her invaluable assistance during the
editorial work, Jolana Malátková for preparing the layout and cover of the
volume, and Marek Dospûl for composing the index. We also wish to thank all
members of our institute for their help and encouragement.
Miroslav Bárta, Filip Coppens, Jaromír Krejãí
Prague, March 2007
1
M. Bárta, J. Krejãí, eds., Abusir and Saqqara in the Year 2000 (Prague, 2000).
2
The proceedings of the symposium were published in F. Coppens, ed., Abusir and
Saqqara in the Year 2001. Proceedings of the Symposium (Prague, September 25th – 27th 2001),
ArOr 70/3 (2002), 261–425.
3
The organisation of the symposium and publication of the proceedings was made
possible thanks to a grant of the Czech Ministry of Education (MSM 0021620826).
zlom i-xiv, 1-132 22.9.2008 9:18 Stránka xiv
Abbreviations
Abbreviations for journals, series and monographs used throughout the

volume follow the system of Lexikon der Ägyptologie (cf. Lexikon der Ägyptologie,
Band VII. Nachträge, Korrekturen und Indices, founded by W. Helck and E. Otto,
edited by W. Helck and W. Westendorf, Wiesbaden 1992, XIV–XXXVIII).
The following additional abbreviations are also used:
ACER – The Australian Centre for Egyptology: Reports, Sydney;

Achet – Achet, Schriften zur Ägyptologie A 4, Berlin;
AJPA – American Journal of Physical Anthropology, Philadelphia;
AJSLL – American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures, Chicago;
AOS – American Oriental Society, Michigan;
ÄUAT – Ägypten und Altes Testament, Wiesbaden;
Beihefte SAK – Beihefte SAK, Hamburg;
Harpur, DETOK – Y. Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom.
Studies in Orientation and Scene Content, London, New York 1988;
IJO – International Journal of Osteoarchaeology, Hoboken;
MonPiot – Monuments et mémoires. Acad. des inscr. et belles-lettr., Fond. Piot,
Paris;
PAM – Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean, Warsaw;
SAGA – Studien zur Archäologie und Geschichte Altägyptens, Heidelberg;
SAK – Studien zur altägyptischen Kultur, Beihefte, Hamburg;
WES – Warsaw Egyptological Studies, Warsaw.
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Iny, a much-traveled official of the Sixth Dynasty:

unpublished reliefs in Japan
Michele Marcolin
Resume
Japanese collections of Egyptian antiquities have seldom received serious
attention by scholars in the field, remaining virtually unknown inside and
outside the national borders.1 Identified by the writer in a museum of Tokyo,
the fragments of a hitherto unpublished Sixth Dynasty biographical inscription
and some related reliefs are here presented and discussed for the first time.
The pieces are relevant for the mentioning in the text of three kings in relation
with expeditionary activities; the reference to an episode of nick-name
attribution by the king; the reference to the import of goods such as lapis
lazuli, lead/tin, silver and foreigners from the Levant.
Introduction
Established in 1979 on the initiative of H. I. H. the Prince of Japan T.
Mikasa and of Mr. S. Idemitsu to promote the studies of the ancient Near East,
the Middle Eastern Culture Center in Japan of Mitaka-shi, Tokyo, houses in
the halls of its museum one of the most relevant collections of Oriental
antiquities in Japan.2 Among the Egyptian artefacts in its possession, two
pieces in particular attracted the attention of the writer a couple of years ago,
right at the beginning of an experimental project of survey and
documentation of the collections of Egyptian antiquities in Tokyo:3 a series of
five fitting blocks decorated with repetitions of figures and columns of text
(fig.1; pl. 1), and a rectangular limestone fragment with a representation of the
owner and the remains of twelve columns of a biographical account (fig. 3;
pl. 2).4 The reason for their peculiarity was that, despite the unusual relevance
of their epigraphic content and the fact that both of them were described as
dating to the Sixth Dynasty and originating from Saqqara, nor their existence,
1
Cf. J. Kondo, S. Uchida, ‘Egyptology: The Land of the Pharaohs from a Japanese
Viewpoint’, Orient 36 (2001), 57–77.
2
T. Otsuka, Hurui Utukushiki Mono. The late Mr. and Mrs. Ishiguro Collection (Tokyo,
1993).
3
A summary of the research and an introduction to the pieces was given for the first
time at the 2001 Scholars Colloquium of the SSEA, Toronto, Canada.
4
Full colour pictures of appreciable scale of the pieces are now available in AA.VV.
World of Ancient Egypt: The Egyptian Antiquities in Japanese Collections (Kyoto, 2005), Nr. 4,
5, 46–48, and 153–154 (in Japanese).
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Iny, a much-traveled official of the Sixth Dynasty… 283
neither the identity of the owner mentioned on them appeared to be known.

Direct contacts with the museum revealed that the pieces were purchased on
the Japanese antiquities market between 1990 and 1991, in two occasions, and
that their reference to Saqqara depended on a reported information, which at
that time was no more verifiable. Further, the same contacts became the
occasion for the disclosure of a third and not exhibited fragment decorated
with remains of an evidently related text (fig. 4; pl. 5), which was also
purchased by the same dealer two years later, in 1993. The preliminary
analysis that followed permitted to establish that: indeed all of them were
related and part of the same tomb decoration; that they were at all effects
undocumented; that they were for sure dating to the second half of the Sixth
Dynasty; and that the identity of their owner as well as the location of his
tomb were – and still are – unknown. On the absence of a curator for the
Egyptian section of the museum, I was offered the opportunity to study them
and I am particularly grateful to His Imperial Highness Prince Takahito
Mikasa (President of MECC), Kiyohiko Sakurai (Director of Dept. of Academic
Affairs, MECC), Mutsuo Kawatoko (Chief Researcher, MECC) and Takuro
Adachi (Assistant Researcher, MECC) for having granted me the privilege and
the permission to present them here.5
The series of fitting blocks (fig. 1, 2; pl. 1)

Data
Reg. No. 10617 (1–5)
Dimensions: 10617-(1) H. 24 cm ¥ W. 90.8 cm ¥ D. 3.7 cm
10617-(2) H. 25.6 cm ¥ W. 80.7 cm ¥ D. 7.6 cm
10617-(3) H. 22.6 cm ¥ W. 82.4 cm ¥ D. 5 cm
10617-(4) H. 24.1 cm ¥ W. 81.5 cm ¥ D. 5.4 cm
10617-(5) H. 21.6 cm ¥ W. 93.2 cm ¥ D. 5.7 cm
Material: limestone
Reported provenance: Saqqara
5
I wish to thank Jiro Kondo, Professor of Egyptology at Waseda University, Tokyo, for
bringing the collection in question to my attention and for kindly providing assistance
in the contacts with the museum. Several bibliographic shortcomings would not have
been solved without the invaluable help of the following colleagues and friends: Dr. Prof.
H. Goedicke, the late Dr. H. G. Fischer, Dr. Prof. J. Málek, Dr. T. Du Quesne, Dr. Prof. S.
Uchida, Dr. J. A. Styles, Dr. K. O. Kuraszkiewicz, Dr. B. A. Porter, Dr. A. Gordon and Ms. A.
Woods. To them goes my graditude. And a special debt of gratitude goes to Dr. Prof. H.
Goedicke for his availability and encouragement during the early stages of the analysis.
zlom 247-438 25.9.2008 12:18 Stránka 284
284 M. Marcolin
Fig. 1 The series of fitting blocks
Description
Six blocks arranged in two horizontal rows of three pieces originally
comprised this unit. The first block on its lower left hand-side is currently
missing and the extremities are not very well preserved, but the structure of
the decoration can be considered complete, as suggested by the presence of
the owner’s name at both the ends of the upper register of text and at the
bottom of each column. The composition consists of two groups of four
columns of text alternating with four representations of the owner. At the top
of them runs a horizontal register of text containing two half-lines of
hieroglyphic. Text and figures are symmetrical and face the axis of the
composition. The eight representations are substantially identical, with the
owner depicted in standing attitude and dressed in pointed kilt, with
shoulder-length wig, short beard, bracelets, broad collar, staff and sceptre in
the hands. The quality of the work is not outstanding and details are limited
essentially to the outline of the collar, the wrist bracelets and the longitudinal
fold of the kilt, that at least in one instance (fig. 2 – Figure 3R) was forgotten or
deliberately omitted, in the attempt to represent the lower half of the figure
from the back. Also the rendering of the text does not appear accurate: the
lines of horizontal and vertical registers are uneven and the signs show
differences in shape and size, despite a symmetrical arrangement of the titles
has to be acknowledged.
zlom 247-438 25.9.2008 12:18 Stránka 285
Fig. 2 The series of fittting blocks; layout of the pieces
The typology of the decoration fits the category of the multiple repetitions
of figures alternated to columns of text , which are frequently found on tomb
entrances architraves and walls during the whole Sixth Dynasty.6
Comparisons could be proposed with the architraves of Ir-n-Axt7 and Nb-kAw-
Hr8 in terms of the style; with the fitting series of Nxbw9 and again Ir-n-Axt for
the compositional symmetry with contact of the first two columns of text;
with the architraves of Ni-s-anx-Axty10 or Idw11 for the depiction of single figures
with walking staff, sceptre and lacking details of wig (curls) and collar
(beads); or again with the example of Ni-s-anx-Axty, for the upper line of text
with facing direction of reading.
Text. Transliteration, translation and commentary

UL) xnty-S Mn-nfr Ppy imy-r wpwt cmr waty xtmty-nTr imAxw xr nTr aA nb imnt Iny //
1L) imAxw xr nTr aA cmr waty xtmty-nTr [Iny] //
2L) cmr waty xtmty-nTr imAxw Iny //
3L) cmr waty xtmty-nTr imAxw […] //
4L) cmr waty xtmty-nTr imAxw […]
UR) xnty-S Mn-nfr Mry-ra imy-r wpwt cmr waty xtmty-nTr m wiAwy aA(wy) imAxw xr
Wcir Iny //
1R) imAxw xr Wcir cmr waty xtmty-nTr Iny //
2R ) cmr waty xtmty-nTr imAxw Iny //
3R) cmr waty xtmty-nTr imAxw xr Wcir Iny //
4R) cmr waty xtmty-nTr imAxw xr nTr aA Iny
6
Harpur, DETOK, 44–45, 303–305 (table 4.2); Fischer, Dendera, 55–65. Cf. also Junker,
Gîza IV, 2; N. Strudwick, ‘A Well-known Piece at Merseyside: Liverpool SAOS E 91’,
JARCE 26 (1990), 92.
7
Hassan, Gîza VI, 11, fig. 6, pl. 3.
8
S. Hassan, The Mastaba of Neb-Kaw-Her. Excavations at Saqqara I (Cairo, 1975), 61, fig. 24,
pl. LIc.
9
Boston, Museum of Fine Arts, no. 13.4335 = AA.VV., Art of the Ancient Mediterranean
World (Nagoya, 1999), 58–59, 170–171, no. 37.
10
Hassan, Gîza III, 122, fig. 107.
11
Junker, Gîza VIII, 88, fig. 38, pl. XV.
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286 M. Marcolin
UL) ‘The attendant of the funerary complex “The beauty of Pepy

endures”,12 overseer of commissions, sole friend, seal bearer of the god,
honoured before the great god lord of the West, Iny //
1L) Honoured before the great god, sole friend, seal bearer of the god, Iny //
2L) Sole friend, seal bearer of the god, honoured, Iny //
3L) Sole friend, seal bearer of the god, honoured… //
4L) Sole friend, seal bearer of the god, honoured…’
UR) ‘The attendant of the funerary complex ‘The beauty of Merira endures’,
overseer of commissions, sole friend, seal bearer of the god in the two big
ships, honoured before Osiris, Iny //
1R) Honoured before Osiris, sole friend, seal bearer of the god, Iny //
2R) Sole friend, seal bearer of the god, honoured, Iny //
3R) Sole friend, seal bearer of the god, honoured before Osiris, Iny //
4R) Sole friend, seal bearer of the god, honoured before the great god, Iny.’
From a prosopographic point of view the owner Iny is virtually unknown

as attested on these pieces. Occurrences of the name of homonymous
individuals are remarkably few in numbers, and, when not fragmentary, of
little use as for their informative content in relation to the owner in question.
They are the following:
a) an unlikely related figure of a farmer in the decoration of the tomb of
Pepyankh at Meir;13
b) the owner of three fragments of offering tables attributed to the Sixth
Dynasty and uncovered by Firth and Gunn around Teti pyramid complex,
with remains of text mentioning the titles of Xry-Hb, cmr waty and xrp zH; 14
c) a name in an unpublished rock inscription by Tomas, recorded among
the notes of the Harvard-Boston expedition;15
d) a name characterized by the titles of Xry-Hb, cmr pr and a third and
hardly identifiable one, mentioned in three rock inscriptions of N(y)-anx-
Mry-Ra by El-Kab;16
e) EA 1480 of the British Museum,17 a limestone stela of doubtful provenance
attributed to the Sixth Dynasty, which depicts a scene of a funerary
12
H. G. Fischer, ‘On the Interpretation of Names of Pyramids’, in H. G. Fischer, Varia
Nova. Egyptian Studies III (New York, 1996), 73–77.
13
Ppy-anx @ry-ib Nfr-ka @ny: Meir IV, 10–38, fig. 54, pl. XIV = Ranke, PN I 36, note 15
(two references pointing at the same source).
14
Firth – Gunn, Teti Pyramid Cemeteries, 225–226, pl. 11 = PM III2, 547–548.
15
PM VII, 142: ‘Sites 1–3. Three miles north of Mirgissa Fort, a quarter of a mile from
river. Remains of graffiti, one mentioning Iny (?), at site I. Information from
Boston Expedition records.’ I am grateful to Dr. K. Shinnick, Department Assistant by
the Museum of Fine Art of Boston, who tried to relocate the passage in question in the
records, unfortunately without success.
16
LD II, 117-I, 117-u. Possibly also 117-p, with the name of Iny on the 5th line.
zlom 247-438 25.9.2008 12:18 Stránka 287
banquette of a man named Iny characterized by the titles of cmr waty, Xry-Hb,
Spcw ncwt, cmr pr and imy-r aw.
Further remarks on the identity of the owner will be referred later, after the
presentation of all the pertaining evidence.
The duties and the titles attested on the pieces in question are those of
xnty-S Mn-nfr Ppy / Mn-nfr Mry-Ra,18 xtmty-nTr m wiAwy aA(wy),19 imy-r wpwt,20
xtmty-nTr,21 cmr waty.22 They are all relatively well known and do not need
specific addressing, except for the following remarks.
For the interpretation of the combination of imy-r wpwt xnty-S, a simple
coordinative relation between separate duties has been preferred. In fact,
despite the concomitant attestation of inverted forms of it,23 or the attestation
of one or more of its composing titles in relation to the same institution24 can
suggest an interpretation as ‘overseer of the commission of the attendants’ or
‘overseer of the commission and attendant’ of the funerary complex
involved,25 it has already been pointed out, that such condition is by far not
standardized or univocal and that it needs to be verified case by case.26 And
here, no evidence seems to authorize unquestionably any of the two. It may be
of interest, however, noting that, while the simple title of xnty-S Mn-nfr Ppy /
Mn-nfr Mry-Ra is relatively frequent and its attestations does not display
specific peculiarities, the combination xnty-S imy-r wpwt in relation to a royal
funerary complex result restricted to seven officials (table 1). They display
a predictable concentration in Saqqara, although none of their holders appears
to have been specifically involved with expedition activities or in possession
of the title of xtmty-nTr m wiAwy aA(wy). Those referred to the funerary complex
of Pepy I are only two (Ny-anx-Ppy and Cbki) and both of them originate from
the Teti cemetery.
17
London, British Museum EA 1480 = James, BM Stelae I 36, note 1480, pl. XXXIV(3).
18
Jones, Index II, 693–694 (No. 2535).
19
Ibid., 769, No. 2796.
20
Idem, Index I, 88–89, No. 375.
21
Idem, Index II, 767, No. 2791.
22
Ibid., 892, No. 3268.
23
For ex. Mrw (Saqqara): A. B. Lloyd, J. A. Spencer, A. El-Khouli, Saqqara Tombs II. The
Mastabas of Meru, Semdenti, Khui and Others (London, 1990), 7 [12, 13].
24
For ex. Nfr-cSm-PtH ^Si (Saqqara): H. G. Fischer, ‘The Inspector of the %x of Horus, Nby’,
Orientalia N. S. XXX (1961), 172. The owner should correspond to the Uzahateti Nefer-
seshemptah Sheshi of PM III2, 515–516, who supposedly is identical with the
Mry-ra-PtH-canx Nfr-cSm-PtH ^Si, in turn owner of the Cairo, Egyptian Museum stela
CG 1404 from Abydos; cf. J. Capart, Une rue de tombeau a Saqqara I (Brussels, 1907),
63–76, pls. LXXX–CI; Urk I, 200.
25
Jones, Index I, 99, No. 408.
26
N. Kanawati, M. Abder-Raziq, The Tety Cemetery at Saqqara. Volume III. The Tombs of
Neferseshemre and Seankhuiptah, ACER 11 (1998), 39.
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288 M. Marcolin
Table 1
Ny-anx-Ppy (Saqqara):27 Mn-nfr Ppy xnty-S imy-r wpwt
Cbki (Saqqara):28 Mn-nfr Mry-ra xnty-S imy-r wpwt
Cfx-ptH Nby (Saqqara):29 Mn-nfr Izzi xnty-S imy-r wpwt
Mrw (Saqqara):30 +d-cwt &ti xnty-S imy-r wpwt
+d-cwt &ti imy-r wpwt xnty-S
Canx-w(i)-PtH (Saqqara):31 +d-cwt &ti imy-r wpwt xnty-S
anxi (Saqqara):32 +d-cwt &ti imy-r wpwt xnty-S
[Ny]-ra (Saqqara):33 +d-cwt &ti imy-r wpwt xnty-S
Concerning the title of xtmty-nTr m wiAwy aA(wy), the conventional translation

as ‘seal bearer of the god in the two big ships’34 has been retained. It seems,
however, that the definition of the title’s peculiarities would benefit from
a comprehensive reassessment of the available evidence. For, not only its
prevailing characterization as indication for officials related to missions of
naval transport of valuable materials on behalf of the pharaoh inside and
outside Egypt,35 appears too overlapping with that of the titles of xtmty-nTr and
xtmty-nTr (m) wiA,36 but the very problem of the nature of the entity expressed
by the writing wiA aA seem still to lie unsolved.37 Full treatment of the topic
27
S. Hassan, Mastabas of Ny-aankh-Pepy and Others. Excavations at Saqqara II (Cairo, 1975),
2, 22, fig. 11; also in idem, ‘Excavations at Saqqara, 1937–1938’, ASAE XXXVIII (1938),
511. The writing is identical.
28
Firth – Gunn, Teti Pyramid Cemeteries, 213–214, pl. VII. The title originates from
a fragment out of context. The writing differs only for the presence of the vertical stroke
under the wp sign. It is worth-nothing that among the other findings brought to light in
the same area, there are also the fragments of the mentioned offering tables with the
name of Iny.
29
Fischer, Orientalia, N.S. XXX (1961), 172.
30
Driotton, ASAE XLIII (1943), 506; Lloyd, Spencer, El-Khouli, Saqqara Tombs II, 7 (12, 13).
31
Kanawati, Abder-Raziq, Tety Cemetery III, 56, pls. 67, 73.
32
H. Altenmüller, ‘Zur Vergöttlichung des Königs Unas im Alten Reich’, SAK 1 (1974),
6[6]; Fischer, Varia Nova, 233, pl. 46.
33
A. El-Khouli, N. Kanawati, Excavations at Saqqara: North-West of Teti’s Pyramid (Sydney,
1984), 39, pl. 38 (S84: 249).
34
Jones, Index II, 769. Cf. also idem, A Glossary of Ancient Egyptian Nautical Titles and
Terms (London, 1988), 105–106, No. 239; A. Chevereau, ‘Contribution à la Prosopographie
des Cadres Militaires de l’Ancien Empire et de la Première Période Intermédiaire’,
RdE 40 (1989), 4; Valloggia, BIFAO 85 (1985), 263; idem, Mélanges Vercoutter, 362; Helck,
Beamtentitel, 98; Fakhry, ASAE 38 (1938), 38–39.
35
Ibid., 38–40; Helck, Beamtentitel, 98–99; Valloggia, BIFAO 85 (1985), 263; K. O. Kurasz-
kiewicz, ‘The title xtmtj nTr – god’s sealer – in the Old Kingdom’, in M. Bárta, ed., The Old
Kingdom Art and Archaeology. Proceedings of the Conference held in Prague, May 31 – June 4,
2004 (Prague, 2006), 193–202.
36
Its treatment is almost constantly associated with that of the two titles mentioned. Cf.
previous note. For the hypothesis of a direct relation between xtmty-nTr, xtmty-nTr (m) wiA
and xtmty-nTr m wiAwy aA(wy), cf. Valloggia, BIFAO 85 (1985), 263, and Valloggia, Mélanges
Vercoutter, 362.
zlom 247-438 25.9.2008 12:18 Stránka 289
would evidently exceeds the limits of the present paper;38 yet four main
considerations that account for such a need can be pointed out:
– Attestations of xtmty-nTr m wiAwy aA(wy) titles are virtually absent among
the several rock-inscriptions, private and official, left by expeditionary
parties of the period in question in and outside Egypt.
– The honorific transposition of the ship sign in titles not based on an
adverbial or indirect genitival construction,39 suggests a reverential nature
for the vessel in question, which is evidently absent in the few existing
descriptions of expedition related shipbuilding or ship handling episodes
attested so far.40
– The only attestation of the expression wiAwy aA(wy) from a narrative context,41
seems to indicate royal ships employed by the king for his movements on the
river, rather than vessels for the supply and transport of goods.
– The number of only eleven attested holders of the titles42 appears
inconsistent with the volume and frequency of the sea or river expeditions
known or attested from the various sources of the period in question.
The ‘large’ biographical fragment (fig. 3; pl. 2)

Data
Reg. No. 11068
Material: limestone
Dimensions: H. 115 cm ¥ W. 84 cm ¥ D. 7.5 cm
Reported provenance: Saqqara
Description
The piece is a rectangular limestone fragment decorated with a standing
representation of the owner and the remains of twelve columns of hieroglyphic
37
O. Firchow, ‘Königschiff und Sonnenbarke’, WZKM 54 (1957), 34–42; R. Anthes, ‘Die
Sonnenboote in den Pyramidentexten’, ZÄS 82 (1957), 77–89; Hassan, Gîza VI.1, 21;
Helck, Beamtentitel, 98; Valloggia, BIFAO 85 (1985), 263; idem, Mélanges Vercoutter, 355–356.
38
The issue will be addressed in a separate contribution by the author, hopefully in the
near future.
39
Ex. aprw wiA, imy-irty wia, imy-irty aprw wia, imy-irty wiA aA, zS n mDAt wiA, zS n zA wiA. Cf. list
in ibid., 362–364.
40
Ex. Urk. I 108, 3–5; 134, 11.
41
The reference to the visit of king Isesi to the construction site of his funerary
monument, in the biographic inscription of Kaemtenenet; Urk. I, 180–188; E. Schot, ‘Die
Biographie des KA-EM-TENENET’, in Gs. Otto, 458–461.
42
To the ten listed in Jones, Index II, 768–771, the following two should be added: InkAf
Ini, owner of a newly identified mastaba close to Unas causeway (N. Kanawati,
‘Interrelation of the Capital and the Provinces in the Sixth Dynasty’, BACE 15 [2004],
53–60, figs. 1–2); Ixi Mry, owners of a recently excavated tomb in West Saqqara (K. O.
Kuraszkiewicz, ‘Saqqara 2002: Inscriptions’, PAM 14 [2002], 137–140, fig. 3).
zlom 247-438 25.9.2008 12:18 Stránka 290
290 M. Marcolin
Fig. 3 The ‘large’ biographical fragment

zlom 247-438 25.9.2008 12:18 Stránka 291
text. The representation and the caption are in true relief; the text of the
columns is in sunk relief. The piece is fragmentary on all its four sides and
two restoring interventions are visible on the surface. The first (fig. 3, bold
dotting) consists of the recomposition to its original shape of the upper half
and the two lower quarters of the slab. The second (fig. 3, tight dotting) consists
of a filling/levelling of holes in various points of the surface, which nature is
more difficult to determine. The entity of the part in lacuna appears difficult to
quantify, but the 254.5 ¥ 75.5 cm (from col. 2 to 9) of the almost contemporary
biography of Nxbw,43 with which this text shows points of similitude, may
represent a realistic although by no means conclusive term of comparison.
The main representation is of the deceased. He is portrayed in standing
attitude, facing left, as a corpulent man with pendulous breast. He is bare
headed and dressed in a long kilt, with broad collar, bracelets, and staff and
sceptre in the hands. A minor figure of a man characterized by bare head and
short kilt, is placed between him and his staff, in the act of the funerary
fumigation of incense. Also here the detail is limited, but the quality of the
relief is fairly high. A layer of paint originally applied to the surface and
probably to the signs, can still be detected from remains in a few places
(ex. cols. 4, 5, 7 and 9). Also part of two vertical guides for the cutting of the
sign is still visible in red ink on cols. 9, 10 and 11.
Also in this case, the iconography belong clearly to second half of the Sixth
Dynasty,44 when the figure of the corpulent owner is frequently found on
tomb entrances, false-doors thickness, jambs, or pillars.45 The minor figure in
the act of ritual fumigation of incense is also well known from tomb
decorations throughout the Sixth Dynasty and earlier and usually does not
offer specific features for analysis.46 Here, however, the detail of the tool
employed may deserve consideration. For to depictions of it as pot and lid,
which seem rather frequent in the Memphite necropolis during the Fifth and
Sixth Dynasties,47 a typology such as that in question, displaying a scattering/
43
Dunham, JEA 24 (1938), 1–8, pls. I–III.
44
Harpur, DETOK, 131–132; G. H. Fischer, ‘A Scribe of the army in a Saqqara mastaba of
the early Fifth Dynasty’, JNES 18/4 (1959), 245. For the pendulous breast, cf. also
H. Madsen, ‘Ein künstlerisches Experiment im alten Reiche’, ZÄS 42 (1905), 65–69.
45
On jambs, cf. W. K. Simpson, The Mastabas of Qar and Idu. G7102 and G7102, Giza
Mastabas 2 (Boston, 1976), fig. 34, pl. XVId; on thickness, cf. Kanawati, Abder-Raziq, Tety
Cemetery III, pl. 65; on inner thickness, cf. Lloyd, Spencer, El-Khouli, Saqqara Tombs II,
pl. 22; or simply on walls around doors and accesses, cf. Kanawati, Abder-Raziq, Tety
Cemetery III, pl. 64.
46
For a brief consideration of the subject, cf. Junker, Gîza XI, 19–27, figs. 13–15.
47
For incense burners with pot and lid from Giza, cf. W. K. Simpson, Mastabas of the
Western Cemetery, Part I, Giza Mastabas 4 (Boston, 1980), fig. 3, pls. VII, VIIIb; fig. 33,
pl. XLIa; fig. 41, pls. LIVb–c, LV; fig. 43, pl. LVIb; idem, The Mastabas of Kawab, Khafkhufu I
and II: G 7110–20, 7130–40 and 7150, Giza Mastabas 3 (Boston, 1978), figs. 30, 33, pls.»
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292 M. Marcolin
/mixing spoon in place of the lid, seems to be attested more frequently in

Middle and Upper Egypt.48 Instances of the latter from Giza or Saqqara are
not unknown,49 but their number appears comparatively limited.

(1) […] [m] rk Izzi rDi Hm.f iwt n.(i) imy-r […] pr-aA […] //
(2) […] [r]Di.n n.(i) Hm n nb.(i) nbw m-HAt.f iw Sdi […] //
(3) […] Hm n nb.(i) rn.(i) m Ini-DfAw n-aAt-nt Hct.(i) in Hm.f r mity.(i) nb //
(4) […] [?] zp 4 (i)ck.w(i) m xtmty-nTr xr Hm n nb.(i) Ppy //
(5) […] Hc.w(i) Hm.f Hr.c //
(6) […] [Hm n] nb.(i) Mr-n-ra //
(7) […] [?] xcbD dHt(y) //
(8) […] Hc.t(w).(i) Hr.c m ctp-zA //
(9) […] [?]r-HAt iw.(i) ii.k[wi] //
(10) […] [z]bi.n nTr(w) nb(w) Dr-bAH //
(11) […] [Xry]-Hb xtmty-nTr wiAwy aA(wy) //
(12) […] In[y]
(Cm) imy-r cSrw n ct-[ib] nb.f $nmw-m-HAt
» XVIII, XXII; K. W. Weeks, Mastabas of Cemetery G 6000: Including G 6010 (Neferbauptah);

G 6020 (Iymery); G 6030 (Ity); G 6040 (Shepseskafankh), Giza Mastabas 5 (Boston, 1994),
figs. 16, 31, pl. 15a; A. M. Roth, A Cemetery of Palace Attendants: Including G 2084–2099,
G 2230+2231, and G 2440, Giza Mastabas 6 (Boston, 1995), fig. 148, pl. 29; fig. 162, pl. 49;
fig. 207, pl. 127. For examples from Saqqara, cf. Hassan, Excavations at Saqqara II,
figs. 5–6, pls. III–IV; fig. 55, pl. LXXXIVa; idem, Mastabas of Princess Hemet-Raa and Others,
Excavations at Saqqara III (Cairo, 1975), fig. 39, pls. LII, LVI a, b; Firth – Gunn, Teti
Pyramid Cemeteries, pl. 39, 77, 101, 212; Kanawati, Abder-Raziq, The Teti Cemetery III,
pl. 71. The listing is not comprehensive, but further examples are countless.
48
Ex. Deir el Gebrâwi I, pls. X–XI; Deir el Gebrâwi II, 5, pl. VI; Meir V, pls. X–XIV; Meir V,
pls. V, XI–XIV, XXXIV, XXXVI; Meir IV, pl. VI; N. Kanawati, The Rock Tombs of
El-Hawawish. The Cemetery of Akhmim VI (Sydney, 1986), fig. 21a, pl. 96; de Morgan, Cat
des Mon. I, 157, 196, 197, 198; Cairo, Egyptian Museum JE 49803 = H. Frankfort, ‘The
cemeteries of Abydos: work of the season 1925–6’, JEA 14 (1928), pl. XX (3); Cairo,
Egyptian Museum CG 1439 (JE 11257) = Various authors, Exhibitions of the World’s Four
Great Civilizations: Egyptian Civilization Exhibition (Tokyo, 2000), 70, 187 (no. 35);
CG 1295–1808, II, 55–56, no. 1575. The listing is not attested. To note, however, that
burners with pot and lid are depicted at Deshasha and Quseir El-Amarna, as well as in
other locations (ex. Kanawati, A. Mc Farlane, Deshasha. The Tombs of Inti, Shedu and
Others [Sydney, 1993], 26–27, pls. 11a, 37; A. El-Khouli, N. Kanawati, Quseir El-Amarna.
The Tombs of Pepy-ankh and Khewen-wekh [Sydney, 1989], 49–50, pls. 17–40).
49
A couple of representations in the tomb of QAr (G7101) (Simpson, Qar and Idu, 4, 6, 9,
figs. 22a, 25, 29); a representation on a jamb out of context from Saqqara; pls. VIIb, IXa,
XIIc (Firth – Gunn, Teti Pyramid Cemeteries 211, pl. 76, no. 1); a representation on
a fragment from the surroundings of the north chapel of the pyramid of Neith (Jéquier,
Pyramides des Reines Neit et Apouit 56, fig. 33); a representation on a thickness from Giza
(Hassan, Gîza VI.3, 220, fig. 217).
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(1) ‘…at the time of Isesi;(a) his majesty caused that the overseer of the [?] of
the palace came(b) to (me) … //
(2) …the majesty of (my) lord gave (me) treasures(c) in front of him, while
recited … //
(3) …[proclaimed] the majesty of my lord (my) name as Ini-DfAw(d) through
the greatness of (my) praising by his majesty more than any of (my) kind
//
(4) …[foreign country] (for) four times,(e) when I was seal bearer of the god
under the majesty of (my) lord Pepy //
(5) …and his majesty praised me because of it //
(6) …the majesty of (my) lord Merenra //
(7) …[?] lapis lazuli and lead/tin(f) //
(8) …(so that) I was praised(g) for it into the court //
(9) …r-HAt,(h) I came //
(10) …every (dead) king went(i) formerly //
(11) …[lector] priest, seal bearer of the god in the two big ships //
(12) …Iny …’
(Cm) ‘The overseer of linen favoured of his lord, $nmw-m-HAt’
(a)
m rk Izzi. The expression was almost certainly the
determination of time of a preceding historical quotation of events that did
not directly pertain to the vicissitudes of the owner Iny. In fact, too many
years would have separated him from the time of the Fifth Dynasty king, clear
as it is from the following part of the account and from that of the ‘minor’
fragment, that he spent a good part of his life during the time of the Pepy
kings. Although fragmentary, the passage appears relevant because it recalls
the well-known quotation of events of the time of Isesi in the autobiography
of @r-xw.f,50 also seal bearer and expedition leader approximately in the same
period. It is indeed such a coincidence, that seems to suggest the existence, at
least during the second half of the Sixth Dynasty and among a specific
category of people, of an historical or literary tradition concerning specific
episodes of the time of Isesi, which magnitude and impact might have been
far more relevant than those transpiring from the attestations known to us
so far.
(b)
iwt. The writing has been understood as a subjunctive51 in
the expression rDi hm.f iwt n.(i) imy-r […] pr-aA. The alternative of an infinitive
in rDi hm.f iwt.(i) n imy-r […] pr-aA ‘his majesty caused my coming to the
50
Urk. I, 120–131.
51
Edel, Altäg. Gramm., §§480–481; E. Doret, The Narrative Verbal System of Old and Middle
Egyptian (Geneva, 1986), 39–40.
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294 M. Marcolin
overseer of …’ with the speaker supposed to ‘come’ (not to go) where,

according to the verb, he should already be, would sound odd.52
(c)
nbw. It recalls the not otherwise attested
of columns 4, 5 and 6 of the inscription of Nxbw,

translated as ‘diadems’ by Dunham and as ‘pendants’ by Lichtheim.53 The
rendering as ‘treasures’ has been preferred here. Literary pattern or not, the
relevance of the episode to the owner is further stressed by the following
expression m-HAt.f ‘in front of him’, which finds again analogy in
Nxbw’s account,54 with r-gc employed in place of m-HAt. The event may not
have necessarily taken place at the court. In fact, also in the case of Nxbw he
says ‘…his majesty rewarded me for it (5) in the presence of [the officials]: his
majesty gave me “pendants” of gold…’55 Yet later he himself specifies that ‘…
his majesty had a troop of the residence come to me bearing them until they
reached my gate with them…’.56
(d)
rn.(i) m Ini-DfAw. The expression appears
to be one of the earliest explicit flattering puns of the non-ritualistic literature
of the Old Kingdom.57 In fact, with the exception of a limited number of
instances focusing on the similarity of meaning/sound of the name of an
individual with an action described in a specific context involving him,58 puns
are known for the Old Kingdom almost exclusively from the religious
literature,59 their appearance in profane and narrative texts dating generally
52
Concerning an analogous problem of spatial perspective in the usage of the verbs
‘come’ and ‘go’, cf. A. H. Gardiner, ‘An administrative letter of protest’, JEA 13 (1927), 77.
53
Dunham, JEA 24 (1938), 2, pls. 1–2; M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Autobiographies
chiefly of the Middle Kingdom. A study and an Anthology, OBO 84 (1988), 12. Cf. also
Kuraszkiewicz, PAM 14 (2003), 133–137, fig. 1a, 1b, for a similar expression but in
singular form, translated as ‘gold’.
54
Dunham, JEA 24 (1938), 2, cols. 4–5.
55
Lichtheim, Autobiographies, 12.
56
Ibid.
57
Nature and employment of puns in the Egyptian literature are discussed in
A. Loprieno, ‘Puns and Word Play in Ancient Egyptian’, in S. B. Noegel, ed., Puns and
Pundits. Word Play in the Hebrew Bible and Ancient Near Eastern Literature (Bethesda,
2000), 3–20; J. Assmann, Ägypten, Theologie und Frömmigkeit einer frühen Hochkultur
(Stuttgart, Berlin, Köln, Mainz, 1984), 102–116; W. Guglielmi, ‘Zu einigen literarischen
Funktionen des Wortspiels’, in Fs. Westendorf, Bd 1, Sprache (Göttingen, 1984), 491–506;
S. Morenz, Religion und Geschichte des Alten Ägypten (Köln, Wien, 1975), 328–342.
58
Urk. I, 61, 3, 11; 234, 17; H. G. Fischer, ‘Five Inscriptions of the Old Kingdom’, ZÄS 105
(1978), 42–44, fig. 1; H. J. Polotsky, ‘The Stela of Heqa-Yeb’, JEA 16 (1939), 194, and note
19 on p. 198, pl. XXIX, fig. 8; A. Badawy, The Tomb of Nyhetep-Ptah at Giza and the Tomb of
‘Ankhm’ahor at Saqqara (Berkeley, Los Angeles, 1978), fig. 24.
zlom 247-438 25.9.2008 12:18 Stránka 295
from the Middle Kingdom onward.60 Also in this case the pun is based on the
similarity between the name of the owner and an activity involving with all
probability the transport (ini) or supply of provisions (DfAw) of some kind. The
introductory verb, now in lacuna, may have been a form of rDi ‘give,
cause’ or perhaps dmi ‘proclaim’.61 The resulting name

Ini-DfAw ‘he-who-brings-provisions’ does not seem to be attested in this form
elsewhere, despite a number of references based on the term DfA are known:
Ii-DfA,62 +fA.(i)-ncwt,63 +fA.(i)-$nmw,64
+fA.(t)-kA.65 Regrettably, the context of the activity in question

remains unknown, as does its eventual relevance to the understanding of the
vicissitudes of the owner. It may have been a duty related to foods and
provisions which was expressed by a well defined title not attested on these
pieces,66 or – even if less likely – it may have simply been the activity of seal
bearer of the god that in a specific circumstance led him to deal with DfAw in
such a remarkable way as to deserve a special mention by the king. Be that as
it may, there remains of relevance the fact that it is from the king that it
originates. For, whether a reference to a real and official nick-naming ritual, or
simply to a friendly flatter pronounced by the king and kept in great
consideration by the owner, the passage in question qualifies rather
tantalizingly as an explanation for the origin and employment of the many rn
nfr or rn aA names attested by officials of various ranks during the Old
Kingdom and later.
(e)
[…] zp 4. A word preceding zp 4 is attested only through
the determinative of foreign countries, indicating that the missions
concerned had as a likely destination a location outside the Nile Valley
properly considered. The reported but no more verifiable mention of an Iny on
a rock inscription in a location close to Mirgissa,67 could well have been
59
Ex. Pyr. 138c, 629, 630, 631, 1256c, 1257a-d, 1652, 1654.
60
Ex. Bauer B 276; W. Westendorf, ‘Noch einmal: die Wiedergeburt des Heimgekehrten
Sinuhe’, SAK 5 (1977), 293–303; H. G. Fischer, ‘Some Iconographic and Literary
Comparisons’, in Gs. Otto, 155–170; Urk. IV, 1384.
61
Gardiner, Sinuhe, 92, although of later date.
62
Ranke, PN, 432 (3)
63
Ibid. (4).
64
Ibid. (5).
65
Ibid. (6).
66
Ex. Jones, Index I, 222, No. 827; 223, No. 828, 830; 241, Nos. 883–884; 254, No. 922; 734,
No. 2674; 746, No. 2723; 772, No. 2806; 775, No. 2821; 837, No. 3054; 986, No. 3642.
67
PM VII, 142. For details, cf. note 16.
zlom 247-438 25.9.2008 12:18 Stránka 296
296 M. Marcolin
related to him. Yet in consideration of the reference to lapis lazuli and lead/tin
of col. 9, the possibility of a Syro-Palestinian destination cannot be ruled out
also in this context. The Pepy concerned was most likely Pepy I, as the
apparent chronological order of the kings mentioned on this piece and the
identification of Pepy II with Nfr-kA-ra on the minor fragment, seem to suggest.
(f)
dHt(y). The term is apparently unattested in this form, but
based on its association with the preceding word xcbD ‘lapis

lazuli’,68 it can almost certainly be identified with a variation of the later
DHty,69 generally translated as ‘lead’, metallic or cosmetic, or also

70
as ‘tin’. The nature of the metal indicated is problematic. The legacy of
earlier translators, who privileged lead on account of the connection between
a number of Coptic attestations of the term with metallic lead,71 appears to be
still strong. As a result the tendence to regard it as such continues. Yet, due to
various discrepancies in the sources, the likelihood of an intermittent
awareness of the differences between lead and tin by the Egyptians, was
quite convincingly proposed by Harris already in 1961.72 In fact, despite
the different properties, the two metals are characterized by such a close
appearance that they happened to be source of misunderstandings also by
other ancient societies.73 In this perspective, being deposits of tin and tin-
minerals notably absent in Egypt,74 the impressive amounts of lead resulting
68
Wb. III, 334. For the foreign provenance of lapis lazuli, cf. B. C. Aston, J. A. Harrel,
‘Stone’, in P. T. Nicholson, I. Shaw, eds., Ancient Egyptian Materials and Technology
(Cambridge, 2000), 39–40, and G. Herrmann, ‘Lapis Lazuli: the early phases of its trade’,
Iraq 30 (1968), 21–57, figs. 1–9; J. Crowfoot-Payne, ‘Lapis Lazuli in early Egypt’, Iraq 30
(1968), 58–61. Cf. also H. G. Fischer, ‘Sur les routes de l’Ancien Empire’, CRIPEL 13
(1991), 59–64.
69
Wb. V, 606, and R. Hannig, Großes Handwörterbuch Ägyptisch-Deutsch (Mainz, 1995),
1014, although without sources references.
70
L. H. Lesko, A Dictionary of Late Egyptian IV (Berkeley, 1982), 141, 165; A. Giumlía-Mair,
S. Quirke, ‘Black Copper in Bronze Age Egypt’, RdE 48 (1997), 95–108. Cf. also R. J. Forbes,
Studies in Ancient Technology IX (Leiden, 1972), 167.
71
H. Brugsch, ‘Das Metal , , ‘, ZÄS 30 (1892), 110–112. For the
history of the related studies, cf. Harris, Minerals, 67–68.
72
Ibid., 67–68. Cf. also Janssen, Prices, 442–443.
73
Forbes, Ancient Technology IX, 166–170.
74
T. A. Wertime, ‘The Search for ancient Tin: the Geographic and Historic Boundaries’,
in J. S. Olin, A. D. Franklin, T. A. Wertime, eds., The Search for ancient Tin (Washington,
D.C., 1987), 1–6; J. D. Muhly, ‘New evidence for sources of tin and trade in Bronze Age’,
in ibid., 43–48; R. D. Penhallurick, Tin in Antiquity (London, 1986), 7–13; A. H. Sabet et
al., ‘The placer tin-deposits of Igla, Aby Dabbab and Nuweib’, Annals of the Geological
Survey of Egypt 20 (1976), 213–221. Cf. also G. A. Wainright, ‘The occurrence of copper
zlom 247-438 25.9.2008 12:18 Stránka 297
from the earlier translations of the New Kingdom and later occurrences of the
word in lists of imports from the Levant,75 appear suspicious and may well be
believed to have included also instances of tin.76 After all, references to tin
imports are strangely absent in such a bronze and copper-tin alloys oriented
period,77 while the cerrusite deposits of Eastern Desert could have offered
chances of exploitation for lead production as they already did earlier and
later on.78 Prior the New Kingdom, however, the involvement of tin in the
meaning of the word may understandably be considered less likely, due to
the scanty evidence of tin based metallurgy.79 Nonetheless, a reported relative
abundance of tin ores (cassiterite) in the Kesrwan district in Syria,80 and
evidence of the exploitation of the Anatolian deposits of cassiterite of Kestel
for tin production since the third millennium,81 could well have offered
chances of introductions of tin in Egypt already at this early stage, perhaps on
an experimental level, and most likely via Byblos contacts.82 Be that as it may,
with no occurrences apparently reported prior the Twelfth–Thirteenth
Dynasty83 and with the interpretations of Pyramid Texts
DHAi or DHA 84 as ‘silver’ and ‘lead’85 being long outdated, that in

question appears to be the earliest written attestation of the term known so far.
and tin near Byblos’, JEA 20 (1934), 29–30; idem, ‘Egyptian Bronze Making’, Antiquity 17
(1943), 96–98; idem, Antiquity 18 (1944), 100–102.
75
Ex. Urk. IV, 705, 4; 706, 9; 708, 3–4; 718, 5; 731, 14–15; 744, 14; 1728, 14; pRhind, 62;
pHarris, 21b, 14 and 68a, 8.
76
J. Ogden, ‘Metals’, in Nicholson, Shaw, eds., Ancient Egyptian Materials, 152–155.
77
Ibid., 168.
78
Ibid., 168, and particularly the previous Lucas, Harris, Materials and Industries, 243.
79
Ogden, in Nicholson, Shaw, eds., Ancient Egyptian Materials, 171.
80
Forbes, Ancient Technology IX, 142; Wainright, JEA 20 (1934), 29–30; Lucas, JEA 14
(1928), 100.
81
K. A. Yener, P. Vandiver, ‘Tin processing at Göltepe, an Early Bronze Age site in
Anatolia’, AJA 97 (1993), 207–237; K. A. Yener, H. Özbal, E. Kaptan, N. A. Necip,
M. Goodway, ‘Kestel: an Early Bronze Age source of tin ore in the Taurus Mountains,
Turkey’, Science 244 (1989), 200–203; B. Earl, H. Özbal, ‘Early Bronze Age tin processing
at Kestel/Göltepe, Anatolia’, Archaeometry 38(2) (1996), 289–303.
82
The same hypothesis is valid for lead; cf. Ogden, Ancient Egyptian Materials, 168.
83
S. Farag, ‘Une inscription Memphite de la XIIe dynastie’, RdE 32 (1980), 75–82;
G. Posener, ‘A new royal inscription of the XIIth dynasty’, JSSEA 12.1 (1982), 7–8.
84
Pyr. I 253, 490b. Pyr., Über. II, 1962, 325–327; Faulkner, Pyr. 96. For translation, cf. Wb.,
V, 605, and Goedicke, Königl. Dokumente, 66, 68–69.
85
G. Maspero, Les inscriptions des pyramides de Saqqarah (Paris, 1894), 600; Brugsch,
ZÄS 30 (1892), 112.
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298 M. Marcolin
(g)
Hc.t(w).(i) Hr.c m ctp-zA. Although fragmentary,
the expression has been understood as a passive subjunctive of result,86 as in
the almost contemporary account of @r-xw.f.87
(h)
[r]-HAt. It is certainly a toponym indicating a city, an estate
or an incorporated settlement of some sort.88 Unfortunately as attested here it
does not match with any of the geographic indications currently known for
the Old Kingdom or later periods, nor as a final part of a name,89 neither as
a complete one. Tempting, but unsupported, would be connections with
the toponym rA-Hat,90 indicating the surroundings of Tanis or
Pi-Ramesse, in the eastern Delta, or with that of ,91 indicating the

region of Elephantine.
(i)
zbi. The sketch of the antique dealer tentatively
marks a z- as the first sign of the column, making of the surviving
combination of sign a [z]bi. However, no trace of it survives on the piece. With
the meaning ‘to send’ in relation to a place or a mission promoted by the
following nTr(w) nb(w) and carried out by the owner, it may be preferably
expected a hAb.n w(i).92 In any case, since a perfective relative form of zbi could
also fit without substantial changes to the overall meaning, the doubtful yet
suggested integration has been accepted. With the meaning ‘to go’ the reference
could be to places where the nTr(w) nb(w) in question previously went and that
the owner visited again. The dead and deified kings of the expression nTr(w)
nb(w)93 have to be identified most likely with Pepy I and Merenra. They are
the only pharaohs who were outlived by the owner, who are known to have
favoured him and on whose behalf he surely led or took part in expeditions
toward places inside and outside Egypt.
(Cm) $nmw-m-HAt. The name is not listed by Ranke in this

form, nor as BA-m-HAt, neither as $nmw-m-HAt.94 The apparent n-ct nb.f that
86
Doret, The Narrative Verbal System, 48–49.
87
Urk. I, 124, 12–15.
88
Ex. Jéquier, Pepi II III, pl. 27.
89
Wb. II 390c; for a river-mouth or related indication, cf. ibid., 392.
90
Ibid., 398; Gauthier, DG IV, 15–16; Brugsch, DG, 477–481. Cf. also M. Bietak, Tell
El-Dab’a II (Vienna, 1975), 206.
91
Gauthier, DG IV, 123.
92
Urk. I, 134, 2; 221, 5 or again from the inscription of Nxbw: Urk. I, 220, 13 and translation
in Dunham, JEA 24 (1938), 2.
93
H. Goedicke, ‘God’, JSSEA XVI (1988), 57–62.
zlom 247-438 25.9.2008 12:18 Stránka 299
Fig. 4 The ‘minor’ biographical fragment
precedes it, is the expression n(y)-ct-ib nb.f ‘favoured of his lord’,95 which is
partially disguised by the restored fracture passing through the signs.
The ‘minor’ biographical fragment (fig. 4; pl. 3)

Data
Reg. No. 11581
Material: limestone
Dimensions: H. 33.5 cm ¥ W. 48.5 cm ¥ D. 11.8 cm
Reported provenance: unknown
Description
The piece is a rectangular limestone fragment decorated on the front with
the remains of seven columns of text and, on the left surface, with two
fragmentary columns of an offering list. Although chipped on the borders, the
text of the front appears fragmentary only in the lower part, as suggested by
the preserved beginning of the vertical registers at the top of col. 2 and 3 and
94
For a Middle Kingdom $nmw-m-HAt , cf. Ranke, PN I, 275, note 14,
corresponding to Beni Hassan I, pl. 17(2).
95
Wb. IV, 4, 6, as ‘Liebling’. Ex. Meir VI, pl. VI.
zlom 247-438 25.9.2008 12:18 Stránka 300
300 M. Marcolin
by the lack of signs in the surviving blanks after col. 7. The text of the offering
list is fragmentary on the bottom and on the right side, where almost the
whole list is missing. The style of the two texts is different: that of the front
appears carefully executed, with a strong similitude with that of the ‘large’
fragment; that of the offering list, instead, presents a stylised rendering, with
schematized signs that in several instances stretch outside the vertical
registers.96 Few traces of colour remain on the front surface, mainly in the
carving of the signs of col. 1, 2 and 3. Despite the close resemblance of features
and thematic content of the text with that of no. 11068, there is no element able
to support an integration of the two fragments into a single narrative unit. The
relative homogeneity of content of the seven columns suggests that the length
of the missing part may not have been long. The presence of the offering list
on the left side would tend to exclude the provenance from a pillar, possibly
suggested by the limited width of the piece, favouring instead a corner
position close to an access, a corridor or a recess in the tomb.97

Front surface:
(1) cmr waty Xry-Hb xtmty-nTr wiAwy aA(wy) I[ny] […] //
(2) iw hAb.n.w(i) Hm n nb.(i) Nfr-kA-ra […] //
(3) iw inn.(i) kbnt 1 imw[w] [n+1…] //
(4) Xr HD aAmw aAmwt […] //
(5) n.(i) Hm n nb.(i) cTA.t(w).(i) r Xnw-a nD.t(w) n(.i) […] //
(6) […]n.(i) Hmc.(i) r wnmt m ctp-zA (i)ck wr[…] //
(7) […] [m]AA.(i) wnm[…]
Left surface:
(n+1) […] [Snc] a n fAit 1 [… 4] […] [Hai] 1 irp abS [2] […]
(n+2) […] [Hnwt] a n fAit 1 pzn 4 cwt 1 Sawt 2 irp imt [2] […]
(1) ‘Sole friend, lector priest, seal bearer of the god on the two big ships
I[ny](a) […] //
(2) The Majesty of (my) lord Neferkare sent me […] //
(3) (I) brought back one kbnt-ship and (1+n) imw-ships(b) […] //
(4) with(c) silver, ‘Asiatic’ men and ‘Asiatic’ women(d) […] (caused) //
(5) the Majesty of (my) lord that I were admitted(e) to the inner palace and
that it was conferred to (me) […] //
(6) (that I) sat at the meal in the court,(f) lo, great […] //
(7) (my) watching of the eating(g) […]’
(n+1) ‘[…] serving of [Snc bread] 1; […] 4; […]; [piece of Hai meat] 1; abS wine
[2]; […]’
96
Ex. El-Khouli, Kanawati, Excavations at Saqqara, 38, pl. 37 (S84: 242).
97
Kanawati, Abder-Raziq, Tety Cemetery III, pls. 67, 68.
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(n+2) ‘[…] serving of Hnwt beer 1; pzn bread 4; pieces of cwt meat 1; Sawt
cakes 2; Buto wine [2];(h) […]’
(a)
Iny. The name of the owner survives only through the upper
part of the sign ini, but in consideration of the identical list of titles
preceding it; of the nature of the narration; and ultimately of the almost
contemporaneous acquisition of the piece with the others, his identity with
the Iny of the ‘large’ fragment seems more than likely. After the name, the text
probably continued with an expression such as Dd.f,98 introducing the

content of the next columns.
(b)
kbnt 1 imww […]. The passage seems
to refer to an episode of naval conveyance of heavy loads presumably from
the Levant. Indicative of that is the reference, in the following column, to the
presence on board of ‘Asiatic’ men and women. Unfortunately the context is
fragmentary and the identification of the character of the action results
impossible. From one side, it certainly recalls the depiction of the well-known
expedition of Sahura’s reliefs,99 with an apparently peaceful conveyance of
foreigners from the Levant. From the other, however, it could well be ascribed
to one of the frequent punitive strikes to the Syro-Palestinian coasts referred to
in various contemporary sources. Two different naval units appear to have
been employed in the action, kbnt-ships and imw-ships. The deliberate
distinction marked certainly a significant functional or a structural difference
between them, whose expression may have relayed not only on their
individual appellations, but also on two different determinatives: in
kbnt, and most likely in imww, here in lacuna.100 The first term is known
mainly from its later forms kbnyt or kpnwt,101 and it seems to indicate seagoing
ships associated with Byblos, the Levant in general, or Punt.102 It appears here
98
Ex. Urk. I, 98, 10; 124, 7.
99
Borchardt, Sahure II, pl. 12, 3. For an interpretation as carpenters for the construction
of ships, cf. M. Bietak, ‘Zur Marine des Alten Reiches’, in J. Baines, T. G. H. James,
A. Leahy, A. F. Shore, eds., Pyramid Studies and other Essays presented to I.E.S. Edwards
(London, 1988), 35–40.
100
To note that in Wni’s biography the sign is employed for any nautical term of
the account: Urk. I, 99, 15; 104, 14; 107, 8; 108, 3, 4, 14.
101
Wb. V, 118; N. Dürring, Materialien zum Schiffbau im Alten Ägypten, ADAIK 11 (1995),
144, 146. LD II, 150a [8th line]; Urk. IV, 323, 2; 707, 12. During Ptolemaic times, cf. Urk. II,
15, 2; 16, 14; 23, 9, 12; 77, 15; 86, 10; 87, 11; 100, 15.
102
L. Bradbury, ‘KPN-boats, Punt trade, and a lost emporium’, JARCE 33 (1996), 37–60.
Cf. also D. B. Redford, ‘Egypt and Western Asia in the Old Kingdom’, JARCE 33 (1986), »
zlom 247-438 25.9.2008 12:18 Stránka 302
302 M. Marcolin
as the second attestation for Old Kingdom, its other known occurrence being
that in the contemporary account of Ppy-nxt.103 The ships consisted almost
certainly of vessels without keel, built up of sewn and laced planks of
wood.104 Their assemblage, at least during the Old Kingdom, is reported to
having taken place ‘in the land of the aAmw’,105 a location of doubtful
identification, but most likely situated somewhere in the Suez region.106 By
contrast, the term imw, here imww[…], clearly plural, was

employed in various contexts to indicate vessel with a quite variable
characterization.107
(c)
Xr. The integration is difficult, but it may have followed
a participial form of the verb ATp ‘load’,108 introducing which

kind of goods the vessels were transporting.
(d)
aAmw aAmwt. The appellation is not very
frequent in the Old Kingdom,109 but it is known to indicate the groups of
people speaking Semitic languages or dialects, with whom the Egyptians
came in contact during their supply expeditions in the Syro-Palestinian region
in the period in question and later.110 The sources are contradictory about their
nature, with a nomadic characterization suggested by the epithet of ‘those
who belongs to the sands’,111 but certainly also sedentarily organized.112 The
» 127–129; T. Säve-Söderbergh, The Navy of the Eighteenth Egyptian Dynasty (Uppsala,
1946), 8–15, 48–49; Landström, Ships of the Pharaohs, 64–70; K. Sethe, ‘Zur älteste
Geschichte des ägyptischen Seeverkehrs mit Byblos und Libanongebiet’, ZÄS 45 (1908),
7–11.
103
Urk. I, 134, 11.
104
Bradbury, JARCE 33 (1996), 47–57; D. Jones, Boats (London, 1995), 88; Landström,
Ships of the Pharaohs, 20, 28–29, 47, 64–70.
105
Urk. I, 134, 13–16.
106
L. Bradbury, ‘Reflection on Travelling to “God’s Land” and Punt in the Middle
Kingdom’, JARCE 25 (1988), 127–157; C. Obsomer, Sésostris Ier. Etude chronologique et
historique du règne (Brussels, 1995), particularly 711–716; C. Vandersleyen, ‘Les monuments
de l’Ouadi Gaouasis et la possibilité d’aller au pays de Pount par la Mer Rouge’, RdE 47
(1996), 107–115; Landström, Ships of the Pharaohs, 63.
107
Wb. I, 78; Dürring, Materialen zum Schifbau, 137, 143, 145.
108
Ex. pHarris, 5–[2], 78–[2]; pLeiden1115, 146, although of later date. For a Sixth Dynasty
instance with preposition m instead of Xr, see Urk. I, 127, 14.
109
Apparently only ibid., 134, 13, 16; 101, 9.
110
Redford, JARCE 23 (1986), 127–131.
111
Urk. I, 103, 7–17; 104, 1–9. Cf. also Redford, JARCE 23 (1986), 127–131; B. Couroyer,
‘Ceux-qui-sont-sur-le-sable: Les Hériou-Shá’, Revue Biblique 78 (1971), 558–575.
112
See the description of the destruction brought by Wni’s army in Urk. I, 103, 7–17;
104, 1–9.
zlom 247-438 25.9.2008 12:18 Stránka 303
palaeography of the determinative employed in the word denoting males,
a sitting man with a stick on the shoulder , coincides with one of the two
occurrences of Ppy-nxt’s inscription.113 The pairing of men and women, is
peculiar in that it finds some analogy in the male-female distinction often
present in the references to people in liberty-restricted conditions of
contemporary and particularly later sources.114 To this regard, as noted above,
the reasons for their being on board Egyptian ships is unclear. Cases of people
brought to Egypt as delegations of foreigners are referred in a number of
sources.115 Nonetheless on account of the general atmosphere of hostility
between Egypt and its close north-eastern neighbours during the second half
of the Sixth Dynasty,116 an interpretation as prisoners conveyed in Egypt upon
execution of some military actions, would seem likely.
(e)
cTA.t(w).(i). On the account of the court related context, the
meaning ‘introduce, bring to audience’ is certainly the most suitable here.117
Together with the nD.t(w) n.[i] at the end of the column, the expression has
been understood as a passive subjunctive, possibly depending on a preceding
form of rDi.118 The writing appears peculiar, in that the inverted draw-cord
sign does not find parallel in the examples of the graphic evolution of the
term proposed by R. O. Faulkner. 119 Unlikely as it seems the possibility of
a passive suffix -tw spelled out in this form at this early stage, a possible
interpretation of the sign could be that of a different determinative.
113
Ibid., 134, 16. On the palaeography of the determinative, cf. H. G. Fischer, ‘An Early
occurrence of Hm “servant” in Regulations Referring to a Mortuary Estate’, MDAIK 16
(1958), 131–138.
114
Urk. I, 186, 4 (likely); 236, 10; 237, 13; 240, 4. For Middle Kingdom and later examples,
cf. D. B. Redford, ‘The Tod Inscription of Senwoseret I and the Early 12th Dynasty
Involvement in Nubia and the South’, JSSEA 17 (1987), 39–55 (col. 37); Farag, RdE 32
(1980), lines 16–18; Urk. IV, 686, 13–16; 687, 1–3. On the argument, cf. also Fischer,
MDAIK 16 (1958), 131–138, and B. Vachala, ‘Die Kriegsgefangenen im Lichte der
Schriftlichen Quellen des Alten Reiches’, BSAK 4 (1990), 87–93.
115
Ppy-nxt’s account regarding Nubians, Urk. I, 134, 6–12; Wni’s account regarding
Syrians, ibid., 104, 3–4; @r-xw.f ’s account regarding a pigmy, ibid., 128, 15, 17. About the
presence of foreigners in Egypt, see also D. B. Redford, ‘The acquisition of foreign goods
and services in the Old Kingdom’, Scripta Mediterranea 2 (1981), 5–17, and note 41.
116
See for example Urk. I, 101, 9–104, 9.
117
Wb. IV, 351.
118
For ex. Urk. I, 38, 11–15; H. Goedicke, ‘A Fragment of a biographical inscription of the
Old Kingdom’, JEA 45 (1959), fig. 1, lines 2, 3.
119
R. O. Faulkner, ‘The man who was tired of life’, JEA 42 (1956), 31. Borchardt, Neuserre,
122, fig. 102 is evidently different.
zlom 247-438 25.9.2008 12:18 Stránka 304
304 M. Marcolin
(f)
n Hmc r wnm t. The beginning of the column is
chipped and the remains of an n sign, perhaps originally part of a iw rDi.n n.(i),
are all what is readable. Whether taken as the verb ‘to eat’120 followed by
‘bread’ as object, or as variation of the expression wnm tA,121

the meaning of ‘eating, eating foods, taking a meal’ rather than the literal
‘eating bread’ is clear. The passage is by all means unprecedented. The closest
parallel coming to mind is the invitation to the magician +di by the son of
Khufu, in the Tales of Westcar Papyrus.122 Also in that context the gratitude of
the king and the privileges of a life under his patronage are expressed
archetypically by the invitation to share the foods of the court and the nobles.
Of a similar nuance, but of even a later date, may be considered also the
closing of Sinuhe’s adventures, with the introduction of the protagonist to the
palace-elite and the promise of an house and daily provisions of foods.
(g)
mAA.(i) wnm […]. The reference to an activity of
eating is clear, but little room for speculation is left. A relation with the
previous passage and with the result of having been introduced to the palace
seems likely. A ‘(my) watching of the eating’, supposedly of the king or the
nobles by Iny, has been attempted.
(h)
[ir]p a[b]S 2 imt [2]. Although very
fragmentary, that proposed seems the most likely integration for such an
arrangement of items, that indeed represent a typical Sixth Dynasty
peculiarity.123
Identity of the owner and provenance of the pieces

As anticipated above, the identity of the owner Iny is so far unknown and
the vicissitudes pertaining to him recorded on these pieces do represent an
absolute novelty. Of the five references to homonymous individuals introduced
at the beginning, none offers more than a name and few general titles for
a relation with the owner in question. Accordingly, related speculations would
result in rather weak reconstructions, no matter how likely they would
appear. Nonetheless, it must be pointed out that in consideration of the rather
infrequent occurrence of the name Iny,124 if less pertinent may be considered
120
Wb. I, 320, I–a.
121
Ibid., II–a.
122
pWestcar, 7–21, 7–22.
123
Hassan, Gîza VI.2, 301–304.
zlom 247-438 25.9.2008 12:18 Stránka 305
the rock inscriptions from El-Kab, not classifiable as expeditions parties

graffiti, far from accidental in relation to the background of the owner so far
exposed, appear to be:
1) the recurrence of the supposedly foods-provisions related title of xrp zH125
of the offering tables from the Teti pyramid complex;
2) the connections with expedition leading activities implied by the title of
imy-r aw126 of the prosopographically yet unaccounted owner of British Museum
EA 1480;
3) the surviving expression rn nfr Iny,127 with which the owner of one of the
mentioned offering tables from the Teti cemetery is identified.
This in particular, by suggesting the likelihood of an honorary nature of the
appellation Iny, possibly derived from the same nickname of Iny-DfAw, could
partially justify the lack of references to him. In this perspective, the
concomitance in his cursus honorum of two such a heterogeneous experiences
such as those suggested by the provisions-related nick-name Ini-DfAw and the
title of xrp zH, and the expedition related ones implied by the account of his
travels and the title of imy-r aw is – it must be admitted – rather peculiar.
Nevertheless it is unheard or unlikely, especially if reflecting two different
stages of his career.128 The two biographic fragments in question are indeed
separate units and the mention of the nickname attribution before that of
Pepy I and Merenra could well be ascribed to such a scenario. The intriguing
connection with the British Museum’s stela cannot be rejected only on account
of the absence of the imy-r aw title from the protocol of our Iny. In fact,
although possibly indicative of a real not coincidence of the two owners, it
could also depend on a variety of unrelated factors, such as casualty of
preservation, pertinence to different career stages, or subjective compositional
criteria of his texts. Neither the connection of the term aw of the title with
Egyptianized Nubians,129 represents an issue in relation to the prevalent
northward orientation of the travels of the owner. For, officials in charge of
124
The closest instances of the name known so far are: a man named Ini,
attested from fragments around Ptahhotep II Thefi mastaba (idem, Excavations at Saqqara
II, 66); a son of N(y)-anx-Pepy named Ini, represented on one of his tomb’s lintels
(idem, Excavations at Saqqara II, 7, fig. 3); the owner ( Ini InkAf) of a newly
identified tomb close to Unis causeway (N. Kanawati, ‘Interrelation of the Capital and
the Provinces in the Sixth Dynasty’, BACE 15 [2004], 53–60, figs. 1–2).
125
Jones, Index II, 736, No. 2682.
126
Idem, Index I, 73, No. 327.
127
Firth – Gunn, Teti Pyramid Cemeteries, 226.
128
See for example Wni, although atypical according to A. M. Roth, ‘The Distribution of
the Old Kingdom Title xnty-S’, BSAK 4 (1990), 184.
129
L. Bell, Interpreters and Egyptianized Nubians in Ancient Egyptian Policy: Aspects of the
History of Egypt and Nubia (Pennsylvania University Dissertation Thesis UMI 7710136, »
zlom 247-438 25.9.2008 12:18 Stránka 306
306 M. Marcolin
missions to both the Levant and the South are known,130 as well as also the
presence of aw people on board of egyptian ships supposedly coming from
Syro-Palestinian coasts is attested.131
Out of speculation, if the identity of the Iny in question with that of the
owner of the emphasized attestations can not be confirmed beyond reasonable
doubt, but only provisionally proposed in the waiting for eventual further
complementing evidence, clearly datable and of self-evident historical
relevance for the relation of the late Sixth Dynasty Egypt with the Levant, are
his vicissitudes and the content of his biographic account. His duties, certainly
as simple seal bearer, but probably also as commander or man of responsibility
on ships or missions to the Syro-Palestinian coasts and probably to the South,
spanned apparently within a time stretching over the reign of the kings Pepy I,
Merenra and Pepy II, under whom he almost certainly concluded his life. His
career, limitedly to the informative window offered by the pieces in question,
seems to have developed chronologically as shown in table 2.
Table 2
Reign of Description
Pepy(?): attribution of the name of Ini-DfAw, most likely
on account of activities related to provisions
Pepy I: partaking as xtmty-nTr to four missions headed
to locations outside the Nile valley properly considered
Merenra (?): leading/partaking to a mission headed to Syria-Palestine,
with fetching of lapis lazuli and lead/tin
Pepy II: leading of a mission headed to Syria-Palestine, with fetching
of silver and Asiatics;
partaking to a court meal with possible introduction to court
or palace services
Nevertheless, uncertainties remain. The attribution to Merenra of the

episode of import of lapis lazuli and lead/tin, is purely conjectural, based as it
is only on its following the king’s name in the inscription. Likewise not fully
reliable as a chronologic reference for the placement of the name/epithet
attribution, is the employment of the mention of Pepy I. For despite the later
is mentioned after it, the episode seems to belong more to a context of foods
related activities such as that described on the ‘minor’ fragment, i.e. to a later
» 1976), 0–92; H. Goedicke, ‘The title in the Old Kingdom’, JEA 46 (1960),
60–64; T. Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten während des Mittleren Reiches und der Hyksoszeit
(Wiesbaden, 1998), 22; S. Uchida, ‘Imy-r iaAww in Nubia. On the Egyptian Sixth
Dynasty’s Policy towards Nubia’, Orient 26.1 (1983), 1–18.
130
Ex. Wni and $nmw-Htp.
131
Borchardt, Sahure II, pl. 12, 3.
zlom 247-438 25.9.2008 12:18 Stránka 307
stage of the career of the owner. Certainly the possibility of analogous duties
in relation to Pepy I,132 obtained through services to his funerary monument,
as suggested by the title from the series of blocks, could also be envisioned.
Yet, the mentioning of a king’s funerary monument in a title not necessarily
implies a contemporary relation of the holder with that king. Therefore the
nicknaming episode could well find place also at the end of his vicissitudes,
particularly within the context of a chronologically more articulated narration,
as the quotation of happenings of the reign of Isesi would suggest.
Concerning the problem of the location of the tomb of Iny and the related
provenance of the pieces, the situation remains uncertain.
As referred, the pieces were acquired on the Japanese antiquities market in
three different occasions: in December 1990, the series of fitting blocks; in
October 1991, the ‘large’ fragment; in July 1992, the ‘minor’ fragment. Despite
their evident relation, museum’s records mention ‘Saqqara’ only for the first
two of them. Differently, for the ‘minor’ fragment and a further one purchased
with it, no detail was reported.133 In a normal situation and with the epigraphic
evidence of the case, the extension of Saqqara also to the ‘minor’ fragment
would be logic. Here, however, the reliability of the reported information
appears questionable. For, not only its veracity is not verifiable on the site or by
the dealer of the pieces,134 but particularly because on a copy of the
shop’s promotional catalogue,135 the series of fitting blocks is described simply
as originating from ‘Egypt’. No mention to Saqqara is made. Had the
provenance of the pieces been known with certainty since the very beginning,
it would be difficult to explain the later reappearance of Saqqara in connection
with both the series of blocks and the ‘large’ fragment but not with the ‘minor’
fragment. If, instead, a third party evaluation had taken place prior or after
their arrival in Japan, an hypothetical attribution to Saqqara of the series of
fitting blocks, perhaps on account of the duties by the funerary monument of
Pepy I, would have easily been passed over to the ‘large’ fragment, courtesy of
the identity of the owner’s name. The same would have been avoided, instead,
for the ‘minor’ fragment, where no fully readable mention of it remains. Be the
matter as it may, several details and features that emerged in the analysis
would seem to give credit to the reported Saqqara provenance. In particular:
132
Several are the examples of officials who spent the early years of their career close to
the court, gaining titles related to it or to funerary monuments, but that later were re-
dispatched or sent back to their places of origin in Middle and Southern Egypt. Cf.
Fischer, Dendera, 171.
133
The unlikely ‘Cartouche’(sic!) resulting from the transcription of the Japanese record,
is evidently a miswriting.
134
Contacts with the dealer were impossible due to his death a few years after the
purchase.
135
Kobayashi, Gyararii Arukaiku, 14–15, no. 22. I am grateful to Mr. Fuji Nobuyuki, for
bringing the publication in question to my attention.
zlom 247-438 25.9.2008 12:18 Stránka 308
308 M. Marcolin
– the duty of attendant by the royal complex of Pepy I, that, whether

considered independently or as part of the combination xnty-S imy-r wpwt,
appears specifically connected to Saqqara;
– the attestation from Saqqara of the burial of not less than four seal bearers
of the god in the two big ships dating to the period in question;136
– the episode of the introduction of the owner to the palace under Pepy II, that,
together with the mention of the nickname attribution, could represent evidence
for his access to duties close to the court and consequently to a burial in the area;
– the fragments of offering tables from the Teti cemetery mentioning a rn nfr
Iny in connection with a xrp zH title;
– the emphasized similitude in style and content of part of his account with
that of other owners of burials at Saqqara and Giza;
– the likely derivation of the pieces from the decoration of a mastaba rather
than a rock-cut tomb, a typology which is also attested in the Memphis area,
but that appears more often in Middle and Southern Egypt.
Yet, none of these peculiarities appears to be exclusive prerogative of
Saqqara. Instances of duties of xnty-S and imy-r wpwt xnty-S by a royal complex are
known also from Abydos,137 as well as El-Hawawish138 and Kom el-Ahmar.139
Also for the title of seal bearers of the god in the two big ships, it should be
reminded that, with the exception of the four mentioned instances from
Saqqara, the majority of the Sixth Dynasty holders of the duty – included the
few ones who certainly travelled to the North (Wni, $nmw-Htp, Ppy-nxt) –
originate from southern Egypt, where they were ultimately buried. Further,
even discharging the doubtful southern provenance of the British Museum
stela,140 to a southern environment seem to point not only the detail of the
incense burner with pot and spoon of the minor figure of no. 11068, but also
the palaeographic and thematic similitude of parts of the text with that of the
accounts of Wni and Ppy-nxt.
136
InkAf Ini (Kanawati, BACE 15 [2004], 53–60, figs. 1–2); Ixi Mry (Kuraszkiewicz, PAM 14
[2002], 137–40, fig. 3); CSmw (Berlin, Berlin Mus. 1110 = G. Roeder et al., Aegyptische
Inschriften aus den königlichen Museen zu Berlin I [Leipzig, 1901–1924], 24; also LD II, 97a);
&ti-mry Mry (G. M. Daressy, ‘Le mastaba de Mera’, in Mémoires de l’Institut Égyptien III
[Cairo, 1898], 521–574 [569], 233; N. Kanawati, M. Abder-Raziq, Mereruka and His Family,
Part 1: The Tomb of Meryteti, ACER 21 [2004]).
137
Ex. Mry-ra-PtH-canx Nfr-cSm-PtH ^Si: Cairo, Egyptian Mus. CG 1439 (JE 11257) = A.A.
V.V., Egyptian Civilization Exhibition, 70, 187 (no. 35).
138
Kanawati, El-Hawawish IX, 55–56, pl. 7.
139
Idem, Akhmim in the Old Kingdom (1992), 280–281. Sources: Brodrick, Morton, ‘The tomb
of Pepi Ankh (Khua), near Sharona’, PSBA 21 (1899), 26–33; T. Smolenski, ‘Le tombeau
d’un prince de la VIe dynastie à Charouna’, ASAE 8 (1907), 149–153.
140
Although doubtful, it is given a southern origin on the account of the style (James,
BM Stelae I, 36) and the sandstone employed in place of the more usual limestone
(Hassan, Gîza VI, 124).
zlom 247-438 25.9.2008 12:18 Stránka 309
It is therefore with some hesitation that, in the absence of more proofing

evidence and on the account of the doubtful yet existing reported information,
the Saqqara provenance is here provisionally accepted and proposed for all
the pieces. It is clear, however, that a reassessment of the issue, following the
publication of further evidence in the future, may become necessary.
Addenda
At a time when it was too late for making arrangements for its inclusion in
the present paper, it came to my attention that on December 1991 an Old
Kingdom false-door belonging to an homonymous Iny was purchased on
a Sotheby’s auction141 by the Museu Egipci de Barcelona (Fundació Arqueològica
Clos), Barcelona, Spain. Contacts with the museum provided not only the
confirmation of the information and the data of the piece, but brought also to
the welcome disclosure of two further undocumented but certainly related
fragments. Based on the information kindly provided by L. M. Gonzálvez,
curator of the museum, it is possible to anticipate the following summary
description of the pieces:
1) No. E-261: it is the Sotheby’s item and it consists of a small false-door
(approx. H. 101 cm ¥ W. 67 cm) with two external jabs (approx. H. 126 cm ¥ W.
16 cm), decorated with six standing representations of the owner (one for each
jamb and thickness, and one in the panel), ritual formulae and repeated titles
of , , and .
2) No. E-445: it consists of a fragmentary block of limestone (approx.
H. 115 cm ¥ W. 93 cm) with finely executed four registers of offering bearers
with relative captions; remains of a standing representation of the owner
preceded and surmounted by the following five registers of text:
141
Sotheby’s Firm, Ancient jewellery, Dark Ages, Anglo-Saxon, Scythian, Middle Eastern,
Egyptian, Greek, Etruscan and Roman antiquities, also ancient glass (London, 1991), no. 46.
zlom 247-438 25.9.2008 12:18 Stránka 310
310 M. Marcolin
3) No. E-561: it consists of a limestone fragment (approx. H. 80 cm ¥ W. 60 cm)

with a register of offering bearers, a scene of the funerary banquet of the
owner, and remains of an offering list. The list is preceded by the bottom part
of four columns of finely executed text where remains of the name of the
owner and the titles of and survive.

Although also in this case the reported provenance of the pieces is
doubtful, from the epigraphic evidence available it would seem possible to
anticipate that the identity of the two homonymous owners is more than
likely. Indicative for that would be the coincidence of the titles of xtmty nTr
m wiAwy aA(wy), cmr waty and Xry-Hb of the false-door, but particularly the
expedition related duties of xrp nfrw142 and mniw cmntyw.143 Again, clear
elements for a relation with British Museum EA 1480 do not seem to stand
out. Yet, the epithet of inn Xrt-ncwt m xAcwt nb(t) of E-445 finds similitude in
analogous expressions in the account of contemporary expedition related
officials such as @r-xw.f and Ppy-nxt,144 who significantly bore also the title of
imy-r aw.
142
Jones, Index II, 722, No. 2631. Cf. also mdw nfrw in idem, Idex I., 453, No. 1697.
143
The title is not listed in this form in Jones’s Index, but it certainly belongs to the
category of the smntyw duties, well-known for their relation with expeditionary
activities and the control/transport of foreign goods (J. Yoyotte, ‘Les sementiou et
l’esploitation des régions minièrs à l’Ancien Empire’, BSFE 73 [1975], 44–55).
144
Ex. Urk. I, 124, 1; 132, 1.
zlom 247-438 25.9.2008 12:21 Stránka 438
A B U S I R A N D S AQ Q A R A
IN THE YEAR 2005
PROCEEDINGS OF THE CONFERENCE
HELD IN PRAGUE (JUNE 27–JULY 5, 2005)
Miroslav Bárta, Filip Coppens, Jaromír Krejãí

editors
Autofii pfiíspûvkÛ
Hartwig Altenmüller, Dieter Arnold, Tarek El Awady, Ladislav Bare‰,
Nathalie Beaux, Catherine Bridonneau, Vassil Dobrev, Maghdy Ghandour,
Yannis Gourdon, Sergei Ivanov, Mohamed Ismail Khaled, Jifií Janák,
Pfiemysl Klír, Jaromír Krejãí, Alexei Krol, Kamil O. Kuraszkiewicz,
Renata Landgráfová, Michele Marcolin, Antonio J. Morales,
Ludwig D. Morenz, Jana Mynáfiová, Hana Navrátilová, Adela Oppenheim,
Teodozja Rzeuska, Kvûta Smoláriková, Eugen Strouhal, Isabel Stünkel,
Bfietislav Vachala, Petra Vlãková, Hana Vymazalová, Nicolai I. Vinokurov,
Anna Wodziƒska, Christiane Ziegler
Vydal
âesk˘ egyptologick˘ ústav Filozofické fakulty Univerzity Karlovy v Praze
Celetná 20, 110 00 Praha 1
Kniha vychází s finanãní podporou M·MT, grant MSM 0021620826
Odpovûdn˘ redaktor Marta ·trachová
Obálku s pouÏitím fotografií z archivu âeského egyptologického ústavu

FF UK a grafickou úpravu navrhla Jolana Malátková
Vydání první, Praha 2006
Sazba a tisk SERIFA ® s. r. o., Jinonická 80, 115 00 Praha 5
ISBN 80-7308-116-4

Iny A Much Traveled Official of The Sixt

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zlom i-xiv, 1-132 22.9.

2008 9:18 Stránka i

ABUSIR AND SAQQARA

Czech Institute of Egyptology, Faculty of Arts,

© Czech Institute of Egyptology, Faculty of Arts,

The Late Period and the Ptolemaic and Roman Era

S. Ivanov: Anthropomorphic figurines found at Kom Tuman (Memphis) 18

J. Janák, R. Landgráfová: Wooden fragments with some chapters of the

A. Krol, N. I. Vinokurov: A metallurgical furnace from Memphis 34

K. Smoláriková: The Step Pyramid – a constant inspiration to the Saite

E. Strouhal, P. Klír: The relation of persons buried in the tomb of Iufaa at

C. Ziegler, C. Bridonneau: A New Necropolis in Saqqara 57

The New Kingdom

Table of contents vii

H. Navrátilová: The phraseology of the visitors’ graffiti. A preliminary

The Middle Kingdom

A. Oppenheim: Identifying artists in the time of Senusret III. The mastaba of

E. Strouhal, P. Klír: The anthropological examination of two queens from

viii Table of contents

The Old Kingdom and the First Intermediate Period

T. El Awady: The royal family of Sahura. New evidence 191

N. Beaux: Methods in hieroglyphic palaeography. Old Kingdom signs from

V. Dobrev: Old Kingdom tombs at Tabbet al-Guesh (South Saqqara) 229

M. Ghandour: An Old Kingdom cemetery in Southern Dahshur 236

Y. Gourdon: The Royal Necropolis of Djedefra at Abu Rawash (seasons

M. Ismail Khaled: Notes on the name of the domain IAgt 257

J. Krejãí: The tomb complex Lepsius No. 25 in Abusir 261

K. O. Kuraszkiewicz: Netjerikhet’s traces in the West 274

M. Marcolin: Iny, a much-traveled official of the Sixth Dynasty: unpublished

A. J. Morales: Traces of official and popular veneration to Nyuserra Iny at

L. Morenz: The role of the Memphite area in the development of Egyptian

T. Rzeuska: Funerary customs and rites on the Old Kingdom necropolis in

issues. Paradoxically, however, our knowledge of funeral rites is far from

B. Vachala: Inti’s biographical text at Abusir South 378

H. Vymazalová: Some accounts of woven materials in the papyrus archive

The rapid development and change in our understanding of the Memphite

Abbreviations for journals, series and monographs used throughout the

The following additional abbreviations are also used:

ACER – The Australian Centre for Egyptology: Reports, Sydney;

Iny, a much-traveled official of the Sixth Dynasty:

Iny, a much-traveled official of the Sixth Dynasty… 283

neither the identity of the owner mentioned on them appeared to be known.

The series of fitting blocks (fig. 1, 2; pl. 1)

Fig. 1 The series of fitting blocks

Iny, a much-traveled official of the Sixth Dynasty… 285

Fig. 2 The series of fittting blocks; layout of the pieces

Text. Transliteration, translation and commentary

UL) ‘The attendant of the funerary complex “The beauty of Pepy

From a prosopographic point of view the owner Iny is virtually unknown

Iny, a much-traveled official of the Sixth Dynasty… 287

Concerning the title of xtmty-nTr m wiAwy aA(wy), the conventional translation

Iny, a much-traveled official of the Sixth Dynasty… 289

The ‘large’ biographical fragment (fig. 3; pl. 2)

Fig. 3 The ‘large’ biographical fragment

Iny, a much-traveled official of the Sixth Dynasty… 291

/mixing spoon in place of the lid, seems to be attested more frequently in

Text. Transliteration, translation and commentary

» XVIII, XXII; K. W. Weeks, Mastabas of Cemetery G 6000: Including G 6010 (Neferbauptah);

Iny, a much-traveled official of the Sixth Dynasty… 293

overseer of …’ with the speaker supposed to ‘come’ (not to go) where,

of columns 4, 5 and 6 of the inscription of Nxbw,

Iny, a much-traveled official of the Sixth Dynasty… 295

cause’ or perhaps dmi ‘proclaim’.61 The resulting name