THE OLD KINGDOM ART AND ARCHAEOLOGY

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 This publication was made possible through the financial support
from:

Fondation Michela Schiff Giorgini,

Ministry of Education of the Czech Republic Research Plan (Project
MSM 0021620826).

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 THE OLD KINGDOM ART
AND ARCHAEOLOGY
PROCEEDINGS OF THE CONFERENCE HELD IN PRAGUE,
MAY 31 – JUNE 4, 2004

Miroslav Bárta
editor

Czech Institute of Egyptology

Faculty of Arts, Charles University in Prague
Academia
Publishing House of the Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic
Prague 2006

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 Contributors
Nicole Alexanian, James P. Allen, Susan Allen, Hartwig Altenmüller, Tarek
El Awady, Miroslav Bárta, Edith Bernhauer, Edward Brovarski, Vivienne
G. Callender, Vassil Dobrev, Laurel Flentye, Rita Freed, Julia Harvey, Salima
Ikram, Peter Jánosi, Nozomu Kawai, Jaromír Krejčí, Kamil O. Kuraszkiewicz,
Renata Landgráfová, Serena Love, Dušan Magdolen, Peter Der Manuelian,
Ian Mathieson, Karol Myśliwiec, Stephen R. Phillips, Gabriele Pieke,
Ann Macy Roth, Joanne M. Rowland, Regine Schulz, Yayoi Shirai, Nigel
Strudwick, Miroslav Verner, Hana Vymazalová, Sakuji Yoshimura,
Christiane Ziegler

© Czech Institute of Egyptology, Faculty of Arts, Charles University in Prague,

2006
ISBN 80-200-1465-9

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 Contents

Foreword ix

Bibliography xi

Tomb and social status. The textual evidence 1

Nicole Alexanian

Some aspects of the non-royal afterlife in the Old Kingdom 9

James P. Allen

Miniature and model vessels in Ancient Egypt 19

Susan Allen

Presenting the nDt-Hr-offerings to the tomb owner 25

Hartwig Altenmüller

King Sahura with the precious trees from Punt in a unique scene! 37
Tarek El Awady

The Sixth Dynasty tombs in Abusir. Tomb complex of the vizier Qar and his
family 45
Miroslav Bárta

Die Statuen mit Papyrusrolle im Alten Reich 63

Edith Bernhauer

False doors & history: the Sixth Dynasty 71

Edward Brovarski

The iconography of the princess in the Old Kingdom 119

Vivienne G. Callender

A new necropolis from the Old Kingdom at South Saqqara 127

Vassil Dobrev

The development of the Eastern and GIS cemeteries at Giza during the Fourth
Dynasty. The relationship between architecture and tomb decoration 133
Laurel Flentye

Rethinking the rules for Old Kingdom sculpture. Observations on poses and
attributes of limestone statuary from Giza 145
Rita Freed

Continuity or collapse. Wooden statues from the end of the Old Kingdom and the
First Intermediate Period 157
Julia Harvey

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 vi Contents

Portions of an Old Kingdom offering list reified 167

Salima Ikram

Old Kingdom tombs and dating – problems and priorities. The Cemetery en
Échelon at Giza 175
Peter Jánosi

Research into Fifth Dynasty sun temples – past, present and future 185
Jaromír Krejčí, Dušan Magdolen

The title xtmtj nTr – god’s sealer – in the Old Kingdom 193
Kamil O. Kuraszkiewicz

The function of the faience inlays in the funerary temple of Raneferef at Abusir 203
Renata Landgráfová

Stones, ancestors, and pyramids: investigating the pre-pyramid landscape of

Memphis 209
Serena Love

A re-examination of Reisner’s Nucleus cemetery concept at Giza. Preliminary

remarks on Cemetery G 2100 221
Peter Der Manuelian

Are large excavations really necessary? 231

Ian Mathieson

The ‘Dry Moat’ west of the Netjerykhet enclosure 233

Karol Myśliwiec

Two enigmatic circular mud brick structures in the Western Field at Giza.
A preliminary report 239
Stephen R. Phillips

Der Grabherr und die Lotosblume. Zu lokalen und geschlechtsspezifischen

Traditionen eines Motivkreises 259
Gabriele Pieke

Little women: gender and hierarchic proportion in Old Kingdom mastaba

chapels 281
Ann Macy Roth

Grave consequences. Developing analytical methods to elucidate patterns of social

differentiation at early Egyptian cemetery sites 297
Joanne M. Rowland

Dog missing his master. Reflections on an Old Kingdom tomb relief in the Walters
Art Museum, Baltimore 315
Regine Schulz

Ideal and reality in Old Kingdom private funerary cults 325

Yayoi Shirai

The translation of texts of the Old Kingdom 335

Nigel Strudwick

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 Contents vii

The columns of Abusir 343

Miroslav Verner

The administrative documents in the Abusir papyrus archives 357

Hana Vymazalová

A new early Old Kingdom layered stone structure at Northwest Saqqara.

A preliminary report 363
Sakuji Yoshimura, Nozomu Kawai

The architectural complex of Akhethetep at Saqqara: the last discoveries 375

Christiane Ziegler

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OKAApodruhé str i–xii.indd 8 9.3.2007 17:18:22
 Foreword

It is with pleasure that after more than two years the publication of the lectures
held during the conference on the Old Kingdom Art and Archaeology in Prague in
the year 2004 (May 3 – June 4) has been made possible.
The conference held in Prague continued the tradition of previous meetings
by being dedicated to the same subject: art and its dating in the Old Kingdom of
Egypt: the period that forms the first apogee of the developing Egyptian state. The
tradition of these irregular meetings was established in 1991 by Hourig Sourouzian
and Rainer Stadelmann, at that time the Director of the German Archaeological
Institute in Cairo, who organised the first conference.1 The second meeting also took
place in Cairo, at this time the place of the venue was the French Institute of Oriental
Archaeology and the conference, held on November 10–13, 1994, was organised by
its director Nicolas Grimal.2 The penultimate meeting took place in Paris, France,
on April 3–4, 1998, and was organised by Christiane Ziegler, Chief Conservator of
Egyptian Antiquities in the Louvre.3
The present volume continues a well-established and successful tradition of
post-conference publications. As such, it makes available most of the contributions
that were presented during the conference in Prague. It was mainly the scientific
profile of the Czech Institute of Egyptology that led us to substantially widen the
scope of the conference in 2004. The total of thirty-three contributions presented
in this volume cover various aspects connected to Old Kingdom culture, not only
its art, but also its archaeology and architecture, selected administrative problems,
iconography, texts and the latest, often first time published results of ongoing
excavations. From the list of contributions it becomes evident that natural sciences
and their application in the widest sense receive general acceptance and support
from among Egyptologists. It is one of the few aspects that can in the future
significantly enhance our understanding of specific issues connected to the Old
Kingdom art and archaeology.
Eng. Marta Štrachová carefully edited the manuscript and was essential in
producing this volume. The advice and guidance of Eng. Jolana Malátková also
proved indispensable. The Czech Academy of Sciences is to be thanked for the
production of the book. Last but not least, it was Prof. Dr. Jean Leclant, Secrétaire
perpétuel de l‘Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, Paris, and the chair of
the European branch of the Fondation Michela Schiff Giorgini, and Prof. Dr. David
Silverman, University of Pennsylvania, chair of the North American branch of the
the Fondation Michela Schiff Giorgini and the respective committees that approved
this publication and agreed to support it financially.

Miroslav Bárta

1
The conference was held in the German Archaeological Institute, Cairo, on October 29–30,
and the proceedings published in 1995 in the volume Kunst des Alten Reiches. Symposium des
Deutschen Archäologischen Institut Kairo am 29. und 30. Oktober 1991, Deutsches Archäologisches
Institut, Abteilung Kairo, Sonderschrift 28, Mainz am Rhein.
2
N. Grimal, ed., Lex critères de datation stylistiques à l´Ancien Empire, Bibliothèque d´Étude 120
(Cairo, 1998).
3
Ch. Ziegler, N. Palayret, eds., L’Art de l’Ancien Empire égyptien. Actes du colloque organisé au
Musée du Louvre par le Service culturel les 3 et 4 avril 1998 (Paris, 1999).

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OKAApodruhé str i–xii.indd 10 9.3.2007 17:18:22
 Bibliography

Abbreviations for journals, series and monographs used throughout the volume
follow the system of Lexikon der Ägyptologie (cf. Lexikon der Ägyptologie, Band VII.
Nachträge, Korrekturen und Indices, founded by W. Helck and E. Otto, edited by W.
Helck and W. Westendorf, Wiesbaden 1992, XIV–XXXVIII).

The following additional abbreviations are also used:

ACER – The Australian Centre for Egyptology: Reports, Sydney;

AOS – American Oriental Society, Michigan;
BSAK – Studien zur altägyptischen Kultur, Beihefte, Hamburg;
CA – Current Anthropology, Chicago, Illinois;
Hannig, Handwörterbuch – R. Hannig, Die Sprache der Pharaonen. Großes Handwörter-
buch Ägyptisch-Deutsch (2800–950 v. Chr.), Mainz 1995;
Harpur, DETOK – Y. Harpur, Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom. Studies
in Orientation and Scene Content, London and New York 1988;
Harvey, WSOK – J. Harvey, Wooden Statues of the Old Kingdom. A Typological Study,
Egyptological Memoirs 2, Leiden 2001;
KAW – Kulturgeschichte der Antiken Welt, Mainz am Rhein;
LingAeg – Lingea Aegyptia, Journal of Egyptian language Studies, Göttingen;
OrMonsp – Orientalia Monspeliensia, Montpellier;
PAM – Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean, Warsaw;
SAGA – Studien zur Archäologie und Geschichte Altägyptens, Heidelberg;
WES – Warsaw Egyptological Studies, Warsaw.

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OKAApodruhé str i–xii.indd 12 9.3.2007 17:18:22
 The Sixth Dynasty tombs in Abusir. Tomb complex
of the vizier Qar and his family1
Miroslav Bárta

1. Introduction
The area we today call South Abusir played a crucial role during the Old
Kingdom evolution of the Abusir–Saqqara complex. It seems that during the late
Third–early Fourth, early Fifth and early Sixth Dynasties especially, the area was
one of several important burial grounds in the necropolis.2 In addition, its location
between the pyramid fields of Saqqara and Abusir contributed to its rather unique
status. This makes it all the more interesting that this part of the vast necropolis
never attracted the attention of serious excavators in modern times.3 A major factor
concerning its specific topography is the Lake of Abusir, which in Antiquity was a
semi-permanent, seasonally fluctuating waterway acting as the principal entrance
to the cemetery from the northeast.4 These are some of the most important factors
that had a significant effect on the formation, evolution and social setup of this local
cemetery during the Old Kingdom (fig. 1).
Recent rescue excavations carried out by the Czech Institute of Egyptology
mission in the area have uncovered new sources of information relevant for the
history of the whole Abusir–Saqqara necropolis. The primary aim of this contribution
is to summarize basic issues associated with small-scale excavations and the
interpretation of South Abusir non-royal monuments, which is one of the principal
long-term projects of the Czech Institute of Egyptology. In this particular case, a
Sixth Dynasty tomb complex belonging to a single family of high officials will be
taken as representative, the first segment representing the Sixth Dynasty epoch to
be uncovered in this part of the Abusir necropolis. It will be shown that even limited
excavations can make a significant contribution to a better understanding of more
general issues bearing on Old Kingdom archaeology discourse. What will be of
primary concern is the fact that non-royal cemeteries such as this one seem to amply
reflect contemporary social dynamics and individual changes in development within
the society and state of the day. Among the most important features of the cemetery
are its topography, the developing architectural concept of a family compound

1
I would like to thank my colleagues and collaborators A. Bezděk, V. Černý, P. Kočár,
P. Pokorný, Z. Sůvová, B. Vachala and P. Vlčková for their help and for sharing the preliminary
results of their research with me. For the English revision of the text I extend my thanks to J.
Harvey.
2
M. Bárta, Abusir V. The Cemeteries of Abusir South I (Prague, 2001).
3
It seems that A. Mariette’s nineteenth-century excavation stopped very close to the south
and southeast of the Central hill of South Abusir. For the summary see ibid., x–xiii, with a list
of literature.
4
As expressed in M. Bárta, ‘The title “Priest of Heket” in the Egyptian Old Kingdom’, JNES
58/2 (1999): 107–116; see the specific niching on the external northern wall of the tomb of
Hetepi constructed in such a way as to be the first element of the tomb visible to a visitor
approaching from the western shore of the lake: M. Bárta, B. Vachala, ‘The Tomb of Hetepi at
Abu Sir South’, EA 19 (2001): 33–35 and M. Bárta, ‘A Third Dynasty Tomb of Hetepi at Abusir
South’, in Festschrift Sawi (Cairo, 2006), forthcoming. On the Abusir wadi and its significance,
see now C. Reader, ‘On Pyramid Causeways’, JEA 90 (2004): 63ff. The seasonal nature of
the lake was confirmed during the autumn 2004 season in Abusir. Drillings into the bed of
the lake have shown that the actual silt deposits start at a depth of about 4.2 metres below
the present surface. The max. depth reached with the hand auger equipment was 5.5 m and
revealed only the beginning of a complicated and very fine stratigraphy of lake sediments.
For details see P. Kočár, Z. Sůvová, P. Pokorný, A. Bezděk, ‘Palaeoenvironmental research in
Abusir South, season 2004’, in M. Bárta, F. Coppens, J. Krejčí, eds., Abusir and Saqqara in the
Year 2005 (Prague, 2006), forthcoming.

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 46 Miroslav Bárta

covering at least three generations (a minimum of seventy-five years), and detailed Fig. 1 Satellite image of
information about the social rank and standing of individuals. These features were South Abusir with North
firmly embedded in the historical framework of the declining Egyptian state and as and Central Saqqara
such have significant interpretative potential. An indispensable part of the whole cemeteries
evaluation process is also an up-to-date anthropological examination of the human
remains preserved in the tombs and a proper assessment of the ecofacts.5 These sets
of data have enabled us to study the cemetery and the individuals buried therein
in a complex, diachronic fashion, providing a more detailed picture of the social
complexity of the day.

1.1 The formation of the cemetery and its place in Sixth Dynasty history
Prior to the discovery of the Sixth Dynasty horizon in South Abusir in 1995,
several traditional areas for the burials dated to the late Fifth and the Sixth

5
Kočár, Sůvová, Pokorný, Bezděk, in Bárta, Coppens, Krejčí, eds., Abusir and Saqqara in the
Year 2005.

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 The Sixth Dynasty in Abusir 47

Dynasties were known in central Saqqara and in Abusir. The most important are
the following ‘core cemeteries’ (not counting the still largely unexplored areas of
South Saqqara)6:
– tombs north of Djoser’s enclosure wall,7
– tombs east of Djoser’s enclosure wall,8
– tombs west of Djoser’s enclosure wall,9
– Teti Pyramid Cemetery,10
– tombs along the Unas Causeway,11
– rock-cut tombs in the area of the New Kingdom tombs around the tomb of
Horemheb and others,12
– tombs in the area of the Mission du Bubasteion,13
– tombs southeast of the pyramid complex of Neferirkara,14
– rock-cut tombs in the area of Tabbet al-Guesh (this cemetery is situated in a
transitional zone between Central and South Saqqara, its examination only
started in 2001).15

2. The tomb complex of Qar and his sons (fig. 2)16

The architecture in the family cemetery founded by the vizier Qar started
sometime near the beginning of the Sixth Dynasty, and the internal arrangement
follows the building concept of the large family tombs of the Memphite nobles
that seems to evolve during the reign of Nyuserra.17 From this time on, increasing
numbers of offices and institutions of the central administration became dominated
by individual families of high officials. The principal elements of this type of
tomb became series of rooms with specific functions such as east-west oriented
cult chapels, large cultic courtyards, store rooms and elaborate burial chambers,
sometimes decorated.18
The burial complex of the vizier Qar and his family members follows this line of
development, too.19 It consists of two large semi-independent tomb complexes, each
one comprising the principal cult chapel of the tomb owner and the main burial
shaft, plus additional shafts for other members of the family, including both male

6
For its evolving history compare the contribution by V. Dobrev in this volume.
7
PM III2, 448ff. and M. Baud, ‘Aux pieds de Djoser. Les mastabas entre fossé et enceinte de la
partie nord du cumplexe funéraire’, in C. Berger, B. Mathieu, eds., Études sur l´Ancien Empire
et la nécropole de Saqqâra dédiées à Jean-Philippe Lauer, OrMonsp IX (1997), 69–87.
8
PM III2, 575–586.
9
PM III2, 593–612. See also the latest publication by K. Myśliwiec et al., Saqqara I. The tomb of
Merefnebef (Warsaw, 2004) and idem, ‘West Saqqara. Archaeological Activities, 2003’, PAM 15
(2003): 111–122.
10
PM III2, 508ff.
11
PM III2, 614–648.
12
E.g. southeast of the Ramesside necropolis. Excavations were carried out by the Saqqara
Inspectorate of Antiquities, led by Magdi Ghandour.
13
A. Zivie, Les tombeuax retrouvés de Saqqara (Paris, 2003), 35 – unpublished, their publication
is in preparation by the author of the article.
14
M. Verner, V. G. Callender, Abusir VI. Djedkare’s Family Cemetery (Prague, 2002).
15
Recent excavations by the IFAO and V. Dobrev, see B. Mathieu, ‘Travaux de l’Institut
français d’archéologie orientale’, BIFAO 101 (2001): 544–545; idem, BIFAO 102 (2002): 524–526;
idem, BIFAO 103 (2003): 568–571; idem, BIFAO 104 (2004): 661–665 and V. Dobrev’s article in
the present volume.
16
The following discussion is based on the first drafts of chapters for M. Bárta et al., Abusir
XIII. The tomb complex of the vizier Qar and his family (Prague, 2006), in preparation
17
M. Bárta, ‘Archaeological Innovations in the development of the non-royal tomb during the
reign of Nyuserra’, in P. Jánosi, ed., Architecture and significance. Thoughts on ancient Egyptian
architecture, DÖAW 33 (2005), 105–130.
18
Ibid.
19
For its preliminary publication see M. Verner, ‘Excavations at Abusir. Seasons of 1994/95 and
1995/96’, ZÄS 124 (1997): 80–85; M. Bárta, V.G. Callender, ‘A Family of Judges at Abusir South’,
KMT 7/2, (1996): 32–39; M. Bárta, K. Voděra, Memories of 4500 Years Ago (Prague, 2002), 24–39;
idem, ‘The Czech Institute’s ten years of excavation at Abusir South’, KMT 13/1 (2002): 1–11.

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 48 Miroslav Bárta

Fig. 2 Ground plan of the

tomb complex of Qar and Inty
(drawing by J. Malátková)

Kniha_p.indb 48 9.3.2007 17:32:49

 The Sixth Dynasty in Abusir 49

adults and women. To the north of the tomb of Qar, minor chapels were built later
for three of his sons: Qar Junior – his eldest son, Senedjemib and Tjenty. Inty, another
son of Qar, was the owner of the large mastaba located to the south of his father’s
tomb. Only Qar formally attained the highest office in the state, that of vizier. Given
the fact that he had to modify his already existing tomb, which corresponded to
his originally lower status, by building a new cult chapel, his appointment was
probably late in his professional career.
Interesting is the possible span of time during which members of Qar’s family
lived. It seems likely that Qar, the vizier, built his tomb and died during the reign of
Teti or shortly thereafter. His oldest son Qar Junior served kings Pepy I and II as his
titles of ‘priest of the Goddess Maat in the pyramid complex “Enduring is the life of
Pepy II”’, and ‘khenti-she in the pyramid complex “Eternal is the Beauty of Pepy I”’
attest.20 The third generation of the family, i.e. the sons of Inty (at least some of them,
given anthropological examination of their skeletons) must have lived well into the
reign of Pepy II.

2.1 Superstructure of the tomb

The exact ground plan of Qar’s north-south oriented tomb is difficult to establish.
The northern part of the complex is represented by an open court which merges
with the subsidiary cult chapels of his three sons. This part has also suffered
most from erosion and destruction. The basic dimensions of the tomb, without
the subsidiary chapels and including the court, are 25 × 14 m. The tomb in its
first stages started as a much smaller structure containing a north-south aligned
chapel measuring 7.20 × 2.25 m in ground plan (16.2 sq.m) with a monolithic
limestone false door embedded in the south end of the western wall (Chapel I).
The overall height of the chapel was 2.90 m. The false door measures 2.76 × 1.34 m
and contains the only attested title of Qar before he was appointed to the office of
the vizier, the ‘true/real judge of Nekhen’ – r Nxn (n) zAb mAa. During the process of
its construction it was decided to enlarge the tomb, probably as a consequence of
Qar’s promotion which necessitated a more appropriate arrangement. The viziral
chapel was accessible via a door in the west wall of the first chapel. It opened into
a north-south oriented corridor 7.35 m long leading into an anteroom. From here
a 2.50 m wide and 0.25 m deep recess and a short passageway formed the chapel
entrance proper. The east-west oriented chapel measures 4.92 × 1.75 m in ground
plan (8.66 sq. m, Chapel II). In its western part, there is a limestone bench, 1.40 m
long, 0.36 m wide and 0.40 m high next to the north wall.
In contrast to Qar’s original chapel, it was conceived of as a smaller yet fully
decorated room. When excavated, the chapel was found still covered by the original,
roughly cut roofing slabs placed 3.55 m above floor level. These had to be removed
in order to protect the workmen working inside the chapel.21
The decoration of the chapel was done rather roughly, clearly by several
differently skilled artists. This fact may be observed at several places throughout
the chapel, and is generally reflected in the quality of the final painting over the
incised contours of the decoration scheme. The chapel decoration also provides
the only hints about the family of the vizier. The lower register on the north wall
shows a procession of offering bearers where the first three are labelled as his sons,
Qar Junior, Senedjemib and Tjenty (fig. 3). There is one more son attested in the
chapel. His name is Inty, and he constructed his tomb to the south of his father’s.
His presence, however, reveals marks of secondary development within the family
which took place during the chapel’s decoration. On both the north and south walls,
Inty is depicted as a focal figure making offerings to his father – despite Qar´s Junior

20
M. Bárta, ‘Funerary rites and cults at Abusir South’, in N. Kloth, K. Martin, E. Pardey,
eds., Es werde niederlegt als Schriftstück. Festschrift für Hartwig Altenmüller zum 65. Gewburtstag,
BSAK 9 (2003), 21–22.
21
They closely resemble those found over an early Sixth Dynasty chapel of Idut at Saqqara,
Macramallah, Idout, pl. 4.

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 50 Miroslav Bárta

supremacy. Closer inspection of the original decoration layout, however, shows

that originally there were offerings depicted in his place. Later on, the locus was
smoothed and a figure of Inty added. We can only guess at the reasons behind these
modifications. The division of decoration motifs is relatively simple and uniform.

Fig. 3 Chapel II of the vizier

Qar, north wall (K. Voděra)

The eastern wall, with a window, shows piles of offerings and the bottom registers
depict butchering scenes. The north and south walls show processions of offering
bearers and piles of offerings in the top registers. In addition, the south wall also
depicts an offering ritual. The western ends of both long walls were reserved for the
seated figure of Qar behind an offering table with his titles above his head.
The western wall of the chapel was taken up by a monolithic limestone false
door measuring 3.18 × 1.30 m (fig. 4). The decoration and the inscriptions of the false
door are executed in a comparatively much better fashion but still rather hastily. Its
shape conforms to the later Old Kingdom false door form with the cornice and torus
moulding.22 As such it contrasts with the original false door of Qar in the first chapel
which is devoid of both these morphologic elements.
Western entrance in the south wall of Open Court 1, 1.60 m long and 0.55 m
wide, leads into a corridor chapel which is 13.65 m long and 0.75 m wide. In its
west wall were embedded six cult niches which correspond with six burial shafts
to the west of them. This chapel was clearly built for the ‘minor’ members of the
family, except for the sons of the vizier who found their final resting places in other
locations to the south and north of the tomb.
22
N. Strudwick, The Administration of Egypt in the Old Kingdom. The Highest Titles and Their
Holders (London, 1985), 9ff.

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 The Sixth Dynasty in Abusir 51

2.2 Substructure
The burial chamber of the vizier Qar is accessible by means of a descending
passage starting to the north of the tomb, in the southeast corner of Open Court 1.
The passage leading to the chamber
is 13.80 m long (descending at an
angle of 29°30´), almost square,
0.85 m high and 0.70 m wide. The
chamber is located exactly below
Chapel II within Qar’s complex. It is
entered through a door 0.70 m wide
and 1.75 m high which starts about
0.70 m above the proper floor of the
chamber. From here a descending
ramp was built (it was originally
4.35 m long – its currently preserved
length is 2.35 m and it is 1.35 m
wide). Its outer walls were built of
local limestone lumps and its fill is
loose tafl. The walls of the chamber
were dressed with local limestone
blocks. These were arranged in
regularly alternating courses of
large 0.35–0.55 m high blocks and
‘anchor’ stones about 0.10 m high,
reaching deep into the wall and
thus providing additional stability
for the casing. Needless to say, that
the burial chamber was thoroughly
robbed in Antiquity (fig. 5).
The chamber may be divided
into two parts, both of them being
equally high (3.07 m).
Fig. 4 Chapel II of the vizier The eastern part of the chamber
Qar, false door (K. Voděra) is 5.15 m long (north-south) and
2.68 m wide. The western part, in
fact a large sarcophagus recess, measures 3.83 × 2.92 m. There is a ledge cut in its
west wall. It starts at a height of 1.15 m above the floor and is 0.80 m wide. It was
used to hold the sarcophagus lid before the sealing of the burial. The sarcophagus

Fig. 5 Burial chamber of the

vizier Qar, looking north
(K. Voděra)

Kniha_p.indb 51 9.3.2007 17:32:55

 52 Miroslav Bárta

chest measures 3.08 × 1.50 m and is 1.42 m high. Its inside measurements are
2.22 × 0.68 × 0.73 m. The lid is 2.92 m long, 1.45 m wide and 0.60 m high.
One of the unique features of the chamber is undoubtedly its decoration – despite
the fact that its original painted plaster has survived only in a few places. The
chamber thus adds to the information provided by eleven similar burial installations
known from the late Fifth and the Sixth Dynasties which are located in central
Saqqara.23 There, most of the tombs with decorated burial chambers concentrate
relatively close to the tomb of Qar, in the Teti pyramid cemetery, and belong to the
viziers Kagemni, Mereruka, Khentika-Ikhekhi (with two decorated chambers in his
complex), Ankhmahor and Inumenu.24 Another four published tombs are situated
in the cemetery of Unas and belong to Ihy, Niankhba, Mehu and Idut. One more
tomb is located west of the Step Pyramid (Ptahhotep/Iynankh) and another one
remains unpublished – that of Kairer.
From the remains that have been left in situ, it can be reconstructed that the
decoration started at a height of 1.45 m above floor level. Its lower part was formed
by a 13 cm thick red band, delineated by black lines. Decoration of the eastern part of
the chamber can with some certainty be reconstructed only on the north wall, west
of the entrance, with depictions
of several pottery vessels (?) and
on the west wall (north of the
sarcophagus) originally with two
male figures dragging a sledge with
large (oil) jars (fig. 6). Below them
is a representation of another male
figure. By far the best preserved
decoration can be located on the
north wall of the sarcophagus
recess. Proceeding from the east, it
starts with a list of offerings (Type
A) typical of the period. To the
west there are clear traces of the
original composition with bed and
a headrest. After comparison of its
decoration with other parallels it
reveals one unique feature, namely
several male figures preserved
on the west wall of the entrance
area, dragging the vessels. Thus
the burial chamber of Qar belongs
to the very few known examples
from Saqqara including human
Fig. 6 Burial chamber of the
figures in the decoration scheme.25
vizier Qar, detail of human
For the time being, it is difficult to
figures (K. Voděra)
provide a satisfying explanation of
this phenomenon. Nevertheless, it seems to be clear that this development precedes
the later Heracleopolitan and Eleventh Dynasty tradition.26
The architecture of the tomb of the vizier Qar, including his decorated burial
chamber, and some of his titles (see below) indicate that the tomb was finished
sometime during the reign of Teti or shortly thereafter.
23
G. Lapp, Katalog der Särge und Sargkammern von der 6. bis 13. Dynastie, SAGA 7 (1993), 2, § 3.
24
For the summary see now K. Dawood, ‘Animate decoration and burial chambers of private
tombs during the Old Kingdom’, in L. Pantalacci, C. Berger-El-Naggar, eds., Des Néferkarê aux
Montouhotep. Travaux archéologiques en cours sur la fin de la VIe dynastie et la Première Période
Intermédaire, Travaux de la Maison de l’Orient et de la Méditerranée 40 (Lyon, 2005), 117
25
Ibid., 107–116, together with tombs of Kairer (the publication has been in preparation by
K. Dawood) and Inumenu (Kanawati, in preparation).
26
Ibid., 116.

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 The Sixth Dynasty in Abusir 53

The second family generation, consisting of his four sons, followed tradition
and built their tombs around their father’s. By far the largest tomb belongs to Inty,
who succeeded his father in the office of a judge. The archaeological situation in
his tomb shows that some members of his family were buried within his tomb as
well. Thus we have an almost complete record of members of three generations of
the same family. A group of three small burial installations was discovered to the
north of Qar’s tomb. They belonged to Qar Junior, Senedjemib and Tjenty. Two
chapels (completely destroyed) can be traced in ground plan and associated with
Qar Junior and Senedjemib. Their decoration and false doors were deliberately
smashed into pieces in antiquity. These chapels could be approached from the
open court of Qar. Close to them, the openings of the burial shafts leading to the
burial chambers of these three officials could be identified. Inside their destroyed
burial chambers were found some important parts of the original burial equipment
(see below).

3. Tomb of Inty
The tomb of Inty was probably built only a short time after the tomb of his
father, if not almost simultaneously.27 The entrance into his tomb, given the local
topography of the cemetery, was from the west. It assumes form of a corridor with
floor made of beaten clay. It starts at the western outer wall of Qar’s tomb and
continues for several metres to the north. At the northwest corner of the tomb it
turns to the east and opens into Inti’s tomb.

3.1 Superstructure
The entrance gave way into two east-west oriented anterooms which open
into a third one with proper tomb façade in its south wall. The façade of the tomb
is 2.72 m wide, each wing being approximately 1.03 m long. The decoration in
sunk relief is dominated by two striding figures of the tomb owner with minor
figures of his sons and longer
texts arranged in vertical
columns and comprising
an ideal biography of the
tomb owner and an appeal
to the living. The decoration
on the walls is arranged
symmetrically along both sides
of the entrance (fig. 7).
Through the 1.30 m long
entryway with side walls
decorated with processions of
female domain personifications
(western wall) and male
offering bearers (eastern wall),
one enters a small court (5.46 m
E-W × 3.33 m N-S) with a deep
cult chapel in the west wall
(the niche is 1.70 m wide and
Fig. 7 Inty´s tomb façade 28
2.15 m deep). Originally, the chapel was roofed with limestone blocks and its floor
(K. Voděra) is paved with limestone blocks as well. This niche contains the false door of Inty
which is 2.30 m high and 1.70 m wide. It is carved out of a single block of limestone
with sunk hieroglyphs, decorated with torus and cornice moulding. Its central

27
This is implied by a small window found in the destroyed south wall of the viziral chapel of
Qar that opened into the room in front of the proper tomb façade of Inty and thus connected
both cult places.
28
Most of the domain names are associated with King Teti.

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 54 Miroslav Bárta

panel shows two symmetrically arranged figures of Inty facing each other, sitting
at both ends of a table with reed leaves.29 In front of the false door is a rectangular
altar in the shape of a reed mat with a loaf of bread on it. The south and north walls
were decorated in similar fashion. The central figure at the table of offerings is a
seated figure of Inty. On the
south wall he is accompanied
by his wife Merut kneeling
at his feet and a dwarf with
Inty’s favourite dog Idjem on
a lead. Higher up are columns
of hieroglyphic inscriptions
with the titles and the name
of the owner. To the east
follows a long list of offerings.
Approaching Inty are priests
performing offering rituals.
The bottom-most register
is reserved for a procession
of priests bringing and
presenting votive offerings to
the deceased (fig. 8).
Two important stylistic
criteria may be found on
the north wall of his chapel,
which is otherwise decorated
in a very similar manner. Inty
is shown seated and smelling
a small ointment jug in his
raised left hand.30 He wears, Fig. 8 Chapel of Inty, south
as is the case on the south wall (K. Voděra)
wall, a long striated wig
completely covering his ears.31 Clearly, the most important scene on the north
wall is of two pairs of musicians. Each pair consists of a singer and a harpist.
The cursory hieroglyphic text refers to the oldest love song attested from ancient
Egypt.32 These features, together with some others, make it possible to place the
tomb into the first half of the reign of Pepy II.
The false door and the side walls of the offering niche were subsequently
whitewashed to a height of about 1.50 m. A count of individual layers has shown
that the chapel underwent the same ‘cleaning’ at least twenty-five times. The first
layers, however, must already have rendered the original decoration, inscriptions
and, most importantly, the false door texts, illegible. This shows that it was the
place itself rather than the actual decoration that played the principal role during
the cult perpetuation.

29
Bárta, Voděra, Memories of 4500 Years Ago, 32, fig. 30; M. Bárta, ‘Archaeology and
Iconography: bd3 and aprt bread moulds and “Speisetischszene” development in the Old
Kingdom’, SAK 22 (1995): 21–35. According to Kanawati, the double representations of the
tomb owner on the false door panels is attested from the end of the Fifth Dynasty and ceases
in use during the reign of Teti. See N. Kanawati, M. Abder-Raziq, The Teti Cemetery at Saqqara.
Volume VII. The Tombs of Shepsipuptah, Mereri (Merinebti), Hefi and Others, ACER 17 (2001): 46,
tomb of Hefi, citing also tombs of Sabu/Ibebi, Neferseshemra and Wernu.
30
N. Cherpion, Mastabas et Hypogées d’Ancien Empire. Le Problème de la Datation (Brussels,
1989), 54, Criterion 27.
31
This type of wig starts as early as during the reign of Teti but seems to be broadly used
only from the reign of Pepy I onwards – compare Cherpion, Mastabas et Hypogées, p. 57,
Criterion 31.
32
B. Vachala, ‘Das älteste Liebeslied?’, in Kloth, Martin, Pardey, eds., Fs. Altenmüller, 429–431,
pl. 57.

Kniha_p.indb 54 9.3.2007 17:33:16

 The Sixth Dynasty in Abusir 55

3.2 Substructure
The southeastern part of the tomb comprised a row of five shafts for the burials
of the tomb owner and his relatives. The principal shaft, located south of the
court, belonged to Inty. Interestingly, in the southeastern corner of the court was a
door opening into the shaft. The shaft, about 22 m deep, gave access to the burial
chamber hewn at its bottom, accessible through the western wall. The top section
of the shaft’s western wall was decorated with a double recessed, white-plastered
niche situated at approximately the same level as the door connecting the shaft
with the court.33 The burial chamber itself consisted of two parts. Its eastern part

Fig. 9 Burial chamber of

Inty, sarcophagus with stela
(K. Voděra)

measured 4.80 × 2.40 m in ground plan and was 2.30 m high (fig. 9). The western
part, accommodating the limestone sarcophagus, measured 2.60 × 3.20 m with
the same height. The sarcophagus chest itself was 3.14 m long, 1.70 m wide and
1.20 m high. Its lid has been moved by ancient tomb robbers slightly to the north
and west; its dimensions are 3.00 × 1.60 × 0.64 m. It is worth noting that Inty’s
sarcophagus measurements are almost identical with those of his father, vizier
Qar.34 To the west of the sarcophagus was a 1.50 m wide platform made of loose
material reaching up to the upper end of the chest. This served as a place to put the
lid prior to the sealing of the sarcophagus chest. The chamber with the burial was
found robbed.35
Probably the most spectacular single find is represented by a monolithic
limestone stela set up in front of the sarcophagus, close to its northern end. It stands
on the floor of the chamber and is leaning against the sarcophagus chest. Its shape
conforms with the later Old Kingdom false door form with the cornice and torus
moulding.36 The monument is carved from a single limestone slab and imitates true
false doors situated in the cult chapels in the tomb superstructures. Its dimensions,
132 × 78 × 38 cm (height × width × thickness), however, are slightly smaller and
seem to have been determined by the height of the sarcophagus chest. Their heights
are almost identical, probably due to practical reasons connected with the actual
33
This niche starts 1.40 m below the top of the preserved western wall and 0.30 m from the
north wall of the shaft. It is 1.20 m high and 0.60 m wide (base)/0.50 m (top), its depth being
0.16 m.
34
3.10–2.96 × 1.41 × 1.50 m wide (chest), the lid being 3.10 m long, 1.40 m wide and 0.59 m
high.
35
For a detailed report see Bárta, in Kloth, Martin, Pardey, eds., Fs Altenmüller, 21–22.
36
Strudwick, Administration, 9ff.

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 56 Miroslav Bárta

burial of Inty, above all the transportation of the lid into its position. Most of the
eastern face of the stela is taken up by incised hieroglyphic inscriptions comprising
offering formulas, a list of offerings and the name and title of the tomb owner. In
contrast to a ‘true’ false door, the stela lacks human figures probably due to strict
rules that applied to funerary apartments at this period. As such, the stela may be
considered to be a precursor of the false doors with a prominent position on the
decorated sarcophagi of the following period.37

4. Social standing of the tomb owners

When dealing with the social status of the tomb owners, there are several
avenues of inquiry that may be pursued. To start with, the enumeration of
individual titles of each person buried in the cemetery provides interesting clues
as far as their social status is concerned. Most of them were members of a family of
judges. The titles of ‘judge of Nekhen of the king’, attested already on the first false
door of Qar, seems to be the principal office that was delegated from generation
to generation.38 Th title was held by the vizier Qar, and his sons Qar Junior, Inty
and Senedjemib. The modification of the title, namely ‘the true judge of the king’
is attested for Qar and Qar Junior. Moreover, the first variant of the title occurs on
loose blocks of a certain Pepy Meryherishef whose decorated tomb blocks were
discovered used as fill in Shaft A within the tomb of Inty. Given the available Old
Kingdom evidence, it is surprising to have such a concentration of ‘judge’ titles in
one limited cemetery area. A recent study by V.G. Callender shows convincingly
that in addition to nineteen Old Kingdom holders of the title, at least another
seven have been revealed over the past few years in South Abusir. This figure
represents more then one third of the pre-1995 corpus. Thus it seems to be justified
to claim that at South Abusir, professionally and personally, a very specific group
of persons with both personal and professional ties, serving at the royal court, is
emerging.39 This is significant evidence for the history of the title, whose holders
were most frequently buried in Abusir and Saqqara and most likely associated
with their office in Mennofer.40
The title ‘elder of the (juridical) court’ associated with two out of four sons of the
vizier Qar (Qar Junior and Inty) and two out of three sons of Inty (Ankhemtjenenet
and Senedjemib II) is also indicative of the common policy of early activation of
high officials’ sons in smaller legal offices.41 The title was an indication of their
later expected promotion into the office of their fathers. Other titles, although not
so fascinating, are at least indicative of the subsequent development in the family.
Thus some titles of Inty, such as Hr(j) sStA n wDt-mdw (n) Hwt-wrt, Hr(j) sStA n wDt-
mdw (n) Hwt-wrt 6, show that he followed in the footsteps of his father, who was
(j)m(j)-r Hwt-wrt 6. Similarly, Inty became (j)m(j) xt Hm(w)-nTr +d-swt-&tj, precisely as
his father.
In addition, there is also something strange about the sudden promotion of Qar
to the office of the vizier. Only a brief comparison of his titles with those associated
with late Fifth and Sixth Dynasty viziers shows clearly that there is a profound
difference in terms of his status and executed duties. The author’s analysis reveals
that approximately twenty known viziers of the Sixth Dynasty (down to the middle

37
For a detailed discussion see M. Bárta, ‘A New Gate to the Netherworld’, in K. Daoud,
S. Bedier, S. Abd El-Fatah, eds., Studies in Honor of Ali Radwan, SASAE 34/1 (2005), 183–191.
38
For the title see V. G. Callender, ‘À propos the title r Nxn n zAb’, in M. Bárta, J. Krejčí, eds.,
Abusir and Saqqara in the year 2000 (Prague, 2000), 361–380.
39
Compare, for instance, K. R. Weeks, Mastabas of Cemetery G 6000 including G 6010
(Neferbauptah); G 6020 (Iymery); G 6030 (Ity); G 6040 (Shepseskafankh). Giza Mastabas 5 (Boston,
1994).
40
Compare Table II compiled by Callender, in Bárta, Krejčí, eds., Abusir and Saqqara in the year
2000, 376–380.
41
See, for instance, M. Bárta, ‘The Mastaba of Ptahsepses Junior II at Abusir’, A&L X (2000):
59 for the family of the vizier Ptahshepses from the late Fifth Dynasty.

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 The Sixth Dynasty in Abusir 57

of the reign of Pepy II) held 294 titles. Table II shows the list of the most frequently
attested titles for Sixth Dynasty viziers. When compared with table I, showing the
titles attested for vizier Qar, marked differences emerge. Vizier Qar, despite his
topmost office, does not have any of the standard titles associated with typical
viziers of the Sixth Dynasty. Among his ‘high’ titles one may mention only the title
of tp(j)-Xrt nswt, attested by the viziers nine times, and jwn Knmwt, attested seven
times. His remaining titles are much less diagnostic of his status and in general
indicate a low ranking status – except for the title of (j)m(j)-r Hwt-wrt.

Table I List of titles attested in the family of the vizier Qar

Titles/Officials Qar Qar J. Senedjemib Tjenti Inty Senedjemib II Ankhemtjenenet Sefekhu

jwn Knmwt x
(j)m(j)-r Hwt-wrt x
(j)m(j) xt Hm(w)-nTr +d-swt-&tj x x

(j)m(j) xt xntj(w)-S Hm(w)-nTr +d-

x
swt-&tj

aD-mr (n) zAb x

wD-mdw n Hwt-wrt 6 x
mdw rxjt x
n(j) nst xntt x
r Nxn (n) zAb x x x x
r Nxn (n) zAb mAa x x
Hm-nTr MAat x x
Hm-nTr MAat m Mn-anx NfrkAra x
Hm-nTr Nfr-swt Wnjs x x?
Hr(j)-sStA n wDt-mdw n Hwt-wrt x
Hr(j)-sStA n wDt-mdw n Hwt-wrt 6 x
Hr(j)-SstA n @r mDAt abwt x
xnt(j)-S Mn-nfr-Ppy x
xnt(j)-S +d-swt-&tj x
xtmtj bjtj x x?
smr watj x
smsw h(A)jt x x x x
zS (n) zAb x
tAjtj TAtj (n) zAb x
tp(j)-Xrt nzwt x

In connection with the administrative and social standing of the family, it is

interesting to note the cultic arrangement that was made specifically for an associated
official who was not, given the evidence at hand, a member of the family. The setup
was as follows: in front of the entrance into the court of Inty was a low mudbrick
bench on which a small limestone statue of an official was placed. The name of its
owner was Nefer and the only attested title on the statue was that of zS (n) zAb, ‘scribe
of the king’. Since there is no indication of any link between Nefer and Qar’s family,
it seems likely (also given the nature of his title) that Nefer wished to partake in the
mortuary cult of his superior and managed to arrive at a satisfactory arrangement
with the tomb owner.

Kniha_p.indb 57 9.3.2007 17:33:30

 58 Miroslav Bárta

Table II List of the most frequently attested titles of the Sixth Dynasty viziers. Only viziers
down to the middle reign of Pepy II were included (based mainly on data collected by
Strudwick, Administration)

Title Frequency

1 HAtj-a 16
2 smr watj (n jt=f) 15
3 (j)r(j)-pat 12
4 (j)m(j)-r prwj-HD 11
5 (j)m(j)-r kAt nb(t) nt nswt 11
6 Xrj-Hb Hrj-tp (n jt=f) 11
7 (j)m(j)-r jzwj Xkr nswt 10
8 (j)m(j)-r zS(w) a-nswt 10
9 (j)m(j)-r Snwtj 10
10 Xr(j)-Hb (n jt=f) 10
11 sm 10
12 jmA-a 9
13 Xrp Sndjt nbt 9
14 xtmtj bjtj 9
15 Tp(j)-Xrt nswt (pr-aA) 9
16 (j)m(j)-r wabtj 8
17 (j)m(j)-r Hwt-wrt 6 8
18 Hr(j)-sStA n wDt-mdw nbt (nt nswt) 8
19 Hr(j)-sSTA n pr-dwAt 8
20 sHD Hm(w)-nTr +d-swt-&tj 8

4.2 Anthropology
Despite poor preservation and later damage, some very interesting conclusions
have emerged from the results of the anthropological examination. The
anthropological material identified so far spans a period of three generations.
Within the complex of the vizier Qar, six individuals, two males, two females and
two as yet undetermined, were discovered whereby one male and one female burial
were found in situ.42 In the complex of Inty, another three males, two females, one
child and two undetermined burials came to light. In its vicinity and in the fill of
Inty´s cult chapel, another female and one child’s burials were discovered.
Two women were buried inside the tomb of the vizier Qar; one died at the age
of about 40, the other in her 60s. This may explain why despite the fact that Qar had
only one eldest son (Qar Junior), the prominent one was Inty who was added to
his Chapel II decoration programme only secondarily. It seems logical to suppose
that each woman gave birth to one of them – Qar Junior and the disputed Inty.
Their different ages, similar location and the arrangement of their burial chambers
supports the notion of monogamy in ancient Egypt and it seems feasible that Qar
married these two women one after the other. Thus it seems likely that the vizier
Qar had three sons from his first marriage and one son from his second (Inty). This
reconstructed status seems to be verified by the modification of decoration in Qar’s
viziral chapel. The burial of Qar Junior was much destroyed, as was the burial of
Tjenty, and the slightly better preserved burial of Senedjemib shows that he died at
an age of about 30–50.

42
Excav. Nos. 159 and 160/GG/95, Shaft 5 and 6 in the complex of the vizier Qar.

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 The Sixth Dynasty in Abusir 59

Inty, son of Qar, died at an age of about 30–60 years. The anonymous burial
in shaft ‘B’ (likely belonging to an otherwise unidentified Senedjemib Junior)
comprised the much destroyed burial of a male of about 40–60 years with a death
mask still placed on the face. The burial of Ankhemtjenenet showed that this person
died at the age of about 50. Still unclear is the burial in Shaft ‘A’ belonging to a
certain Pepyankh Inty. His burial chamber, discovered in 2002, provided by far the
richest collection of funerary equipment from the complex. Despite this, we lack
any evidence of his relationship with the family of Qar and Inty.
Most burials were poorly preserved. From what could be recorded during the
excavation it seems clear that the corpses received minimal treatment. In most cases
the bodies were wrapped in linen bandages, in one case there is attestation of a
death mask. No extensive use of resin can be confirmed.

4.3 Burial appartments

There is a clear stratification recognizable in the design, typology, equipment
and size of the individual burial apartments within the cemetery. At the top is
the vizier Qar whose burial chamber was the only one accessible via a descending
corridor. The walls of his chamber were decorated with painted decoration which
makes his social status even more exclusive. The size of his burial chamber was
almost 76 cu. m, dwarfing all other examples: it is followed by the burial chambers
of Inty and Pepyankh Inty from Shaft A. The sizes of the limestone sarcophagi
are another good indication of the different social status (table III). The largest
sarcophagi are associated with the vizier Qar, his sons Senedjemib and Inty and
Pepyankh Inty from Shaft A. These burial chambers were also accessed by the
deepest shafts. This group of officials is followed by a group of male and female
members of the family.

Table III Sarcophagi found in tomb complexes of Qar and his family and their size (in m)

Owner Chest Lid

vizier Qar 3.10 × 1.50 × 1.42 2.98 × 1.40 × 0.58

Inty 3.15 × 1.70 × 1.20 3.20 × 1.60 × 0.62
HH – Shaft A (Senedjemib) 3.10 × 1.50 × 1.35 3.24 × 1.46 × 0.50
Pepyankh Inty (Shaft A) 3.12 × 1.65 × 1.46 3.12 × 1.65 × 0.50
GG – Shaft 5 (F) 2.50 × 1.05 × 0.80 2.50 × 1.00 × 0.35
GG – Shaft 2 (F) 2.00 × 0.90 × 0.95 2.00 × 0.90 × 0.35
GG – Shaft 6 2.70 × 1.15 × 1.15 2.60 × 1.05 × 0.40

The burial chamber of Inty, accessible via a 22 m deep shaft, provides a missing
link in the development of the decorated sarcophagi and burial chambers from
the end of the Old Kingdom. Inty’s father, vizier Qar, already had the walls of
his chamber decorated. Inty, only one generation later, decided to include a real
false door stela which was erected in front of the east wall of his sarcophagus. It
was the most important part of the genuine communication system for the soul of
the deceased with the offering chapel and the serdab adjoining the shaft on the
west. This system was designed in such a way that in its entirety it represents one
of the most complete examples of such an arrangement, consisting of a cult chamber,
a door connecting it with the shaft, a niche in the shaft’s west wall, the standing
stela in front of the sarcophagus chest and the sarcophagus itself.43 Last but not
least, all our evidence supports the assumption that the chamber was robbed
immediately after the funerary ceremonies inside the chamber and prior to its
backfilling.

43
Bárta, in Daoud, Bedier, Abd El-Fatah, eds., Studies Radwan, 183–191.

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 60 Miroslav Bárta

To the west of some of the principal burial shafts within Inty’s complex, two shafts
with specific contents were found. In both cases, the artifacts were accumulated at
the bottom of the shafts. The first one, Shaft E, comprised a large number of shards
from intentionally broken red pottery, including large Meidum bowls, plates and
hesi jars. The second shaft, Shaft L, was also filled with pottery, in this instance large
Meidum bowls with thick walls prevailed. These were accompanied by large lumps
of natron and linen bandages. Interestingly, the inner and outer surfaces contained
residues of the mummification oils. At the bottom of one of these large bowls there
was a concentration of beetles that had been attracted by the smell and trapped by
the fluid (Poecilus pharao).
The finds that have been recently made in the tomb complexes of the vizier
Qar and his sons have highlighted one more vital aspect of the late Old Kingdom
period, the burial equipment. Despite the fact that most chambers were robbed in
antiquity, the evidence collected shows that we have here a quite representative
sample of artefacts used for this specific purpose. Besides the seven sacred oils
tablets, headrests, ointment jugs and some other groups of artefacts, it is above
all the imported pottery vessels, limestone food cases and large sets of copper
implements that deserve brief comments. These finds were made in the burial shafts
and chambers of Qar Junior, Senedjemib, Inty and Pepyankh Inty.

Fig. 10 Burial chamber of

Qar Junior, imported vessels
(K. Voděra)

In the burial chamber of Qar Junior, six jars belonging to the Syro-Palestinian
Combed/Metallic ware style were discovered (fig. 10).44 Since there are more
parallels from the Sixth Dynasty, these finds show clearly that even during this
period, the degree of mutual contact between Egypt and the Levant was rather
high.
The imported vessels signal one vital change with regard to the status of their
owners. In contrast to Fourth Dynasty Giza, where similar finds are connected
only with the highest officials of the state, at this period it is lower ranking officials

44
See D. L. Esse, Subsistence, Trade, and social change in Early Bronze Age Palestine, SAOC 50
(1991), 109–116; E. S. Marcus, Maritime Trade in the southern Levant from earliest Times through
the Middle Bronze IIA Period, unpublished PhD dissertation (Oxford, 1998), 49ff.; R. Greenberg,
N. Porat, ‘A Third Millenium Levantine Pottery Production Center: Typology, Petrography,
and Provenance of the Metallic Ware of Northern Israel and Adjacent Regions’, BASOR 301
(1996): 5–24. For Abusir finds see Bárta, Abusir V, 184–185. I thank K. Sowada who treated
this subject in her dissertation Egypt in the Eastern Mediterranean During the Old Kingdom: A
Re-Appraisal of the Archaeological Evidence, Faculty of Arts dissertation, University of Sydney,
2001 (chapter 6 – ‘Imported ceramics in Egypt and their origins’) and who visited Abusir and
confirmed the likely foreign origin of the vessels.

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 The Sixth Dynasty in Abusir 61

who have the right and the means to acquire commodities of this kind. What
remains the same is their exclusive association with male tomb owners. During
the Sixth Dynasty we witness a sudden increase in the occurrence of combed
metallic ware all over the Abusir-Saqqara necropolis. This contrasts sharply with
the Fifth Dynasty, from which there are almost no finds of this category (with the
exception of Kaaper’s tomb in Abusir45). In all cases available, the vessels occur in
the tombs of lesser officials. Yet all these officials can be associated with the royal
court and/or palace.
On the other hand, from the burial chamber of Senedjemib (son of Qar) originates
a different piece of evidence relating to pottery offerings. A set of twelve jugs was
found at the northwest corner of the sarcophagus.46 The jugs had pointed bases
and thickened curved rims. These jugs were found unsealed though not empty.
All of them contained two carefully laid layers of black Nile mud that filled almost
half of their volume. This was a fairly common feature since prehistory that, on a
magical level, made this part of the funerary equipment look full.

Fig. 11 Burial chamber

of Shaft A (Inty), food
containers in situ (M. Bárta)

The rich burial equipment discovered in the burial chamber of Pepyankh Inty
(Shaft A) still included twelve unique limestone containers for food offerings of
meat, poultry and bread (fig. 11).47 There were five poultry, five meat and two
bread-loaf containers, each composed of trough and a lid and they still contained
actual offerings. The containers were made in the very same fashion as the models
discovered in Shaft G 2385 A in Giza.48
Large sets of copper implements of different forms and shapes were discovered
in several burial chambers. It is not only the number of representatives of individual
implement types but also their shapes that are of interest here. The copper tools
discovered in the burial chambers of Qar Junior, Inty and Pepyankh Inty weigh
45
Bárta, Abusir V, pl. 88b.
46
Excav. No. 103/HH/2001, 1–12)
47
For details see contribution of S. Ikram in this volume.
48
It was already T. G. H. James (The Mastaba of Khentika called Ikhekhi [London, 1953], 2) who
mentions diaries by B. Gunn. Gunn during his work in the mastaba of Khentika documented
five limestone poultry models with hieratic inscriptions mentioning precisely the same names
of poultry species. For the evidence from Giza see E. Brovarski, The Senedjemib Complex, Part I.
The Mastabas of Senedjemib Inti (G 2370), Khnumenti (G 2374), and Senedjemib Mehi (G 2378). Giza
Mastabas 7 (Boston, 2002), 127–128, pls. 99 – 101a.

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 62 Miroslav Bárta

several kilograms in total and the number of

implements runs to several hundred. Their
formal comparison with the evidence in Wadi Fig. 12a Copper implement
Feynan, Jordan, reveals new possibilities from the burial chamber of
of interpretation (fig. 12).49 In this case, Qar Junior (K. Voděra)
the corollary research seems to favour the
explanation that during this period the copper was imported to Egypt precisely
from this area. This should not be so surprising as there is evidence of copper ore
being imported into Egypt by the Bedouins during the First Intermediate Period.50
To prove this, however, it will
be necessary to analyze some
Fig. 12b Copper implement
tiny fragments of our Abusir
from Wadi Feynan, Jordan
finds and compare them with
(Courtesy of T. E. Levy
the Jordanian evidence. This is
expedition to Wadi Feynan)
impossible at present.

5. Conclusions
The briefly presented highlights are hopefully sufficient to show the future
potential of small-scale excavations and their specific contribution towards the
addressing of more general issues. What I personally find worthy of further
elaboration is the evaluation of personal piety and the ways the tombs correspond
with the current social development and the standing of their owners in the state
administration and within the society of the day. The ways their owners usurped
some high value artefacts to display their status and standing in the afterlife opens
new directions of research as well. Already, however, one can observe that many
concepts deeply rooted in Egyptian archaeology are becoming less tenable when
confronted with the latest evidence.

49
For the discovery of the EB metallurgy in the area compare T. E. Levy, et al., ‘Early Bronze
Age metallurgy: a newly discovered copper manufactory in southern Jordan’, Antiquity 76
(292, June 2002): 425–437.
50
M. Haiman, ‘Early Bronze Age IV Settlement Pattern of the Negev and Sinai Deserts: View
from Small Marginal Temporary Sites’, BASOR 303 (1996): 1–32.

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