Idris, Cogent Arts & Humanities (2022), 9: 2139795

https://doi.org/10.1080/23311983.2022.2139795

HISTORY | RESEARCH ARTICLE

Received: 09 February 2021
Accepted: 20 October 2022
*Corresponding Author: Anwar Ayano
Idris, Department of History and
Heritage Management, Werabe
University 046
E-mail: anwarayano@gmail.com
Reviewing editor:
Samuel Adu-Gyamfi, History and
Political Studies, Kwame Nkrumah
University of Science and
Technology College of Arts and
Social Science, Ghana
Additional information is available at
the end of the article
King Amda Tsiyon (r.1314-1344) territorial
expansion to the kingdom of Hadiya, South West
Ethiopia
Anwar Ayano Idris1*
Abstract: This study aimed to reconstruct the early history of the Hadiya Kingdom.
With the rise of the Solomonic Dynasty in 1270, an epoch of military, political, and
cultural expedition of the Christian kingdom to the south began. The political
geography, an early campaign of the Christian kingdom against the Kingdom of
Hadiya, its impact on the kingdom of Hadiya and their reaction, and their alliance
with other Muslim states were the focal points of this study. As it is historical
research, a qualitative methodology is employed. The study was conducted based
on reliable primary and secondary sources. The study revealed that Hadiya was one
of the seven Muslim states in Ethiopia and it was one of the strongest among them.
However, due to several conflicts against the Christian kingdom in the early thir­
teenth to the seventeenth centuries, they seem to have reduced their political
power and territories and decreased the population.

Subjects: History; Political History; African History

Keywords: Kingdom of Hadiya; King Amda Tsiyon and territorial expansions; medieval
Ethiopia

ABOUT THE AUTHOR PUBLIC INTEREST STATEMENT

Anwar Ayano Idris completed his first degree in
History and Heritage management and master’s
degree in Medieval History of Ethiopia. Currently,
Anwar Ayano Idris is a lecturer and researcher, at
the University of Werabe College of Social
Sciences and Humanities. His major teaching and
research areas are social history, political history,
economic history, cultural history medieval his­
tory, politics, heritage management, and
conservation.
Anwar Ayano Idris
Different kingdoms, chiefdoms, Sultanates,
Principalities, Sheikhdoms, and Emirates flour­
ished and banished on the soil of Ethiopia until
the mid-19th century. Thus, the Christian high­
land kingdom dominates more than half of the
country. The relationship between the Christian
Highland Kingdom and the rest of the Muslim
sultanates was hostile due to economy, political
supremacy, territorial expansion, and other
related issues. Thus, this study attempted to
show such Christian highland kingdoms 1316/17
and 1332 military campaigns to Hadiya south­
west Ethiopia. The findings of the research
revealed that the Kingdom of Hadiya came
under the control of King Amda Tsiyon and he
took harsh measures. Onward Hadiya lost their
political independence, reduced territorially,
population number due to, and war captivity that
soon became the source of the important labor
force for the Christian army until the 16th
century.

© 2022 The Author(s). This open access article is distributed under a Creative Commons
Attribution (CC-BY) 4.0 license.

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1. Introduction
Several Muslim principalities existed on the Somali coast and eastern escarpment of the Ethiopian
highland. Hadiya was the westernmost of seven political units connected in a confederation which
was named after its capital Zaila on the northern Somali coast; the others were Ifat, Dawaro,
Arbabni, Sharkha Bale, and Dara; they existed between the thirteenth and sixteenth centuries.
Hadiya seems to have occupied a large territory between the western Harar plateau and the
eastern escarpment of the Rift valley, which was after 16th the century inhabited by Arsi-Oromo
(Trimingham, 1955).

The kingdom of Hadiya; was well known to Ethiopian politics, the Kebra Nagast (Glory of Kings)1
that was written at Aksum2 mentioned its existence several times. The passage claim that Menelik
I, son of the queen of Sheba, on one occasion made war on the Hadiya people. This passage
provides interesting evidence of a northern Ethiopian awareness of Hadiya's identity (Wallis Budge
E.A. 2000). The famous chronicle called Kebra Negast (glory of kings), written in the thirteenth
century, was presumably the earliest literary document, as far as we know, in which the name
“Hadiya” was mentioned (Wallis Budge E.A. 2000).

With the rise of the Solomonic Dynasty3 in 1270, an epoch of military, political, and cultural
expedition of the Christian kingdom to the south began. This is described in the chronicles of
Christian kingdoms and the works of the Arabian historiographers (Braukamper, 1972). Within, it
told us that the Ethiopian emperor defeated Hadiya, hereditary enemies of the Christian state and
devastated their land (Wallis Budge E.A. 2000). In 1286/87, the name “Hadiya” also referred to
without any further comment, in connection with Shawa (Taddesse, 1972).

The exact geographical location of the ancient kingdom of Hadiya raised some controversy.
Neither traveller accounts from the medieval period, nor historically researched materials agreed
on the exact location of the kingdom. According to (Beckingham & Huntingford, 1954) the political
geographical location of the old state of Hadiya was on both sides of the upper Gibe. Perruchon
(1894) even likened Addio, the western part of Keffa with Hadiya. An important argument for the
localization in the upper area was presented by the fact the Hadiya still exists there as an ethnic
denomination for a considerable part of the present inhabitants. According to Alebachew and
Samuel (2002), all contemporary Hadiya relates to a tradition that is overwhelmed by Muslim
concepts of an original homeland in the east and Arabic ancestors. This version of stereotypical
representation is repeated among many Cushitic peoples.

Braukamper (1980), refers to Ibn-Said, Hadiya situated south of Yifat, which by that time (in the
thirteenth century) reached eastward as far as the Somali coast. Abu’l Fida fixed Hadiya’s geographical
position as 7° N latitude and 57° 3ʹ East longitude in an area between the equator and the first
(Demombynes, 1927). Whereas al-Umari and his advocator Maqiriz possessed only a vague idea of its
extent, the length was 9 days and the breadth 8 days (Trimingham, 1955). Analysis of the Arabic
geographers, especially their information that Hadiya was part of the Zaila confederation, includes
some later scholars associate it with Haile Bubamo A. (1971) did not completely accept the hypothesis
of their original identity, but the study of information sources led him to the conclusion that Hadiya
situated in the east of the Somali peninsula. Various authors (Braukamper, 2004) have already
indicated the confusion between Hadiya and that of Hawiya, an important Somali clan. Alvarez’s
report that in the sixteenth-century Hadiya extended to Mogadishu so far in the southeast that it went
beyond the geographical horizons of the informants.

The inconsistencies in location largely resolve themselves if we take into account a more
dynamic process of ethnic and geographical displacements. From the written records, it could be
concluded that in the case of Hadiya territorial shift might have taken place from the east,
Hararge, to the highland west of the Rift Valley (Alebachew & Samuel, 2002). The people’s
migrations confirm this. In an early period of Hadiya, before they expanded towards the interior
of Ethiopia, they were all concentrated within a limited area in the eastern part of the Horn of

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Africa. In later times, when a political and territorial differentiation had occurred, they identified
with an appellation of the confederation of Zayla (Braukamper, 1980; Huntingford, 1989).

The account of Ibn Fada Allah al Umari and Meqriz gave valuable hints of Hadiya towards the
close of Amda Tsiyon’s reign embodied in al Umari’s report. This suggests that the province is
through small, measuring only eight-day Journey by nine, whereas (Richard Pankhurst, 1997)
estimated that, it might be 160 km by 180. Well favored by nature, it produces cereals and fruit,
raised horses and animals of burden, and like Dawaro and Sharkha. They used pieces of iron as
primitive money. Hadiya was much involved in the slave trade, for its imported slaves from the
“country of the infidels, presumably nearby Christian or pagan lands.

2. Material and methods

This research uses a qualitative approach, based on the study of the history of the Hadiya kingdom
and the military expedition of King Amda Tsiyon. The Kingdom of Hadiya was in close relation to
neighboring Muslim kingdoms of Medieval Ethiopia. To break this relationship king Amda Tsiyon
made two campaigns against Hadiya. To understand both medieval and modern Ethiopian histor­
ical, political, and intercultural relationship processes. This research applies a mix of archival and
ethnographic research, using written sources obtained from archives and literature in the form of
books, chronicles, magazines, and newspapers. Archival sources, literature, and interview results
obtained, selected, and analyzed under the framework of the problems created.

2.1. The first campaign of king amda tsiyon 1316/17 to the kingdom of Hadiya
With the rise of the Solomonic Dynasty in 1270, an epoch of military, political, and cultural
expedition of the Christian kingdom to southern Ethiopia mentioned in the Christian kingdom
chronicles and other documents. This is described in the chronicles of Christian kingdoms and
the works of the Arabian historiographers (Braukamper, 1972). The Chronicle reported that King
Amda Tsiyon inherited the military and political problems of the turbulent reign of his immediate
predecessors. These, among others, included the final consolidation of the powers of the new
dynasty in all Christian provinces. The cause had been in the Agaw district in the north-west, the
kingdom of Gojjam; in the west, and that of Damot in the south-west, and the more important
struggle with the Muslim Sultanates in the east and southeast (Taddesse, 1972).

Amda Tsiyon’s accession to the power created a state of uneasy peace with the Muslims. One of
the most important reasons for Christian-Muslim conflicts was the need for the Kingdom to ensure
a free and unmolested passage of its nationals or agents to the Red Sea and beyond. Muslims have
always enjoyed an almost monopoly on long-distance trade throughout the region. Sometimes
they acted as agents of the Christian Kings, sometimes as independent traders. In either case,
Muslim rulers were masters of the areas through which the main trade routes passed. This
technical dependence of Christians on the service and goodwill of Muslims was easily liable to
use for political purposes, especially at a time of hostile relations. This appears to be an encounter
between Amda Tsiyon and the ruler of Ifat (Tilahun, 2014).

The Reign of King Amda Tsiyon is considered the most important era for the expansion of the
Christian Kingdom. Taddesse Tamrat quotes Amda Tsiyon’s chronicle, which tells us much about
his campaigns, particularly the one of 1332, then, that there has been practically little data about
the early years of his reign. However (Taddesse, 1970), mentions there is various information about
how and when Damo, Gojjam, and Hadiya were first effectively conquered and annexed.

The kingdom of Hadiya was a territory of the medieval Kingdoms of Ethiopia situated in the
highlands to the southwest of Christian kingdoms and further west as far as Sharka. One of the
earliest campaigns of King Amda Tsiyon was conducted against Damot and Hadiya. It took place in
the year 1316/17 and the king commemorated his success. The territory probably became an
integral tax-paying part of the Christian kingdom early in the further conflicting situation during
the reign of Amda Tsiyon. Taddesse (1972) by referring to a manuscript which was written in the

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monastery of Debre Hayq states that after the conquered of Damot around 1316/17 he preceded
to Hadiya.

King Amda Tsiyon chronicle mention that

“ . . .God gave me all the people of Hadiya, men, and women without number, whom
I exiled into another area”. Having thus gained control over this territory, he had recruited
many of its inhabitants to serve in his army” (Taddesse, 1970).

After the occupation of Kingdom of Hadiya by King Amda Tsiyon seems to have made at least one
land grant to a courtier from Hadiya. It states that the man, surprised at the expense the king
incurred in purchasing mules, proposed that, they had been bred in the royal stable. The king was
so pleased that he had allowed him to choose whatever gult4 or estates he desired (Pankhurst,
1997).

These early victories had given the king a great source of wealth and labor in the rich interior
south and southwest of the river Awash. At first, the king’s control of these areas seems to have
been minimal to collecting occasional tributes from the local rulers. This appears to have been the
case with Hadiya in particular. As Al-Umari mentions Hadiya as one of the seven Muslim states in
the Ethiopian region, placing it west of Bali. It is not clear from his work when exactly Muslim
influence becomes predominant in Hadiya. The Christian report of Amda Tsiyon’s successful
campaign in Hadiya about 1316/17 does not at all imply that the king was fighting against
Muslim or traditional religion followers troops (Hiruy Wolde Silassie, 1927).

Braukamper (1972) refers to Al-Umari’s Muslim state of Hadiya, which may have been traditional
religious believers in the kingdom in which a growing number of Muslim merchants had been
settled. They had probably also converted some of that in Amda Tsiyon’s time the ruler of
a country was as yet Muslim. It is quite clear, however, that the influence of Muslims in the area
was very strong, and they used it to undermine the consolidation of Christian power there.

2.2. The second campaign of King Amda Tsiyon to Hadiya 1332

Just before 1332, Amda Tsiyon led another expedition against the kingdom of Hadiya to offset
such hostile activities (Taddesse, 1972). Hadiya’s incorporation into the Christian Kingdom was not
without difficulties. As Richard Pankhurst (1997) cited Amda Tsiyon’s Chronicle reports, Sultan Sabr
al-Din’s rebellion spread from Ifat to Hadiya. The local governor who was referred to as Amano
was advised by Bal’am, the “prophet of darkness” to rebel.

Go not to the king of Amda Tsiyon, (i.e.) to the emperor, he was said to have declared. Do not
give him gifts: if he comes against you, be not afraid of him, for he will be delivered into your
hands and you will cause him to die with his army

The Hadiya ruler whom we may assume from his name was almost certainly a local man who
hearkened, to the counsel of this lying prophet and rebelled against the emperor. Then, the emperor
rose in anger and set out for Hadiya where he slew the inhabitants of the country with the point of the
sword. Describing the revenge shaped by the warlike emperor on the people of Hadiya, the chronicler
declared. Some he destroyed and those who survived, he took into captivity together with their old
ones and young ones men, women, and children, he led them away to the capital of his kingdom the
false prophet Bala’m then took himself off and fled to the land of Ifat (Donald N. L. 1993).

However, Donald N. L. (1993) described the term Amano as a person’s name, not a title. He got the term
Amano presented this idea as it is used in the song of a century after Zar’a Ya’eqob. Braukamper (2004)
points out that, the term Amano was the title of Hadiya kings. As a result, he counted the genealogy of
Hadiya, but he does not have the name “Amano” from their ancestor. Nevertheless, it seems that the
term Amano apart from a variety of ages, frequently described, as his name alone is not enough
information to be able to argue that title. Amano According to legend, at this time conventional

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names of people believed to be names represented. The occurrence of repeating the name apart thus
was becoming the only name that has to be attractive to people. Amano was considered a leader of
Hadiya during the first war between Hadiya Kingdom and King Amda Tsiyon. After his defeat, Amano
following the custom of the time had taken captivity, described the Christian kingdom.

Despite such punishment, many men from Hadiya served in Amda Tsiyon’s army, which also
contained soldiers from neighboring Damot, as well as from the central province of Shawa. As
Richard Pankhurst (1997) cited Amda Tsiyon’s chronicle that tells of him dispatching a Hadiya
contingent together with soldiers from Damot, on an expedition in 1332 against the people of
Semen, Wogara, and Şalamt. Already in 1332, a contingent called Hadiya had been sent as part of
the Christian troops to suppress a Falasha revolt in Wagara.

According to Taddesse (1972), the ruler of Hadiya called Amano refused to come to the king
Amda Tsiyon court and submits the usual tributes. He was encouraged into this by a Muslim false
prophet. Amda Tsiyon's response to this was very swift. He led his army into Hadiya, pillaged the
country, and took many prisoners including Amano. The Muslim preacher himself felt to Ifat. Amda
Tsiyon seems to have made a thorough job of his re-conquest of Hadiya, which soon became an
important source of labor for the Christian army, of which contingents from Hadiya would be
henceforth from a considerable part of Ethiopia

With Hadiya and the regions immediately to the north and west under his control, Amda Tsiyon was
now within measurable distance of achieving his initial program of controlling the inland trade of the
Muslims. Hadiya's re-conquest in particular dealt a hard blow to the slave trade for which it had long been
a major source of supply. It was largely on this trade that Muslim activities in the area were based, and the
effect was felt, not only by the local trades of Hadiya and its immediate neighbors but also by all chains of
Muslim settlements as far as the Red Sea coast. Moreover, Christian power and influence were fast
growing in the newly conquered regions, and it looked as if it would soon extend further afield. The future
of Islam pursed seems have never been threatened before it (Mohammed, 1991).

The response of the Muslims to this new challenge was equally striking. Until now, the different
settlements had been operating largely independently of one another; the attempt by Ifat to
create a united Muslim front had been only partially successful in its immediate neighborhood, and
even that had already been seriously damaged by the early successes of Amda Tsiyon against
Haqadin and Dardir. Now, however, the time was ripe for united action against the Christian
intruder. Amda Tsiyon’s dauntless campaign in areas hitherto unknown to Christian troops further
shook their sense of security and made the need for a league even stronger (Ahmedin, 2008).

Once again, Iafat took the lead in the ensuing hostilities. Sabradin was a Ruler of Ifat at the time, and
he seems to have been at the center of a new movement for which he was perfectly suited as the son
of the great Umar Walasma. Although evidence is lacking to determine the intellectual or doctrinal
content of this movement, there are references in the chronicle to religious leaders helping in its
organization. According to the Amda Tsiyon chronicle, the false prophet who moved to Ifat during the
Amda Tsiyon conquest of Hadiya appears to have continued his hostile propaganda in Ifat also, where
he represented as one of the advisors of Sabradin, who was the ruler of Ifat (Huntingford, 1952).

According to Cerulli (1971), Al-Umari learned about the castrations of slaves from merchants
who visited the territory that had been forbidden by the Christian King (perhaps in fact Amda
Tsiyon). The operation was, however, often carried out illegally in the nearby town Washlu where
the trader took their slaves for castration, which greatly increased their value. The eunuchs then
convoyed to Hadiya where they remained until they recovered. The province’s inhabitants were
reputedly skilled in curing the victims of such operations, but the number of slaves who died has
been greater than those who survived. As Ibin Said points out, there was a place called Washlu,
which was found in the north of Hadiya. Nevertheless, for the first time, al Umari used Washlu.
Arab (2003) mentioned the place Washuloh is probably the former slave market and castration

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take place during the time of King Amda Tsiyon. In addition, Washuloh was the place where slaves
exported to the Middle East and other countries.

The Kingdom of Hadiya was a relatively small but powerful state. Conceivably densely populated, it
could raise a large army of no less than 40,000 cavalries, and, at least twice as many foot soldiers. The
province thought out this time remained firmly under imperial suzerainty. A provincial ruler whom Maqrizi
referred to by the old name or title of Amano fought on the Christian side against Sultan Sad-ad Din of Ifat
but was defeated. The Amano was put to flight and a large of his men were captured (Huntingford, 1952.)

Taddesse T. (1992) suggests that the successful campaign of Amda Tsiyon in Hadiya 1316/17
does not imply at all that the king was fighting against Muslim troops. According to him, based in
Al-Umari, Hadiya may have been a pagan kingdom in which a growing number of Muslim mer­
chants had been settling, they had probably also converted some of the local people. However, it
does not seem that in Amda Tsiyon time the ruler of the country was yet Muslim. It is quite clear,
however, that the influence of the Muslims in the area was very strong and they used it to
undermine the consolidation of Christian power there. Just before 1332, Amda Tsiyon led another
expedition against the kingdom of Hadiya to offset such hostile activities (Kibamo A. 2007).

King Amda Tsiyon succeeded Widim Ra’ad after the death of Tekle Haymanot. His predecessor’s
kingdom had already included the central Shawan plateau, where the religious activities of the
saint were conducted and it was from this area that the new king led his successful campaign
against the Muslims to the east and southeast. Already before the campaign of 1332, he had also
reduced Damot and Hadiya to being under his control.

Haberland (1964) points out that, this military did not, however, mean an immediate
Christianization of inhabitants. However, they tremendously boosted Christian morale and con­
tacts between the Christian communities and new subject areas became more open and more
frequent. Numerous captives of the war were reduced to slavery, some distributed among con­
quering troops, and others probably sold to the Christian settlers in the north. The contingents
frequently rose from the conquered area, and always took part in the campaign of the king, side by
side with Christian troops. As such, they are increasingly exposed to Christian influence in
a religious sense also. All these offered invaluable opportunities for the expansion of Christianity.

Donald N. L. (1993) described that the term Amano was a person’s name, not a title. He got the term
Amano presented this idea as it is used in the song of a century after Zar’a Ya’eqob. Alebachew and
Samuel (2002) point out that, the term Amano was the title of Hadiya kings. As a result, he counted the
genealogy of Hadiya, but he did not get the name “Amano” from their ancestor. Nevertheless, it seems
that the term Amano apart from a variety of ages frequently described as his name alone is not enough
information to be able to argue that title (Gedeon, 2008). According to legend, name “Amano” was at this
time (1316/17) conventional names of people believed to be names represented. The occurrence of
repeating the name apart thus becomes the only name that has to be attractive to people. Amano was
considered the leader of Hadiya during the first war between Hadiya Kingdom and King Amda Tsiyon.
After his defeat, Amano, under the custom of time taken captivity, described the Christian kingdom.

3. Conclusion
The rise of the Solomonic Dynasty in 1270, an epoch of military, political, and cultural expedition of the
Christian kingdom to southern Ethiopia, began in the early 14th century. This is inscribed in the chronicles
of Christian kingdoms and the works of the Arabian historiographers. King Amda Tsiyon's first military
expedition in 1316/17 was a successful campaign against Hadiya. During King Amda Tsiyon 1316/17,
campaign Hadiya grew among Islamic religion followers, but mass populations were pagan. This
successful campaign tremendously boosted Christian morale and contacts between Christian commu­
nities and new subject areas became more open and more frequent. For the 1332, military campaign
reason was the ruler of Hadiya, known as Amano, refused to come to the king Amda Tsiyon court and
submit the usual tributes. King Amda Tsiyon's response to this was very swift. Amda Tsiyon led his army

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into Hadiya, pillaged the country, and took many prisoners including Amano ruler of Hadiya Kingdom. The
Muslim preacher himself felt to Ifat. Amda Tsiyon seems to have done a thorough job of his re-conquest
of Hadiya, which soon became an important source of labor for the Christian army, the numerous
captives of the war were reduced to slavery, some of them were distributed among the conquering
troops, and another was probably sold to the Christian settlers in the north. The contingents frequently
rose from the conquered area, and always took part in the campaign of the king, side by side with
Christian troops. As such, they were aggregate exposed to Christian influence in the religious sense also.
Finally, the defeat of Hadiya was alarming, such as a hostage of Hadiya people encourages good behavior
and relatives. All of these offered invaluable opportunities for territorial expansion and Christianity in
southern parts of Ethiopia.

Funding Braukamper, U. (1980). Geschichte Der Hadiyya

The author received no direct funding for this research.
Author details
Anwar Ayano Idris1
E-mail: anwarayano@gmail.com
ORCID ID: http://orcid.org/0000-0001-6384-8728
1
Department of History and Heritage Management,
Werabe University, Ethiopia.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the
author(s).
Citation information
Cite this article as: King Amda Tsiyon (r.1314-1344) terri­
torial expansion to the kingdom of Hadiya, South West
Ethiopia, Anwar Ayano Idris, Cogent Arts & Humanities
(2022), 9: 2139795.
Notes
1. Kebra Negast is a 14th—century national epic account
from Ethiopia written in Geze by Nebure IDIshaq of
Axsum by the office of Abuna Abba Giyorgis.
2. Aksum was the capital city of the Kingdom of Aksum or
the Aksumite Empire centered in the Northeast African
from Classical antiquity to the Early Middle Ages.
3. The Solomonic Daynasty, also known as the House of
Solomon, was a dynasty of the Ethiopian Empire. Its
members claim lineal descent from the biblical King
Solomon and Queen Sheba.
4. Guilt is the land tenure system in Ethiopia. It is the
right to tax from the benefits of the land.
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Idris, Cogent Arts & Humanities (2022), 9: 2139795
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