Astrology in An Age of Transition.

Wiebke Deimann
Astrology in an Age of Transition.

Johannes Lichtenberger and his Clients
Johannes Lichtenberger is a renowned figure in the history of 15th century astrology,

as he was generally – and probably mistakenly – believed to be a court astrologer of
emperor Frederick III. (1440 – 1493).1 Among historians of early book printing and of
late medieval prophecy, however, Lichtenberger is not so much known for his astrological
activities but for his bestselling book, the Pronosticatio, a mixture of popular prognostic
texts, astrological insertions, and political statements written in 1488.
Dietrich Kurze’s dissertation from 1960 remains the only biographical study on
Lichtenberger and provides pivotal information on his life and works.2 Since its publi-
1 Lynn Thorndike, A History of Magic and Experimental Science IV: 14th and 15th Centu-
ries, New York 1934, p. 475 f.; John D. North, Astrology and the Fortunes of Churches, in:
Centaurus 24 (1980), pp. 181 – 211, at p. 201 f.; Barbara Bauer, Die Rolle des Hofastrologen
und Hofmathematicus als fürstlicher Berater, in: Höfischer Humanismus, ed. August Buck
(Mitteilungen der Kommission für Humanismusforschung 16), Weinheim 1989, pp. 93 – 118,
at p. 96 f.; Katherine J. Walsh, Von Italien nach Krakau und zurück. Der Wandel von Mathe
matik und Astronomie in vorkopernikanischer Zeit, in: Humanismus und Renaissance in
Ostmitteleuropa, ed. Winfried Eberhard and Alfred A. Strnad (Forschungen und Quellen zur
Kirchen- und Kulturgeschichte Ostdeutschlands 28), Cologne 1996, pp. 273 – 300, at p. 286;
Jean-Patrice Boudet, Les astrologues Européens et la genèse de l’état moderne (XIIe–XVIIe
siècle): Une première approche, in: L’État moderne et les élites XIIIe–XVIII siècles. Apports
et limites de la methode prosopographique. Actes du colloque internatiobal CNRS-Paris I,
16 – 19 octobre 1991 (Histoire Moderne 36), ed. Jean-Philippe Genet and Günther Lottes, Paris
1996, pp. 421 – 433, at p. 429, also notes the lack of information on Lichtenberger’s (potential)
astrological activities at court; Walter Blank, Providentia oder Prognose? Zur Zukunfts
erwartung im Spätmittelalter, in: Das Mittelalter 1 (1996), pp. 91 – 110, p. 105; Michael Shank,
Academic Consulting in the Fifteenth-Century Vienna: The Case of Astrology, in: Texts and
Contexts in Ancient and Medieval Science. Studies on the Occasion of John E. Murdoch’s
Seventieth Birthday, ed. Edith Sylla and Michael McVaugh, Leiden–New York–Cologne,
1997, pp. 246 – 270, at p. 266 f.; Dietrich Kurze, Johannes Lichtenberger. Leben und Werk
eines spätmittelalterlichen Propheten und Astrologen, in: Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 38
(1956), pp. 328 – 343, at p. 329, regards the 1470s as the most splendid period in the life of
Lichtenberger. – I am very grateful to David Juste, Helen Williams, and Marianne Heaslip
for their helpful remarks.
2 Dietrich Kurze, Johannes Lichtenberger († 1503). Eine Studie zur Geschichte der Prophetie
und Astrologie (Historische Studien 379), Lübeck–Hamburg 1960.
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84 Wiebke Deimann
cation, research on Lichtenberger has focused on different stages of his career as well as
on different texts resulting in very different findings. Historians of science, specifically
of astrology, criticise Lichtenberger for the mediocre quality of his astrological pieces
and even more for his plagiarism. On the other hand, Lichtenberger was one of the
first authors to bring astrological topics into print, and the combination of prophec y
and astrology that he used in his Pronosticatio was both popular and influential.
This inconsistent picture certainly derives in part from the different perspectives of
the disciplines involved, focusing either on evolution in the field of astrology and
astronomy or on developments in early modern printing. For a balanced picture of
Lichtenberger’s works and achievements it is inevitable to consider other aspects such
as the type of source (manuscript or print) and their addressed a udience (individual
client, fellow scholars or public readers). By taking the clients into consideration, it
is possible to bridge the gap between the two sides of research on Lichtenberger. It
is instructive to examine how the astrologer addressed his clients or readers respec-
tively. But it is also important to determine who the clients were, how they were
related to Lichtenberger and in what way this might have affected Lichtenberger’s
way of working. Additionally, it is crucial to work out how he presented astrology
and himself within his works.
From what we learn from the surviving material, Lichtenberger does not serve
as prototypical example for a late 15th century astrologer. In the following we will
see how he became a popular author of prophetical texts, in which astrology is only
one issue among others. The extant Lichtenberger texts also differ a lot from each
other in form, function and audience. This study will be based on four important
sources representing the wide range within Lichtenberger’s work. Two of them
are astrological manuscripts (one of which has only recently come to light and has
hitherto remained almost unnoticed), one is a printed interpretation of a celestial
phenomenon and one is a book that has been published numerous times in a variety
of prints. Following the chronological order, I will present and analyse these texts
against the background of Lichtenberger’s life in the second half of the 15th cen-
tury with special attention on his relationships towards actual or potential clients
and – in later years – readers.

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Astrology in an Age of Transition 85
I Lichtenberger’s early career
According to his own account, Johannes Lichtenberger was born between 1424
and 1427.3 His original name was Johannes Grümbach, maybe from the dwelling of
Grünbach near Baumholder in Palatinate. From his earliest surviving works he used
the (additional) name of Lichtenberger, herewith probably referring to the better
known mastery of Lichtenberg.4 About his education nothing is known. His works
show a learned author and an averagely skilled astrologer. One of his first astrolo
gical calculations may have been a judgement on the appearance of a comet on 22
September 1468. It is, however, only mentioned by Lichtenberger himself in a later
text, the judgement itself is unknown.5 If this was indeed one of his first astrological
pieces, Lichtenberger would have had started his astrological activities remarkably
late, at an age of almost 40 years. We know that he was priest in a Palatine parish
in the last years of his life,6 so it may well be assumed he had been a cleric since his
youth. For 21 June 1470 Lichtenberger is listed in the registers of the palatinate court
of Hesse where he was provided with food by the Rentmeister of Gießen.7 This indi-
cates that one or more members of the Hessian court may have consulted him for
astrological advice. He may have worked for other princes within those years as well,
as the following example suggests.
3 In his astrological work for Casimir of Brandenburg-Bayreuth (between 1501 and 1503) he
states: „Ego decrepitus annum agens 76“, Cod. Guelf. 115 Noviss. 4°, Wolfenbüttel, Herzog
August Bibliothek, fol. 3v – persistent URL: http://diglib.hab.de/mss/115-noviss-4 f/start.
htm. See Christian Heitzmann, Hüte dich vor Pfeil und Gift! Johannes Lichtenbergers
Vorhersagen und seine bisher unbekannten Horoskope, in: Zeitschrift für Ideengeschichte
3 (2009), pp. 103 – 112, at p. 109. Until the recent discovery of this collection of horo-
scopes his date of birth has been vaguely assumed for the first half of the 15th century,
around 1440.
4 See Kurze, Johannes Lichtenberger († 1503) (see note 2), p. 7, with further references.
5 See ibid., p. 13; Gerd Mentgen, Astrologie und Öffentlichkeit im Mittelalter (Monogra-
phien zur Geschichte des Mittelalters 53), Stuttgart 2005, p. 230. On the Coniunctio
S aturni et Martis (1473) see part III of this paper. A fact that supports his statement is
the actual occurrence of a comet in the respective year.
6 See Kurze, Johannes Lichtenberger (see note 1), p. 329, esp. note 8, with references.
7 Karl E. Demandt, Der Personenstaat der Landgrafschaft Hessen im Mittelalter. Ein “Staats
handbuch” Hessens vom Ende des 12. bis zum Anfang des 16. Jahrhunderts, vol. 1 (Veröffent
lichungen der Historischen Kommission für Hessen 42), Marburg 1981, p. 512 no. 1827; see
also Mentgen, Astrologie (see note 5), p. 230.

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II Lichtenberger’s judgement on the nativity of duke Louis IX

of Bavaria-Landshut from 1471
Lichtenberger’s first surviving work is the extraordinary long judgement on the nativity
of Louis IX, “the Wealthy”, duke of Bavaria-Landshut (1417 – 1479), written in 1471.8 In
its introduction the author declares that this was already the fifty-sixth nativity he had
calculated for a prince so far 9 – a rather unlikely figure considering that this is his first
appearance as an astrologer in the sources at all. According to Kurze, the r emarkably
high number should be explained by a mere error in the manuscript.10 More likely,
however, it seems to be a case of pronounced self-promotion.11 Lichtenberger may have
deemed it necessary to appear as a busy and much-favoured astrologer while presen
ting his service to such a high-ranking prince as Louis the Wealthy. Claims of being a
successful astrologer consultant reappear in other Lichtenberger texts, as will be seen
later, giving rise to the assumption that this was a conscious strategy, rather than an
accidental error. On the other hand, a recently discovered manuscript contains hints
supporting Lichtenberger’s own statement.12 If this turns out to be reliable, his figure
of fifty-six judgements might be correct and it is only a coincidence that none of his
early works have survived.
In contrast to the reference from the Hessian court, where the astrologer’s presence
is documented but no work of his is handed down, there is no sign of Lichtenberger
at the court of Bavaria-Landshut which makes it difficult to decide whether the judge-
ment was a commissioned work by the duke or an individual initiative by Lichtenberger,
presented to the duke in hope of further orders of astrological judgements. Only a
few pieces of circumstantial evidence give rise to the assumption that the manuscript
was commissioned by Louis IX ; for a piece of work intended to show one’s astrolo
gical skills aiming at future assignments the judgement on the nativity appears to be
astoundingly voluminous. With 112 folio-pages the manuscript is, in fact, the longest
8 Universitätsbibliothek Heidelberg, Cod. Pal. Germ. 12. The manuscript is accessible online,
persistent URL: http://digi.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/diglit/cpg12. On Louis of Bavaria-Landshut
see Irmgard Lackner, Herzog Ludwig IX. der Reiche von Bayern-Landshut (1450 – 1479).
Reichsfürstliche Politik gegenüber Kaiser und Reichsständen (Regensburger Beiträge zur
Regionalgeschichte 11), Regensburg 2011.
9 Cod. Pal. Germ. 12 (see note 8), fol. 105r: “Und ist der LVI furst, dem ich geurteilt
habe slechtenclich”.
10 Kurze, Lichtenberger († 1503) (see note 2), p. 8, note 20, discretely “corrected” the pas-
sage. He quoted only the number of six and referred to the foregoing 50 (“L”) in a footnote
believing in a reading error for the improbability of the figure. The passage of the manuscript
is indeed very clear and definitely reads 56. For a detailed discussion of Kurze’s (mis-)reading
see Mentgen, Astrologie (see note 5), p. 230, esp. note 465.
11 Ibid., p. 231.
12 Cod. Guelf. 115 Noviss. 4° (see note 3), which will be discussed below.

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known astrological manuscript from the Middle Ages. Its production presumably took
Lichtenberger a considerable amount of time.
A possible connection between the duke and Lichtenberger is also indicated by
Louis’s general interest in astrology, documented in one of his letters to the physi-
cian Erhard Windsberger from February 1478 that was attached to a consignment
of three astrological books.13 The most striking evidence for a connection between
the astrolog er and the house of Bavaria-Landshut was pointed out a few years ago
by Gerd Mentgen: another hitherto unknown Lichtenberger text from 1490 had
been found in Munich, a nativity for John III of the Palatinate (born 1488, prince-
bishop of Regensburg 1507 – 1538), a grandson of Louis IX, which was calculated
while John was still a toddler, almost twenty years after the judgement for Louis.14
The second nativity suggests a general connection between Lichtenberger and the
house of Wittelsbach that made use of the astrologer’s services once again. All in
all, a direct connection between L ichtenberger and Louis the Wealthy seems very
likely, and the lengthy interpretation of the nativity for Louis the Wealthy might
very well have been commissioned by the duke himself.
Let us now take a look at the manuscript itself. It has survived in only one version
preserved in Heidelberg University Library.15 The main text is in black ink while key
words like planet names are underlined in red. It has probably not been written by
Lichtenberger himself, but appears to be a copy from another manuscript. A com-
ment between two paragraphs on folio 24v reads: “Hic felt eyn Iar”.16 As the actual
writer of the text Lichtenberger himself would have filled in the missing year instead
of noting its lack. The difference to the hand in the newly discovered manuscript
from Wolfenbüttel 17, which is a Lichtenberger autograph, supports the assumption
that the Bavarian judgement is a copy. The manuscript contains several marks on the
margins written by a different hand, underlining remarkable passages. A prominent
example of this is the sketch of a hand pointing towards a paragraph with a very
auspicious prognostication for the duke: “… this young man will shine above all the
13 Kurze, Johannes Lichtenberger († 1503) (see note 2), p. 74 f. His identification of the only
named author, a certain “Viechtelberger”, in the letter with Johannes Lichtenberger has been
fundamentally questioned by Mentgen, Astrologie (see note 5), p. 232 f.
14 For details see ibid., p. 234.
15 It was part of the famous Bibliotheca Palatina established by Otto Henry (Ottheinrich),
prince-elector of the Palatinate (1502 – 1552). Otto Henry was himself a member of the house
of Wittelsbach and through his mother a direct ancestor of Louis IX of Bavaria-Landshut.
The manuscript from the 15th century has been bound in leather and decorated with golden
plates, showing the image and initials of Otto Henry, under his direction in 1556.
16 Cod. Pal. Germ. 12 (see note 8), fol. 24v; Kurze, Johannes Lichtenberger († 1503) (see
note 2), p. 74.
17 Cod. Guelf. 115 Noviss. 4° (see note 3).

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Johannes Lichtenberger, Judgement on the nativity of duke Louis IX of Bavaria-Landshut, 1471,

Universitätsbibliothek Heidelberg, Cod. Pal. Germ. 12, fol. 4v.
other human beings … and may perform many miracles”.18 Very likely the markings
are by Louis himself or by someone close to him: the text refers specifically to the
duke’s life events and may hardly be of any interest for anyone else.
Considering its remarkable length of 112 folio pages, it is not very surprising to
come upon a rather lengthy and detailed piece of text. The incipit ends with the words:
Von Iohann Grümbach von Liechtemberg etc. gesproch nach heydenischem vszsproch etc.19
The astrologer here refers to a pagan origin of his work. Further on it reads: Nach aller
weisen Indianer Chaldeer vnd Arabischer sage eynhellen. 20 The obscure and exotic refe
rences to Indians, Chaldeans and Arabians are supposed to work as a proof for the
originality and quality of his astrological calculations. Remarkably, Lichtenberger
does not mention specific Greek, Arabian or Latin astrological authorities, which
were well known and often quoted by his fellow astrologers. Instead, he uses expres-
sions like “and those of Arabia say”.21 Is this a sign of his mediocre skills in the field
and his ignorance of the main sources? Or is it to be explained as a stylistic device
addressing readers with only very superficial knowledge about astrology instead of
18 Cod. Pal. Germ. 12 (see note 8), fol. 4v: “… dass disser Jüngeling eynen Schein will gewynnen
ub(er) all and(er)n Mentschenn […] Vnd mag vil wonders wirken”.
19 Ibid., fol. 1r.
20 Ibid., fol. 1v. The words “Indianer”, “Chaldeer” und “Arabischer” are with red underlining.
21 Ibid., fol. 2v: “Vnd die vo(n) Arabia sagent …”

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proving his skills in the field – an opportunity he misses throughout the whole of
the text where references to sources or authorities remain as obscure as in the intro-
duction? Is it a stylistic device in order to render an exotic and arcane touch to the
judgement? It may well be both at the same time. Not only in the Bavarian nativity
does Lichtenberger demonstrate his ability to turn a lack of knowledge or skills into
a stylistic device.
The first part of the text is dedicated to the actual nativity, i. e. the calculation of the
position of the planets at the time and place of the duke’s birth, including the defini-
tion of the almutin and the hyleg.22 The brief second part divides the life of the duke
into time periods of different lengths, each ruled by a certain planet,23 while the third
part gives an account of every year in the client’s life,24 followed by an analysis of the
meaning of the houses 25 and a treatment of the influences of the zodiac signs on the
duke. The graphical representation of the nativity is included at almost the end of the
manuscript.26 Lichtenberger’s formulations are often lengthy, imprecise and general.
Personal or private topics can be found as well as political ones. A frequent motif is
colour. For instance, the astrologer prognosticates for the year 1437 – Louis is 20 years
old – that in this year the prince will fall off a brown horse and win the heart of a virgin
in a red dress.27 In astrology certain colours are attributed to certain planets and their
occurrence is not unusual. At the time of the calculation of the nativity Louis was
already 54 years old. He did not reach the old age of 75 that Lichtenberger predicted
for him,28 but died aged 62 in 1479.
The nativity for Louis IX is a work of astrological routine that stands out mainly
because of its remarkable length. It provides a good and very detailed example of an
individual interpretation on the client’s nativity. The astrologer includes all aspects of a
nativity that can be analysed in relation to the life and person of the client. If the notes
on the margins were actually by the duke or someone close to him, we may infer that
the judgement attracted the client’s interest and therefore fitted its purpose.
22 Ibid., fol.1r–20r. The almutin here is identified with Venus, fol. 2r, while hyleg is the Sun,
fol. 3r.
23 Ibid., fol. 21r–21v.
24 Ibid., fol. 22r–38v.
25 Ibid., fol. 39r–45r.
26 Ibid., fol. 105v.
27 Ibid., fol. 26r.
28 Ibid., fol. 21v.

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III The Coniunctio Saturni et Martis
The next known work by Lichtenberger is the Coniunctio Saturni et Martis from 1473.29
It is a calculation of the heavenly bodies at the time of the conjunction regarding its
general meaning with an emphasis on its relevance for the siege of Neuss. Besides its
astrological content it already shows a “style of imperial prophecy”30 that will become
much more apparent in Lichtenberger’s most popular work, the Pronosticatio, from 1488,
as we will see later. The Coniunctio was printed in Cologne or Strasbourg in 1475 and is
thus the first work of the astrologer to appear in print and an early example of a printed
astrological judgement in general. Its broader topic and political contents were of interest
for a wider circle of readers so justifying a printed edition.
Scholars have often referred to the Coniunctio Saturni et Martis because it is the
major reference linking Lichtenberger to the imperial court of Frederick III for two
reasons: in the text, Lichtenberger calls himself “astrologer of the holy empire” (astro
rum iudex sacro imperii),31 and the work is dedicated to the emperor and the prin
ces.32 This lead to the presumption, which remained undisputed for a long time, that
Lichtenberger had been a member of the imperial court as astrological advisor, at least
temporarily. But this presumption is no longer sustainable because, in fact, there is no
reliable evidence for a connection of Johannes Lichtenberger to the imperial court
(not to mention an official position) apart from his own remarks, as Mentgen recently
demonstrated.33 This begets several implications. First, new light is shed on the person
and life events of Lichtenberger himself. His astrological career now appears not only
much less successful and glamorous, but also his credibility is affected (even more),
since he incorrectly presented himself as imperial court astrologer. Comparable to the
exaggeration about the number of princes he had worked for, as noted in the n ativity
for Louis IX, this may be explained as another attempt of self-promotion as well as
an element of his stylistic device. His presentation as iudex sacro imperii is, in fact,
29 Coniunctio Saturni et Martis, 1473; the only known manuscript was formerly kept in the
library of C. Fairfax Murray in London, and is now in The Morgan Library in New York City.
I was not able to consult the original print and have to rely on the descriptions by Kurze,
Johannes Lichtenberger († 1503) (see note 2), p. 9, note 24.
30 Thorndike, HMES IV (see note 1), p. 476.
31 Kurze, Johannes Lichtenberger († 1503) (see note 2), p. 8. The reference is not from the 1488
Pronosticatio as Daniel Carlo Pangerl, Sterndeutung als naturwissenschaftliche Methode
der Politikberatung. Astronomie und Astrologie am Hof Kaiser Friedrichs III. (1440 – 1493),
in: Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 92 (2010), pp. 309 – 328 at p. 315, claims.
32 “Coniunctio saturni et martis in anno domini M.CCCC.LXXIII penultima die mensis augusti
per me iohannem lichtenberg In urbe argentina. Domino imperatori et principibus manu
mea propria presenta die octava assumptionis beate Marie virginis et calculate”, quoted after
Thorndike, HMES IV (see note 1), p. 475, note 144.
33 See his detailed argumentation in Mentgen, Astrologie (see note 5), pp. 227 – 230.

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a sign for a certain remoteness from the court. The title would have impressed only
readers with no or limited knowledge of the court personnel; furthermore, it may
have irritated or even repelled readers who were acquainted with courtly affairs and
thus would have known that Lichtenberger did not belong to those circles. Therefore,
the alleged presentation of the text to the emperor and the princes in person and its
dedication to them should be understood as fictional rather than factual. Within this
literary construct of a fictive astrological advisory to the realm’s elite, the readers of
the text become passive listeners, who are not addressed directly by the author, but
become instead eavesdroppers on a conversation between the author and the emperor
himself.34 The astrological consulting is here c arried out on another – fictional – level:
The actual client is replaced by a fictional one, whereby the communication process can
be made public – a strategy closely linked to the new medium of print. L ichtenberger
would use this stylistic approach again in a more elaborate way in the Pronosticatio
several years later.
Until now, attempts to systematise the development of astrological advisory at royal
courts in the 15th and 16th centuries relied heavily on the person of Lichtenberger as
the main representative for the figure of an astrologer-prophet.35 With the forfeiture
of Lichtenberger as court astrologer of Frederick III these hypotheses lose credibility.
However, as the respective concepts for the evaluation of court astrology were already
contradictory before Mentgen’s discovery, one may come to think that circumstances
were more complex and developments less linear than such systematising concepts
tend to suggest. The custom of employing astrologers as personal and political con-
sultants and thus fixed members of the court (at least temporarily) was still in its early
stages and depended very much on the individual beliefs and interests of a ruler. The
individual reasons for choosing or rejecting a certain astrologer as consultant remain
rather obscure.
IV Astrology, prophecy and politics: the Pronosticatio from 1488
Lichtenberger’s most famous, assuredly most successful, and in several regards most
interesting, work is the Pronosticatio, a compilation of prophetical and astrological texts
complemented by political statements. Published in 1488 at Heidelberg by Heinrich
Knoblochtzer in Latin and between 1488 and 1492 in German,36 the Pronosticatio was
34 Jonathan Green, Printing and Prophecy. Prognostication and Media Change, 1450 – 1550,
Ann Arbor 2012, p. 80.
35 Shank, Academic Consulting (see note 1), p. 266f. (see also the discussion of Shank’s theses in
Mentgen, Astrologie [see note 5], p. 229, note 461), and Bauer, Rolle (see note 1), p. 96 f.
36 For details regarding the dating see Heike Talkenberger, Sintflut. Prophetie und Zeit-
geschehen in Texten und Holzschnitten astrologischer Flugschriften 1488 – 1528 (Studien

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immensely successful in the following years, resulting in several reprints as well as new
editions. In 1492 it was translated into Italian and published in Italy, followed again
by reprints and revised editions.37 After a decreasing interest in the book in Germany
during the first quarter of the 16th century, it gained new popularity around 1525 and
was repeatedly printed until the 17th century.38 Forty-five woodcarvings accompany
the text.39 The first set of pictures was made by Hans Hesse and included in the first
editions of the Pronosticatio. Carvings from different artists in later editions closely
followed this version.40
The text is divided into three parts representing the tripartite society of oratores,
bellatores and laboratores.41 This structure is also depicted in one of the illustrations,
und Texte zur Sozialgeschichte der Literatur 26), Tübingen 1990, pp. 55 – 109 at p. 58, esp.
note 19.
37 For the Italian editions see Giancarlo Petrella, La “Pronosticatio” di Johannes Lichtenberger.
Un testo profetico nell’Italia del Rinascimento. Con edizione anastatica di Johannes
Lichtenberger, Pronosticatione in vulgare, Milano, Giovanni Antonio di Farre, 18 luglio
1500, Udine 2010, esp. pp. 44 – 101, with a print of the Italian Pronosticatio, pp. 103 – 200;
Domenico Fava, La Fortuna del Pronostico di Giovanni Lichtenberger in Italia nel Quat-
trocentro e nel Cinquecento, in: Gutenberg-Jahrbuch 5 (1939), pp. 126 – 148.
38 For a detailed description of prints, places and printers see Talkenberger, Sintflut (see
note 36), pp. 58 – 60; see also Green, Printing (see note 34), pp. 182 f.; and the – not utterly
reliable – list of prints and manuscripts of the Pronosticatio in Kurze, Johannes Lichten-
berger (†1503) (see note 2), pp. 81 – 89.
39 It has been disputed whether the woodcarvings are to be seen as a complementary addition
to the text, to be consulted by illiterate people, or as a supplement containing (slightly) dif-
ferent implications than the written text. Jonathan Green, Bilder des fiktiven Lesers als
Imaginationslenkung in Lichtenbergers Prognosticatio, in: Imagination und Deixis. Studien
zur Wahrnehmung im Mittelalter, ed. Kathryn Starkey and Horst Wenzel, Stuttgart 2007,
p. 178, for instance, argues, the images were meant to sooth the provocative elements within
the Pronosticatio in order to prevent popular uprisings in an age of turmoil. Talkenberger,
Sintflut (see note 36), pp. 108 f., also acknowledges the fact that the images are less provocative
and emotional than the written text, but rather estimates them to be meant as a guidance for
the reader, selecting and presenting the major topics of the text.
40 Ibid., p. 82. On the woodcarvings also see Barbara Baert, Iconographical Notes to the
Pronosticatio of Johannes Lichtenberger (1488). Using an Edition Printed by Peter Q uentel
(1526), in: Early Sixteeenth Century Printed Books 1501 – 1540 in the Library of the Leuven
Faculty of Theology (Documenta Libraria 15), ed. Frans Gistelinck and Maurits Sabbe,
Leuven 1994, pp. 139 – 168; Anneliese Schmitt, Text und Bild in der prophetischen Litera
tur des 15. Jahrhunderts. Zu einer Praktik Johannes Lichtenbergers aus dem Jahre 1501, in:
Von der Wirkung des Buches. Festgabe für Horst Kunze zum 80. Geburtstag. Gewidmet
von Schülern und Freunden, ed. Friedhilde Krause, Berlin 1990, pp. 160 – 176; Green,
Bilder (see note 39), pp. 177 – 190.
41 Otto Gerhard Oexle, Die funktionale Dreiteilung der „Gesellschaft“ bei Adalbero von Laon.
Deutungsschemata der sozialen Wirklichkeit im früheren Mittelalter, in: Frühmittelalterliche
Studien 12 (1978), pp. 1 – 55.

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showing Jesus Christ with open arms above clerical rulers standing to his right and
laical rulers to his left. Two smaller peasants are working on a field in the front of the
picture.42 The organisation of the text of the Pronosticatio is based on this tripartite
scheme: part one is devoted to the church, part two is concerned with the nobility
and part three deals with the laity, without specifically defining this group in the con-
text of late medieval society, in which it appears as rather anachronistic, especially
with regard to the much more complex social order in the cities, where presumably
most of the readers of the text were to be found.43 This formal structure, however,
is not maintained throughout the actual text. The church and the clerical princes,
for instance, are not only dealt with in the first part devoted to them, but are also
repeatedly addressed in the other two parts of the text, whereas – in contrast – the
laymen of the third part are hardly spoken of at all.44
Notwithstanding the great popularity of the Pronosticatio among readers of the 15th
and 16th centuries, examining the text is an arduous task due to its heterogeneous con-
tents, the lack of a stringent text structure and its incoherent style which is sometimes
difficult to follow. Research on the Pronosticatio has been undertaken from different
perspectives. Besides Kurze’s biographical study that includes a summary and an inter-
pretation of the text and identifies many of Lichtenberger’s sources,45 it has been a nalysed
in greater detail by historians interested in the field of early book printing, comprising
the function of the woodcarvings as an integral part of the work,46 by historians of pro-
phetical literature,47 and by historians of astrology.48
The Pronosticatio is mainly a compilation of different prognostic elements taken
from entirely diverse sources such as the bible, astrological calculations and popular
prophetical literature, complemented by direct political appeals to ecclesiastical and
secular rulers. It takes a number of astrological observations as its starting point: the
great conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter on 24 November 1484 in Scorpio, followed
by the conjunction of Mars and Saturn – again in Scorpio – on 30 November 1485
as well as a solar eclipse on 16 March 1485. Within an astrological mindset, celestial
42 Johannes Lichtenberger, Pronosticatio in latino, Heidelberg post 1 April 1488, Wolfen-

büttel, Herzog August Bibliothek, A: 1 Quod. (3), digit.: http://diglib.hab.de/inkunabeln/1-
quod-3/start.htm, image 9.
43 Green, Printing (see note 34), pp. 65 – 71.
44 Talkenberger, Sintflut (see note 36), p. 64; on the tripartite social scheme in the Pronos-
ticatio see also Green, Printing (see note 34), pp. 71 – 77.
45 Kurze, Johannes Lichtenberger (†1503) (see note 2), pp. 15 – 37.
46 Baert, Iconographical Notes; Talkenberger, Sintflut (see note 36), pp. 56 – 110; Schmitt,
Text und Bild; Green, Printing (see note 34), pp. 85 – 96.
47 Marjorie Reeves, The Influence of Prophecy in the Later Middle Ages. A Study in Joachimism,
Notre Dame–London 21993, esp. pp. 347 – 351.
48 Thorndike, HMES IV (see note 1), pp. 473 – 480; Mentgen, Astrologie (see note 5),
p. 227, mentions the Pronosticatio only en passant.

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94 Wiebke Deimann
phenomena like these, and especially the so-called “great conjunction” of Saturn and
Jupiter, would be of particular importance for the world and the fate of mankind.
Their interpretations do not refer to individuals, but claim a universal significance.
The Pronosticatio contains prognoses for the near future until approximately the
end of the 15th century, but reaches much further at some points with outlooks up
to the year 1576.49 It is neither my intention here to analyse the text in full, nor to
criticise its astrological contents technically. Instead, I will focus on L ichtenberger’s
presentation of astrology and of himself as astrologer(-prophet) with regard to the
intended readers.50
In the introduction to the Pronosticatio, Lichtenberger reflects briefly upon the
relation between astrology and free will. Without giving further thought on the fol-
lowing somewhat contradictory ideas, he argues that the rise of false prophets results
from planetary movements. At the same time he neither denies free will, nor God as
the last and highest authority who may always alter astrological predictions if he wished.
Though the late 15th century witnessed a broad interest in astrology, he deemed it neces-
sary to defend it against its critics by placing it under God’s will. Lichtenberger did not
always predict with care. In 1492 the Theological Faculty of the University of Cologne
released a decree, stating that Lichtenberger should be arrested. He was accused of the
prognostication of someone’s death. It is unknown whether Lichtenberger ever took
note of this allegation.51 His formulations in the Pronosticatio at least appear to be rela
tively tame in comparison.
The author lists three different ways by which one could foresee the future: (1)
By learning from the experiences one gains within a long life – an option basically
open to everyone; (2) by astrology, as the movements of the heavenly bodies influ-
ence all things below; and finally (3) by divine revelation through dreams, visions
and angels, only accessible to a few chosen ones. Lichtenberger declares he will make
use of all three methods for the benefit of the recipients.52 Whereas his claims for
life experience and astrological knowledge do not need further explanation, his
self-portrayal as a prophetical figure is a new element in his work. In this regard the
depiction of the author in one of the woodcarvings is illuminating:53 it shows him
as a man in a monk’s habit with a tonsure, kneeling in an open field, hands folded
49 Lichtenberger, Pronosticatio in latino (see note 42), p. 69.

50 For comprehensive accounts of the contents of the Pronosticatio see Kurze, Johannes
Lichtenberger (†1503) (see note 2), pp. 15 – 38; and especially Talkenberger, Sintflut (see
note 36), pp. 56 – 110, who presents the text in a thoughtfully structured and systematised way.
51 Kurze, Johannes Lichtenberger († 1503) (see note 2), p. 10; Mentgen, Astrologie (see note
5), p. 245.
52 Lichtenberger, Pronosticatio in latino (see note 42), p. 3; Thorndike, HMES, IV (see
note 1), p. 477.

Authenticated
Johannes Lichtenberger, Pronosti

catio zu theutsch, Heidelberg post
1488, Munich, Bayerische Staats
bibliothek, 2 Inc.s.a. 790, p. 6.
and mouth opened in prayer. His eyes are set on God in the opposite corner of the
picture who looks back at him and blesses him – a scene of divine revelation. The
image, which may have been designed by the printer and the woodcarver without
any intervention from or even knowledge by Lichtenberger, shows the author in
the tradition of prophetical men and thereby reflects the way he is presented in the
written text. One of the prophets who was popular in the late 15th century was the
forest-hermit Brother Rainhard the Lollard (or Nollard),54 whose words are quoted
in the Pronosticatio, whom the author lists among his main authorities and who is
depicted in the first woodcut among the most important prophetical sources of the
Pronosticatio. Lichtenberger aligns himself with the Lollard and the other prophets
he cites. His prophetical approach, however, is not revelation but compilation. He
spreads the words of God about the future of mankind by collecting them, writing
them down and, thus, passing them on to his readers. In the introductory passage
of the Pronosticatio the author is compared to the biblical figure of Ruth gleaning
the fields of Boaz.55 In the double sense of the German word “ernten” (to harvest),
the author gains prophetical knowledge from the authorities.56 In fact, the German
version completely omits the name “Lichtenberger”, but only calls him “Ruth” or
“pilgrim Ruth”, thus emphasising his characterisation as prophetical figure even
more.57 Among the prophetical (mostly Joachite) literature used by Lichtenberger
54 See Green, Printing (see note 34), p. 49.

56 Ibid.; cf. Green, Printing (see note 34), p. 45 f.
57 The identification of the philological compiler with a prophet provided an influential model
for later writers such as Sebastian Brant. His self-presentation as prophetical hermit also had

Authenticated
96 Wiebke Deimann
Johannes Lichtenberger, Pronosticatio zu

theutsch, Heidelberg post 1488, Munich,
Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, 2 Inc.s.a. 790,
p. 10.
are the Sibyls, Saint Brigid, Joachim of Fiore, Pseudo-Joachite texts and the already
mentioned Rainhard the Lollard.58
Whereas the sources of this prophetical wisdom are relatively clear or explicitly referred
to as the main authorities (namely the ones depicted in the first woodcut), the text is much
more obscure when it comes to its astrological sources, apart from very general references
to Aristotle or Ptolemy.59 None of the actual astrological contents of the Pronosticatio are
based on Lichtenberger’s own observations and calculations, but unacknowledged quota-
tions from other astrological texts. Extensive use is made of Paul of Middelburg’s Prognos-
ticum for the years 1484 to 1504, an elaborated piece of theoretical astrology (namely the
Arabic theory of Great Conjunctions) written in elegant, humanistic rhetoric and style.60
a long-lasting effect on Lichtenberger’s own reputation. See Green, Printing (see note 34),
pp. 45 – 52, with further examples for both.
58 For the prophetical literature compiled within the Pronosticatio see Reeves, Influence (see
note 47), pp. 339 f., 347 – 351 and 368; Kurze, Johannes Lichtenberger (†1503) (see note
2), pp. 37 f.
59 In one case concerning the time between an eclipse and resulting events, for instance,
Lichtenberger states that authorities like Ptolemy disagree on this point: Lichtenberger,
Pronosticatio in latino (see note 42), p. 47; see Thorndike, HMES IV (see note 1), p. 477.
60 Paul of Middelburg, Prognosticum, Louvain: Johannes de Westfalia, 31 August 1484;
On text and author see Stephan Heilen’s contribution to this volume. Not only the parts based
on astrological calculations are copied, but even an introductory prayer to God, as Kurze,
Johannes Lichtenberger (†1503) (see note 2), p. 18, has shown, is half copied from Konrad

Authenticated
Its author, the later bishop of Fossombrone, came to know Lichtenberger’s Pronosticatio
shortly after its publication and immediately wrote a pamphlet in which he accused the
Palatine astrologer of plagiarism. This Invectiva […] in supersticiosum quendam astrologum
against Lichtenberger was printed in 1492.61
From a modern point of view this seems at a first glance to be a case of simple plagia
rism, but against the background of the late 15th century it is not as easy to judge. During
the most part of the Middle Ages, before the invention of book printing by Johannes
Gutenberg, every book was a unique and precious piece of craftmanship. To compile
a text from other sources was an acknowledged and honourable method of writing,
through which the authoritative knowledge was spread most efficiently. The printing
press accelerated the production of texts, it increased the number of possible readers
and accelerated its distribution even over long geographical distances. Scholars could
now read and reflect upon works of their contemporaries, and publish respective com-
mentaries or critiques in direct response, as in the example of Paul of Middelburg’s
pamphlet. Texts and ideas spread and circulated with hitherto unknown speed, thus
altering the value of individual (intellectual) achievements. Specialists in different
fields felt obliged to underline their respective individuality, trying to set themselves
apart from their colleagues. The growing relevance of the individual is an important
and lasting effect of these developments.62 In this case, the contemporary astrologers
Lichtenberger and Paul of Middelburg can be seen as representatives of two compet-
ing concepts: Lichtenberger follows the established practice of compilation, trying to
utilise the new medium of print as a multiplier for this purpose and, hence, to maxim-
ise its effects by spreading the prophetical words widely, i. e. his book. Paul of Middel-
burg, on the other hand, appears as a confident scholar, conscious of his own astrolog-
ical achievements and not willing to leave them – unacknowledged – to anyone else,
especially not to those such as L ichtenberger, to whom he denied any competence in
the field of astrology. At the same time, Paul of Middelburg himself borrowed heavily
from the Mathesis of Firmicus Maternus, naming his source only once.63 The differ-
ent notions between the two astrologers are typical for their period, as the historical
Heingarter, half from Paul of Middelburg. On other astrological works cited by Lichtenberger
without giving reference see ibid., p. 36 f.
61 See ibid., p. 34 f.; Aby Warburg, Heidnisch-antike Weissagung in Wort und Bild zu Luthers
Zeiten (Sitzungsberichte der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophisch-
historische Klasse 26, 1919) Heidelberg 1920, p. 38.
62 Bernd Schneidmüller, Grenzerfahrung und monarchische Ordnung. Europa 1200– 1500
(C. H. Beck Geschichte Europas), Munich 2011, pp. 272 f.; Peter Burke, A Social History
of Knowledge. From Gutenberg to Diderot. The Vonhoff lectures 1998 – 1999, Cambridge
2000, pp. 149 – 153.
63 Stephan Heilen, who has analysed Middelburg’s use of the Mathesis in details, states that Paul’s
borrowings from Firmicus Maternus are numerous, but never longer than a few words, and
that the astrologer includes his classical source into his own observations on a high scientific

Authenticated
98 Wiebke Deimann
developments, however fast they happened, were far from being linear or uniform.64
On the one hand Lichtenberger, author of popular literature, was inspired by concepts
of writing and authorship that were traditional, but not yet overcome (as the success
of the Pronosticatio underlines), on the other hand the scholar Paul of Middelburg felt
obliged to express humanistic ideas of accuracy in form and content and of individual
intellectual achievements. Significantly, the controversy between Paul and Lichten-
berger took place only very shortly after the first known documented copyright for a
text in Venice from 1486.65
To give an impression of the Pronosticatio’s contents a few of the text’s major themes
shall be addressed briefly. One of its characteristic features is the expectation of the
Imperial Saviour, in which the text is strongly influenced by Joachite ideas, even
though, once again, the author intertwines them with other prophetical traditions
leading to a rather obscure and sometimes contradictive presentation. 66 Expecta-
tions of the Imperial Saviour were a common subject in medieval prophetical litera
ture. In the 14th and 15th centuries they became closely linked to the hope for an
end of the Mongolian or Turk menace. The Last Emperor was a prominent figure in
texts criticising current circumstances in church and society.67 Within most of these
Imperial Saviour-prophecies the name Frederick played a key role, many rulers of this
name were confronted with eschatological expectations. This was especially the case
with emperor Frederick III whose death in 1493 consequently marked a downfall of
popular hopes for an Imperial Saviour of this name.68 It is therefore remarkable that
Maximilian, king of the Romans since 1486, became the centre of attention as figure of
the S aviour in the Pronosticatio, instead of his father, the emperor.69 Within two years
of M
aximilian’s election and enthronement, Lichtenberger turned away from Frederick,
whom he had identified with the Imperial Saviour in an earlier text,70 towards his son
as well as stylistic level. In contrast to Lichtenberger’s use of Paul of Middelburg, he would,

in this case, not speak of plagiarism. See his contribution to this volume.
64 Both concepts can be found next to each other until the 17th and 18th centuries; Burke,
Social History (see note 62), p. 153.
65 The copyright was held by Marcantonio Sabellico for a history of Venice; ibid., p. 153.
66 On the usage and inclusion of Joachite and pseudo-Joachite sources in the Pronosticatio see
Reeves, Influence (see note 47), pp. 347 – 351.
67 Ibid., pp. 295 – 392; see with several examples Tilman Struve, Utopie und gesellschaftli-
che Wirklichkeit. Zur Bedeutung des Friedenskaisers im späten Mittelalter, in: Historische
Zeitschrift 225 (1977), pp. 65 – 95.
68 Ibid., pp. 68 – 72 and 94 f.
69 Lichtenberger, Pronosticatio in latino (see note 42), p. 17: “Nunc regem esse Fridericus
tercius Ego volo quem sic Maximilian ... regnabit ubique”; and ibid. p. 19: “O Maximiliane
… interficiant”; cf. Reeves, Influence (see note 47), pp. 350 f.
70 Lichtenberger, Coniunctio, fol. 4v, cited in: Kurze, Johannes Lichtenberger († 1503) (see
note 2), p. 77.

Authenticated
Maximilian. At the time of the publication, the emperor was already 73 years old and
he had reigned for 48 years as King of the Romans and for 36 years as Holy Roman
Emperor. Lichtenberger may have regarded him as too old to pin one’s hopes on; his
son appeared as much more promising. Frederick’s politics in response to a potential
Turkish invasion had never shown any success. All attempts to raise an army after the
conquest of Constantinople in 1453 failed, partly because of the Emperor’s lack of
commitment; he did not take part in most of the court councils summoned on this
matter.71 Lichtenberger now builds his hopes on Maximilian and predicts the release
from the Turkish menace and the recapture of the Hagia Sophia for Christendom
by him. His prediction is attached to conditions, however: if the undertaking was to
succeed, it was imperative for the nobility to show their support to the emperor. At
this point (and elsewhere), the text takes on the character of a political pamphlet. The
prince-electors are chided for their behaviour towards Maximilian, kings and princes
are criticised for their politics.72 Lichtenberger supports the imperial Habsburgian
dynasty with Maximilian as its key representative. His pronounced political state-
ments might have been influenced by his personal ambitions to become astrological
advisor at the imperial court – now under the prospective future emperor Maximilian,
but this can at no point be verified in the text which was not even dedicated to the
Habsburgian king. Lichtenberger was not the first to show his hopes on and sympa-
thies for Maximilian: late fifteenth-century Methodian prophecies identified him
with the Imperial Saviour, and Paul of Middelburg had dedicated his Prognosticum
to Maximilian – possibly in search for a new patron, as his former one, Federico da
Montefeltro (1422 – 1482), had died recently.73
Lichtenberger also predicts the coming of several true and false prophets in the near
future. This is of particular interest for the later reception of the Pronosticatio, as one of
those prophets has been identified with Martin Luther, and Luther himself, although
criticising astrology and having mixed feelings towards the work, wrote an introductory
text to the 1527 Wittenberg edition.74
71 On the usage of the Türkengefahr-argument as far as domestic policy is concerned see Winfried
Schulze, Reich und Türkengefahr im späten 16. Jahrhundert. Studien zu den politischen und
gesellschaftlichen Auswirkungen einer äußeren Bedrohung, Munich 1978; Almut Höfert,
Den Feind beschreiben. “Türkengefahr” und europäisches Wissen über das Osmanische
Reich 1450 – 1600 (Campus Historische Studien 35), Frankfurt/Main–New York 2003, esp.
pp. 68 – 71 and, with reference to popular prophecies, pp. 76 – 78.
72 Talkenberger, Sintflut (see note 36), pp. 76 f.
73 See Heilen’s analysis in this volume.
74 On Luther’s reception of the Pronosticatio and its place within the Reformation see Warburg,
Heidnisch-antike Wahrsagung (see note 61), pp. 44 – 47; Petrella, La Pronosticatio (see
note 37), pp. 29 – 32, with further literature; Robert E. Lerner, The Powers of Prophecy.
The Cedar of Lebanon vision from the Mongol onslaught to the dawn of the enlightment,
Berkeley–Los Angeles–London 1983, pp. 164 f.

Authenticated
100 Wiebke Deimann
Regarding the addressees of the Pronosticatio Jonathan Green has shown a discrepancy
between the groups of readers formally addressed by means of the tripartite feudal scheme
of oratores, bellatores and laboratores and its actual readers who bought the text and read
it together with their families and households.75 As the programmes of the different prin
ters who carried the Pronosticatio into their portfolio show, the latter group of readers is
to be found mainly among the merchants and craftsmen in the cities,76 not among laical
and clerical rulers or even among (predominantly illiterate) peasants as is suggested in the
text. Green differentiates between the fictional reader and the actual audience.77 Following
Green’s argument, this distinction works as a stylistic device. It creates a distance between
the text and the actual reader who does not have to feel personally criticised.78 The author
does not need to worry about offending his readers and can thus articulate his criticism
more freely, what, again, makes the text more interesting and entertaining – surely one
of the reasons for its great success. Criticism and political appeals in the text are mainly
addressed to laical and clerical rulers – the devastating state of the church being one of its
major topics. The reader becomes an eavesdropper upon a conversation between a divinely
inspired prophet and astrologer and the leading elite of his time.79 As we have seen, main
features of this literary concept, although less elaborate, can be found in the example of
Lichtenberger's first printed text mentioned above, the Coniunctio. Certainly, the Pronosti-
catio was not intended to raise Lichtenberger’s scholarly reputation among peer astrologers.
It was instead written for a much broader audience, not for experts in the field of astrology.
It reads like a – not very well structured – compendium of popular predictions regardless
of whether they derived from an old religious prophecy or from contemporary astrological
calculations. For an audience of non-experts this procedure might have been absolutely
plausible. If all of them claim to contain some truth, why should they contradict each
other? If there was one way of foretelling the future, why should others not work as well?

76 This corresponds with the rest of the programme of the main four printers of the Pronostica-
tio in Germany, Jacob Meydenbach in Mainz, Bartholomaeus Kistler in Strasbourg, Heinrich
Knoblochtzer in Heidelberg and another anonymous printer also in Heidelberg. Their prin
ting programmes show an emphasis on popular literature intended to reach a broad audience.
Green, Bilder (see note 39), p. 181; Id., Printing (see note 34), pp. 65 – 71.
77 Ibid., pp. 79 – 84, esp. p. 81.
78 Green, Bilder (see note 39), p. 187.

Authenticated
V The last years and new horoscopes
Years before the publication of the Pronosticatio Johannes Lichtenberger was acquainted
with the parish of Brambach by Louis I, Count Palatinate of Zweibrücken, due to the
intervention of Countess Johanna in 1481.80 The position may have been sufficient to make
a living, but was it adequate to fulfil Lichtenberger’s ambitions? A recently discovered
manuscript shows that he carried on with his astrological activities until shortly before
his death in 1503. The hitherto mostly unknown Lichtenberger autograph is kept in the
Herzog August Bibliothek in Wolfenbüttel since it was bought from the antiquarian
Konrad Meuschel in 2008.81 The manuscript is written in brown ink (with some red
used for the planets within the diagrams) on paper and consists of 16 pages, some of
which are left blank. It is a collection of nativity-charts, judgements of diverse length, a
list of important dates, some further astrological diagrams – all in Latin – and a German
praise of God. While the paper cover of the manuscript is original, the title is written
by another hand, probably shortly afterwards; it reads: “Judicium Meister Hannsen
Lichtenbergers m[einem] g[nädigen] H[errn] Margg[ra]ff Kasimirien gemacht Und
h[er]n Sig[ismund] von Hesperg”.82 Addressees of the booklet were accordingly mar-
grave Casimir of Brandenburg-Bayreuth (*1481, 1515 – 1527) and Sigmund of Heßberg,
a Franconian knight. Contrary to the archival description that dates the manuscript
between 1460 and 1501, I would date it between 1501 and 150383.
Because of its diverse contents and its fragmentary character, it is not possible to
achieve full clarity on the question of its function. Besides the nativities for Casimir and
Sigmund it contains untitled nativities that are very likely for Casimir’s father, margrave
Frederick of Brandenburg-Ansbach-Kulmbach (1460 – 1536), and several others I could
not identify with certainty, as well as a list of dates of birth and death. Although not
everyone could be identified, most of the persons mentioned belong to the family of
Brandenburg-Bayreuth.84 Therefore, I would locate the manuscript in the vicinity of the
80 See Kurze, Johannes Lichtenberger (see note 1), p. 329, esp. note 8, with references.
81 Cod. Guelf. 115 Noviss. 4° (see note 3); see the description of the manuscript by Alexandre Tur
and the catalogue-article of the antiquarian: Das einzige bekannte Autograph des deutschen
Nostradamus, in: Antiquariat Konrad Meuschel, 97. Katalog: Manuskripte, Bücher und
Handzeichnungen, 2006, no. 20, pp. 22 – 24.
82 Cod. Guelf. 115 Noviss. 4° (see note 3), title.
83 Cod. Guelf. 115 Noviss. 4° (see note 3); the fact that it contains nativities from 1460 to 1501
does not necessarily indicate a writing process of equal duration. The calculation of a horos
cope does not have to be taken out shortly after the birth of a person, but can be conducted
much later. In the Konrad Meuschel-catalogue the manuscript is dated to 1501. Heitzmann,
Hüte dich (see note 3), p. 109, follows this dating.
84 The first untitled part is a nativity calculated for the 8 May 1460 which corresponds with the birth-
day of Casimir’s father and predecessor margrave Frederick of Brandenburg-Ansbach-Kulmbach;
Cod. Guelf. 115 Noviss. 4° (see note 3), fol. 1r. On fol. 2r follows a list of important dates, mainly

Authenticated
102 Wiebke Deimann
court of Brandenburg-Bayreuth and do not see any proximity to the Habsburgian court
as Heitzmann did, unaware of Mentgen’s detection that Lichtenberger (presumably)
was no imperial court astrologer.85 A connection between Sigmund of Heßberg and
Casimir existed – Sigmund was a rat (councillor) of the margrave, assigned by him
with an important delegation.86 Judging from what has been said so far, the astrolog-
ical collection seems to have been commissioned by both Sigmund and Casimir and
was probably supposed to comprise members of the margravian family as well as other
people of importance to them. It was written at some time between 1501 and 1503 but
remained unfinished, possibly due to the astrologer’s death in 1503. The restricted group
of clients also explains its form in a single binding, where otherwise several separate
pieces would seem more appropriate. The manuscript is a remarkable document of late
medieval astrology and still holds some secrets. It is hoped future research will shed
more light on the remaining questions by analysing this fruitful source for the social
and communicative structures at the margravial court.
As we have seen, this unique Lichtenberger autograph also contains information on
the astrologer himself, whose date of birth must now be placed between 1424 and 1427.
As a consequence, he was much older than hitherto assumed when he worked on the
texts known to us. In his final years he was still active as astrologer calculating nativi
ties for noble families – this might either have been a result of his prominence after
the publication of the Pronosticatio or it might simply be a coincidence that such a late
piece of his has come down to us meaning that he carried out his astrological activities
throughout all his life.
dates of birth, of members of the family; for instance: 1460 – Ursula, a sister of margrave F
rederick;
1451 – Elisabeth, another sister; 1453 – Margarethe, another sister. Casimir is listed under his
year of birth 1481, followed by Margarethe, his younger sister, in 1483, his brother Georg in
1484 and so on. The largest judgement in the manuscript is the one on the nativity of Casimir,
fol. 2v–4r. On fol. 5v follows the diagram for the nativity of a certain Andree for the year 1501,
perhaps Casimir’s brother Friedrich Albrecht who died young in 1504. This Andree was men-
tioned already in the list of dates on fol. 2r which makes it even more likely that he was a member
of the family. Fol. 6r and 6v remain empty. Possibly some space was left for later additions, such
as an interpretation of Andree’s nativity whose birth must have occured shortly before the man-
uscript was composed. From this point on the nativities are not for close members of the family
anymore (with the possible exception of the nativity and a list of auspicious days on the date 30
September 1450 which may have been for Ursula of Brandenburg [1450–1508], the eldest sister
of margrave Frederick), but – as far as they could have been identified yet – for minor noblemen
or laymen with a connection to Casimir, his father Frederick and the margravial court: fol. 7r–v
contain the judgement on the nativity of Sigmund of Heßberg. Johannes de Auffer, fol. 11v–12r,
might have been a member of the Franconian nobel family Aufseß.
85 Heitzmann, Hüte dich (see note 3), p. 109.
86 See Cordula Nolte, Familie, Hof und Herrschaft. Das verwandtschaftliche Beziehungs-
und Kommunikationsnetz der Reichsfürsten am Beispiel der Markgrafen von Brandenburg-
Ansbach (1440 – 1530) (Mittelalter-Forschungen 11), Ostfildern 2005, p. 294, note 546.

Authenticated
Also, Lichtenberger’s claim from the nativity for Louis the Wealthy that the duke was
the fifty-sixth prince for whom he had calculated a horoscope should be reconsidered:
as we now know, the astrologer was nearly twenty years older at that time than Kurze
or Mentgen had assumed, which would have given him a lot more time for calcula
ting horoscopes and establishing himself a reputation as an astrologer. The last extant
Lichtenberger manuscript demonstrates emphatically how to include many noblemen
into one astrological text. If he had produced similar pieces earlier in his career already,
it would have been much easier for him to reach the impressive number of 56 princely
horoscopes. All things considered, the question as to whether this was an outright
exaggeration or somewhere near the truth will probably remain unsolved.
VI Concluding remarks
It should have become apparent how much coincidence in the transmission of sources
and perspective influence the way we interpret and reinterpret the sources – a common-
place for medieval history, but especially true for the history of premodern astrology. It
is quite likely that future discoveries of astrological sources will change our picture of
Johannes Lichtenberger and his clients further. As for what is known at the moment
both Johannes ab Indagine, a German astrologer (first half of 16th century), and Paul of
Middelburg appear to be too limited and radical in their opinions of him: while the former
praises him as “a miracle of nature, a man not inferior to Ptolemy, and by many regarded
as a prophet”,87 the latter condemns him as an untalented and unscrupulous plagiarist.88
It is not only the difficult tradition which obfuscates our view of astrological prac-
tice in the late 15th century. It was a period of upheavals, which is reflected in different
ways in Lichtenberger’s work – especially in the Pronosticatio – as well as in the way he
was regarded by his contemporaries and in later times. Astrology was not limited to the
fields of astronomical calculations and individual astrological consulting anymore, but
also found its way into prophetical literature. The Pronosticatio is an early example for
this process.89 Lichtenberger’s Pronosticatio and his Coniunctio Saturni et Martis were
also among the first astrological texts to appear in print.
It was this technological change that fostered both Lichtenberger’s success and
his poor reputation among contemporary scholars. He used the new technology to
spread his word, but he retained the traditional way of compiling his texts. In a time
of transition, his compilations provoked contradiction by scholars taking an authorial
87 Thorndike, HMES IV (see note 1), p. 474; Johannes ab Indagine, Introductiones apotelesma
ticae…, Strasbourg 1522, fol. 15v–16r .
88 Green, Printing (see note 34), p. 151; see also Heilen’s paper on Paul of Middelburg in this vol-
ume.
89 Struve, Utopie (see note 67), pp. 86 f.

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104 Wiebke Deimann
perspective such as Paul of Middelburg. But even if Lichtenberger’s astrological skills

could not match Middelburg’s, and even though his activities as astrologer did not lead
to an appointment at the imperial court, he seems to have harnessed the pulse of the
times, as the wide dissemination of his Pronosticatio demonstrates.
This success might be one reason for noblemen at some of the major courts of his
time, such as the houses of Bavaria-Landshut, of Brandenburg-Bayreuth and Hesse, to
employ a less able – and finally even decrepit – astrologer.

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Astrology in An Age of Transition.

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Wiebke Deimann

Astrology in an Age of Transition.

Johannes Lichtenberger is a renowned figure in the history of 15th century astrology,

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I Lichtenberger’s early career

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II Lichtenberger’s judgement on the nativity of duke Louis IX

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Johannes Lichtenberger, Judgement on the nativity of duke Louis IX of Bavaria-Landshut, 1471,

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III The Coniunctio Saturni et Martis

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IV Astrology, prophecy and politics: the Pronosticatio from 1488

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42 Johannes Lichtenberger, Pronosticatio in latino, Heidelberg post 1 April 1488, Wolfen-

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49 Lichtenberger, Pronosticatio in latino (see note 42), p. 69.

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Johannes Lichtenberger, Pronos­ti­

54 See Green, Printing (see note 34), p. 49.

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Johannes Lichtenberger, Pronosticatio zu

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as well as stylistic level. In contrast to Lichtenberger’s use of Paul of Middelburg, he would,

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75 Green, Printing (see note 34), pp. 71 – 84.

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V The last years and new horoscopes

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perspective such as Paul of Middelburg. But even if Lichtenberger’s astrological skills

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